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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11831289/how-covid-19-has-impacted-the-search-for-separated-families\">\u003cem>Leer en Inglés\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dora Melara de 42 años busca a personas que no sabe si encontrará.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ella camina por las calles de las ciudades y pueblos de Honduras buscando a los padres cuyos hijos les fueron arrebatados por las autoridades en la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y luego fueron forzados a regresar a su país de origen sin sus hijos. Muchas veces Dora tan solo cuenta con un nombre y una posible ubicación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melara es una abogada que trabaja para ‘Justice in Motion’ (Justicia en Movimiento), una organización basada en EE.UU. que defiende los derechos de los migrantes y trabaja para ubicar a padres deportados. Pero con poca información, la búsqueda se vuelve complicada. Y si se encuentra a las familias, algunas veces es difícil que confíen en ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Dora Melara, abogada en derechos para migrantes']‘Piensan que no es posible que después de que los hayan tratado de alguna forma, que haya personas que se estén interesando por ellos.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Piensan que no es posible que después de que los hayan tratado de alguna forma, que haya personas que se estén interesando por ellos. Pero es nuestro trabajo explicarles y hacerles entender que estamos aquí para ayudarles para que puedan tener una comunicación con sus hijos”, dijo Melara a través de un traductor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cientos de familias mexicanas y centroamericanas permanecen separadas luego que el gobierno de Trump comenzará a separar a niños migrantes de sus padres durante el verano del 2017. Defensores de migrantes dicen que la mayoría de estos padres llegaron a EE.UU. buscando asilo pero se les negó esta protección y fueron privados de sus hijos. Melara es parte de un esfuerzo que se conlleva desde EE.UU. a México y hasta Centroamérica con el propósito de localizar y reunir a estas familias. Incluso cuando muchas de estas ya han perdido la esperanza que podrán verse de nuevo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero la pandemia suspendió esta iniciativa por meses debido a las restricciones para viajar a Centroamérica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras que ‘Justice in Motion’ ha logrado reiniciar algunas búsquedas específicas, defensores de migrantes afirman que se ha complicado aún más este proceso que ya era bastante arduo.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>La búsqueda continúa\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En junio de 2018 salió a la luz la política de cero tolerancia del gobierno de Trump, lo que resultó en que un magistrado federal en San Diego le ordenara a la Oficina de aduanas y protección fronteriza frenar la separación de niños en la frontera para luego mandarlos a albergues para menores no acompañados o a familias de adopción temporal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El juez de distrito Dana Sabraw le pidió al gobierno federal reportar cuántos niños había separado desde el inicio de abril del 2018, como parte de una demanda legal presentada por la Unión Estadounidense por las Libertades Civiles (ACLU por sus siglas en inglés). Luego de un conteo que duró un mes, el gobierno calculó que había 2,654 niños separados. Pero después de revisar las cifras de nuevo al inicio del 2019, ese número llegó a 2,814.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, en enero del 2019 la Oficina del inspector general del Departamento de salud y servicios humanos publicó un reporte el cual señala que las separaciones habían comenzado mucho más antes y el gobierno no mantuvo un registro completo del último paradero de los niños y los padres.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"kqed-en-espanol\" label=\"más en español\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sabraw después ordenó a funcionarios federales que continuaran la investigación. En octubre de ese año el gobierno reportó que 1,556 más niños habían sido separados desde 1 de julio del 2017, la fecha en que se reportaron las primeras separaciones en El Paso, hasta 25 de junio de 2018, un día antes de la orden del juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por su parte, la administración de Trump guardó pocos récords de donde los familiares deportados habían ido y cómo contactarlos. Según defensores de migrantes, los datos de contacto más recientes para muchos padres son incorrectos o no están actualizados. Casi todos los 2,814 niños del conteo original del 2018 han sido reunidos con sus padres. Pero mientras buscan a los otros 1,556 niños, defensores han intentado contactar a 438 padres por teléfono o correo desde agosto y alrededor de otros 100 ya han sido ubicados en Centroamérica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando el gobierno comenzó a separar a familias en la frontera sur de Estados Unidos…no había un plan para monitorear a las familias ni para reunirlas, a pesar que sus propios expertos les advirtieron que estas separaciones estaban causando daño”, dijo Nan Schivone, la directora legal de ‘Justice in Motion’. “Y ahora han pasado tres años y seguimos lidiando con las consecuencias”, agregó ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La corte autorizó un comité de abogados y defensores, el cual sería supervisado por los abogados de los demandantes, para encontrar las direcciones y números telefónicos de los padres para poder reunirlos con sus hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si se agotan todas las otras opciones, una red de defensores compuesta por abogados de derechos humanos y organizaciones sin fines de lucro lideradas por ‘Justice in Motion’ entran en acción e inician una búsqueda directa en Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador y México.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estos defensores, entre los cuales se perfila Dora Melara, recorren los pueblos en busca de familiares. Hablan con vecinos y parientes con la intención de hallar cualquier rastro que una persona o familia haya dejado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estamos hablando de cientos de niños cuyas familias aún no hemos localizado”, dijo Lee Gelernt, abogado de la ACLU y representante legal principal de los padres separados en la demanda en curso en contra del gobierno de Trump. “No sabemos si ya se han reunido. No sabemos su situación. Ya llegamos al 2020 y esto aún sigue”, dijo Gelernt.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>La pandemia\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Antes del comienzo de la pandemia, los defensores de ‘Justice in Motion’ habían progresado paulatinamente para localizar a las familias. Ya habían localizado a los padres de 135 niños. Y en enero, nueve padres que fueron deportados lograron regresar a EE.UU. para reunirse con sus hijos y seguir adelante con su proceso para solicitar el asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ese fue un paso tan reñido hacia la justicia, el cual solo se hizo posible con un esfuerzo masivo, complicado e internacional” dijo Schivone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero cuando la pandemia llegó en marzo, se detuvieron los operativos en Centroamérica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tuvimos que parar por completo debido a la pandemia”, dijo Melara. “El gobierno hizo las reglas y ya no podíamos salir. Hay un toque de queda muy estricto,” menciona ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores han tenido éxito en conectar con algunas personas por Internet pero según Melara, es mucho más difícil crear confianza con padres a través de un portal digital que hacerlo por persona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No usamos tanto el método de investigar por línea porque la gente no confía en nosotros cuando nos conocen por primera vez. No pueden creer que hay organizaciones como la nuestra, Por esa razón, es mejor que nos reunamos en persona y tengamos ese contacto personal”, dijo ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En agosto, Honduras eliminó algunas restricciones para viajar y se reanudaron las búsquedas, según Schivone. Sin embargo, las nuevas reglas han creado nuevos retos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por ejemplo en Honduras, las personas pueden salir de compras y participar en actividades esenciales si es que se les permite de acuerdo con el último dígito de su número de identificación personal. Entonces Melara sólo puede viajar a buscar una familia si es que le toca salir ese día. Pero el período de tiempo permitido es corto, tan solo 14 horas. Y no puede pasar la noche fuera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se nos limita el tiempo para hacer una búsqueda, no podemos quedarnos más tarde de lo esperado y no podemos quedarnos en un hotel. Llega el siguiente día, tu identificación ya no es válida. Ha sido muy limitante”, ella explica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y es que en este tipo de búsqueda, el tiempo vale oro ya que cada día que los padres siguen separados de sus hijos contribuye a un daño inmenso y potencialmente irreparable, así lo afirman expertos de salud mental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839187\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839187\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-800x1036.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1036\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-800x1036.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-1020x1321.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-160x207.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM.png 1022w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Estas líneas telefónicas permiten a padres separados o sus parientes conectarse con los equipos de abogados y defensores. (Cortesía de KIND)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Cada minuto cuenta\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>La Academia Estadounidense de Pediatría reportó en el 2019 que la separación de la familia puede causar estrés tóxico entre los niños y hasta podría dañar sus cerebros en desarrollo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cada minuto que no están con sus padres, piensan en ellos e intentan manejar esa ansiedad, lo que multiplica el trauma que ya están sufriendo los niños”, dijo Gelernt. “Por esas razones, vemos una situación muy lamentable. Obviamente nunca deberíamos de haber estado en esta situación. Ahora es que nos toca y covid-19 está empeorando todo para todos”, agrega él.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En febrero de 2020, la organización sin fines de lucro ‘Physicians for Human Rights’ publicó un estudio sobre los padres que fueron separados de sus hijos por el gobierno federal. Hallaron que estos padres experimentaron con gran frecuencia “síntomas y comportamientos que son consistentes con tener trauma” y que la mayoría de las personas en este estudio cumplían las condiciones para “al menos una condición de salud mental”, como trastorno de estrés postraumático (TEPT) o una depresión mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con el propósito de apurar el proceso de reunir familias, el comité de demandantes estableció varias líneas telefónicas sin costo para conectar padres separados o parientes de estos con abogados y defensores. Las líneas operan en Estados Unidos, México, Guatemala, El Salvador y Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luego de ser reunificados, algunas familias pueden solicitar el asilo en otro país o aplicar de nuevo para recibir esta protección de los Estados Unidos, esto según funcionarios de la organización ‘Kids in Need of Defense’, la cual forma parte de las búsquedas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero es difícil para algunos padres imaginar que podría haber una resolución luego de haber estado separados por meses o hasta años de sus pequeños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A medida que pasa el tiempo, los padres…no pueden perder la fe y tienen que creer que nuestro defensor en verdad está conectado con el proceso en EE.UU., el cual podría proveer una solución”, dijo Schivone.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Es nuestro trabajo’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El último padre que Melara logró encontrar le dijo que él no había hablado con su hija en seis meses. Melara coordinó una videollamada entre los dos y el padre se emocionó cuando por fin la vio de nuevo. “Su primera reacción al ver a su hija fue decirle, ‘¡Cuánto has crecido!’ Era algo muy conmovedor”, rememora Melara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otro padre que ayudó a localizar le dijo que estaba feliz que alguien estuviera interesado en lo que había pasado. “Muchas veces lo único que quieren es que se les escuche y se sienten agradecidos que hay otras personas que los quieran escuchar y aprender de lo que han vivido luego de haber perdido toda la esperanza”, dijo Melara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pesar de las dificultades que vienen con la búsqueda, Melara siente la responsabilidad de seguir adelante.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es nuestro deber encontrar una manera para que los padres se puedan comunicar con sus niños y hacer todo lo posible para que estas familias puedan reunirse un día. Estos padres e hijos van a vivir con este trauma por el resto de sus vidas”, dijo ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por el periodista, \u003ca>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/about/newsletters/\">Suscríbase al boletín semanal de KQED en Español. \u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11831289/how-covid-19-has-impacted-the-search-for-separated-families\">\u003cem>Leer en Inglés\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dora Melara de 42 años busca a personas que no sabe si encontrará.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ella camina por las calles de las ciudades y pueblos de Honduras buscando a los padres cuyos hijos les fueron arrebatados por las autoridades en la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y luego fueron forzados a regresar a su país de origen sin sus hijos. Muchas veces Dora tan solo cuenta con un nombre y una posible ubicación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melara es una abogada que trabaja para ‘Justice in Motion’ (Justicia en Movimiento), una organización basada en EE.UU. que defiende los derechos de los migrantes y trabaja para ubicar a padres deportados. Pero con poca información, la búsqueda se vuelve complicada. Y si se encuentra a las familias, algunas veces es difícil que confíen en ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Piensan que no es posible que después de que los hayan tratado de alguna forma, que haya personas que se estén interesando por ellos. Pero es nuestro trabajo explicarles y hacerles entender que estamos aquí para ayudarles para que puedan tener una comunicación con sus hijos”, dijo Melara a través de un traductor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cientos de familias mexicanas y centroamericanas permanecen separadas luego que el gobierno de Trump comenzará a separar a niños migrantes de sus padres durante el verano del 2017. Defensores de migrantes dicen que la mayoría de estos padres llegaron a EE.UU. buscando asilo pero se les negó esta protección y fueron privados de sus hijos. Melara es parte de un esfuerzo que se conlleva desde EE.UU. a México y hasta Centroamérica con el propósito de localizar y reunir a estas familias. Incluso cuando muchas de estas ya han perdido la esperanza que podrán verse de nuevo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero la pandemia suspendió esta iniciativa por meses debido a las restricciones para viajar a Centroamérica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras que ‘Justice in Motion’ ha logrado reiniciar algunas búsquedas específicas, defensores de migrantes afirman que se ha complicado aún más este proceso que ya era bastante arduo.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>La búsqueda continúa\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En junio de 2018 salió a la luz la política de cero tolerancia del gobierno de Trump, lo que resultó en que un magistrado federal en San Diego le ordenara a la Oficina de aduanas y protección fronteriza frenar la separación de niños en la frontera para luego mandarlos a albergues para menores no acompañados o a familias de adopción temporal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El juez de distrito Dana Sabraw le pidió al gobierno federal reportar cuántos niños había separado desde el inicio de abril del 2018, como parte de una demanda legal presentada por la Unión Estadounidense por las Libertades Civiles (ACLU por sus siglas en inglés). Luego de un conteo que duró un mes, el gobierno calculó que había 2,654 niños separados. Pero después de revisar las cifras de nuevo al inicio del 2019, ese número llegó a 2,814.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, en enero del 2019 la Oficina del inspector general del Departamento de salud y servicios humanos publicó un reporte el cual señala que las separaciones habían comenzado mucho más antes y el gobierno no mantuvo un registro completo del último paradero de los niños y los padres.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sabraw después ordenó a funcionarios federales que continuaran la investigación. En octubre de ese año el gobierno reportó que 1,556 más niños habían sido separados desde 1 de julio del 2017, la fecha en que se reportaron las primeras separaciones en El Paso, hasta 25 de junio de 2018, un día antes de la orden del juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por su parte, la administración de Trump guardó pocos récords de donde los familiares deportados habían ido y cómo contactarlos. Según defensores de migrantes, los datos de contacto más recientes para muchos padres son incorrectos o no están actualizados. Casi todos los 2,814 niños del conteo original del 2018 han sido reunidos con sus padres. Pero mientras buscan a los otros 1,556 niños, defensores han intentado contactar a 438 padres por teléfono o correo desde agosto y alrededor de otros 100 ya han sido ubicados en Centroamérica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando el gobierno comenzó a separar a familias en la frontera sur de Estados Unidos…no había un plan para monitorear a las familias ni para reunirlas, a pesar que sus propios expertos les advirtieron que estas separaciones estaban causando daño”, dijo Nan Schivone, la directora legal de ‘Justice in Motion’. “Y ahora han pasado tres años y seguimos lidiando con las consecuencias”, agregó ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La corte autorizó un comité de abogados y defensores, el cual sería supervisado por los abogados de los demandantes, para encontrar las direcciones y números telefónicos de los padres para poder reunirlos con sus hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si se agotan todas las otras opciones, una red de defensores compuesta por abogados de derechos humanos y organizaciones sin fines de lucro lideradas por ‘Justice in Motion’ entran en acción e inician una búsqueda directa en Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador y México.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estos defensores, entre los cuales se perfila Dora Melara, recorren los pueblos en busca de familiares. Hablan con vecinos y parientes con la intención de hallar cualquier rastro que una persona o familia haya dejado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estamos hablando de cientos de niños cuyas familias aún no hemos localizado”, dijo Lee Gelernt, abogado de la ACLU y representante legal principal de los padres separados en la demanda en curso en contra del gobierno de Trump. “No sabemos si ya se han reunido. No sabemos su situación. Ya llegamos al 2020 y esto aún sigue”, dijo Gelernt.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>La pandemia\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Antes del comienzo de la pandemia, los defensores de ‘Justice in Motion’ habían progresado paulatinamente para localizar a las familias. Ya habían localizado a los padres de 135 niños. Y en enero, nueve padres que fueron deportados lograron regresar a EE.UU. para reunirse con sus hijos y seguir adelante con su proceso para solicitar el asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ese fue un paso tan reñido hacia la justicia, el cual solo se hizo posible con un esfuerzo masivo, complicado e internacional” dijo Schivone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero cuando la pandemia llegó en marzo, se detuvieron los operativos en Centroamérica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tuvimos que parar por completo debido a la pandemia”, dijo Melara. “El gobierno hizo las reglas y ya no podíamos salir. Hay un toque de queda muy estricto,” menciona ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores han tenido éxito en conectar con algunas personas por Internet pero según Melara, es mucho más difícil crear confianza con padres a través de un portal digital que hacerlo por persona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No usamos tanto el método de investigar por línea porque la gente no confía en nosotros cuando nos conocen por primera vez. No pueden creer que hay organizaciones como la nuestra, Por esa razón, es mejor que nos reunamos en persona y tengamos ese contacto personal”, dijo ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En agosto, Honduras eliminó algunas restricciones para viajar y se reanudaron las búsquedas, según Schivone. Sin embargo, las nuevas reglas han creado nuevos retos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por ejemplo en Honduras, las personas pueden salir de compras y participar en actividades esenciales si es que se les permite de acuerdo con el último dígito de su número de identificación personal. Entonces Melara sólo puede viajar a buscar una familia si es que le toca salir ese día. Pero el período de tiempo permitido es corto, tan solo 14 horas. Y no puede pasar la noche fuera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se nos limita el tiempo para hacer una búsqueda, no podemos quedarnos más tarde de lo esperado y no podemos quedarnos en un hotel. Llega el siguiente día, tu identificación ya no es válida. Ha sido muy limitante”, ella explica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y es que en este tipo de búsqueda, el tiempo vale oro ya que cada día que los padres siguen separados de sus hijos contribuye a un daño inmenso y potencialmente irreparable, así lo afirman expertos de salud mental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839187\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839187\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-800x1036.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1036\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-800x1036.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-1020x1321.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-160x207.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM.png 1022w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Estas líneas telefónicas permiten a padres separados o sus parientes conectarse con los equipos de abogados y defensores. (Cortesía de KIND)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Cada minuto cuenta\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>La Academia Estadounidense de Pediatría reportó en el 2019 que la separación de la familia puede causar estrés tóxico entre los niños y hasta podría dañar sus cerebros en desarrollo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cada minuto que no están con sus padres, piensan en ellos e intentan manejar esa ansiedad, lo que multiplica el trauma que ya están sufriendo los niños”, dijo Gelernt. “Por esas razones, vemos una situación muy lamentable. Obviamente nunca deberíamos de haber estado en esta situación. Ahora es que nos toca y covid-19 está empeorando todo para todos”, agrega él.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En febrero de 2020, la organización sin fines de lucro ‘Physicians for Human Rights’ publicó un estudio sobre los padres que fueron separados de sus hijos por el gobierno federal. Hallaron que estos padres experimentaron con gran frecuencia “síntomas y comportamientos que son consistentes con tener trauma” y que la mayoría de las personas en este estudio cumplían las condiciones para “al menos una condición de salud mental”, como trastorno de estrés postraumático (TEPT) o una depresión mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con el propósito de apurar el proceso de reunir familias, el comité de demandantes estableció varias líneas telefónicas sin costo para conectar padres separados o parientes de estos con abogados y defensores. Las líneas operan en Estados Unidos, México, Guatemala, El Salvador y Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luego de ser reunificados, algunas familias pueden solicitar el asilo en otro país o aplicar de nuevo para recibir esta protección de los Estados Unidos, esto según funcionarios de la organización ‘Kids in Need of Defense’, la cual forma parte de las búsquedas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero es difícil para algunos padres imaginar que podría haber una resolución luego de haber estado separados por meses o hasta años de sus pequeños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A medida que pasa el tiempo, los padres…no pueden perder la fe y tienen que creer que nuestro defensor en verdad está conectado con el proceso en EE.UU., el cual podría proveer una solución”, dijo Schivone.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Es nuestro trabajo’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El último padre que Melara logró encontrar le dijo que él no había hablado con su hija en seis meses. Melara coordinó una videollamada entre los dos y el padre se emocionó cuando por fin la vio de nuevo. “Su primera reacción al ver a su hija fue decirle, ‘¡Cuánto has crecido!’ Era algo muy conmovedor”, rememora Melara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otro padre que ayudó a localizar le dijo que estaba feliz que alguien estuviera interesado en lo que había pasado. “Muchas veces lo único que quieren es que se les escuche y se sienten agradecidos que hay otras personas que los quieran escuchar y aprender de lo que han vivido luego de haber perdido toda la esperanza”, dijo Melara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pesar de las dificultades que vienen con la búsqueda, Melara siente la responsabilidad de seguir adelante.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es nuestro deber encontrar una manera para que los padres se puedan comunicar con sus niños y hacer todo lo posible para que estas familias puedan reunirse un día. Estos padres e hijos van a vivir con este trauma por el resto de sus vidas”, dijo ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por el periodista, \u003ca>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/about/newsletters/\">Suscríbase al boletín semanal de KQED en Español. \u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "How COVID-19 Has Impacted the Search for Separated Families",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839182/covid-19-hace-mas-dificil-encontrar-y-reunir-a-familias-migrantes-separadas\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dora Melara, 42, has been searching for people she doesn’t know if she’ll find.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She walks through cities and towns in Honduras, sometimes with only a name and a last-known location, searching for parents whose children were taken from them by authorities at the U.S.-Mexico border — and who were returned to their homeland without their kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melara is an attorney working with Justice in Motion — a U.S.-based migrant rights organization — to locate deported parents. With little information to go on, the search is tough. And if she finds the families, sometimes it’s difficult to get them to trust her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Dora Melara, migrant rights attorney']'They think it is impossible to find people who are interested in their story.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They think it is impossible to find people who are interested in their story,” she said through a translator. “But our work is to explain to them, and make them understand, that we are here to help them. We are here to help them be in communication with their family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of Mexican and Central American families remain separated as a result of a Trump administration policy of taking migrant children from their parents that began in the spring of 2017. Advocates say most of these parents came to the U.S. seeking asylum but were denied protection and deprived of their children. Melara is part of an effort that spans the U.S., Mexico and Central America, to locate and reunite these families, many of whom have lost hope of seeing each other again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the spread of the pandemic, however, the effort was put on hold for months due to travel restrictions in Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, while Justice in Motion has restarted some searches on a case-by-case basis, advocates say this already challenging process has become even more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Ongoing Search\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In June 2018, when the Trump administration's \"zero tolerance\" policy came to light, a federal judge in San Diego ordered a halt to the U.S. Customs and Border Protection practice of separating kids from parents at the border and sending them to shelters for \"unaccompanied children\" or to foster families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw ordered the federal government to report how many children had been separated beginning in \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/press-release/file/1049751/download\">April 2018\u003c/a>, as part of a lawsuit filed by the ACLU on behalf of the parents. After a month-long tally, the government counted 2,654 children. And, after further revisions in early 2019, that number increased to 2,814.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11797878\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-1020x699.jpg\" label=\"More on Family Separations\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in January 2019, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General issued a report charging that the separations had begun earlier, and the government had not kept good track of where the children and parents ended up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sabraw then ordered the government officials to research further, and in October 2019, they reported that an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11782685/new-tally-totals-over-5500-kids-taken-from-parents-at-the-border\">additional 1,556 children had been separated\u003c/a> between July 1, 2017 — when separations reportedly began in El Paso — and June 25, 2018, the day before the judge’s original injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration kept few records of where these families went and how to get ahold of them. And advocates say the last known contact information for many is outdated or inaccurate. Nearly all of the 2,814 children from the original 2018 tally have been reunited with their parents. But as for the search for the other 1,556 children, advocates had reached the parents of 438 kids by phone or mail as of mid-August, and more than 100 others were located through outreach in Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On October 20, a joint status report filed in court said the steering committee still cannot find the separated parents of 545 children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/leegelernt/status/1318712777272418304?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When the administration started separating families at the southern U.S. border ... there was no plan to track the families or even reunite them, even though their own experts warned these separations were causing harm,\" said Nan Schivone, the legal director for Justice in Motion. \"And here we are three years later, still dealing with the fallout.\"[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Nan Schivone, legal director for Justice in Motion']'When the administration started separating families at the southern U.S. border ... there was no plan to track the families or even reunite them, even though their own experts warned these separations were causing harm.'[/pullquote]The court authorized a committee of lawyers and advocates, overseen by plaintiffs’ attorneys, to track down current addresses and phone numbers for the parents in order to arrange to reunite them with their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When all other efforts fail, it's up to a network of “defenders” — including local human rights lawyers and the staff of nonprofit organizations coordinated by Justice in Motion — to physically search on the ground in Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador and Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defenders, including Dora Melara, walk through towns seeking out families. They talk to neighbors and relatives, trying to track down a solid lead on where a person, or family, went.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we're talking about are hundreds of children (whose) families still haven't been found,” said ACLU attorney Lee Gelernt, who is lead counsel representing separated parents in the ongoing lawsuit against the Trump administration. “We don't know whether they are reunited. We don't know their situation. We're now in 2020 and this is still going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Pandemic\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Before the coronavirus pandemic began, Justice in Motion's defenders were making slow but steady progress in the search. They’d been able to locate the parents of 135 children. In January, nine parents who had been deported were able to return to the U.S. to reunite with their children and pursue their asylum claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That was such a hard-fought step toward justice, made possible only because of a massive and complicated cross-border effort,\" Schivone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in March, when the pandemic hit, all on-the-ground operations in Central America stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had to completely stop because of the pandemic,” Melara said. “The government started the rules, and we can no longer go out. There was a strict curfew.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While defenders were able to connect with some people online, Melara said it’s much harder to build trust with traumatized parents digitally than it is in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"family-separation\" label=\"more coverage\"]“We do not use the online research method as much because people do not trust us when we first meet,” she said. “They can't believe there are organizations like ours. So, in person is better, because we introduce ourselves and they can see us eye to eye.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Honduras lifted some travel restrictions, Schivone said, and searches resumed. But the new rules have also created new challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, people in Honduras can go out for shopping and essential activities based on \u003ca href=\"https://hn.usembassy.gov/covid-19-information/\">how the last digit of their personal ID number\u003c/a> corresponds to a government chart. So, when Melara’s number comes up, she can travel to where the families might be. But the window is short — just 14 hours. And she can’t stay anywhere overnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are limited by the time we have to do our searches, we can't stay late, we cannot stay in a hotel. Because the next day, your ID is not valid to be out anymore,” she explained. “It has been very limiting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in these searches, time is everything, because every day that parents and children are separated from each other contributes to immense, and potentially irreparable harm, mental health experts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Every Minute Counts\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The American Academy of Pediatrics \u003ca href=\"https://www.aappublications.org/news/2019/01/18/immigration011819\">reported in 2019 that family separation can cause\u003c/a> toxic stress in children and can damage their developing brains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every minute that they are not with their parents, thinking about their parents and dealing with that anxiety compounds the trauma that those children are suffering,\" said the ACLU's Gelernt. \"For all those reasons, this is a very unfortunate situation. We obviously should never have been in this situation. Now we are, and COVID is making things worse for everyone.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11831995\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1022px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11831995\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1022\" height=\"1324\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM.png 1022w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-800x1036.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-1020x1321.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-160x207.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1022px) 100vw, 1022px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Phone numbers have been set up for separated parents, or their relatives, to be connected to lawyers and advocates. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of KIND)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In February 2020, the nonprofit Physicians for Human Rights \u003ca href=\"https://phr.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/PHR-Report-2020-Family-Separation-Full-Report.pdf\">published a study\u003c/a> on parents who’d been separated from their children by the Trump administration. They found that parents often experienced “pervasive symptoms and behaviors consistent with trauma,” and that most people in their study met the conditions for “at least one mental health condition,” such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or major depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an attempt to speed up the process of reuniting families, the plaintiffs’ committee has set up toll-free numbers for separated parents or their relatives to be connected with lawyers and advocates. The phone numbers work in the U.S., Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to reunification, some families may also be eligible to apply for asylum in another country, or reapply in the U.S., according to officials with the nonprofit Kids in Need of Defense, which is part of the search effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s hard for some parents, who have lived for months or years without their children, to believe there could be any resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As more time goes on, parents ... have to suspend belief and really have a lot of faith that our defender is actually connected to a process in the U.S. that might provide them some relief,\" Schivone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘It Is Our Job’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The last parent that Melara was able to find told her he hadn’t talked to his daughter in six months. He was excited and happy to finally be able to see her over video chat, a call that Melara helped facilitate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His first reaction was to say ‘Oh you've grown!’ ” she remembered. “It was very touching.”[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Dora Melara']'(These) parents and children are going to live with that trauma all of their lives.'[/pullquote]Another parent she located said he was just happy that someone was interested in what he’d been through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many times, all they want is to be heard,” Melara said, “and they felt grateful that there are people who are willing to listen and to learn what they lived through when they had lost all hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the difficulties of the search, Melara said she feels a responsibility to keep going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is our job to find a communication channel from parents to their children and for them to have the opportunity to reunite one day,” she said. “(These) parents and children are going to live with that trauma all of their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839182/covid-19-hace-mas-dificil-encontrar-y-reunir-a-familias-migrantes-separadas\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dora Melara, 42, has been searching for people she doesn’t know if she’ll find.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She walks through cities and towns in Honduras, sometimes with only a name and a last-known location, searching for parents whose children were taken from them by authorities at the U.S.-Mexico border — and who were returned to their homeland without their kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melara is an attorney working with Justice in Motion — a U.S.-based migrant rights organization — to locate deported parents. With little information to go on, the search is tough. And if she finds the families, sometimes it’s difficult to get them to trust her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They think it is impossible to find people who are interested in their story,” she said through a translator. “But our work is to explain to them, and make them understand, that we are here to help them. We are here to help them be in communication with their family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of Mexican and Central American families remain separated as a result of a Trump administration policy of taking migrant children from their parents that began in the spring of 2017. Advocates say most of these parents came to the U.S. seeking asylum but were denied protection and deprived of their children. Melara is part of an effort that spans the U.S., Mexico and Central America, to locate and reunite these families, many of whom have lost hope of seeing each other again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the spread of the pandemic, however, the effort was put on hold for months due to travel restrictions in Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, while Justice in Motion has restarted some searches on a case-by-case basis, advocates say this already challenging process has become even more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Ongoing Search\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In June 2018, when the Trump administration's \"zero tolerance\" policy came to light, a federal judge in San Diego ordered a halt to the U.S. Customs and Border Protection practice of separating kids from parents at the border and sending them to shelters for \"unaccompanied children\" or to foster families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw ordered the federal government to report how many children had been separated beginning in \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/press-release/file/1049751/download\">April 2018\u003c/a>, as part of a lawsuit filed by the ACLU on behalf of the parents. After a month-long tally, the government counted 2,654 children. And, after further revisions in early 2019, that number increased to 2,814.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in January 2019, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General issued a report charging that the separations had begun earlier, and the government had not kept good track of where the children and parents ended up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sabraw then ordered the government officials to research further, and in October 2019, they reported that an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11782685/new-tally-totals-over-5500-kids-taken-from-parents-at-the-border\">additional 1,556 children had been separated\u003c/a> between July 1, 2017 — when separations reportedly began in El Paso — and June 25, 2018, the day before the judge’s original injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration kept few records of where these families went and how to get ahold of them. And advocates say the last known contact information for many is outdated or inaccurate. Nearly all of the 2,814 children from the original 2018 tally have been reunited with their parents. But as for the search for the other 1,556 children, advocates had reached the parents of 438 kids by phone or mail as of mid-August, and more than 100 others were located through outreach in Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On October 20, a joint status report filed in court said the steering committee still cannot find the separated parents of 545 children.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\"When the administration started separating families at the southern U.S. border ... there was no plan to track the families or even reunite them, even though their own experts warned these separations were causing harm,\" said Nan Schivone, the legal director for Justice in Motion. \"And here we are three years later, still dealing with the fallout.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The court authorized a committee of lawyers and advocates, overseen by plaintiffs’ attorneys, to track down current addresses and phone numbers for the parents in order to arrange to reunite them with their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When all other efforts fail, it's up to a network of “defenders” — including local human rights lawyers and the staff of nonprofit organizations coordinated by Justice in Motion — to physically search on the ground in Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador and Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defenders, including Dora Melara, walk through towns seeking out families. They talk to neighbors and relatives, trying to track down a solid lead on where a person, or family, went.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we're talking about are hundreds of children (whose) families still haven't been found,” said ACLU attorney Lee Gelernt, who is lead counsel representing separated parents in the ongoing lawsuit against the Trump administration. “We don't know whether they are reunited. We don't know their situation. We're now in 2020 and this is still going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Pandemic\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Before the coronavirus pandemic began, Justice in Motion's defenders were making slow but steady progress in the search. They’d been able to locate the parents of 135 children. In January, nine parents who had been deported were able to return to the U.S. to reunite with their children and pursue their asylum claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That was such a hard-fought step toward justice, made possible only because of a massive and complicated cross-border effort,\" Schivone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in March, when the pandemic hit, all on-the-ground operations in Central America stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had to completely stop because of the pandemic,” Melara said. “The government started the rules, and we can no longer go out. There was a strict curfew.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While defenders were able to connect with some people online, Melara said it’s much harder to build trust with traumatized parents digitally than it is in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We do not use the online research method as much because people do not trust us when we first meet,” she said. “They can't believe there are organizations like ours. So, in person is better, because we introduce ourselves and they can see us eye to eye.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Honduras lifted some travel restrictions, Schivone said, and searches resumed. But the new rules have also created new challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, people in Honduras can go out for shopping and essential activities based on \u003ca href=\"https://hn.usembassy.gov/covid-19-information/\">how the last digit of their personal ID number\u003c/a> corresponds to a government chart. So, when Melara’s number comes up, she can travel to where the families might be. But the window is short — just 14 hours. And she can’t stay anywhere overnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are limited by the time we have to do our searches, we can't stay late, we cannot stay in a hotel. Because the next day, your ID is not valid to be out anymore,” she explained. “It has been very limiting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in these searches, time is everything, because every day that parents and children are separated from each other contributes to immense, and potentially irreparable harm, mental health experts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Every Minute Counts\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The American Academy of Pediatrics \u003ca href=\"https://www.aappublications.org/news/2019/01/18/immigration011819\">reported in 2019 that family separation can cause\u003c/a> toxic stress in children and can damage their developing brains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every minute that they are not with their parents, thinking about their parents and dealing with that anxiety compounds the trauma that those children are suffering,\" said the ACLU's Gelernt. \"For all those reasons, this is a very unfortunate situation. We obviously should never have been in this situation. Now we are, and COVID is making things worse for everyone.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11831995\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1022px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11831995\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1022\" height=\"1324\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM.png 1022w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-800x1036.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-1020x1321.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Screen-Shot-2020-08-05-at-1.57.56-PM-160x207.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1022px) 100vw, 1022px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Phone numbers have been set up for separated parents, or their relatives, to be connected to lawyers and advocates. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of KIND)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In February 2020, the nonprofit Physicians for Human Rights \u003ca href=\"https://phr.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/PHR-Report-2020-Family-Separation-Full-Report.pdf\">published a study\u003c/a> on parents who’d been separated from their children by the Trump administration. They found that parents often experienced “pervasive symptoms and behaviors consistent with trauma,” and that most people in their study met the conditions for “at least one mental health condition,” such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or major depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an attempt to speed up the process of reuniting families, the plaintiffs’ committee has set up toll-free numbers for separated parents or their relatives to be connected with lawyers and advocates. The phone numbers work in the U.S., Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to reunification, some families may also be eligible to apply for asylum in another country, or reapply in the U.S., according to officials with the nonprofit Kids in Need of Defense, which is part of the search effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s hard for some parents, who have lived for months or years without their children, to believe there could be any resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As more time goes on, parents ... have to suspend belief and really have a lot of faith that our defender is actually connected to a process in the U.S. that might provide them some relief,\" Schivone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘It Is Our Job’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The last parent that Melara was able to find told her he hadn’t talked to his daughter in six months. He was excited and happy to finally be able to see her over video chat, a call that Melara helped facilitate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His first reaction was to say ‘Oh you've grown!’ ” she remembered. “It was very touching.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Another parent she located said he was just happy that someone was interested in what he’d been through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many times, all they want is to be heard,” Melara said, “and they felt grateful that there are people who are willing to listen and to learn what they lived through when they had lost all hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the difficulties of the search, Melara said she feels a responsibility to keep going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is our job to find a communication channel from parents to their children and for them to have the opportunity to reunite one day,” she said. “(These) parents and children are going to live with that trauma all of their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Before it went out of business last year, Kome Japanese Seafood Buffet in Daly City was a popular spot for families celebrating birthdays and graduations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ping Tam, 29, started working at the Daly City restaurant in 2012, prepping food in the kitchen for the sushi bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From his very first paycheck, Tam said, he noticed that his wages only covered eight-hour shifts. But Tam was clocking 10-hour workdays, six days a week, he said. And the \u003ca href=\"http://wagetheftisacrime.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">wage theft\u003c/a> went on for several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was angry, but also felt powerless,” said Tam, an immigrant from Hong Kong, speaking in Cantonese. “Many of us complained to management but nothing would change. They just ignored us.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838154\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-11838154\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-1020x1360.jpg\" alt=\"Ping Tam, 29, testified against his former employers at a hearing at the Labor Commissioner's Office.\" width=\"640\" height=\"853\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-1152x1536.jpg 1152w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-1536x2048.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-1122x1496.jpg 1122w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-840x1120.jpg 840w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-687x916.jpg 687w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-414x552.jpg 414w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-354x472.jpg 354w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ping Tam, 29, testified against his former employers at a hearing at the California Labor Commissioner's Office. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Chinese Progressive Association)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After a four-year legal battle, Tam and more than a hundred sushi chefs, servers, dishwashers and other restaurant staff won a multi-million dollar settlement against Kome’s owners. It was announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2020/2020-68.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">last month\u003c/a> by the California Labor Commissioner's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, a series of well-known restaurants in the Bay Area, including \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2020/06/04/current-and-former-burma-superstar-employees-win-1-3m-class-action-suit/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Burma Superstar\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/La-Taqueria-workers-risky-complaints-over-13040018.php?utm_campaign=twitter-premium&utm_source=CMS%20Sharing%20Button&utm_medium=social\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">La Taqueria\u003c/a>, have settled or received fines for allegedly stealing wages from their workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates and state officials in charge of upholding labor laws worry that vulnerable workers today will be less likely to report mistreatment, because the pandemic has resulted in widespread job insecurity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner's Office opened an investigation and payroll audit at Kome in 2016, after some employees \u003ca href=\"http://wagetheftisacrime.com/Report-Laborlaw-Violation.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">complained\u003c/a> that the restaurant’s owners were using workers’ tips to pay minimum wage salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building a case requires those impacted to cooperate with the labor agency and testify during hearings, said Winnie Kao, an attorney with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. But workers may be afraid of losing their jobs or facing retaliation from their employers, and some are too scared to proceed, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the most abused workers involve workers who are unfamiliar with the legal system, who are sometimes fearful of government agencies,” said Kao, who represented some of the Kome workers. “There can be language barriers or cultural barriers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tam was one of a handful of Kome workers who were willing to step forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit Chinese Progressive Association helped them organize. The workers passed out flyers outside the restaurant about the violations they said they experienced and garnered attention from the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, which passed a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=3936648&GUID=22262B66-A541-4EBD-AA22-BF981A0AF44B\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">resolution\u003c/a> urging San Franciscans to stop going to Kome until the Labor Commissioner’s citation was resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tam, who moved to the U.S. in 2008 in search of economic opportunities, said he decided to speak up about his experience after his employers retaliated against him and other workers, cutting their hours and even firing one employee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Tam testified in person against his former employers at a hearing last year, Kao said he held his ground and inspired others.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Cindy Elias, attorney\"]'You had workers who were brave enough to come forward and file a complaint ... the amount of courage and strength it takes for workers to do that.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was really centered and just matter-of-fact about telling the truth,” said Kao. “Just a really strong, solid leader.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2018/2018-39.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">found\u003c/a> that between 2014 and 2017, dozens of cooks, sushi chefs and dishwashers were paid a fixed amount that didn’t include overtime, even though they typically worked 55 hours per week. California law requires that most hourly workers be paid one and a half times their regular rate when they put in more than eight hours a day or more than 40 hours a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restaurant’s owners also stole overtime from other staffers, such as servers and busers, and illegally counted the workers’ tips as part of their hourly wage, according to the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the settlement, Kome’s owners agreed to pay $2.6 million, mostly in back wages owed to 133 workers. The employers did not admit to any wrongdoing, however, said Cindy Elias, an attorney with the Bureau of Field Enforcement at the Labor Commissioner’s Office, who worked on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor agency initially issued wage assessments and civil penalties totaling $5.16 million in the summer of 2018, but officials reduced the amount after the employers presented evidence that they had already paid employees some of that money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each worker will get on average $14,200. A first check was sent out in August, and a second payment will go out by the end of the year, said Elias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's a huge victory for the unheard voices, the people that are most vulnerable,” she said. “You had workers who were brave enough to come forward and file a complaint. ... I mean the amount of courage and strength it takes for workers to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that all workers in California are protected by labor laws, regardless of their immigration status.[aside label='More Immigration Coverage' tag='immigrants']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restaurant owners named in the settlement are David Leung, Wendy Lai Ip, Gang Zhou, Jun Zheng, Bai Dong Zhang and Tiffany Leung. They did not return a request for comment sent to their attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for the California Restaurant Association said that restaurants who cheat not only harm their employees but also put other law-abiding businesses at a disadvantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People should be held to account when wage theft occurs,” said the association’s spokeswoman, Sharokina Shams, in a statement. “Beyond the obvious damage done to the workers involved, there is damage to neighboring businesses as well since they are forced to compete with an operator who is failing to comply with laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wage theft costs the state’s workforce a whopping $2 billion in earnings per year, according to a 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/employers-steal-billions-from-workers-paychecks-each-year/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> by the Economic Policy Institute, a nonprofit think tank in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elias and Kao, with the Asian Law Caucus, worry that with millions of Californians unemployed, low-wage workers who do have jobs will be less willing to cooperate in investigations of abuse or retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's much more difficult for people to report labor law violations because they're very afraid of the consequences and losing their job, especially during this time,” said Elias. “I am sure that’s a consideration that workers are taking into account.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Ping Tam said the fact that he and his co-workers are finally recovering thousands of dollars in wages they were owed sends a message that employers can be held accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This settlement provides a credible signal that if owners exploit their workers, there will be oversight and workers will be compensated,” said Tam, who lives with his mother in a single-room occupancy hotel in San Francisco’s Chinatown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I want out of this is to send the message that workers have rights that will be protected, that workers can have a recourse,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Before it went out of business last year, Kome Japanese Seafood Buffet in Daly City was a popular spot for families celebrating birthdays and graduations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ping Tam, 29, started working at the Daly City restaurant in 2012, prepping food in the kitchen for the sushi bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From his very first paycheck, Tam said, he noticed that his wages only covered eight-hour shifts. But Tam was clocking 10-hour workdays, six days a week, he said. And the \u003ca href=\"http://wagetheftisacrime.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">wage theft\u003c/a> went on for several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was angry, but also felt powerless,” said Tam, an immigrant from Hong Kong, speaking in Cantonese. “Many of us complained to management but nothing would change. They just ignored us.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838154\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-11838154\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-1020x1360.jpg\" alt=\"Ping Tam, 29, testified against his former employers at a hearing at the Labor Commissioner's Office.\" width=\"640\" height=\"853\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-1152x1536.jpg 1152w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-1536x2048.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-1122x1496.jpg 1122w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-840x1120.jpg 840w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-687x916.jpg 687w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-414x552.jpg 414w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200-354x472.jpg 354w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44905_IMG_4096-scaled-e1600230297200.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ping Tam, 29, testified against his former employers at a hearing at the California Labor Commissioner's Office. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Chinese Progressive Association)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After a four-year legal battle, Tam and more than a hundred sushi chefs, servers, dishwashers and other restaurant staff won a multi-million dollar settlement against Kome’s owners. It was announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2020/2020-68.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">last month\u003c/a> by the California Labor Commissioner's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, a series of well-known restaurants in the Bay Area, including \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2020/06/04/current-and-former-burma-superstar-employees-win-1-3m-class-action-suit/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Burma Superstar\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/La-Taqueria-workers-risky-complaints-over-13040018.php?utm_campaign=twitter-premium&utm_source=CMS%20Sharing%20Button&utm_medium=social\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">La Taqueria\u003c/a>, have settled or received fines for allegedly stealing wages from their workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates and state officials in charge of upholding labor laws worry that vulnerable workers today will be less likely to report mistreatment, because the pandemic has resulted in widespread job insecurity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner's Office opened an investigation and payroll audit at Kome in 2016, after some employees \u003ca href=\"http://wagetheftisacrime.com/Report-Laborlaw-Violation.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">complained\u003c/a> that the restaurant’s owners were using workers’ tips to pay minimum wage salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building a case requires those impacted to cooperate with the labor agency and testify during hearings, said Winnie Kao, an attorney with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. But workers may be afraid of losing their jobs or facing retaliation from their employers, and some are too scared to proceed, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the most abused workers involve workers who are unfamiliar with the legal system, who are sometimes fearful of government agencies,” said Kao, who represented some of the Kome workers. “There can be language barriers or cultural barriers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tam was one of a handful of Kome workers who were willing to step forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit Chinese Progressive Association helped them organize. The workers passed out flyers outside the restaurant about the violations they said they experienced and garnered attention from the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, which passed a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=3936648&GUID=22262B66-A541-4EBD-AA22-BF981A0AF44B\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">resolution\u003c/a> urging San Franciscans to stop going to Kome until the Labor Commissioner’s citation was resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tam, who moved to the U.S. in 2008 in search of economic opportunities, said he decided to speak up about his experience after his employers retaliated against him and other workers, cutting their hours and even firing one employee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Tam testified in person against his former employers at a hearing last year, Kao said he held his ground and inspired others.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was really centered and just matter-of-fact about telling the truth,” said Kao. “Just a really strong, solid leader.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2018/2018-39.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">found\u003c/a> that between 2014 and 2017, dozens of cooks, sushi chefs and dishwashers were paid a fixed amount that didn’t include overtime, even though they typically worked 55 hours per week. California law requires that most hourly workers be paid one and a half times their regular rate when they put in more than eight hours a day or more than 40 hours a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restaurant’s owners also stole overtime from other staffers, such as servers and busers, and illegally counted the workers’ tips as part of their hourly wage, according to the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the settlement, Kome’s owners agreed to pay $2.6 million, mostly in back wages owed to 133 workers. The employers did not admit to any wrongdoing, however, said Cindy Elias, an attorney with the Bureau of Field Enforcement at the Labor Commissioner’s Office, who worked on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor agency initially issued wage assessments and civil penalties totaling $5.16 million in the summer of 2018, but officials reduced the amount after the employers presented evidence that they had already paid employees some of that money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each worker will get on average $14,200. A first check was sent out in August, and a second payment will go out by the end of the year, said Elias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's a huge victory for the unheard voices, the people that are most vulnerable,” she said. “You had workers who were brave enough to come forward and file a complaint. ... I mean the amount of courage and strength it takes for workers to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that all workers in California are protected by labor laws, regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restaurant owners named in the settlement are David Leung, Wendy Lai Ip, Gang Zhou, Jun Zheng, Bai Dong Zhang and Tiffany Leung. They did not return a request for comment sent to their attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for the California Restaurant Association said that restaurants who cheat not only harm their employees but also put other law-abiding businesses at a disadvantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People should be held to account when wage theft occurs,” said the association’s spokeswoman, Sharokina Shams, in a statement. “Beyond the obvious damage done to the workers involved, there is damage to neighboring businesses as well since they are forced to compete with an operator who is failing to comply with laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wage theft costs the state’s workforce a whopping $2 billion in earnings per year, according to a 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/employers-steal-billions-from-workers-paychecks-each-year/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> by the Economic Policy Institute, a nonprofit think tank in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elias and Kao, with the Asian Law Caucus, worry that with millions of Californians unemployed, low-wage workers who do have jobs will be less willing to cooperate in investigations of abuse or retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's much more difficult for people to report labor law violations because they're very afraid of the consequences and losing their job, especially during this time,” said Elias. “I am sure that’s a consideration that workers are taking into account.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Ping Tam said the fact that he and his co-workers are finally recovering thousands of dollars in wages they were owed sends a message that employers can be held accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This settlement provides a credible signal that if owners exploit their workers, there will be oversight and workers will be compensated,” said Tam, who lives with his mother in a single-room occupancy hotel in San Francisco’s Chinatown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I want out of this is to send the message that workers have rights that will be protected, that workers can have a recourse,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11838218/tan-doloroso-400-mil-inmigrantes-podrian-ser-deportados-luego-del-fallo-a-favor-de-trump\">Leer en español\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 400,000 immigrants, most of whom have long lived in the United States, could lose humanitarian protections and be deported as early as next year after an appeals court ruled Monday in favor of the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2-1 ruling, a panel of judges at the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Pasadena dissolved a lower court’s order that had blocked immigration officials from ending a program called Temporary Protected Status for nationals of six countries: El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua and Sudan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiff Cristina Morales, a TPS holder originally from El Salvador, has lived most of her life in the U.S. Both of her children were born in this country, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11828006/bay-area-teen-awaits-ruling-on-humanitarian-protections-for-mom-and-other-immigrants\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">including 16-year-old Crista Ramos\u003c/a>, the lead plaintiff in the case, Ramos v. Wolf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Plaintiff Cristina Morales, a TPS holder originally from El Salvador\"]'I feel angry, I feel frustrated. ... The fear of being separated from my family is so real, it’s so painful.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morales, a teaching assistant from the Bay Area city of San Pablo, said she received the news that the court had sided with the Trump administration via text, while reading a book to a class of second graders over Zoom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to swallow my feelings and go on with the lesson,” said Morales, 39. “I feel angry, I feel frustrated. ... The fear of being separated from my family is so real, it’s so painful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 270,000 American children have parents with TPS, which allows people to legally live and work in the U.S. but does not offer a path to citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The earliest that immigration officials could rescind work permits for nationals of El Salvador is Nov. 5, 2021, said ACLU attorney Ahilan Arulanantham. Immigrants from the other impacted countries would see their protections expire as soon as March 5, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838038\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838038\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43877_010_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43877_010_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43877_010_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43877_010_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43877_010_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43877_010_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crista Ramos sits at Marina Park in Richmond with her mother Cristina Morales, father Edgar Ramos and brother Diego on July 7, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>U.S. Has Offered Relief for Three Decades\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Congress created TPS in 1990 to provide humanitarian relief to noncitizens residing in the U.S. who couldn’t return safely to home countries that were ravaged by war or natural disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The secretary of the Department of Homeland Security designates the countries that are eligible for the protections, and can extend them after periodic review every six to 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants from El Salvador, a country with one of the world’s highest murder rates, have been eligible for the relief for nearly 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in 2017, the Trump administration announced a series of TPS terminations, arguing the protections were no longer needed because the original earthquakes and other conditions that led to the designations had been resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump officials have extended the relief for those from Somalia, South Sudan, Syria and Yemen, who represent about 2% of current TPS holders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Appeals Court Sides With Trump Administration\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A group of impacted TPS holders and their U.S. citizen children sued in 2018 to keep their families together in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs argued in court that Trump officials had made an unexplained change to their approach for determining whether people with TPS could safely return to their home countries, in violation of federal rule-making laws. They also claimed the decisions to end the relief were motivated by Trump’s racism against non-white immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, Circuit Judges Consuelo Callahan and Ryan Nelson disagreed with those arguments. They noted that past administrations designated and \u003ca href=\"https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20200401_RS20844_91460572a0f416f013d508c6afb7a68f60a29b80.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">subsequently ended\u003c/a> the relief for nationals of 12 countries, including Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kuwait and Rwanda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Wilna Destin, TPS holder originally from Haiti\"]'We are not going to stop, we are going to keep fighting until we get what we deserve for our families, for our children.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callahan, an appointee of President George W. Bush, and Nelson, an appointee of President Trump, found the court didn’t have the authority to review the Department of Homeland Security conclusions on TPS, and that the plaintiffs lacked evidence linking Trump’s alleged discriminatory intent to the specific terminations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the record contains substantial evidence that White House officials sought to influence the Secretaries’ TPS decisions, and that the Secretaries sought and acted to conform their TPS decisions to the President’s immigration policy, we find these facts neither unusual nor improper,” wrote Callahan in the majority’s opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 40-page dissent, Judge Morgan Christen wrote that the court could decide on the issue and that plaintiffs had shown that DHS officials interpreted the TPS statute in a way that starkly differed from previous administrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The consequences of the majority’s decision are monumental, but the majority’s reasoning is deeply flawed,” wrote Christen, an Obama appointee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a call with reporters, the ACLU’s Arulanantham, the top counsel for TPS holders in the case, said they would seek a review from a larger panel at the 9th Circuit and could also ask the U.S. Supreme Court to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with DHS said the agency is “very pleased” with the court’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The circumstances that led to the temporary designation in each of the countries in question ... fundamentally changed, and DHS withdrew their TPS designations,” said the spokesperson. “These changes have been a landmark of DHS during the Trump administration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court decision officially covers TPS holders from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua and Sudan. But immigrants from Honduras and Nepal, who sued separately, are also included, after a legal agreement with government officials, said Arulanantham.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838037\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838037\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43880_012_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43880_012_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43880_012_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43880_012_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43880_012_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43880_012_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crista Ramos walks through Marina Park in Richmond with her mother Cristina Morales, father Edgar Ramos and brother Diego on July 7, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>‘Another Disaster’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Wilna Destin, a plaintiff from Haiti who lives in Florida, said the court’s order came as a shock. She and her husband recently recovered from COVID-19, and now they are getting ready for several approaching hurricanes, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have coronavirus, we have hurricanes. Now for me this is another disaster for the TPS [community],” said Destin, the mother of two U.S. citizen children, one of whom is also a plaintiff. “It’s not fair for us and it’s very sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Destin and other TPS holders vowed to continue to pressure Congress and an upcoming administration to keep the protections in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not going to stop, we are going to keep fighting until we get what we deserve for our families, for our children,” Destin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the House of Representatives passed the American Dream and Promise Act, introduced by Congresswoman Lucille Roybal-Allard, D-California, which would offer a path to U.S. citizenship to beneficiaries of TPS and Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA. The U.S. Senate has not taken up the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bus with 20 TPS holders will travel to 54 cities, en route to Washington, D.C., stopping in San Francisco later this month, to call on Congress to save the protections, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/NorCalTPS/\">NorCal TPS Coalition\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11838218/tan-doloroso-400-mil-inmigrantes-podrian-ser-deportados-luego-del-fallo-a-favor-de-trump\">Leer en español\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 400,000 immigrants, most of whom have long lived in the United States, could lose humanitarian protections and be deported as early as next year after an appeals court ruled Monday in favor of the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2-1 ruling, a panel of judges at the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Pasadena dissolved a lower court’s order that had blocked immigration officials from ending a program called Temporary Protected Status for nationals of six countries: El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua and Sudan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiff Cristina Morales, a TPS holder originally from El Salvador, has lived most of her life in the U.S. Both of her children were born in this country, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11828006/bay-area-teen-awaits-ruling-on-humanitarian-protections-for-mom-and-other-immigrants\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">including 16-year-old Crista Ramos\u003c/a>, the lead plaintiff in the case, Ramos v. Wolf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morales, a teaching assistant from the Bay Area city of San Pablo, said she received the news that the court had sided with the Trump administration via text, while reading a book to a class of second graders over Zoom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to swallow my feelings and go on with the lesson,” said Morales, 39. “I feel angry, I feel frustrated. ... The fear of being separated from my family is so real, it’s so painful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 270,000 American children have parents with TPS, which allows people to legally live and work in the U.S. but does not offer a path to citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The earliest that immigration officials could rescind work permits for nationals of El Salvador is Nov. 5, 2021, said ACLU attorney Ahilan Arulanantham. Immigrants from the other impacted countries would see their protections expire as soon as March 5, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838038\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838038\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43877_010_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43877_010_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43877_010_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43877_010_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43877_010_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43877_010_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crista Ramos sits at Marina Park in Richmond with her mother Cristina Morales, father Edgar Ramos and brother Diego on July 7, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>U.S. Has Offered Relief for Three Decades\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Congress created TPS in 1990 to provide humanitarian relief to noncitizens residing in the U.S. who couldn’t return safely to home countries that were ravaged by war or natural disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The secretary of the Department of Homeland Security designates the countries that are eligible for the protections, and can extend them after periodic review every six to 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants from El Salvador, a country with one of the world’s highest murder rates, have been eligible for the relief for nearly 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in 2017, the Trump administration announced a series of TPS terminations, arguing the protections were no longer needed because the original earthquakes and other conditions that led to the designations had been resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump officials have extended the relief for those from Somalia, South Sudan, Syria and Yemen, who represent about 2% of current TPS holders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callahan, an appointee of President George W. Bush, and Nelson, an appointee of President Trump, found the court didn’t have the authority to review the Department of Homeland Security conclusions on TPS, and that the plaintiffs lacked evidence linking Trump’s alleged discriminatory intent to the specific terminations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the record contains substantial evidence that White House officials sought to influence the Secretaries’ TPS decisions, and that the Secretaries sought and acted to conform their TPS decisions to the President’s immigration policy, we find these facts neither unusual nor improper,” wrote Callahan in the majority’s opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 40-page dissent, Judge Morgan Christen wrote that the court could decide on the issue and that plaintiffs had shown that DHS officials interpreted the TPS statute in a way that starkly differed from previous administrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The consequences of the majority’s decision are monumental, but the majority’s reasoning is deeply flawed,” wrote Christen, an Obama appointee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a call with reporters, the ACLU’s Arulanantham, the top counsel for TPS holders in the case, said they would seek a review from a larger panel at the 9th Circuit and could also ask the U.S. Supreme Court to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with DHS said the agency is “very pleased” with the court’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The circumstances that led to the temporary designation in each of the countries in question ... fundamentally changed, and DHS withdrew their TPS designations,” said the spokesperson. “These changes have been a landmark of DHS during the Trump administration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court decision officially covers TPS holders from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua and Sudan. But immigrants from Honduras and Nepal, who sued separately, are also included, after a legal agreement with government officials, said Arulanantham.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838037\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838037\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43880_012_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43880_012_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43880_012_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43880_012_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43880_012_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS43880_012_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crista Ramos walks through Marina Park in Richmond with her mother Cristina Morales, father Edgar Ramos and brother Diego on July 7, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>‘Another Disaster’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Wilna Destin, a plaintiff from Haiti who lives in Florida, said the court’s order came as a shock. She and her husband recently recovered from COVID-19, and now they are getting ready for several approaching hurricanes, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have coronavirus, we have hurricanes. Now for me this is another disaster for the TPS [community],” said Destin, the mother of two U.S. citizen children, one of whom is also a plaintiff. “It’s not fair for us and it’s very sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Destin and other TPS holders vowed to continue to pressure Congress and an upcoming administration to keep the protections in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not going to stop, we are going to keep fighting until we get what we deserve for our families, for our children,” Destin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the House of Representatives passed the American Dream and Promise Act, introduced by Congresswoman Lucille Roybal-Allard, D-California, which would offer a path to U.S. citizenship to beneficiaries of TPS and Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA. The U.S. Senate has not taken up the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bus with 20 TPS holders will travel to 54 cities, en route to Washington, D.C., stopping in San Francisco later this month, to call on Congress to save the protections, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/NorCalTPS/\">NorCal TPS Coalition\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Newsom sopesa la ayuda para los californianos indocumentados que enfrentan la pandemia sin ningún tipo de protección",
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"headTitle": "Newsom sopesa la ayuda para los californianos indocumentados que enfrentan la pandemia sin ningún tipo de protección | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/09/newsom-weighs-pandemic-relief-for-undocumented-immigrants/\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin ingresos desde la primavera, Mariana, que limpia casas, y su esposo Gerardo, que es un vendedor de puerta en puerta, pagaron a su arrendador apenas 300 dólares de los 1200 dólares del alquiler por un \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-coronavirus-overcrowded-neighborhoods-homes/\">apartamento de una habitación en el que se amontonan\u003c/a> con su hijo de 2 años y su hija de 8 años, en National City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mariana era trabajadora social en México antes de que su familia llegara a los EE. UU. Si tuviera la ciudadanía, eso es lo que le gustaría hacer aquí, o tal vez dirigiría una guardería o un hogar de ancianos. Podría trabajar desde la casa, no habría perdido su trabajo, e incluso si lo hubiera hecho, solicitaría beneficios por desempleo. “Yo hubiera podido trabajar de casa, no hubiera perdido mi trabajo, o aplicar para un desempleo” dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esta podría ser la diferencia”, comentó Mariana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En ausencia de medidas asistenciales de protección, los residentes indocumentados de California se han precipitado a una pobreza profunda, enfrentando largos períodos de desempleo, nuevas demandas en lo que respecta a cuidado infantil, gastos inesperados y, a menudo, la necesidad de arriesgar su salud para poder subsistir. CalMatters acordó usar únicamente el primer nombre de la entrevistada porque ella, su marido y su hija son indocumentados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incluso en un estado que ha tratado de romper las barreras económicas para quienes carecen de estatus legal mediante la concesión de licencias de conducir y la ampliación de la atención médica para los niños, los legisladores de California se debaten sobre cuánta ayuda se debe proporcionar a sus residentes más marginados. En los últimos días de la sesión legislativa, los legisladores aprobaron dos proyectos de ley para proporcionar una modesta asistencia financiera a los californianos indocumentados: uno proporcionaría un alivio inmediato a través de una \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/09/undocumented-immigrants-pandemic-relief-bill/?_gl=1*1whiwv3*_ga*MjEzODYxOTkyMi4xNTU5NTgzMTM2\">asistencia de 600 dólares para comestibles\u003c/a> y el otro permitiría que los indocumentados que declaran impuestos reciban el crédito fiscal del estado para los trabajadores de bajos ingresos, a partir de la próxima primavera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"large\" align=\"right\" ]‘Un proyecto de ley autorizaría 600 dólares en asistencia monetaria de emergencia para comestibles. El segundo daría créditos fiscales estatales a los trabajadores indocumentados.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esta asistencia maltrecha no dará cuenta de la profunda necesidad que enfrentan entre 2 y \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/data/unauthorized-immigrant-population/state/CA\">3.1 millones de inmigrantes indocumentados\u003c/a> de California, y\u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/interactives/u-s-unauthorized-immigrants-by-state/\"> uno de cada ocho niños en edad escolar\u003c/a> que tienen un padre de familia indocumentado, dicen los defensores. Pero ayudará.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ya con eso pagaríamos la deuda”, afirmó Mariana: Con eso, pagaríamos la deuda, los 2000 dólares que ahora deben a su arrendador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahora le toca al gobernador Gavin Newsom decidir si los convierte en ley. En el pasado, Newsom ha aplazado la inclusión de todos los trabajadores indocumentados en el crédito fiscal, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/06/newsom-paid-family-leave-job-protections-bill-legislation/\">incluso en una ampliación a mayor escala\u003c/a>, argumentando \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article231186638.html\">inquietudes financieras\u003c/a>, de las que se hicieron eco los legisladores conservadores en las audiencias de la semana pasada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tenemos que ser muy cuidadosos en cuanto a cómo gastamos los dólares del estado”, señaló el senador John Moorlach, republicano de Costa Mesa, quien votó en contra del proyecto de ley.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Dos olas de COVID, impactos financieros\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>La mayoría de los californianos indocumentados trabajan en tareas que no se pueden hacer desde casa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alrededor de un tercio trabaja en industrias que la COVID-19 detuvo inmediatamente, como servicios de alimentos, venta al por menor, cuidado de niños, servicios de limpieza o jardinería, según un \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/CA_Budget_Center_COVID_Undocumented_Workers_04152020.pdf\">análisis\u003c/a> del Centro de Presupuesto y Política de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En marzo, los trabajadores del sector de restaurantes perdieron sus empleos, dijo Arcenio López, director ejecutivo del Proyecto de Organización Comunitaria Mixteco/Indígena, que presta servicios principalmente con inmigrantes indocumentados e indígenas del sur de México que viven en los condados de Ventura y Santa Bárbara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López comentó que muchos propietarios les dijeron a los trabajadores domésticos y de jardinería que dejaran de acudir a trabajar. Muchos perdieron sus ingresos durante tres meses, mientras gastaban dinero extra para abastecerse de comestibles, jabón y mascarillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Arcenio López, Director Ejecutivo del Proyecto de Organización Comunitaria Mixteco/Indígena\"]‘No hay alternativa; no pueden solicitar el desempleo.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luego, cuando esos trabajos comenzaron a reaparecer al comienzo del verano, una segunda ola golpeó a los trabajadores agrícolas. Los casos de COVID-19 se dispararon. Muchos perdieron semanas de trabajo porque se enfermaron, se les ordenó que se pusieran en cuarentena en casa, o los despidieron cuando las granjas donde trabajaban tuvieron que cerrar. A menudo, no se les pagaba los 10 días de licencia por enfermedad que exige la ley, señaló López. Los que se habían enfermado a veces tenían dificultades para encontrar nuevos trabajos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La organización de López copatrocinó el \u003ca href=\"https://805undocufund.org/\">805 UndocuFund,\u003c/a> que ha recaudado casi 5 millones de dólares en donaciones para apoyar a 7000 familias indocumentadas de la región. Pero la falta de medidas asistenciales ha hecho que muchos vuelvan a trabajar, aunque sea riesgoso, dijo López: “No hay alternativa; no pueden solicitar el desempleo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irónicamente, esa desigualdad ha mantenido en marcha a algunos sectores de la economía de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sin duda, así es como el sector agrícola, el de empacado de carne y las industrias de la confección han podido seguir avanzando”, expresó Manuel Pastor, sociólogo de la Universidad del Sur de California quien dirige el Instituto de Investigación de la Equidad y asesora al grupo de trabajo de recuperación de Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='kqedenespanol' label='Leer KQED en Español']\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Desempleo persistente\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>La Coalición para los Derechos Humanos de los Inmigrantes, con sede en Los Ángeles, que abogó por ambas medidas, encuestó a unos 38,500 residentes indocumentados de la zona que solicitaron asistencia en efectivo esta primavera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los resultados fueron contundentes: el 90% necesitaba ayuda para pagar el alquiler, y más de la mitad necesitaba ayuda para gastos de comida. Casi todos habían perdido sus trabajos o salarios durante la pandemia y cerca de un tercio dijo que tenían que quedarse en casa para cuidar a los niños debido al cierre de las escuelas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tres meses después de la realización de la encuesta, la directora ejecutiva Angélica Salas sigue viendo estos patrones: personas que limpian casas y ahora trabajan la tercera parte de lo que hacían antes porque las familias han dejado de llamar, vendedores ambulantes que descubren que la gente ya no compra sus alimentos o mercancías, trabajadores de la construcción enviados a casa porque un colega se enfermó, y madres solteras que se quedan en casa para cuidar a sus hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entre mayo y julio, el 27% de los no ciudadanos — categoría que incluye a los inmigrantes que tienen tarjetas de residencia, visas de trabajo o son indocumentados — no tenían trabajo, trabajaban menos de lo que les gustaría o habían renunciado a encontrar trabajo, en comparación con el 21% de los ciudadanos, según un análisis que llevó a cabo el Instituto de Políticas Públicas de California con respecto a la Encuesta de Población Actual de la Oficina del Censo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/3738391/embed\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" style=\"width:800px;height:600px;\" aria-label width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En otras palabras, en julio trabajaron alrededor de 701,000 no ciudadanos menos que en febrero en todo el estado, según un análisis de los mismos datos de la encuesta realizado por Edward Flores, un sociólogo del Centro Comunitario y Laboral de UC Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No hay medidas asistenciales\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Imaginémonos a dos madres solteras; una ciudadana estadounidense y otra indocumentada, ambas criando a dos niños en California. Ambas trabajaban a tiempo completo, ganando 12 dólares por hora antes de perder sus trabajos a finales de marzo. Por cuidar a sus hijos, ninguna de ellas ha vuelto a trabajar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La madre indocumentada podría calificar para un crédito fiscal federal de 2,800 dólares, si sus hijos son ciudadanos. Si tuvo la suerte de que su llamada fuera una de las atendidas \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/05/undocumented-immigrants-state-disaster-aid-unreachable/\">en las congestionadas líneas telefónicas\u003c/a>, podría haber sido una de las 150,000 inmigrantes indocumentados que solicitaron y recibieron una tarjeta prepagada con 500 dólares del estado, a través de un programa que Newsom creó en abril.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tal vez solicitó cupones de alimentos únicamente para sus hijos ciudadanos, con lo cual recibió varios cientos de dólares para gastar en comestibles al mes. O el \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2020/05/california-pandemic-food-stamps/\">Pandemic-EBT,\u003c/a> una prestación no recurrente de 365 dólares para comprar alimentos, destinada a apoyar a los niños que no podían obtener comidas gratuitas o a precio reducido debido al cierre de las escuelas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Cálculos del Centro de Presupuesto y política de California\"]‘La ciudadanía permite a una madre soltera de dos hijos reciba unos 25,500 dólares de asistencia, en comparación con unos pocos cientos de dólares para una madre indocumentada.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En cambio, la madre ciudadana habría recibido unos 25,500 dólares en beneficios por desempleo, devoluciones de impuestos, los 600 dólares federales semanales de refuerzo por desempleo y el cheque de estímulo para septiembre, según los cálculos de Alissa Anderson, analista principal de políticas del Centro de Presupuesto y Políticas de California, una organización que cuenta con el respaldo de los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El resultado final es que muchas familias de inmigrantes tienen muchos menos recursos”, dijo Anderson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>El gobernador podría ampliar la asistencia\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Quizá venga en camino algo de alivio inmediato. En una votación bipartidista llevada a cabo contrarreloj en agosto, los legisladores aprobaron un \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB826\">proyecto de ley\u003c/a> que crearía un programa de asistencia alimentaria en caso de desastre y que se distribuiría inmediatamente, hasta dos veces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al igual que CalFresh, los destinatarios obtendrían una tarjeta prepagada de 600 dólares que solamente se puede usar para comprar alimentos. Pero a diferencia de CalFresh, los indocumentados podrían inscribirse. Si Newsom firma el proyecto de ley, le corresponde a él o a la Legislatura decidir cuánto dinero destinar a esto, lo que determinará cuántas personas pueden beneficiarse, por orden de llegada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>El programa de asistencia alimentaria para desastres proporcionaría $600 para comestibles sin importar el estatus legal. Aun así, los legisladores no han identificado la fuente de financiamiento.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otro \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1876\">proyecto de ley de presupuesto\u003c/a> reforzaría las medidas asistenciales a largo plazo, una victoria largamente disputada por los defensores de los inmigrantes y los legisladores del Caucus Legislativo Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mediante este, todos los trabajadores indocumentados que declaren impuestos podrían obtener el Crédito de Impuesto sobre la Renta del Estado, que puede sumar miles de dólares. Anteriormente, únicamente los hogares en los que cada sostén de familia tenía un número de seguro social podían exigir el reembolso. Un acuerdo presupuestario de junio extendió el crédito a los trabajadores indocumentados que declaran impuestos, solamente si tienen hijos menores de seis años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores de los inmigrantes sostienen que incluir a los inmigrantes indocumentados que declaran impuestos es justo, ya que aportan a las arcas del estado y hacen un trabajo que se considera esencial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Existe la creencia de que… ¿Por qué tenemos que apoyar a esta gente?”, dijo López del Proyecto de Organización de la Comunidad Mixteco/Indígena. “Pero esta gente nos está apoyando”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/kqedenespanol\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Leer más reportajes de KQED en Español. \u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Síga CalMatters en Twitter y Facebook. Siga su canal RSS para artículos en español.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters.org es una organización de medios de comunicación sin fines de lucro, no partidista, que explica las políticas públicas y los temas políticos de California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esta asistencia maltrecha no dará cuenta de la profunda necesidad que enfrentan entre 2 y \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/data/unauthorized-immigrant-population/state/CA\">3.1 millones de inmigrantes indocumentados\u003c/a> de California, y\u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/interactives/u-s-unauthorized-immigrants-by-state/\"> uno de cada ocho niños en edad escolar\u003c/a> que tienen un padre de familia indocumentado, dicen los defensores. Pero ayudará.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ya con eso pagaríamos la deuda”, afirmó Mariana: Con eso, pagaríamos la deuda, los 2000 dólares que ahora deben a su arrendador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahora le toca al gobernador Gavin Newsom decidir si los convierte en ley. En el pasado, Newsom ha aplazado la inclusión de todos los trabajadores indocumentados en el crédito fiscal, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/06/newsom-paid-family-leave-job-protections-bill-legislation/\">incluso en una ampliación a mayor escala\u003c/a>, argumentando \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article231186638.html\">inquietudes financieras\u003c/a>, de las que se hicieron eco los legisladores conservadores en las audiencias de la semana pasada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tenemos que ser muy cuidadosos en cuanto a cómo gastamos los dólares del estado”, señaló el senador John Moorlach, republicano de Costa Mesa, quien votó en contra del proyecto de ley.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Dos olas de COVID, impactos financieros\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>La mayoría de los californianos indocumentados trabajan en tareas que no se pueden hacer desde casa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alrededor de un tercio trabaja en industrias que la COVID-19 detuvo inmediatamente, como servicios de alimentos, venta al por menor, cuidado de niños, servicios de limpieza o jardinería, según un \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/CA_Budget_Center_COVID_Undocumented_Workers_04152020.pdf\">análisis\u003c/a> del Centro de Presupuesto y Política de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En marzo, los trabajadores del sector de restaurantes perdieron sus empleos, dijo Arcenio López, director ejecutivo del Proyecto de Organización Comunitaria Mixteco/Indígena, que presta servicios principalmente con inmigrantes indocumentados e indígenas del sur de México que viven en los condados de Ventura y Santa Bárbara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López comentó que muchos propietarios les dijeron a los trabajadores domésticos y de jardinería que dejaran de acudir a trabajar. Muchos perdieron sus ingresos durante tres meses, mientras gastaban dinero extra para abastecerse de comestibles, jabón y mascarillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘No hay alternativa; no pueden solicitar el desempleo.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luego, cuando esos trabajos comenzaron a reaparecer al comienzo del verano, una segunda ola golpeó a los trabajadores agrícolas. Los casos de COVID-19 se dispararon. Muchos perdieron semanas de trabajo porque se enfermaron, se les ordenó que se pusieran en cuarentena en casa, o los despidieron cuando las granjas donde trabajaban tuvieron que cerrar. A menudo, no se les pagaba los 10 días de licencia por enfermedad que exige la ley, señaló López. Los que se habían enfermado a veces tenían dificultades para encontrar nuevos trabajos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La organización de López copatrocinó el \u003ca href=\"https://805undocufund.org/\">805 UndocuFund,\u003c/a> que ha recaudado casi 5 millones de dólares en donaciones para apoyar a 7000 familias indocumentadas de la región. Pero la falta de medidas asistenciales ha hecho que muchos vuelvan a trabajar, aunque sea riesgoso, dijo López: “No hay alternativa; no pueden solicitar el desempleo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irónicamente, esa desigualdad ha mantenido en marcha a algunos sectores de la economía de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sin duda, así es como el sector agrícola, el de empacado de carne y las industrias de la confección han podido seguir avanzando”, expresó Manuel Pastor, sociólogo de la Universidad del Sur de California quien dirige el Instituto de Investigación de la Equidad y asesora al grupo de trabajo de recuperación de Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Desempleo persistente\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>La Coalición para los Derechos Humanos de los Inmigrantes, con sede en Los Ángeles, que abogó por ambas medidas, encuestó a unos 38,500 residentes indocumentados de la zona que solicitaron asistencia en efectivo esta primavera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los resultados fueron contundentes: el 90% necesitaba ayuda para pagar el alquiler, y más de la mitad necesitaba ayuda para gastos de comida. Casi todos habían perdido sus trabajos o salarios durante la pandemia y cerca de un tercio dijo que tenían que quedarse en casa para cuidar a los niños debido al cierre de las escuelas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tres meses después de la realización de la encuesta, la directora ejecutiva Angélica Salas sigue viendo estos patrones: personas que limpian casas y ahora trabajan la tercera parte de lo que hacían antes porque las familias han dejado de llamar, vendedores ambulantes que descubren que la gente ya no compra sus alimentos o mercancías, trabajadores de la construcción enviados a casa porque un colega se enfermó, y madres solteras que se quedan en casa para cuidar a sus hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entre mayo y julio, el 27% de los no ciudadanos — categoría que incluye a los inmigrantes que tienen tarjetas de residencia, visas de trabajo o son indocumentados — no tenían trabajo, trabajaban menos de lo que les gustaría o habían renunciado a encontrar trabajo, en comparación con el 21% de los ciudadanos, según un análisis que llevó a cabo el Instituto de Políticas Públicas de California con respecto a la Encuesta de Población Actual de la Oficina del Censo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/3738391/embed\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" style=\"width:800px;height:600px;\" aria-label width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En otras palabras, en julio trabajaron alrededor de 701,000 no ciudadanos menos que en febrero en todo el estado, según un análisis de los mismos datos de la encuesta realizado por Edward Flores, un sociólogo del Centro Comunitario y Laboral de UC Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No hay medidas asistenciales\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Imaginémonos a dos madres solteras; una ciudadana estadounidense y otra indocumentada, ambas criando a dos niños en California. Ambas trabajaban a tiempo completo, ganando 12 dólares por hora antes de perder sus trabajos a finales de marzo. Por cuidar a sus hijos, ninguna de ellas ha vuelto a trabajar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La madre indocumentada podría calificar para un crédito fiscal federal de 2,800 dólares, si sus hijos son ciudadanos. Si tuvo la suerte de que su llamada fuera una de las atendidas \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/05/undocumented-immigrants-state-disaster-aid-unreachable/\">en las congestionadas líneas telefónicas\u003c/a>, podría haber sido una de las 150,000 inmigrantes indocumentados que solicitaron y recibieron una tarjeta prepagada con 500 dólares del estado, a través de un programa que Newsom creó en abril.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tal vez solicitó cupones de alimentos únicamente para sus hijos ciudadanos, con lo cual recibió varios cientos de dólares para gastar en comestibles al mes. O el \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2020/05/california-pandemic-food-stamps/\">Pandemic-EBT,\u003c/a> una prestación no recurrente de 365 dólares para comprar alimentos, destinada a apoyar a los niños que no podían obtener comidas gratuitas o a precio reducido debido al cierre de las escuelas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘La ciudadanía permite a una madre soltera de dos hijos reciba unos 25,500 dólares de asistencia, en comparación con unos pocos cientos de dólares para una madre indocumentada.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En cambio, la madre ciudadana habría recibido unos 25,500 dólares en beneficios por desempleo, devoluciones de impuestos, los 600 dólares federales semanales de refuerzo por desempleo y el cheque de estímulo para septiembre, según los cálculos de Alissa Anderson, analista principal de políticas del Centro de Presupuesto y Políticas de California, una organización que cuenta con el respaldo de los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El resultado final es que muchas familias de inmigrantes tienen muchos menos recursos”, dijo Anderson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>El gobernador podría ampliar la asistencia\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Quizá venga en camino algo de alivio inmediato. En una votación bipartidista llevada a cabo contrarreloj en agosto, los legisladores aprobaron un \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB826\">proyecto de ley\u003c/a> que crearía un programa de asistencia alimentaria en caso de desastre y que se distribuiría inmediatamente, hasta dos veces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al igual que CalFresh, los destinatarios obtendrían una tarjeta prepagada de 600 dólares que solamente se puede usar para comprar alimentos. Pero a diferencia de CalFresh, los indocumentados podrían inscribirse. Si Newsom firma el proyecto de ley, le corresponde a él o a la Legislatura decidir cuánto dinero destinar a esto, lo que determinará cuántas personas pueden beneficiarse, por orden de llegada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>El programa de asistencia alimentaria para desastres proporcionaría $600 para comestibles sin importar el estatus legal. Aun así, los legisladores no han identificado la fuente de financiamiento.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otro \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1876\">proyecto de ley de presupuesto\u003c/a> reforzaría las medidas asistenciales a largo plazo, una victoria largamente disputada por los defensores de los inmigrantes y los legisladores del Caucus Legislativo Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mediante este, todos los trabajadores indocumentados que declaren impuestos podrían obtener el Crédito de Impuesto sobre la Renta del Estado, que puede sumar miles de dólares. Anteriormente, únicamente los hogares en los que cada sostén de familia tenía un número de seguro social podían exigir el reembolso. Un acuerdo presupuestario de junio extendió el crédito a los trabajadores indocumentados que declaran impuestos, solamente si tienen hijos menores de seis años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores de los inmigrantes sostienen que incluir a los inmigrantes indocumentados que declaran impuestos es justo, ya que aportan a las arcas del estado y hacen un trabajo que se considera esencial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Existe la creencia de que… ¿Por qué tenemos que apoyar a esta gente?”, dijo López del Proyecto de Organización de la Comunidad Mixteco/Indígena. “Pero esta gente nos está apoyando”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/kqedenespanol\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Leer más reportajes de KQED en Español. \u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Síga CalMatters en Twitter y Facebook. Siga su canal RSS para artículos en español.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters.org es una organización de medios de comunicación sin fines de lucro, no partidista, que explica las políticas públicas y los temas políticos de California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "the-pandemic-took-his-job-but-his-neighbors-gave-him-hope",
"title": "The Pandemic Took His Job, But His Neighbors Gave Him Hope",
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"content": "\u003cp>On a recent Tuesday afternoon, Victor Moreno strapped on his backpack and walked half a mile from his apartment to a food pantry in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The weekly trek to pick up fresh produce and prepared meals has become part of Moreno’s routine in recent months. The 55-year-old, who proudly describes himself as a hardworking man, said he hasn’t been able to find a steady job since March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the beginning, it wasn’t so easy for me to stand in line to get food because I was able to provide for myself in the past,” said Moreno, who shares a studio apartment with a roommate. “But now, that’s the only way that we can stretch the money, pay the rent and eat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno used to bake pastries and prepare organic salads at a restaurant frequented by tech employees working in offices in downtown San Francisco. But after shelter-in-place orders were issued, most of those office workers stayed home and the restaurant abruptly closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno said his last paycheck went to cover rent. He had hardly any savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I ended up with probably less than $20 in my pocket,” said Moreno, an immigrant from Mexico who has worked in the U.S. for nearly two decades. “I started thinking, how am I going to survive next month?” [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Victor Moreno\"]‘You have the hope that everything is going to be OK. But now, after seven months, we are running out of money, we are running out of food, we are running out of patience.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restaurant industry has suffered greatly during the pandemic. Between February and July, the state lost nearly 350,000 food service jobs, about a quarter of the positions in the industry, according to the most recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/data/employment-by-industry.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">estimates\u003c/a> by the California Employment Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and industry insiders believe job losses may be much higher, in part because many workers are undocumented and are paid off the books. The California Restaurant Association, for instance, estimates that up to 1 million workers have been furloughed or laid off since March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some California counties with lower risk for COVID-19, restaurants may now reopen for limited indoor dining, after an \u003ca href=\"https://www.restaurantbusinessonline.com/operations/california-starts-reopening-restaurant-dining-rooms\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announcement\u003c/a> by Gov. Gavin Newsom last month. As of Tuesday, restaurants in San Francisco, Santa Clara and Napa counties could \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/safer-economy/#reopening-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open indoors\u003c/a> for up to 25% of their capacity or 100 people, whichever is fewer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But restaurants in the rest of the Bay Area and most of the state must continue surviving on takeout, delivery and outdoor dining for those establishments that can manage it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When scarce restaurant jobs are posted, competition can be fierce. One manager in San Francisco reported that more than 100 applicants replied within hours for a newly advertised server position, said Amy Cleary, a spokeswoman with the Golden Gate Restaurant Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victor Moreno said he has applied for more than 10 openings in restaurant kitchens and delis since being laid off. Some employers told him dozens of people applied for the same positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have the hope that everything is going to be OK. But now, after seven months, we are running out of money, we are running out of food, we are running out of patience,” Moreno said. “It’s just terrible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837234\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11837234 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shirley Pablo Perez helps Victor Moreno check in at a food pantry that Street Level Health Project opened up during the pandemic in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maria Moreno, a community organizer for Restaurant Opportunities Center of the Bay Area (who’s no relation to Victor Moreno), said unemployment remains severe since restaurants that have reopened or stayed open are not operating at full capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tons of people who were laid off don’t have a big pool of employment to tap into,” she said. “We’ve had some of our workers apply to other industries like construction … but a lot of them have been unemployed for months on end, with not a lot of choices for jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an asylee who has received work authorization, Victor Moreno is eligible for unemployment insurance. But he has not applied because he fears the Trump administration’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/archive/public-charge-fact-sheet\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public charge\u003c/a>” rule could hurt his ability to become a permanent resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule, which was finalized earlier this year, penalizes green card applicants if they use certain public benefits. But it wouldn’t affect Moreno as asylees are exempt and unemployment insurance is \u003ca href=\"https://immigrationimpact.com/2020/04/06/unemployment-for-immigrants-public-charge/#.X1lPiWdKjR0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">not considered\u003c/a>, because workers pay into it from their paychecks. The rule is currently being challenged in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To earn his share of the $1,000 rent he splits with his roommate, Moreno said he has found occasional odd jobs. He even spent a couple of days traveling 60 miles by bus each way to Napa to fertilize and irrigate vineyards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without a stable job, he worries constantly about paying the rent, especially as his roommate is moving away soon, he said. Moreno is one of about a third of California renters — nearly 4 million adults — who report low or no confidence they will make next month’s rent, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2020/demo/hhp/hhp12.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">household survey\u003c/a> on the pandemic’s impact by the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11837237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman looks through a box of fresh produce and groceries at a food pantry that opened up during the pandemic in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the midst of this crisis, Moreno has found unexpected support from people in his neighborhood, a place where many struggle financially and which has one of the highest \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/data.page?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">COVID-19 case rates\u003c/a> in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps it shouldn’t have been a surprise. Moreno is well known at local nonprofits for donating his time and effort over the years, said Gabriela Galicia, executive director at Street Level Health Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think he has provided a lot to the community,” said Galicia, who first met Moreno when he volunteered his restaurant skills to cook nutritious lunches for day laborers and others who sought services from the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s always been socially justice oriented. And I feel like that also just comes from his own experiences as an immigrant,” Galicia added. “Victor knows how to talk to community members in a way where they feel heard and understood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Street Level Health Project now offers the weekly food pantry that Moreno has relied on since April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837236\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11837236\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Victor Moreno holds up prepared meals he received at a food pantry. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Moreno has also received help from a friend he met while volunteering at Peralta Hacienda, a nearby historical park and museum. He used to prepare meals for fundraisers and community events at Peralta, said Shadé Cortez, a staffer there at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We became really good friends,” said Cortez, 27, who now does administrative work for an artisanal bread shop in Oakland. “He’s a person that I really trust and I’m really thankful for his friendship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they heard Moreno was struggling financially, Cortez and her mother decided to drop several bags of groceries by his door. The pair also tucked $100 in a carton of eggs, so Moreno would find the money only after they had left. [aside tag=\"restaurant, jobs\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew that if I gave him the money in his hand, he wouldn’t take it. So my mom and I came up with the idea of hiding it in the groceries,” Cortez said. “If we can come together as a community and help one another, then I think we can make things at least a little better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno said Cortez has repeated the generous gesture at least four more times in the past months. His eyes teared up as he spoke about his friend’s kindness, which he compared to a flickering light in the darkness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My faith in humanity was renewed,” said Moreno, his voice trembling. “I’ve never had anybody bring me food to my house.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "The Pandemic Took His Job, But His Neighbors Gave Him Hope | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a recent Tuesday afternoon, Victor Moreno strapped on his backpack and walked half a mile from his apartment to a food pantry in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The weekly trek to pick up fresh produce and prepared meals has become part of Moreno’s routine in recent months. The 55-year-old, who proudly describes himself as a hardworking man, said he hasn’t been able to find a steady job since March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the beginning, it wasn’t so easy for me to stand in line to get food because I was able to provide for myself in the past,” said Moreno, who shares a studio apartment with a roommate. “But now, that’s the only way that we can stretch the money, pay the rent and eat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno used to bake pastries and prepare organic salads at a restaurant frequented by tech employees working in offices in downtown San Francisco. But after shelter-in-place orders were issued, most of those office workers stayed home and the restaurant abruptly closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno said his last paycheck went to cover rent. He had hardly any savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I ended up with probably less than $20 in my pocket,” said Moreno, an immigrant from Mexico who has worked in the U.S. for nearly two decades. “I started thinking, how am I going to survive next month?” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You have the hope that everything is going to be OK. But now, after seven months, we are running out of money, we are running out of food, we are running out of patience.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restaurant industry has suffered greatly during the pandemic. Between February and July, the state lost nearly 350,000 food service jobs, about a quarter of the positions in the industry, according to the most recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/data/employment-by-industry.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">estimates\u003c/a> by the California Employment Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and industry insiders believe job losses may be much higher, in part because many workers are undocumented and are paid off the books. The California Restaurant Association, for instance, estimates that up to 1 million workers have been furloughed or laid off since March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some California counties with lower risk for COVID-19, restaurants may now reopen for limited indoor dining, after an \u003ca href=\"https://www.restaurantbusinessonline.com/operations/california-starts-reopening-restaurant-dining-rooms\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announcement\u003c/a> by Gov. Gavin Newsom last month. As of Tuesday, restaurants in San Francisco, Santa Clara and Napa counties could \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/safer-economy/#reopening-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open indoors\u003c/a> for up to 25% of their capacity or 100 people, whichever is fewer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But restaurants in the rest of the Bay Area and most of the state must continue surviving on takeout, delivery and outdoor dining for those establishments that can manage it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When scarce restaurant jobs are posted, competition can be fierce. One manager in San Francisco reported that more than 100 applicants replied within hours for a newly advertised server position, said Amy Cleary, a spokeswoman with the Golden Gate Restaurant Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victor Moreno said he has applied for more than 10 openings in restaurant kitchens and delis since being laid off. Some employers told him dozens of people applied for the same positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have the hope that everything is going to be OK. But now, after seven months, we are running out of money, we are running out of food, we are running out of patience,” Moreno said. “It’s just terrible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837234\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11837234 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44786_IMG_2629-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shirley Pablo Perez helps Victor Moreno check in at a food pantry that Street Level Health Project opened up during the pandemic in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maria Moreno, a community organizer for Restaurant Opportunities Center of the Bay Area (who’s no relation to Victor Moreno), said unemployment remains severe since restaurants that have reopened or stayed open are not operating at full capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tons of people who were laid off don’t have a big pool of employment to tap into,” she said. “We’ve had some of our workers apply to other industries like construction … but a lot of them have been unemployed for months on end, with not a lot of choices for jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an asylee who has received work authorization, Victor Moreno is eligible for unemployment insurance. But he has not applied because he fears the Trump administration’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/archive/public-charge-fact-sheet\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public charge\u003c/a>” rule could hurt his ability to become a permanent resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule, which was finalized earlier this year, penalizes green card applicants if they use certain public benefits. But it wouldn’t affect Moreno as asylees are exempt and unemployment insurance is \u003ca href=\"https://immigrationimpact.com/2020/04/06/unemployment-for-immigrants-public-charge/#.X1lPiWdKjR0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">not considered\u003c/a>, because workers pay into it from their paychecks. The rule is currently being challenged in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To earn his share of the $1,000 rent he splits with his roommate, Moreno said he has found occasional odd jobs. He even spent a couple of days traveling 60 miles by bus each way to Napa to fertilize and irrigate vineyards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without a stable job, he worries constantly about paying the rent, especially as his roommate is moving away soon, he said. Moreno is one of about a third of California renters — nearly 4 million adults — who report low or no confidence they will make next month’s rent, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2020/demo/hhp/hhp12.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">household survey\u003c/a> on the pandemic’s impact by the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11837237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44787_IMG_2632-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman looks through a box of fresh produce and groceries at a food pantry that opened up during the pandemic in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the midst of this crisis, Moreno has found unexpected support from people in his neighborhood, a place where many struggle financially and which has one of the highest \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/data.page?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">COVID-19 case rates\u003c/a> in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps it shouldn’t have been a surprise. Moreno is well known at local nonprofits for donating his time and effort over the years, said Gabriela Galicia, executive director at Street Level Health Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think he has provided a lot to the community,” said Galicia, who first met Moreno when he volunteered his restaurant skills to cook nutritious lunches for day laborers and others who sought services from the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s always been socially justice oriented. And I feel like that also just comes from his own experiences as an immigrant,” Galicia added. “Victor knows how to talk to community members in a way where they feel heard and understood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Street Level Health Project now offers the weekly food pantry that Moreno has relied on since April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837236\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11837236\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS44788_IMG_2640-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Victor Moreno holds up prepared meals he received at a food pantry. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Moreno has also received help from a friend he met while volunteering at Peralta Hacienda, a nearby historical park and museum. He used to prepare meals for fundraisers and community events at Peralta, said Shadé Cortez, a staffer there at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We became really good friends,” said Cortez, 27, who now does administrative work for an artisanal bread shop in Oakland. “He’s a person that I really trust and I’m really thankful for his friendship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they heard Moreno was struggling financially, Cortez and her mother decided to drop several bags of groceries by his door. The pair also tucked $100 in a carton of eggs, so Moreno would find the money only after they had left. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew that if I gave him the money in his hand, he wouldn’t take it. So my mom and I came up with the idea of hiding it in the groceries,” Cortez said. “If we can come together as a community and help one another, then I think we can make things at least a little better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno said Cortez has repeated the generous gesture at least four more times in the past months. His eyes teared up as he spoke about his friend’s kindness, which he compared to a flickering light in the darkness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dozens of people held by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement at the Yuba County Jail, north of Sacramento, say they are trying to pressure ICE and jail officials to take steps to prevent a COVID-19 outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 20 ICE detainees at the facility in Marysville came off a six-day hunger strike this week that was meant to call attention to conditions the men say make them vulnerable to the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID-19 has so far not been diagnosed in ICE detainees at the Yuba jail. But the virus has swept through two privately run immigration detention centers in California. More than 220 people held at the Otay Mesa facility in San Diego and the Mesa Verde facility in Bakersfield were infected, including dozens who were hospitalized and one man who died from the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Kelly Wells, attorney with the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office']'Conditions are awful under normal circumstances, and now they're outrageously abysmal and dangerous for people.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, one person continued his hunger strike, refusing food for a fifth day, according to the Yuba County Sheriff’s Office, which oversees the jail. That man is Juan Jose Erazo Herrera, 20, an asylum seeker from El Salvador, said Kelly Wells, an attorney with the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, who represents him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conditions are awful under normal circumstances, and now they're outrageously abysmal and dangerous for people,” Wells said. “Nobody should be in this facility, much less people who are just awaiting immigration proceedings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yuba jail began detaining immigrants for the federal government in 1994. The contract generated close to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11597341/these-immigrants-and-their-county-jailer-need-each-other-to-survive-will-they-make-it\">$6 million a year\u003c/a> in 2017, funds which support the operations of the Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants detained at the jail, some of whom said they participated in another hunger strike last month, want ICE and jail officials to regularly test staff members, who go in and out of the facility, for COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"immigration,jail\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are also requesting a halt to new admissions from other county jails, people who are sometimes housed with ICE detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all scared. Every day we wake up scared thinking that, if one of us gets it, we are all going to get it,” said Eduardo Melendez, 23, who is being held by ICE at the Yuba County Jail. “We might not be able to see our families again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least three staffers at the facility have tested positive for the coronavirus since July, according to court disclosures by ICE officials, said Wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for the Yuba County Sheriff’s Office said she couldn’t confirm whether any employees had been confirmed with COVID-19 because it was a confidential personnel matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Sheriff’s Department has taken a very proactive approach to mitigation efforts in our Jail related to the pandemic,” said Leslie Carbah, a public information officer with the Sheriff's Office, in a statement. “To date we have not had any County inmates or ICE detainees test positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most of the pandemic, the Yuba jail continued to receive inmates from state prisons with COVID-19 outbreaks, including two transfers in July from Solano and Pleasant Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the jail has not accepted any prison transfers this month, and has only taken inmates from other county jails when legally required, Carbah said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is important to know that all new intakes, whether county inmates or detainees, must go through a 14 day quarantine before being housed with the general population,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yuba jail has medical care on-site around the clock, and implements a “thorough daily sanitation and cleaning protocol based on Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Eduardo Melendez']'We are all scared. Every day we wake up scared thinking that, if one of us gets it, we are all going to get it'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet several immigration detainees told KQED the jail is often filthy, and it can take more than a week to see a nurse or doctor when sick, a complaint \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11597341/these-immigrants-and-their-county-jailer-need-each-other-to-survive-will-they-make-it\">echoed by hunger strikers at Yuba in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Mejia Rosas, 41, was held by ICE at the facility for nearly a year. He said the jail is not prepared to adequately handle a potentially deadly outbreak of the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s true, they have medical care there 24-7. But that doesn't mean we have access to it 24-7,” Mejia Rosas said, who was released in July. “If you are lucky, you’ll get to see a nurse within seven days ... If there's an outbreak, by the time they see the doctor, he's already infected the rest of the pod for seven days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mejia Rosas was one of about 50 ICE detainees who a federal judge ordered freed on bail or parole from the Yuba County Jail during the pandemic. The orders, by U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria, came after immigrants held there and at the Mesa Verde detention center \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11813475/sf-public-defender-sues-for-release-of-ice-detainees-to-reduce-crowding\">sued\u003c/a> to force ICE to make changes to allow for social distancing at the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Chhabria ordered ICE and the GEO Group, the prison company that owns Mesa Verde, to regularly test all detainees and employees there for COVID-19. Within weeks, the number of detainees who tested positive grew from nine to 59. At least 28 staffers have also been diagnosed, according to plaintiffs' lawyers in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the California Legislature approved a bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3228\">Assembly Bill 3228\u003c/a>, that would make it easier for individuals to sue for-profit prison companies for breaching required standards of care. The legislation is headed to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, nearly 5,000 people in ICE custody have tested positive for the coronavirus, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus\">according to the agency\u003c/a>. An additional 45 employees at detention facilities have also been infected, but that tally does not include staffers at privately run centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just over 21,000 people are currently jailed by ICE across the country, a substantial decline from late March, when about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11809081/san-francisco-da-joins-growing-call-to-release-ice-detainees-during-pandemic\">38,000 immigrants were in custody\u003c/a>, pending deportation proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Yuba County Board of Supervisors meeting Tuesday, advocates pleaded with the supervisors to protect the health of people held at the jail and to end the county’s contract with ICE to lock up immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yuba jail is the last public facility in the state to hold such an arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once we all collectively come out of this pandemic, you are going to have to ask yourselves whether you took actions to help save lives,” Juan Prieto, with the California Immigrant Youth Justice Alliance, told the supervisors. “Listen to the hunger strikers. Their demands are for protecting their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yuba County Supervisor Gary Bradford, board vice chair, told KQED “no comment” when asked to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dozens of people held by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement at the Yuba County Jail, north of Sacramento, say they are trying to pressure ICE and jail officials to take steps to prevent a COVID-19 outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 20 ICE detainees at the facility in Marysville came off a six-day hunger strike this week that was meant to call attention to conditions the men say make them vulnerable to the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID-19 has so far not been diagnosed in ICE detainees at the Yuba jail. But the virus has swept through two privately run immigration detention centers in California. More than 220 people held at the Otay Mesa facility in San Diego and the Mesa Verde facility in Bakersfield were infected, including dozens who were hospitalized and one man who died from the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, one person continued his hunger strike, refusing food for a fifth day, according to the Yuba County Sheriff’s Office, which oversees the jail. That man is Juan Jose Erazo Herrera, 20, an asylum seeker from El Salvador, said Kelly Wells, an attorney with the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, who represents him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conditions are awful under normal circumstances, and now they're outrageously abysmal and dangerous for people,” Wells said. “Nobody should be in this facility, much less people who are just awaiting immigration proceedings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yuba jail began detaining immigrants for the federal government in 1994. The contract generated close to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11597341/these-immigrants-and-their-county-jailer-need-each-other-to-survive-will-they-make-it\">$6 million a year\u003c/a> in 2017, funds which support the operations of the Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants detained at the jail, some of whom said they participated in another hunger strike last month, want ICE and jail officials to regularly test staff members, who go in and out of the facility, for COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are also requesting a halt to new admissions from other county jails, people who are sometimes housed with ICE detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all scared. Every day we wake up scared thinking that, if one of us gets it, we are all going to get it,” said Eduardo Melendez, 23, who is being held by ICE at the Yuba County Jail. “We might not be able to see our families again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least three staffers at the facility have tested positive for the coronavirus since July, according to court disclosures by ICE officials, said Wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for the Yuba County Sheriff’s Office said she couldn’t confirm whether any employees had been confirmed with COVID-19 because it was a confidential personnel matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Sheriff’s Department has taken a very proactive approach to mitigation efforts in our Jail related to the pandemic,” said Leslie Carbah, a public information officer with the Sheriff's Office, in a statement. “To date we have not had any County inmates or ICE detainees test positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most of the pandemic, the Yuba jail continued to receive inmates from state prisons with COVID-19 outbreaks, including two transfers in July from Solano and Pleasant Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the jail has not accepted any prison transfers this month, and has only taken inmates from other county jails when legally required, Carbah said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is important to know that all new intakes, whether county inmates or detainees, must go through a 14 day quarantine before being housed with the general population,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yuba jail has medical care on-site around the clock, and implements a “thorough daily sanitation and cleaning protocol based on Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet several immigration detainees told KQED the jail is often filthy, and it can take more than a week to see a nurse or doctor when sick, a complaint \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11597341/these-immigrants-and-their-county-jailer-need-each-other-to-survive-will-they-make-it\">echoed by hunger strikers at Yuba in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Mejia Rosas, 41, was held by ICE at the facility for nearly a year. He said the jail is not prepared to adequately handle a potentially deadly outbreak of the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s true, they have medical care there 24-7. But that doesn't mean we have access to it 24-7,” Mejia Rosas said, who was released in July. “If you are lucky, you’ll get to see a nurse within seven days ... If there's an outbreak, by the time they see the doctor, he's already infected the rest of the pod for seven days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mejia Rosas was one of about 50 ICE detainees who a federal judge ordered freed on bail or parole from the Yuba County Jail during the pandemic. The orders, by U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria, came after immigrants held there and at the Mesa Verde detention center \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11813475/sf-public-defender-sues-for-release-of-ice-detainees-to-reduce-crowding\">sued\u003c/a> to force ICE to make changes to allow for social distancing at the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Chhabria ordered ICE and the GEO Group, the prison company that owns Mesa Verde, to regularly test all detainees and employees there for COVID-19. Within weeks, the number of detainees who tested positive grew from nine to 59. At least 28 staffers have also been diagnosed, according to plaintiffs' lawyers in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the California Legislature approved a bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3228\">Assembly Bill 3228\u003c/a>, that would make it easier for individuals to sue for-profit prison companies for breaching required standards of care. The legislation is headed to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, nearly 5,000 people in ICE custody have tested positive for the coronavirus, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus\">according to the agency\u003c/a>. An additional 45 employees at detention facilities have also been infected, but that tally does not include staffers at privately run centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just over 21,000 people are currently jailed by ICE across the country, a substantial decline from late March, when about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11809081/san-francisco-da-joins-growing-call-to-release-ice-detainees-during-pandemic\">38,000 immigrants were in custody\u003c/a>, pending deportation proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Yuba County Board of Supervisors meeting Tuesday, advocates pleaded with the supervisors to protect the health of people held at the jail and to end the county’s contract with ICE to lock up immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yuba jail is the last public facility in the state to hold such an arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once we all collectively come out of this pandemic, you are going to have to ask yourselves whether you took actions to help save lives,” Juan Prieto, with the California Immigrant Youth Justice Alliance, told the supervisors. “Listen to the hunger strikers. Their demands are for protecting their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yuba County Supervisor Gary Bradford, board vice chair, told KQED “no comment” when asked to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "half-of-all-detainees-at-bakersfield-ice-facility-have-tested-positive-for-covid-19",
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"content": "\u003cp>Half of the men locked up at a for-profit detention center in Bakersfield have been confirmed with COVID-19, after a federal judge ordered U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to test all detainees — at least weekly — at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rapidly growing outbreak at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center now includes 56 detainees, up from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11833056/he-won-case-before-immigration-judge-but-hes-still-detained-and-now-has-covid-19\">10 confirmed cases\u003c/a> as of early last week, according to court documents submitted Monday by federal authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"mesa-verde\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One detainee is currently hospitalized with severe COVID-19 symptoms , while the rest of those who tested positive are quarantined in a dorm at the facility, which is owned and operated by the Florida-based company, The GEO Group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, 106 men are being held at Mesa Verde, which has 400 beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are really scared that we will never return to our families outside,” said Hugo Lucas, a detainee at Mesa Verde, in a statement. So far, he’s tested negative for the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 6, U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/wp-content/uploads/500.pdf\">ordered\u003c/a> ICE and GEO to test weekly all detainees at the facility, and to temporarily stop admitting new intakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal court in San Francisco became one of the first in the country to order routine testing of detainees for COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chhabria intervened after ICE \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/wp-content/uploads/Binder1.pdf\">emails\u003c/a> in May — unearthed during litigation — showed immigration officials opposed widespread testing for the coronavirus at Mesa Verde. ICE field office director David Jennings, who oversees the facility, said at the time they had no place to segregate detainees who refused testing or were confirmed positive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The testing in Mesa Verde through this court’s intervention is a key difference between Mesa Verde and other detention centers in the country,” said Bree Bernwanger, with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights, who represents detainees in the case. “It’s not only the social distancing that is now facilitated, but the fact that their status is being monitored … that’s just not happening elsewhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, as COVID-19 cases grew, Chhabria expanded his directive to include regular testing for about 130 staffers, such as guards and health care providers, who come in and out of the facility. The judge cited the high risk of virus transmission between the detention center and the surrounding community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, two staffers with GEO were confirmed with COVID-19. An additional 29, who sought testing on their own, have also been diagnosed with the coronavirus since mid-June, including some who already recovered and were cleared to work, said GEO attorney Susan Coleman, during a hearing Tuesday morning with Chhabria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='ACLU Attorney Ahilan Arulanantham']‘What has happened at Mesa Verde shows that, ultimately, there is no safe way to continue to imprison a large number of immigrants in the conditions that ICE puts them in.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kern County, where Mesa Verde is located, has one of the highest rates of COVID-19 in the state, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/cases-updates/county-map.html\">Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chhabria also ordered rapid, point-of-care testing — instead of tests that must be sent to a lab — for dozens of detainees who had not yet been confirmed with the coronavirus as of late last week, to try to contain the outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court documents show the ICE office in Bakersfield received enough rapid test kits for all detainees at Mesa Verde as of Aug. 7, about a week after the first two men held at the facility were diagnosed with COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigration officials opted for slower testing that did not provide results for days, said Emi MacLean, a plaintiff lawyer with the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office. The delay meant people who later were confirmed with COVID-19 slept in dorms with dozens of others, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They made all of these excuses about why they couldn’t use them, that it was too burdensome for their health care staff,” MacLean said. “If that is not a sign of callous disregard for the lives of people in their custody, I don’t know what is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesman declined to comment “due to pending litigation.” GEO also declined to provide more information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11833932\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 840px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11833932\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44334_IMG-20200810-WA0001_104405150868869-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"840\" height=\"473\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44334_IMG-20200810-WA0001_104405150868869-qut-1.jpg 840w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44334_IMG-20200810-WA0001_104405150868869-qut-1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44334_IMG-20200810-WA0001_104405150868869-qut-1-160x90.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 840px) 100vw, 840px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hunger strikers gathered in the courtyard at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield on April 10, 2020 — as captured by drone. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Kern Youth Abolitionists)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chhabria’s orders are in response to a lawsuit by detainees at Mesa Verde and another detention center north of Sacramento that was filed in April. Detainees argued the crowded jail-like facilities didn’t allow for social distancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the judge has ordered more than 130 people released from Mesa Verde, while ICE has opted to let out dozens more after reviewing their criminal and immigration histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar lawsuit targeting California’s largest detention center in Adelanto, which is also owned and operated by GEO, has resulted in a federal court in Los Angeles ordering ICE to release at least 17 people so far, said Ahilan Arulanantham, an ACLU attorney in that case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that court has not yet directed ICE to conduct widespread testing for COVID-19 at the facility, which has about 800 detainees, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has happened at Mesa Verde shows that, ultimately, there is no safe way to continue to imprison a large number of immigrants in the conditions that ICE puts them in,” Arulanantham said. “It worries me that the same undetected spread could already be happening in Adelanto and other places where no widespread testing has occurred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Half of the men locked up at a for-profit detention center in Bakersfield have been confirmed with COVID-19, after a federal judge ordered U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to test all detainees — at least weekly — at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rapidly growing outbreak at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center now includes 56 detainees, up from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11833056/he-won-case-before-immigration-judge-but-hes-still-detained-and-now-has-covid-19\">10 confirmed cases\u003c/a> as of early last week, according to court documents submitted Monday by federal authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One detainee is currently hospitalized with severe COVID-19 symptoms , while the rest of those who tested positive are quarantined in a dorm at the facility, which is owned and operated by the Florida-based company, The GEO Group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, 106 men are being held at Mesa Verde, which has 400 beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are really scared that we will never return to our families outside,” said Hugo Lucas, a detainee at Mesa Verde, in a statement. So far, he’s tested negative for the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 6, U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/wp-content/uploads/500.pdf\">ordered\u003c/a> ICE and GEO to test weekly all detainees at the facility, and to temporarily stop admitting new intakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal court in San Francisco became one of the first in the country to order routine testing of detainees for COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chhabria intervened after ICE \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/wp-content/uploads/Binder1.pdf\">emails\u003c/a> in May — unearthed during litigation — showed immigration officials opposed widespread testing for the coronavirus at Mesa Verde. ICE field office director David Jennings, who oversees the facility, said at the time they had no place to segregate detainees who refused testing or were confirmed positive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The testing in Mesa Verde through this court’s intervention is a key difference between Mesa Verde and other detention centers in the country,” said Bree Bernwanger, with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights, who represents detainees in the case. “It’s not only the social distancing that is now facilitated, but the fact that their status is being monitored … that’s just not happening elsewhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, as COVID-19 cases grew, Chhabria expanded his directive to include regular testing for about 130 staffers, such as guards and health care providers, who come in and out of the facility. The judge cited the high risk of virus transmission between the detention center and the surrounding community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, two staffers with GEO were confirmed with COVID-19. An additional 29, who sought testing on their own, have also been diagnosed with the coronavirus since mid-June, including some who already recovered and were cleared to work, said GEO attorney Susan Coleman, during a hearing Tuesday morning with Chhabria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kern County, where Mesa Verde is located, has one of the highest rates of COVID-19 in the state, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/cases-updates/county-map.html\">Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chhabria also ordered rapid, point-of-care testing — instead of tests that must be sent to a lab — for dozens of detainees who had not yet been confirmed with the coronavirus as of late last week, to try to contain the outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court documents show the ICE office in Bakersfield received enough rapid test kits for all detainees at Mesa Verde as of Aug. 7, about a week after the first two men held at the facility were diagnosed with COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigration officials opted for slower testing that did not provide results for days, said Emi MacLean, a plaintiff lawyer with the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office. The delay meant people who later were confirmed with COVID-19 slept in dorms with dozens of others, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They made all of these excuses about why they couldn’t use them, that it was too burdensome for their health care staff,” MacLean said. “If that is not a sign of callous disregard for the lives of people in their custody, I don’t know what is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesman declined to comment “due to pending litigation.” GEO also declined to provide more information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11833932\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 840px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11833932\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44334_IMG-20200810-WA0001_104405150868869-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"840\" height=\"473\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44334_IMG-20200810-WA0001_104405150868869-qut-1.jpg 840w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44334_IMG-20200810-WA0001_104405150868869-qut-1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44334_IMG-20200810-WA0001_104405150868869-qut-1-160x90.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 840px) 100vw, 840px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hunger strikers gathered in the courtyard at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield on April 10, 2020 — as captured by drone. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Kern Youth Abolitionists)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chhabria’s orders are in response to a lawsuit by detainees at Mesa Verde and another detention center north of Sacramento that was filed in April. Detainees argued the crowded jail-like facilities didn’t allow for social distancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the judge has ordered more than 130 people released from Mesa Verde, while ICE has opted to let out dozens more after reviewing their criminal and immigration histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar lawsuit targeting California’s largest detention center in Adelanto, which is also owned and operated by GEO, has resulted in a federal court in Los Angeles ordering ICE to release at least 17 people so far, said Ahilan Arulanantham, an ACLU attorney in that case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that court has not yet directed ICE to conduct widespread testing for COVID-19 at the facility, which has about 800 detainees, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has happened at Mesa Verde shows that, ultimately, there is no safe way to continue to imprison a large number of immigrants in the conditions that ICE puts them in,” Arulanantham said. “It worries me that the same undetected spread could already be happening in Adelanto and other places where no widespread testing has occurred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-love-new-podcast-explores-growing-up-both-black-and-brown-in-la",
"title": "'California Love': New Podcast Explores Growing Up Both Black and Brown in LA",
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"headTitle": "‘California Love’: New Podcast Explores Growing Up Both Black and Brown in LA | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/podcasts/california-love.php\">California Love\u003c/a>,” a new podcast released last month by \u003ca href=\"https://www.laiststudios.com/\">LAist Studios\u003c/a>, is an audio memoir from writer Walter Thompson-Hernández about growing up in Los Angeles — and coming back. He left L.A. and became a New York Times writer, traveling the world, writing about race, identity and belonging. Thompson-Hernández joined \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> host Sasha Khokha from his home in Los Angeles to talk about this “love letter” to L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This conversation has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kca8Bjj7MQo\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On L.A. as a Lens to Explore Belonging\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I’ve always asked questions about what it means to belong. As a child of a Black father and a Mexican mother, I’ve been in this space where I have questions about identity. I have questions about race, questions about the environments I grew up in. As a \u003ca href=\"http://www.wthdz.com/\">New York Times writer\u003c/a>, I was really interested in asking people who belong to different subcultures similar questions, asking people what it means to both belong and not belong. But eventually, I had this yearning to come back home and learn more about myself at home, about my family, my mom and also about the city of L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On Blurring the Lines Between Journalism and Memoir\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This is my first time working in the podcast space. So for me as a journalist, the lens has sort of always been on someone else or a community around the world. It was such a new experience for me to really center my own experience as both a narrator and as a subject. I really had to confront a lot of things in my own life. I had to ask myself questions about what it meant to grow up in L.A. in a certain time. It’s both a piece of art, but it’s also an experience that really combines a lot of elements of sound and sound design and journalism. It also feels like an audio memoir at the same time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the one hand, as a journalist, it was this investigation into a certain time period in my life that was really formative for me as a teenager. I was reconnecting with old friends and even an old nemesis. On the other hand it was a really tough experience because it really forced me to to confront a certain time period in my life that was relatively traumatic. It was really important for me to reckon with the past and make sense of a time that was really formative in my own life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11833415\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11833415 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-1536x1536.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artwork for “California Love” by Théo Lambert\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On Why Thompson-Hernández’s Story is Also the Story of L.A.\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>My story, in terms of how I identify as both a Black and brown person in L.A. who grew up in the ’90s, I hadn’t really seen the stories that we’ve presented in this show. I’ve never seen a story about graffiti told from the experience of someone who was both a graffiti artist and also someone who can document it. Or about the party line that all us teenagers used to call growing up. Or about the Compton Cowboys in this way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think oftentimes people who come to L.A. to tell stories are transplants, and tell stories about the city that to me feel really voyeuristic. People are just parachuting into a city that I love and respect so much and extracting information and knowledge from communities of color. I think for me, as a person of color, it’s very important to create something that really resonated with the people who I love the most — my friends and my family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think it’s really cool that when you hear my show, you really don’t hear a sort of traditional podcasting voice. I sound like someone who everyone knows. I sound like someone’s cousin, someone’s neighbor. That was a goal. I think we succeeded because of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On Making an Episode About the ‘P Line,’ an Anonymous Phone Chat Room Frequented by Youth in the ’90s\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The P Line was one of the early forms of communication [for us], predating social media and Instagram and Facebook and Twitter. The P Line was a place where we could go to escape. People who could become someone else and lead this double life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was essentially a safe space. Growing up in L.A. at that time, there was a lot of gang violence in the streets, a lot of turmoil and tension. For a lot of us, it was either being in the streets or being at home on the P Line. And a lot of us chose the P Line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11833458\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11833458 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-1536x1536.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artwork for ‘California Love’ by Théo Lambert.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On Making an Episode About his Mom, Eleuteria Hernandez, Who Migrated From Mexico to the U.S. as a Teenager\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oftentimes, we only know our parents as our parents. We forget that before us, they had these rich lives. I really wanted her to talk about her migration experience and what that meant for her. These were questions she and I have never really discussed. There’s oftentimes fear for folks who migrate here, like a culture of silence. Speaking about the process of migration or leaving home can really lift up old traumas. I’m really grateful that she was able to to open up to me in a way that was really honest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11833421\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11833421 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-1536x1536.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Walter’s mom, Eleuteria Hernandez, is featured in one of the podcast episodes. Artwork by Théo Lambert \u003ccite>(Artwork by Théo Lambert.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My mom’s relationship to me was really interesting because she had me when she was about 21. She was a junior at UCLA. I really felt like both of us sort of grew up at the same time. She was a mom. She was a sister. She was a friend. She was a mentor. She was a father. She was so many different things to me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was really important to remember how I started writing, what inspired me. The books that I read were essentially her books. For a young boy to see that and to experience her grad school life at such a young age, it normalized that experience for me. It really let me know that women of color and people of color can be in grad school and can get Ph.D.s.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On the “Compton Cowboys” Episode, and Exploring the History of L.A.’s Black Cowboys\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.comptoncowboys.com/\">Compton Cowboys\u003c/a> are a group of 10 childhood friends who ride horses in a horse ranch in Compton called the Richland Farms. They have a really special story. I grew up about five minutes away from Compton. But I didn’t grow up with the images of Black men and women on horses until I saw them riding around in Compton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11833376\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11833376 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anthony, one of the riders from the Richland Farms, showing his horse to young students in Compton. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Walter Thompson-Hernández)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I think on the surface, we see Black men and women on horses and we imagine that they ride horses for love and for practice and very competitive reasons. Those are all true. There’s also something deeper. Black men and women in Compton often have to ride horses to stay alive, to not get policed, to not experience discrimination by Compton’s police department. Part of that is really creative and beautiful. But also it’s kind of tragic. Trying to understand that in the context of this larger Black Lives Matter movement is really important for me. It lets me know that over time and space, Black folks have had to find creative ways to survive. And in Compton, Black folks often have to ride horses to do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On How He Hopes “California Love” Will Resonate for People Outside L.A.\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I’m really hoping that a show like “California Love” can unpack a lot of the stereotypes and tropes about a city like L.A. — palm trees and Hollywood and the beaches. All those sorts of areas exist. But there [are] so many layers. And my version of L.A. is mostly people of color. And it’s folks who have immigrated to this country. It’s Black folks who have been in L.A. for four to three generations now, who have also been displaced. This show for me was really a love letter to both my friends and family who have chose to stay in L.A. despite gentrification, despite the increase in housing costs. It was also for a lot of my friends or family who have been forced out of L.A., forced out of their homes and communities. There is a lot of nostalgia in this show and there’s also a lot of grief and sadness — and joy. I’m hoping that people can experience all of that in a way that’s both hyper-specific to L.A., but also universal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong> On What He Loves Most About L.A.\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To me, L.A. is this crash site for so many different worlds and experiences and languages and cultures. If you grew up in L.A., you’ve essentially grown up in it in a really global city. So to me, living and understanding L.A. is really a way of understanding the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot of hope for folks in my generation. A lot of us have lived outside of L.A., [or] traveled a bit. A lot of us are bent on coming back home and preserving the community experience that we all had growing up. I’m hoping this show can inspire us to keep on doing that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>To hear more about “California Love” tune in for an Instagram live on Thursday, Aug. 20 at 3:30 p.m. with Walter Thompson-Hernández and Tonya Mosely, host of the KQED podcast “Truth Be Told.” Check out the event page \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/events/116679659001\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/podcasts/california-love.php\">California Love\u003c/a>,” a new podcast released last month by \u003ca href=\"https://www.laiststudios.com/\">LAist Studios\u003c/a>, is an audio memoir from writer Walter Thompson-Hernández about growing up in Los Angeles — and coming back. He left L.A. and became a New York Times writer, traveling the world, writing about race, identity and belonging. Thompson-Hernández joined \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> host Sasha Khokha from his home in Los Angeles to talk about this “love letter” to L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This conversation has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/kca8Bjj7MQo'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/kca8Bjj7MQo'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On L.A. as a Lens to Explore Belonging\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I’ve always asked questions about what it means to belong. As a child of a Black father and a Mexican mother, I’ve been in this space where I have questions about identity. I have questions about race, questions about the environments I grew up in. As a \u003ca href=\"http://www.wthdz.com/\">New York Times writer\u003c/a>, I was really interested in asking people who belong to different subcultures similar questions, asking people what it means to both belong and not belong. But eventually, I had this yearning to come back home and learn more about myself at home, about my family, my mom and also about the city of L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On Blurring the Lines Between Journalism and Memoir\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This is my first time working in the podcast space. So for me as a journalist, the lens has sort of always been on someone else or a community around the world. It was such a new experience for me to really center my own experience as both a narrator and as a subject. I really had to confront a lot of things in my own life. I had to ask myself questions about what it meant to grow up in L.A. in a certain time. It’s both a piece of art, but it’s also an experience that really combines a lot of elements of sound and sound design and journalism. It also feels like an audio memoir at the same time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the one hand, as a journalist, it was this investigation into a certain time period in my life that was really formative for me as a teenager. I was reconnecting with old friends and even an old nemesis. On the other hand it was a really tough experience because it really forced me to to confront a certain time period in my life that was relatively traumatic. It was really important for me to reckon with the past and make sense of a time that was really formative in my own life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11833415\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11833415 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-1536x1536.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44338_Main-Tile-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artwork for “California Love” by Théo Lambert\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On Why Thompson-Hernández’s Story is Also the Story of L.A.\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>My story, in terms of how I identify as both a Black and brown person in L.A. who grew up in the ’90s, I hadn’t really seen the stories that we’ve presented in this show. I’ve never seen a story about graffiti told from the experience of someone who was both a graffiti artist and also someone who can document it. Or about the party line that all us teenagers used to call growing up. Or about the Compton Cowboys in this way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think oftentimes people who come to L.A. to tell stories are transplants, and tell stories about the city that to me feel really voyeuristic. People are just parachuting into a city that I love and respect so much and extracting information and knowledge from communities of color. I think for me, as a person of color, it’s very important to create something that really resonated with the people who I love the most — my friends and my family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think it’s really cool that when you hear my show, you really don’t hear a sort of traditional podcasting voice. I sound like someone who everyone knows. I sound like someone’s cousin, someone’s neighbor. That was a goal. I think we succeeded because of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On Making an Episode About the ‘P Line,’ an Anonymous Phone Chat Room Frequented by Youth in the ’90s\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The P Line was one of the early forms of communication [for us], predating social media and Instagram and Facebook and Twitter. The P Line was a place where we could go to escape. People who could become someone else and lead this double life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was essentially a safe space. Growing up in L.A. at that time, there was a lot of gang violence in the streets, a lot of turmoil and tension. For a lot of us, it was either being in the streets or being at home on the P Line. And a lot of us chose the P Line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11833458\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11833458 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-1536x1536.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Pline.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artwork for ‘California Love’ by Théo Lambert.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On Making an Episode About his Mom, Eleuteria Hernandez, Who Migrated From Mexico to the U.S. as a Teenager\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oftentimes, we only know our parents as our parents. We forget that before us, they had these rich lives. I really wanted her to talk about her migration experience and what that meant for her. These were questions she and I have never really discussed. There’s oftentimes fear for folks who migrate here, like a culture of silence. Speaking about the process of migration or leaving home can really lift up old traumas. I’m really grateful that she was able to to open up to me in a way that was really honest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11833421\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11833421 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-1536x1536.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44394_Ellie-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Walter’s mom, Eleuteria Hernandez, is featured in one of the podcast episodes. Artwork by Théo Lambert \u003ccite>(Artwork by Théo Lambert.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My mom’s relationship to me was really interesting because she had me when she was about 21. She was a junior at UCLA. I really felt like both of us sort of grew up at the same time. She was a mom. She was a sister. She was a friend. She was a mentor. She was a father. She was so many different things to me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was really important to remember how I started writing, what inspired me. The books that I read were essentially her books. For a young boy to see that and to experience her grad school life at such a young age, it normalized that experience for me. It really let me know that women of color and people of color can be in grad school and can get Ph.D.s.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On the “Compton Cowboys” Episode, and Exploring the History of L.A.’s Black Cowboys\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.comptoncowboys.com/\">Compton Cowboys\u003c/a> are a group of 10 childhood friends who ride horses in a horse ranch in Compton called the Richland Farms. They have a really special story. I grew up about five minutes away from Compton. But I didn’t grow up with the images of Black men and women on horses until I saw them riding around in Compton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11833376\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11833376 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/untitled-223-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anthony, one of the riders from the Richland Farms, showing his horse to young students in Compton. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Walter Thompson-Hernández)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I think on the surface, we see Black men and women on horses and we imagine that they ride horses for love and for practice and very competitive reasons. Those are all true. There’s also something deeper. Black men and women in Compton often have to ride horses to stay alive, to not get policed, to not experience discrimination by Compton’s police department. Part of that is really creative and beautiful. But also it’s kind of tragic. Trying to understand that in the context of this larger Black Lives Matter movement is really important for me. It lets me know that over time and space, Black folks have had to find creative ways to survive. And in Compton, Black folks often have to ride horses to do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>On How He Hopes “California Love” Will Resonate for People Outside L.A.\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I’m really hoping that a show like “California Love” can unpack a lot of the stereotypes and tropes about a city like L.A. — palm trees and Hollywood and the beaches. All those sorts of areas exist. But there [are] so many layers. And my version of L.A. is mostly people of color. And it’s folks who have immigrated to this country. It’s Black folks who have been in L.A. for four to three generations now, who have also been displaced. This show for me was really a love letter to both my friends and family who have chose to stay in L.A. despite gentrification, despite the increase in housing costs. It was also for a lot of my friends or family who have been forced out of L.A., forced out of their homes and communities. There is a lot of nostalgia in this show and there’s also a lot of grief and sadness — and joy. I’m hoping that people can experience all of that in a way that’s both hyper-specific to L.A., but also universal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong> On What He Loves Most About L.A.\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To me, L.A. is this crash site for so many different worlds and experiences and languages and cultures. If you grew up in L.A., you’ve essentially grown up in it in a really global city. So to me, living and understanding L.A. is really a way of understanding the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot of hope for folks in my generation. A lot of us have lived outside of L.A., [or] traveled a bit. A lot of us are bent on coming back home and preserving the community experience that we all had growing up. I’m hoping this show can inspire us to keep on doing that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>To hear more about “California Love” tune in for an Instagram live on Thursday, Aug. 20 at 3:30 p.m. with Walter Thompson-Hernández and Tonya Mosely, host of the KQED podcast “Truth Be Told.” Check out the event page \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/events/116679659001\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has ordered a privately run immigrant detention center in Bakersfield to stop transferring people to the facility and to provide weekly COVID-19 tests to those inside. Now more than a dozen people detained at the Mesa Verde facility have COVID-19. Meanwhile, calls to get people out of immigration detention centers are overlapping with calls to abolish prisons amid a nationwide movement for racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Guest\u003c/strong>: \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FaridaJhabvala\">Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/a>, KQED immigration reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than a month after he was granted relief from deportation by an immigration judge, a 22-year-old Salvadoran man remains locked up at a privately run detention facility in Bakersfield, where he’s now diagnosed with COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Orellana, who was diagnosed with schizophrenia and other psychological disorders, proved he would likely suffer persecution or torture because of his mental illness if returned to El Salvador, said Orellana’s attorney, Ambar Tovar, with the United Farm Workers Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a June 25 order, Judge Ila C. Deiss at the immigration court in San Francisco authorized a “withholding of removal” for Orellana, who grew up in Los Angeles, so that he can remain in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigration authorities appealed Deiss’ ruling and kept Orellana detained at the Mesa Verde Immigration and Customs Enforcement Processing Center, where he contracted the coronavirus in July and reportedly became ill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Tuesday, at least 10 detainees at the facility who were diagnosed with COVID-19 are being monitored, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a> (ICE).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lawyers for people held at Mesa Verde say four more men have tested positive, raising the tally of detainees who are infected to 14. ICE and the GEO Group, the company that owns and operates the detention center, did not confirm whether the outbreak had grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832472/people-are-terrified-sf-judge-orders-covid-19-testing-at-ice-facility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ordered\u003c/a> ICE and GEO to administer weekly coronavirus tests to all detainees at the facility and to segregate those who are diagnosed. Chhabria also directed immigration officials to stop admitting new detainees to the Mesa Verde facility for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘I’m Afraid for My Life’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Orellana, who has lived in the U.S. since age 2, has felt COVID-19 symptoms for which the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends seeking immediate emergency medical care, including persistent chest pain and trouble breathing, said his attorney Tovar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tovar said ICE officials maintain Orellana is “OK” and getting treatment, including Tylenol and an inhaler. But over the weekend, Orellana collapsed on the floor of his dorm and has continued to complain of shortness of breath, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I asked him if he was OK and he just said, ‘I am having trouble breathing. I can’t breathe. I’m afraid for my life,’ ” said Tovar, who speaks regularly with Orellana by phone. “That desperation coming from him led me to call 911 to make sure that he was getting the help that he needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after paramedics arrived at Mesa Verde on Sunday afternoon, officials at the detention facility turned them away before they could check on Orellana and another detainee who felt very ill, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with the GEO Group said Orellana and the other resident have received consistent medical attention, including having their temperature and vital signs checked, and have exhibited “no signs of distress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We find it appalling that legal professionals would exhibit such inappropriate use of emergency service personnel,” said the GEO spokesman. “We take the health and safety of those in our care with the utmost seriousness and will continue to work with the federal government and local health officials to ensure their health and safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE declined to comment on Orellana’s condition due to pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Reluctance to Test\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In April, immigrants held at Mesa Verde and another detention facility north of Sacramento \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11813475/sf-public-defender-sues-for-release-of-ice-detainees-to-reduce-crowding\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sued\u003c/a> to force ICE to release detainees on bond or parole to allow for social distancing and other preventive actions at the jail-like facilities during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chhabria, who is ruling on that case, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832472/people-are-terrified-sf-judge-orders-covid-19-testing-at-ice-facility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scolded\u003c/a> ICE officials last week for avoiding widespread testing at the facility. Chhabria said emails between ICE and GEO in May — unearthed during litigation — showed immigration officials were afraid “positive test results would require them to implement safety measures they apparently felt were not worth the trouble.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency reports that nearly 4,500 detainees nationwide have been confirmed with COVID-19, including more than 1,000 who are currently in isolation or under monitoring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of its response to the pandemic, ICE has tested about 22,500 detainees and released more than 900 people from facilities, including Mesa Verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Monday, ICE officials denied a request to let Orellana out on humanitarian parole while his immigration case is pending, said Tovar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the agency has refused to release Orellana because of his criminal record. He served four months in state prison for threatening to harm a passerby in Los Angeles, said Tovar, adding that the offense was due to his untreated mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"ice-detention\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Orellana was being released from state prison in October 2019, ICE detained him and began deportation proceedings, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the immigration judge ruled Orellana could remain in the U.S., the federal government appealed the decision, saying he hadn’t provided enough evidence he would be seriously harmed on account of his mental illness if deported to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orellana could wait in detention another four to six months while the Board of Immigration Appeals decides his case, said Tovar, unless Judge Chhabria approves a petition to let him out so he can recover with his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On top of having COVID, he suffers from suicidal ideations,” said Tovar. “It’s a concern that his COVID is making him so anxious and aggravating his mental health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since March, several detainees at the detention center have gone on four hunger strikes to pressure GEO to improve conditions at the facility, which they say places them at risk of serious illness and even death from COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who are sick have to wait days to see a doctor in unsanitary housing and receive insufficient medical care, said the detainees in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/MV-COVID-19-Outbreak-Statement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statement\u003c/a> distributed last week by advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dozens of people in our dorms are showing symptoms of COVID-19, and are desperate for care,” they said. “We remain at the mercy of a for-profit corporation who cares only about its profits and not our safety or well-being.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lawyers for people held at Mesa Verde say four more men have tested positive, raising the tally of detainees who are infected to 14. ICE and the GEO Group, the company that owns and operates the detention center, did not confirm whether the outbreak had grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832472/people-are-terrified-sf-judge-orders-covid-19-testing-at-ice-facility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ordered\u003c/a> ICE and GEO to administer weekly coronavirus tests to all detainees at the facility and to segregate those who are diagnosed. Chhabria also directed immigration officials to stop admitting new detainees to the Mesa Verde facility for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘I’m Afraid for My Life’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Orellana, who has lived in the U.S. since age 2, has felt COVID-19 symptoms for which the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends seeking immediate emergency medical care, including persistent chest pain and trouble breathing, said his attorney Tovar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tovar said ICE officials maintain Orellana is “OK” and getting treatment, including Tylenol and an inhaler. But over the weekend, Orellana collapsed on the floor of his dorm and has continued to complain of shortness of breath, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I asked him if he was OK and he just said, ‘I am having trouble breathing. I can’t breathe. I’m afraid for my life,’ ” said Tovar, who speaks regularly with Orellana by phone. “That desperation coming from him led me to call 911 to make sure that he was getting the help that he needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after paramedics arrived at Mesa Verde on Sunday afternoon, officials at the detention facility turned them away before they could check on Orellana and another detainee who felt very ill, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with the GEO Group said Orellana and the other resident have received consistent medical attention, including having their temperature and vital signs checked, and have exhibited “no signs of distress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We find it appalling that legal professionals would exhibit such inappropriate use of emergency service personnel,” said the GEO spokesman. “We take the health and safety of those in our care with the utmost seriousness and will continue to work with the federal government and local health officials to ensure their health and safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE declined to comment on Orellana’s condition due to pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Reluctance to Test\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In April, immigrants held at Mesa Verde and another detention facility north of Sacramento \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11813475/sf-public-defender-sues-for-release-of-ice-detainees-to-reduce-crowding\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sued\u003c/a> to force ICE to release detainees on bond or parole to allow for social distancing and other preventive actions at the jail-like facilities during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chhabria, who is ruling on that case, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832472/people-are-terrified-sf-judge-orders-covid-19-testing-at-ice-facility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scolded\u003c/a> ICE officials last week for avoiding widespread testing at the facility. Chhabria said emails between ICE and GEO in May — unearthed during litigation — showed immigration officials were afraid “positive test results would require them to implement safety measures they apparently felt were not worth the trouble.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency reports that nearly 4,500 detainees nationwide have been confirmed with COVID-19, including more than 1,000 who are currently in isolation or under monitoring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of its response to the pandemic, ICE has tested about 22,500 detainees and released more than 900 people from facilities, including Mesa Verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Monday, ICE officials denied a request to let Orellana out on humanitarian parole while his immigration case is pending, said Tovar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the agency has refused to release Orellana because of his criminal record. He served four months in state prison for threatening to harm a passerby in Los Angeles, said Tovar, adding that the offense was due to his untreated mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Orellana was being released from state prison in October 2019, ICE detained him and began deportation proceedings, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the immigration judge ruled Orellana could remain in the U.S., the federal government appealed the decision, saying he hadn’t provided enough evidence he would be seriously harmed on account of his mental illness if deported to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orellana could wait in detention another four to six months while the Board of Immigration Appeals decides his case, said Tovar, unless Judge Chhabria approves a petition to let him out so he can recover with his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On top of having COVID, he suffers from suicidal ideations,” said Tovar. “It’s a concern that his COVID is making him so anxious and aggravating his mental health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since March, several detainees at the detention center have gone on four hunger strikes to pressure GEO to improve conditions at the facility, which they say places them at risk of serious illness and even death from COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who are sick have to wait days to see a doctor in unsanitary housing and receive insufficient medical care, said the detainees in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/MV-COVID-19-Outbreak-Statement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statement\u003c/a> distributed last week by advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dozens of people in our dorms are showing symptoms of COVID-19, and are desperate for care,” they said. “We remain at the mercy of a for-profit corporation who cares only about its profits and not our safety or well-being.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
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"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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