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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Refugee advocates applauded the move after more than 177 organizations signed a letter sent to the administration requesting the relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the federal program, Ukrainians can remain in the country for up to 18 months. In order to be eligible, individuals would have to have been in the U.S. by last Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citizens from a dozen countries are already in the United States under the TPS program, which is designated for people fleeing ongoing armed conflict, environmental disasters or extraordinary and temporary conditions. The countries include Somalia, Yemen, Syria, Haiti and Venezuela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 75,100 Ukrainians are expected to be eligible, according to the latest estimates from the Department of Homeland Security. They include about 4,000 people with pending asylum claims and many others who entered the U.S. legally as tourists, business visitors or students on visas that have expired or are about to expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PJ Moore, executive director of World Relief’s office in Memphis, Tennessee, said the organization has helped about 18,000 Ukrainians settle in the U.S. in the past 18 years, with most of them residing in California and Washington state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the country, in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Ukrainian national Nika Rudenko says she’ll consider seeking TPS if she decides to take leave from college and can’t meet the requirements of her student visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rudenko, a 20-year-old Harvard University sophomore, says she stopped attending classes after the invasion started last week because she’s worried about her family, who remain in hiding in the Ukrainian capital of Kyiv. Rudenko said she’s also trying to raise awareness on campus about the situation.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“My mental state is not very stable and it’s just very difficult to keep up with work and at the same time to try to do something for my country,” Rudenko said. “It feels very weird to understand that everyone else’s lives just carry on, but my life has completely changed. People just cannot feel what you’re going through, and it hurts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Rudenko’s pain could be eased a bit by gaining protected status, it appears Volodymyr Bobko’s mother-in-law is not as fortunate. Bobko, 31, said he and his wife had talked about the potential for seeking TPS for his wife’s mother, who arrived Thursday from Ukraine via Poland — two days after the Tuesday cutoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bobko, a resident of Boxborough, Massachusetts, came from Ukraine in 2016 and is a green card holder. He says his wife’s mother has a tourist visa and had booked a flight months ago to help with the birth of the couple’s second child later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bobko says asking his mother-in-law to stay longer than planned would likely be a tall order, in any case. Her husband and other family members are still in western Ukraine, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She wants to get back, maybe in a couple of months, but we don’t know yet what the situation is going to be in a couple of months,” Bobko said. “Right now, she’s still thinking she’s still going to live in Ukraine because it’s a beautiful country and she has a lot of friends and families over there.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dozens of immigrant and worker rights advocates rallied in Sacramento on Thursday for the creation of a temporary wage replacement program for California's undocumented immigrants who become unemployed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People without work permits are excluded from unemployment insurance benefits, even though they comprise a significant portion of the state’s labor force in key industries such as agriculture and construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As businesses closed during the pandemic, undocumented immigrants who lost their jobs were often left with no income to pay for rent and other basic needs. But they were ineligible for most federal public benefit programs and COVID-19 relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Maria Venegas, indigenous Maya immigrant from Mexico\"]'I came to support this bill not just for me but for our community ... so we don’t go through the same crisis again of losing our jobs without having access to any unemployment benefits'[/pullquote]A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2847\">new California bill\u003c/a> by Assemblymember Eduardo Garcia (D-Coachella) would create the first-ever pilot program to offer $300 per week for up to 20 weeks to workers who are ineligible for unemployment insurance benefits because they are undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's time for California to take the lead on this issue, upholding California's values and taking care of all Californians – not just some, but all Californians,” said Garcia, who represents a largely Latino district in eastern Riverside and Imperial counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Excluded Workers Pilot Program will rightfully provide unemployment benefits to workers who have earned them, but are ineligible due to their documentation status,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, AB 2847, would task the California Labor and Workforce Development Agency with administering the income assistance, which would be offered next year at a cost of $690 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would also require the agency to recommend plans to establish a permanent unemployment insurance benefit program for undocumented Californians by Aug. 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, people without lawful immigration status contribute an estimated $3 billion per year in local and state taxes, according to the nonprofit Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11907211\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11907211\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/WorkersRallyBabyWithSign.jpg\" alt=\"baby in stroller with pacifier in her mouth holds sign\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1655\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/WorkersRallyBabyWithSign.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/WorkersRallyBabyWithSign-800x690.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/WorkersRallyBabyWithSign-1020x879.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/WorkersRallyBabyWithSign-160x138.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/WorkersRallyBabyWithSign-1536x1324.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ayla Arroyo, 1, from Orange County holds a sign in Spanish that reads 'Safety Net for All Coalition,' at a rally at the state Capitol on March 3, 2022. A coalition of more than 100 California organizations is calling for unemployment benefits for undocumented workers. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sumeet Bal, California Immigrant Policy Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maria Venegas, one of the speakers at the Sacramento rally, said she lost her job at a restaurant in San Francisco early in the pandemic and remained unemployed for several months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venegas remembers having to explain to her two sons, ages 10 and 15, that they had run out of money to pay rent. The family relied on food banks to survive and was ultimately evicted, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I sacrificed so much to be able to support my children,” said Venegas, an indigenous Maya immigrant from Mexico. “I came to support this bill not just for me but for our community ... so we don’t go through the same crisis again of losing our jobs without having access to any unemployment benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11906868]More than 5.2 million Californians were either undocumented or lived in a household with an undocumented person in 2018, according to census data analyzed by researchers at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2847\">new California bill\u003c/a> by Assemblymember Eduardo Garcia (D-Coachella) would create the first-ever pilot program to offer $300 per week for up to 20 weeks to workers who are ineligible for unemployment insurance benefits because they are undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's time for California to take the lead on this issue, upholding California's values and taking care of all Californians – not just some, but all Californians,” said Garcia, who represents a largely Latino district in eastern Riverside and Imperial counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Excluded Workers Pilot Program will rightfully provide unemployment benefits to workers who have earned them, but are ineligible due to their documentation status,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, AB 2847, would task the California Labor and Workforce Development Agency with administering the income assistance, which would be offered next year at a cost of $690 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would also require the agency to recommend plans to establish a permanent unemployment insurance benefit program for undocumented Californians by Aug. 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, people without lawful immigration status contribute an estimated $3 billion per year in local and state taxes, according to the nonprofit Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11907211\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11907211\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/WorkersRallyBabyWithSign.jpg\" alt=\"baby in stroller with pacifier in her mouth holds sign\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1655\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/WorkersRallyBabyWithSign.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/WorkersRallyBabyWithSign-800x690.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/WorkersRallyBabyWithSign-1020x879.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/WorkersRallyBabyWithSign-160x138.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/WorkersRallyBabyWithSign-1536x1324.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ayla Arroyo, 1, from Orange County holds a sign in Spanish that reads 'Safety Net for All Coalition,' at a rally at the state Capitol on March 3, 2022. A coalition of more than 100 California organizations is calling for unemployment benefits for undocumented workers. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sumeet Bal, California Immigrant Policy Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maria Venegas, one of the speakers at the Sacramento rally, said she lost her job at a restaurant in San Francisco early in the pandemic and remained unemployed for several months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venegas remembers having to explain to her two sons, ages 10 and 15, that they had run out of money to pay rent. The family relied on food banks to survive and was ultimately evicted, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I sacrificed so much to be able to support my children,” said Venegas, an indigenous Maya immigrant from Mexico. “I came to support this bill not just for me but for our community ... so we don’t go through the same crisis again of losing our jobs without having access to any unemployment benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Days before the final 2020 presidential debate between candidate Joe Biden and then-President Donald Trump, news broke that hundreds of migrant children remained separated from their parents, more than two years after the Trump administration’s “zero tolerance” policy was halted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the debate in Nashville, Biden expressed his outrage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their kids were ripped from their arms and separated,” he said. “It’s criminal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/family-separations-biden-trump-honduras/2021/01/31/f6b815cc-6198-11eb-9430-e7c77b5b0297_story.html\">separated more than 5,500 children from their parents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reunifying the families — and undoing the harm of the separations — became a key part of Biden’s immigration platform. He ran an ad on it, just days before voters went to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PevJComISV0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So it was a surprise in December of 2021 when the administration dropped out of negotiations with the American Civil Liberties Union to compensate families for the harm they suffered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though administration officials have not explained their decision, and the Justice Department declined to comment for this story, some advocates believe money and politics are to blame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And with the breakdown of the talks, the Biden administration now faces a series of individual lawsuits as many of the affected families pursue compensation through the federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone has gone back to court and those lawsuits are spread out throughout the country,” said Lee Gelernt, deputy director of the ACLU’s Immigrants’ Rights Project. “I think they were on the right track to try and settle these globally. And unfortunately, politics got in the way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Supposedly leaked compensation amount spawns backlash\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly four years ago, the ACLU sued the federal government on behalf of newly arrived immigrant parents whose children had been taken from them by the Trump administration. This class action lawsuit, Ms. L v. ICE, led to the reunification of thousands of separated families, but the process has dragged on for years. The Trump administration was compelled by a court injunction to assist, but much of the work of locating the parents and children has been done by a team led by the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Biden was elected, it seemed like the government and the ACLU would finally be aligned in aiding the families. Shortly after taking office, the president signed an executive order establishing the Family Reunification Task Force. And a few months later, the ACLU and the government announced they’d be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11864249/family-separations-lawsuit-u-s-and-aclu-start-settlement-talks\">pursuing a settlement\u003c/a> in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11864249,news_11858627,news_11888754' label='The Effort to Reunify Families']Then, according to advocates, a leaked number from the confidential negotiations caused the talks to break down: $450,000. In late October 2021, The Wall Street Journal reported that the Biden administration was considering paying each person harmed by family separation something close to that amount in monetary damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to ACLU attorney Gelernt, while they were discussing compensation for families, the actual dollar amount wasn’t firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was no offer on the table,” said Gelernt, who’s one of the attorneys on the Ms. L case. “There was no specific amount on the table. And we were prepared to continue negotiating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was too late. Once that number was out in the world, the backlash was swift. Online, and on right-wing media channels, politicians and pundits blasted the plan, calling government payouts to unauthorized immigrants “outrageous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in December 2021, the administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/12/16/1065044185/justice-department-breaks-off-talks-on-compensation-for-separated-families\">backed out\u003c/a> of talks to compensate families altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You’re harmed, you sue’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the heart of the negotiations was an attempt to settle a series of lawsuits filed under the Federal Tort Claims Act by families who were separated. The FTCA \u003ca href=\"https://www.house.gov/doing-business-with-the-house/leases/federal-tort-claims-act\">allows individuals to sue the federal government\u003c/a> if they were harmed by government representatives acting in their official capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the collapse of the talks, attorneys say those families will now take their individual cases to federal judges across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They add that the cases of families who were separated by border agents clearly meet the FTCA standard. A paper, published last year in the journal Pediatrics, found that the U.S. treatment of migrant children was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843880/us-treatment-of-migrant-children-falls-under-un-definition-of-torture-doctors-say\">consistent with the United Nations’ definition of torture\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Carol Anne Donohoe, managing attorney, Family Reunification Project at Al Otro Lado']‘They have every right to file a claim like you or I would … You know, you’re harmed, you sue. That’s the American way.’[/pullquote]“The personal injury … in some cases it was physical harm, it’s emotional distress because we ripped their children from them,” said Carol Anne Donohoe, managing attorney for the Family Reunification Project at Al Otro Lado, a California-based immigrant rights organization. “There’s nothing that will ever make that OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether or not money can undo the harm caused by the separations, Donohoe says, the families are entitled to pursue the legal remedy available under the U.S. justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have every right to file a claim like you or I would,” she said. “You know, you’re harmed, you sue. That’s the American way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, Donohoe points out that the migrant parents who have been reunited with their kids in the U.S. may have a real need for those funds right now. Many are pursuing asylum claims, which can take years to resolve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families that come here, they’re allowed to apply for a work permit — which they get within maybe two months — but if they need housing, if they need food … if they have any medical issues, there is nothing in place for these families,” Donohoe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Three people, one room\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of these families is headed by a widow named Sandra, who came to the U.S. with her two children — then 10 and 11 years old — in 2017. She said she fled Guatemala because she didn’t trust the police to protect her from a violent neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra presented herself at a port of entry in Arizona, seeking asylum. After she and her children spent three days in immigration custody, Sandra said officials told her the facility could not support her children, and they would be taken away from her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]Sandra remained in immigration detention for three months before being deported without her children and didn’t see them for three years until she was allowed to return last year. She’s filed a tort claim against the federal government for the trauma caused by the separation. Sandra didn’t want to use her last name out of fear that talking to the press might harm her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra and her kids — now 14 and 15 — are currently sharing a room in her brother-in-law’s house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the place where we’re living, we just have one little room for the three of us, me and my kids,” she said, speaking through a translator. “Sometimes it’s really hard to sleep because we’re all in this one little room.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra said she’s having a hard time supporting her family. She’s been looking for work but most jobs she’s found would require her to work swing shifts, and that would prevent her from spending time with her kids. Without a steady job, she cannot afford a car or an apartment of her own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra says her kids often discuss what it’ll be like when they’re in a bigger place. She tells them to take advantage of their education, so when they’re adults they won’t have to struggle to support themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tell them, ‘Study, my children, because you’re not meant to work the way I’m working. Just look at how I come home — exhausted,'” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she’s juggling looking for work and reconnecting with her kids, Sandra is also preparing, with the help of attorneys, to go before a judge with her tort claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The politics of it all\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>With the negotiated settlement off the table and the individual tort claims like Sandra’s moving forward, the Biden Justice Department could soon find itself having to defend the Trump administration’s family separation policy in court. And if the government loses, it could end up paying monetary damages — potentially greater than $450,000 — to the separated families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has led some advocates to conclude that politics — not fiscal pragmatism — may have motivated the administration to abandon the settlement talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donohoe says she believes Biden was concerned about the potential political damage from providing payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And now he doesn’t apparently care as much about the political damage of what it’s going to look like for his DOJ [to be] defending the same policy in court,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley political scientist Lisa García Bedolla says it’s possible that White House officials are trying to control the narrative ahead of this year’s midterm Congressional elections, where the president’s party traditionally suffers losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the White House in a midterm wants is they want the conversation to be one where they think that they can be portrayed in a positive light,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Lee Gelernt, attorney, ACLU']‘I think the Biden administration is wrong to think the politics will be against them for doing what’s right here. But regardless, they need to do what’s right.’[/pullquote]With that in mind, Bedolla said, the administration may find it easier to deal with one tort claim at a time, rather than settling them all at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a trickle instead of a flood, right?” she said. “You’re dealing with each individual at a time, based on their individual circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ACLU’s Gelernt disagrees that compensating families will hurt the Democrats politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you recall in 2018, a good chunk of the American public — not just Democrats and liberals [but] conservatives and Republicans — were outraged about the Trump administration taking little babies away from their parents,” he said. “So I think the Biden administration is wrong to think the politics will be against them for doing what’s right here. But regardless, they need to do what’s right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Biden Walked Away From Compensating Separated Migrant Families. But These Parents Aren't Giving Up | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Days before the final 2020 presidential debate between candidate Joe Biden and then-President Donald Trump, news broke that hundreds of migrant children remained separated from their parents, more than two years after the Trump administration’s “zero tolerance” policy was halted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the debate in Nashville, Biden expressed his outrage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their kids were ripped from their arms and separated,” he said. “It’s criminal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/family-separations-biden-trump-honduras/2021/01/31/f6b815cc-6198-11eb-9430-e7c77b5b0297_story.html\">separated more than 5,500 children from their parents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reunifying the families — and undoing the harm of the separations — became a key part of Biden’s immigration platform. He ran an ad on it, just days before voters went to the polls.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/PevJComISV0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/PevJComISV0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>So it was a surprise in December of 2021 when the administration dropped out of negotiations with the American Civil Liberties Union to compensate families for the harm they suffered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though administration officials have not explained their decision, and the Justice Department declined to comment for this story, some advocates believe money and politics are to blame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And with the breakdown of the talks, the Biden administration now faces a series of individual lawsuits as many of the affected families pursue compensation through the federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone has gone back to court and those lawsuits are spread out throughout the country,” said Lee Gelernt, deputy director of the ACLU’s Immigrants’ Rights Project. “I think they were on the right track to try and settle these globally. And unfortunately, politics got in the way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Supposedly leaked compensation amount spawns backlash\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly four years ago, the ACLU sued the federal government on behalf of newly arrived immigrant parents whose children had been taken from them by the Trump administration. This class action lawsuit, Ms. L v. ICE, led to the reunification of thousands of separated families, but the process has dragged on for years. The Trump administration was compelled by a court injunction to assist, but much of the work of locating the parents and children has been done by a team led by the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Biden was elected, it seemed like the government and the ACLU would finally be aligned in aiding the families. Shortly after taking office, the president signed an executive order establishing the Family Reunification Task Force. And a few months later, the ACLU and the government announced they’d be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11864249/family-separations-lawsuit-u-s-and-aclu-start-settlement-talks\">pursuing a settlement\u003c/a> in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Then, according to advocates, a leaked number from the confidential negotiations caused the talks to break down: $450,000. In late October 2021, The Wall Street Journal reported that the Biden administration was considering paying each person harmed by family separation something close to that amount in monetary damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to ACLU attorney Gelernt, while they were discussing compensation for families, the actual dollar amount wasn’t firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was no offer on the table,” said Gelernt, who’s one of the attorneys on the Ms. L case. “There was no specific amount on the table. And we were prepared to continue negotiating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was too late. Once that number was out in the world, the backlash was swift. Online, and on right-wing media channels, politicians and pundits blasted the plan, calling government payouts to unauthorized immigrants “outrageous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in December 2021, the administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/12/16/1065044185/justice-department-breaks-off-talks-on-compensation-for-separated-families\">backed out\u003c/a> of talks to compensate families altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You’re harmed, you sue’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the heart of the negotiations was an attempt to settle a series of lawsuits filed under the Federal Tort Claims Act by families who were separated. The FTCA \u003ca href=\"https://www.house.gov/doing-business-with-the-house/leases/federal-tort-claims-act\">allows individuals to sue the federal government\u003c/a> if they were harmed by government representatives acting in their official capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the collapse of the talks, attorneys say those families will now take their individual cases to federal judges across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They add that the cases of families who were separated by border agents clearly meet the FTCA standard. A paper, published last year in the journal Pediatrics, found that the U.S. treatment of migrant children was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843880/us-treatment-of-migrant-children-falls-under-un-definition-of-torture-doctors-say\">consistent with the United Nations’ definition of torture\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘They have every right to file a claim like you or I would … You know, you’re harmed, you sue. That’s the American way.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The personal injury … in some cases it was physical harm, it’s emotional distress because we ripped their children from them,” said Carol Anne Donohoe, managing attorney for the Family Reunification Project at Al Otro Lado, a California-based immigrant rights organization. “There’s nothing that will ever make that OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether or not money can undo the harm caused by the separations, Donohoe says, the families are entitled to pursue the legal remedy available under the U.S. justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have every right to file a claim like you or I would,” she said. “You know, you’re harmed, you sue. That’s the American way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, Donohoe points out that the migrant parents who have been reunited with their kids in the U.S. may have a real need for those funds right now. Many are pursuing asylum claims, which can take years to resolve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families that come here, they’re allowed to apply for a work permit — which they get within maybe two months — but if they need housing, if they need food … if they have any medical issues, there is nothing in place for these families,” Donohoe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Three people, one room\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of these families is headed by a widow named Sandra, who came to the U.S. with her two children — then 10 and 11 years old — in 2017. She said she fled Guatemala because she didn’t trust the police to protect her from a violent neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra presented herself at a port of entry in Arizona, seeking asylum. After she and her children spent three days in immigration custody, Sandra said officials told her the facility could not support her children, and they would be taken away from her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sandra remained in immigration detention for three months before being deported without her children and didn’t see them for three years until she was allowed to return last year. She’s filed a tort claim against the federal government for the trauma caused by the separation. Sandra didn’t want to use her last name out of fear that talking to the press might harm her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra and her kids — now 14 and 15 — are currently sharing a room in her brother-in-law’s house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the place where we’re living, we just have one little room for the three of us, me and my kids,” she said, speaking through a translator. “Sometimes it’s really hard to sleep because we’re all in this one little room.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra said she’s having a hard time supporting her family. She’s been looking for work but most jobs she’s found would require her to work swing shifts, and that would prevent her from spending time with her kids. Without a steady job, she cannot afford a car or an apartment of her own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra says her kids often discuss what it’ll be like when they’re in a bigger place. She tells them to take advantage of their education, so when they’re adults they won’t have to struggle to support themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tell them, ‘Study, my children, because you’re not meant to work the way I’m working. Just look at how I come home — exhausted,'” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she’s juggling looking for work and reconnecting with her kids, Sandra is also preparing, with the help of attorneys, to go before a judge with her tort claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The politics of it all\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>With the negotiated settlement off the table and the individual tort claims like Sandra’s moving forward, the Biden Justice Department could soon find itself having to defend the Trump administration’s family separation policy in court. And if the government loses, it could end up paying monetary damages — potentially greater than $450,000 — to the separated families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has led some advocates to conclude that politics — not fiscal pragmatism — may have motivated the administration to abandon the settlement talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donohoe says she believes Biden was concerned about the potential political damage from providing payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And now he doesn’t apparently care as much about the political damage of what it’s going to look like for his DOJ [to be] defending the same policy in court,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley political scientist Lisa García Bedolla says it’s possible that White House officials are trying to control the narrative ahead of this year’s midterm Congressional elections, where the president’s party traditionally suffers losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the White House in a midterm wants is they want the conversation to be one where they think that they can be portrayed in a positive light,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>With that in mind, Bedolla said, the administration may find it easier to deal with one tort claim at a time, rather than settling them all at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a trickle instead of a flood, right?” she said. “You’re dealing with each individual at a time, based on their individual circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ACLU’s Gelernt disagrees that compensating families will hurt the Democrats politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you recall in 2018, a good chunk of the American public — not just Democrats and liberals [but] conservatives and Republicans — were outraged about the Trump administration taking little babies away from their parents,” he said. “So I think the Biden administration is wrong to think the politics will be against them for doing what’s right here. But regardless, they need to do what’s right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Immigration Court Bill Would Give Judges Independence, Tackle 1.6 Million Case Backlog",
"headTitle": "Immigration Court Bill Would Give Judges Independence, Tackle 1.6 Million Case Backlog | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>San Jose Rep. Zoe Lofgren is introducing a bill today to transform the nation’s troubled immigration courts and protect them from partisan influence by making them independent of the Department of Justice, which is led by the U.S. attorney general — the nation’s top law enforcement officer and a political appointee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would create a new immigration court system under Article I of the U.S. Constitution, giving it independent status akin to bankruptcy or tax courts. It would include measures to ensure that judges are qualified and impartial, that rulings and court procedures are transparent to the public, and that the court’s budget does not depend on approval by the executive branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot at stake in immigration court, yet the current system is not structured to deliver justice fairly, said Lofgren, a former immigration lawyer and chair of the House Judiciary Committee’s Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could be separated from your family for the rest of your life. In the case of asylum, if a decision is made incorrectly, it quite literally could result in death,” she said. “[Yet] the judges themselves are appointed by the Department of Justice. They’re not at all independent. So it’s not a real court in the way we think of, and the stakes are very, very high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current system, formally known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir\">Executive Office of Immigration Review\u003c/a>, is also plagued by underfunding, an unprecedented backlog of 1.6 million cases, and a lack of protections for the rights of immigrants who appear in court to request asylum or fight deportation, observers say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separating the courts from the political pressure of the president and attorney general — regardless of party — is an important step in bringing legitimacy and fairness to immigration decisions, said \u003ca href=\"https://law.scu.edu/faculty/profile/gulasekaram-pratheepan/\">Pratheepan Gulasekaram\u003c/a>, a professor of constitutional law and immigration law at Santa Clara University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people hear the word ‘court,’ they generally think of a state court where you have district attorneys, defense attorneys, where — everyone knows about Miranda rights — if you cannot afford an attorney, one will be appointed for you,” he said. “What I don’t think people understand is that none of those Bill of Rights protections — that you see in police procedural shows on television — apply in immigration courts. And I think just the fact that you have legislation that highlights how bankrupt this system is … is a great service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://rollcall.com/2022/01/19/congress-mulls-independent-immigration-courts-as-backlog-soars/\">independent court\u003c/a> system has long been sought by the immigration judges union. Under former President Donald Trump, attorneys general stripped the judges of their authority to control their dockets, imposed case completion quotas and took steps to dismantle their union. The administration of President Joe Biden has acted to reverse these moves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The DOJ’s control over the courts has yielded extreme pendulum swings, and our apolitical judges are reeling as they navigate their judicial responsibilities on the one hand and heavy political scrutiny,” said Mimi Tsankov, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.naij-usa.org/\">National Association of Immigration Judges\u003c/a>, at a hearing last month before the House immigration subcommittee. An independent Article I immigration court is “a good government solution,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Bar Association, the Federal Bar Association and the American Immigration Lawyers Association also support an independent immigration court system, and worked with Lofgren’s staff to craft the new bill. It’s the first such legislation in over 20 years, according to a Lofgren aide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11883227']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposal, appellate judges would be appointed to staggered 15-year terms by the president and confirmed by the Senate, and would in turn appoint trial court judges. One third of the appellate judges would be appointed every five years to ensure that no one president could choose an outsized share of them, protecting the court from undue political influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courts would be required to contract with nonprofit organizations to give legal orientations explaining the law and court procedures to everyone appearing in court. Immigrants would have the right to be represented by a lawyer, as they do now, but the bill does not propose providing counsel at government expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If enacted, the bill could help reduce the historic backlog in the courts by giving judges greater power to set aside cases where an immigrant is waiting for the government to process a green card or another legal way to remain in the country. But Lofgren acknowledged it would not eliminate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security would still control how many cases it chooses to prosecute. However, last May, Biden administration officials restored the discretion that Immigration and Customs Enforcement prosecutors had during the Obama years to focus on deporting recently arrived unauthorized immigrants and those who pose a threat to national security or public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another measure that could affect court backlogs is a not-yet-final rule the Biden administration has proposed that would shift most asylum claims out of the immigration court system and decide them at the DHS asylum office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren admitted that it could be an uphill battle to pass the bill in a polarized Congress. She said legal organizations had identified a number of Republicans who were open to the bill but unwilling to commit to be co-sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I finally thought, I’m just going to introduce it myself, get it out there, and then people can see what it is and get comfortable with it,” she said. \u003cb>“\u003c/b>It’s quite possible it won’t happen in this Congress. It may take more than one Congress, but it’s important to get the idea out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overhauling the courts is not a particularly partisan issue, said Gulasekaram, and pitching a stand-alone bill could potentially get more bipartisan support than if it were attached to a larger immigration reform effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>It might be the case that lots of people from different parts of our political spectrum are interested in lowering the backlog in immigration courts and making adjudications more fair,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at last month’s hearing, Republicans on the immigration subcommittee were dismissive of an independent court system. Instead, they sought to focus attention on the U.S.-Mexico border, where asylum seekers from Central America and elsewhere have arrived in large numbers, and use that to attack Biden and Democrats for what they called “open border” policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lofgren said she’s determined to get the issue into the public eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You never know when immigration issues touch your community or your family,” she said. “We should all be for the rule of law, and that’s what this is about. And I hope that it prevails.\u003ci>”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Jose Rep. Zoe Lofgren is introducing a bill today to transform the nation’s troubled immigration courts and protect them from partisan influence by making them independent of the Department of Justice, which is led by the U.S. attorney general — the nation’s top law enforcement officer and a political appointee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would create a new immigration court system under Article I of the U.S. Constitution, giving it independent status akin to bankruptcy or tax courts. It would include measures to ensure that judges are qualified and impartial, that rulings and court procedures are transparent to the public, and that the court’s budget does not depend on approval by the executive branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot at stake in immigration court, yet the current system is not structured to deliver justice fairly, said Lofgren, a former immigration lawyer and chair of the House Judiciary Committee’s Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could be separated from your family for the rest of your life. In the case of asylum, if a decision is made incorrectly, it quite literally could result in death,” she said. “[Yet] the judges themselves are appointed by the Department of Justice. They’re not at all independent. So it’s not a real court in the way we think of, and the stakes are very, very high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current system, formally known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir\">Executive Office of Immigration Review\u003c/a>, is also plagued by underfunding, an unprecedented backlog of 1.6 million cases, and a lack of protections for the rights of immigrants who appear in court to request asylum or fight deportation, observers say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separating the courts from the political pressure of the president and attorney general — regardless of party — is an important step in bringing legitimacy and fairness to immigration decisions, said \u003ca href=\"https://law.scu.edu/faculty/profile/gulasekaram-pratheepan/\">Pratheepan Gulasekaram\u003c/a>, a professor of constitutional law and immigration law at Santa Clara University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people hear the word ‘court,’ they generally think of a state court where you have district attorneys, defense attorneys, where — everyone knows about Miranda rights — if you cannot afford an attorney, one will be appointed for you,” he said. “What I don’t think people understand is that none of those Bill of Rights protections — that you see in police procedural shows on television — apply in immigration courts. And I think just the fact that you have legislation that highlights how bankrupt this system is … is a great service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://rollcall.com/2022/01/19/congress-mulls-independent-immigration-courts-as-backlog-soars/\">independent court\u003c/a> system has long been sought by the immigration judges union. Under former President Donald Trump, attorneys general stripped the judges of their authority to control their dockets, imposed case completion quotas and took steps to dismantle their union. The administration of President Joe Biden has acted to reverse these moves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The DOJ’s control over the courts has yielded extreme pendulum swings, and our apolitical judges are reeling as they navigate their judicial responsibilities on the one hand and heavy political scrutiny,” said Mimi Tsankov, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.naij-usa.org/\">National Association of Immigration Judges\u003c/a>, at a hearing last month before the House immigration subcommittee. An independent Article I immigration court is “a good government solution,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Bar Association, the Federal Bar Association and the American Immigration Lawyers Association also support an independent immigration court system, and worked with Lofgren’s staff to craft the new bill. It’s the first such legislation in over 20 years, according to a Lofgren aide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposal, appellate judges would be appointed to staggered 15-year terms by the president and confirmed by the Senate, and would in turn appoint trial court judges. One third of the appellate judges would be appointed every five years to ensure that no one president could choose an outsized share of them, protecting the court from undue political influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courts would be required to contract with nonprofit organizations to give legal orientations explaining the law and court procedures to everyone appearing in court. Immigrants would have the right to be represented by a lawyer, as they do now, but the bill does not propose providing counsel at government expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If enacted, the bill could help reduce the historic backlog in the courts by giving judges greater power to set aside cases where an immigrant is waiting for the government to process a green card or another legal way to remain in the country. But Lofgren acknowledged it would not eliminate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security would still control how many cases it chooses to prosecute. However, last May, Biden administration officials restored the discretion that Immigration and Customs Enforcement prosecutors had during the Obama years to focus on deporting recently arrived unauthorized immigrants and those who pose a threat to national security or public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another measure that could affect court backlogs is a not-yet-final rule the Biden administration has proposed that would shift most asylum claims out of the immigration court system and decide them at the DHS asylum office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren admitted that it could be an uphill battle to pass the bill in a polarized Congress. She said legal organizations had identified a number of Republicans who were open to the bill but unwilling to commit to be co-sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I finally thought, I’m just going to introduce it myself, get it out there, and then people can see what it is and get comfortable with it,” she said. \u003cb>“\u003c/b>It’s quite possible it won’t happen in this Congress. It may take more than one Congress, but it’s important to get the idea out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overhauling the courts is not a particularly partisan issue, said Gulasekaram, and pitching a stand-alone bill could potentially get more bipartisan support than if it were attached to a larger immigration reform effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>It might be the case that lots of people from different parts of our political spectrum are interested in lowering the backlog in immigration courts and making adjudications more fair,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at last month’s hearing, Republicans on the immigration subcommittee were dismissive of an independent court system. Instead, they sought to focus attention on the U.S.-Mexico border, where asylum seekers from Central America and elsewhere have arrived in large numbers, and use that to attack Biden and Democrats for what they called “open border” policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lofgren said she’s determined to get the issue into the public eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>U.S. immigration courts are plagued with an epic backlog of \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/675/\">1.6 million cases\u003c/a> and a lack of judicial independence, while also failing to guarantee legal counsel to immigrants at risk of deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those were some of the issues at stake in \u003ca href=\"https://judiciary.house.gov/calendar/eventsingle.aspx?EventID=4823\">a congressional hearing\u003c/a> Thursday, chaired by San Jose Democratic Rep. Zoe Lofgren, on the future of America’s beleaguered immigration court system.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Mimi Tsankov, president, National Association of Immigration Judges\"]‘It seems like no matter how hard we work, that backlog we’re facing just keeps growing.’[/pullquote]With testimony from legal experts and the head of the immigration judges’ union, Lofgren built a case for a total overhaul of the system that would remove the courts from the control of the U.S. attorney general — the nation’s top law enforcement officer and a political appointee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren, chair of the House Judiciary Committee’s Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship, called out the administration of former President Donald Trump for stripping immigration judges of their authority to control their dockets and making it harder for immigrants to qualify for asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although those policies have since been reversed by the Biden administration, she said the courts should be protected from partisan influence regardless of who is in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decades of bureaucratic and political meddling by the governing administration have undermined and eroded public trust in the system,” Lofgren said. “We should find new ways to ensure that immigration courts function as other courts do — where judges have the flexibility and resources to conduct full and fair hearings, due process is held in the highest regard, and parties on all sides have faith in the outcomes of the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonpartisan legal organizations with expertise in immigration law have long argued that Congress should create a new immigration court system under Article I of the U.S. Constitution, giving it independent status akin to bankruptcy or tax courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren is preparing to introduce legislation to do just that, in a bill that could be passed by the House this year if Democrats unite behind it. But winning Republican support in the closely divided and deeply polarized Senate would be an uphill battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In making the case for an independent court system, Mimi Tsankov, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.naij-usa.org\">National Association of Immigration Judges\u003c/a>, said at Thursday’s hearing that her members are overwhelmed by their staggering workload, which averages 2,700 cases for each of the nation’s 580 immigration judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems like no matter how hard we work, that backlog we’re facing just keeps growing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem, said Tsankov, largely stems from the court agency, formally known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir\">Executive Office for Immigration Review\u003c/a>, being housed within the Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The DOJ’s control over the courts has yielded extreme pendulum swings, and our apolitical judges are reeling as they navigate their judicial responsibilities on the one hand and heavy political scrutiny,” she said. “We need an independent Article I immigration court. It’s a good government solution. It would legitimize the integrity of immigration court outcomes, and it would support the rule of law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elizabeth Stevens, an immigration expert with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalbar.org\">National Bar Association\u003c/a>, on Thursday proposed a system in which judges would serve renewable 15-year terms. Appellate judges would be appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate, and would in turn appoint trial court judges. Under her proposal, a third of the appellate judges would be appointed every five years to ensure that no one president could appoint an outsized share of them, protecting the court from undue political influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Jerrold Nadler, a New York Democrat who chairs the Judiciary Committee, noted that over the last two years Congress has appropriated hundreds of millions of additional dollars to hire new judges. He asked Karen Grisez, a witness from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/public_interest/immigration/\">American Bar Association\u003c/a>, why that hadn’t solved the backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problems affecting the court are complex, and include years of underfunding and continually shifting political priorities, Grisez responded. “And a big one that I would point out is access to counsel,” she added. “The court system would be more efficient if people had lawyers.”[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]Still uncertain is whether or not a bill to reform the courts would include the right to court-appointed counsel for immigrants who can’t find or afford their own attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans on the committee laid blame for the immigration court backlog on the growing number of migrants seeking asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border. Wisconsin Rep. Tom Tiffany blasted President Biden for what he called “anti-enforcement and open border policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is unfortunate that our United States government now, as a result of the Biden administration’s actions, has become the largest human trafficking operation in the world,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under U.S. and international law, the federal government is required to give an asylum hearing to anyone who demonstrates a credible fear of being persecuted if returned to their home country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrew Arthur, a former immigration judge and current fellow with the \u003ca href=\"https://cis.org\">Center for Immigration Studies\u003c/a>, a group that favors restrictive immigration policies, also blamed the backlog on the increase in asylum seekers, which he called a “crisis at the border.” He said creating an independent Article I court would not solve the issues immigration judges face, including the need for more funding for law clerks and other support staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration is contentious,” he said. “And Congress, with the power of the purse, could easily starve an immigration court whose decisions it does not agree with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Stevens, of the National Bar Association, argued that the country already has successful examples of Article I courts, and such a reform is the surest route to ensuring that immigration courts run efficiently and independently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No simple Band-Aid can fix the current broken system,” she said. “Only through major surgery can the system be restored to full and proper functionality. Let this be the Congress that addresses this problem and solves it.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>U.S. immigration courts are plagued with an epic backlog of \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/675/\">1.6 million cases\u003c/a> and a lack of judicial independence, while also failing to guarantee legal counsel to immigrants at risk of deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those were some of the issues at stake in \u003ca href=\"https://judiciary.house.gov/calendar/eventsingle.aspx?EventID=4823\">a congressional hearing\u003c/a> Thursday, chaired by San Jose Democratic Rep. Zoe Lofgren, on the future of America’s beleaguered immigration court system.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>With testimony from legal experts and the head of the immigration judges’ union, Lofgren built a case for a total overhaul of the system that would remove the courts from the control of the U.S. attorney general — the nation’s top law enforcement officer and a political appointee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren, chair of the House Judiciary Committee’s Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship, called out the administration of former President Donald Trump for stripping immigration judges of their authority to control their dockets and making it harder for immigrants to qualify for asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although those policies have since been reversed by the Biden administration, she said the courts should be protected from partisan influence regardless of who is in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decades of bureaucratic and political meddling by the governing administration have undermined and eroded public trust in the system,” Lofgren said. “We should find new ways to ensure that immigration courts function as other courts do — where judges have the flexibility and resources to conduct full and fair hearings, due process is held in the highest regard, and parties on all sides have faith in the outcomes of the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonpartisan legal organizations with expertise in immigration law have long argued that Congress should create a new immigration court system under Article I of the U.S. Constitution, giving it independent status akin to bankruptcy or tax courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren is preparing to introduce legislation to do just that, in a bill that could be passed by the House this year if Democrats unite behind it. But winning Republican support in the closely divided and deeply polarized Senate would be an uphill battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In making the case for an independent court system, Mimi Tsankov, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.naij-usa.org\">National Association of Immigration Judges\u003c/a>, said at Thursday’s hearing that her members are overwhelmed by their staggering workload, which averages 2,700 cases for each of the nation’s 580 immigration judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems like no matter how hard we work, that backlog we’re facing just keeps growing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem, said Tsankov, largely stems from the court agency, formally known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir\">Executive Office for Immigration Review\u003c/a>, being housed within the Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The DOJ’s control over the courts has yielded extreme pendulum swings, and our apolitical judges are reeling as they navigate their judicial responsibilities on the one hand and heavy political scrutiny,” she said. “We need an independent Article I immigration court. It’s a good government solution. It would legitimize the integrity of immigration court outcomes, and it would support the rule of law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elizabeth Stevens, an immigration expert with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalbar.org\">National Bar Association\u003c/a>, on Thursday proposed a system in which judges would serve renewable 15-year terms. Appellate judges would be appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate, and would in turn appoint trial court judges. Under her proposal, a third of the appellate judges would be appointed every five years to ensure that no one president could appoint an outsized share of them, protecting the court from undue political influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Jerrold Nadler, a New York Democrat who chairs the Judiciary Committee, noted that over the last two years Congress has appropriated hundreds of millions of additional dollars to hire new judges. He asked Karen Grisez, a witness from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/public_interest/immigration/\">American Bar Association\u003c/a>, why that hadn’t solved the backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problems affecting the court are complex, and include years of underfunding and continually shifting political priorities, Grisez responded. “And a big one that I would point out is access to counsel,” she added. “The court system would be more efficient if people had lawyers.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still uncertain is whether or not a bill to reform the courts would include the right to court-appointed counsel for immigrants who can’t find or afford their own attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans on the committee laid blame for the immigration court backlog on the growing number of migrants seeking asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border. Wisconsin Rep. Tom Tiffany blasted President Biden for what he called “anti-enforcement and open border policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is unfortunate that our United States government now, as a result of the Biden administration’s actions, has become the largest human trafficking operation in the world,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under U.S. and international law, the federal government is required to give an asylum hearing to anyone who demonstrates a credible fear of being persecuted if returned to their home country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrew Arthur, a former immigration judge and current fellow with the \u003ca href=\"https://cis.org\">Center for Immigration Studies\u003c/a>, a group that favors restrictive immigration policies, also blamed the backlog on the increase in asylum seekers, which he called a “crisis at the border.” He said creating an independent Article I court would not solve the issues immigration judges face, including the need for more funding for law clerks and other support staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration is contentious,” he said. “And Congress, with the power of the purse, could easily starve an immigration court whose decisions it does not agree with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Stevens, of the National Bar Association, argued that the country already has successful examples of Article I courts, and such a reform is the surest route to ensuring that immigration courts run efficiently and independently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No simple Band-Aid can fix the current broken system,” she said. “Only through major surgery can the system be restored to full and proper functionality. Let this be the Congress that addresses this problem and solves it.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. currently has an immigration court backlog that surpasses 1.5 million cases — and that includes many people who are seeking asylum from violence or persecution in their home countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In northern California, asylum cases are typically heard at an immigration court in San Francisco’s Financial District. That’s where KQED immigration editor Tyche Hendricks met Pablo López, a Nicaraguan man living in Walnut Creek as he awaits his opportunity to make his case before an immigration judge. But a recent attempt by the Biden Administration to speed up asylum claims is putting pressure on people like Pablo to find a lawyer ASAP, to better his chances of winning his claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guest: \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/tychehendricks\">Tyche Hendricks\u003c/a>, KQED immigration editor\u003c/p>\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5165988214&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11900546/i-hope-a-lawyer-will-answer-asylum-seekers-risk-deportation-in-expedited-process\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">‘I Hope a Lawyer Will Answer’: Asylum Seekers Risk Deportation in Expedited Process\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11900535/a-simple-paperwork-error-can-get-asylum-seekers-deported-rosa-diaz-got-lucky-on-a-lunch-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A Simple Paperwork Error Can Get Asylum Seekers Deported. Rosa Díaz Got Lucky on a Lunch Break\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Follow \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/the-bay\">\u003ci>The Bay\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci> to hear more local Bay Area stories like this one. New episodes are released Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a.m. Find The Bay on \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452?mt=2\">\u003ci>Apple Podcasts\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>, \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/4BIKBKIujizLHlIlBNaAqQ\">\u003ci>Spotify\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>, \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/the-bay\">\u003ci>Stitcher\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>, NPR One or via \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/KQED-The-Bay-Flash-Briefing/dp/B07H6YYV23\">\u003ci>Alexa\u003c/i>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. currently has an immigration court backlog that surpasses 1.5 million cases — and that includes many people who are seeking asylum from violence or persecution in their home countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In northern California, asylum cases are typically heard at an immigration court in San Francisco’s Financial District. That’s where KQED immigration editor Tyche Hendricks met Pablo López, a Nicaraguan man living in Walnut Creek as he awaits his opportunity to make his case before an immigration judge. But a recent attempt by the Biden Administration to speed up asylum claims is putting pressure on people like Pablo to find a lawyer ASAP, to better his chances of winning his claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guest: \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/tychehendricks\">Tyche Hendricks\u003c/a>, KQED immigration editor\u003c/p>\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5165988214&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11900546/i-hope-a-lawyer-will-answer-asylum-seekers-risk-deportation-in-expedited-process\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">‘I Hope a Lawyer Will Answer’: Asylum Seekers Risk Deportation in Expedited Process\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11900535/a-simple-paperwork-error-can-get-asylum-seekers-deported-rosa-diaz-got-lucky-on-a-lunch-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A Simple Paperwork Error Can Get Asylum Seekers Deported. Rosa Díaz Got Lucky on a Lunch Break\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Follow \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/the-bay\">\u003ci>The Bay\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci> to hear more local Bay Area stories like this one. New episodes are released Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a.m. Find The Bay on \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452?mt=2\">\u003ci>Apple Podcasts\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>, \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/4BIKBKIujizLHlIlBNaAqQ\">\u003ci>Spotify\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>, \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/the-bay\">\u003ci>Stitcher\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>, NPR One or via \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/KQED-The-Bay-Flash-Briefing/dp/B07H6YYV23\">\u003ci>Alexa\u003c/i>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'Give Us a Chance': Noncitizens in San José Could Potentially Be Allowed to Vote",
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"content": "\u003cp>San José has moved one step closer to giving noncitizens a voice in local elections. The city council voted Tuesday night to direct city officials to \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10392078&GUID=03186749-1D75-44A8-B323-9BC603E838D6\">study the potential impacts of changing the city charter to allow noncitizens the right to vote in municipal elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once staff has completed the review, council members will decide whether to put the question to voters with a ballot measure for either this year’s June primary or November general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s decision invigorated organizers who have been working for years to enfranchise immigrants in San José, regardless of their citizenship status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a place where we live, where we grew up, where our children grew up,” said Esther Meléndez, a 30-year San José resident. She was one of about 200 people who called into the meeting in support of expanding voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is frustrating to not be able to vote for something that is important,” said Meléndez, who is a legal permanent resident in the process of obtaining citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Esther Meléndez, San José resident and organizer\"]‘This is a place where we live, where we grew up, where our children grew up.’[/pullquote]The council’s decision comes at the conclusion of a year-long review of the city charter, led by an independent commission. Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10354189&GUID=F27DF619-F273-4C05-9292-E375FFA42E45\">the commission released its recommendations\u003c/a> — including allowing noncitizens to serve on city boards and holding mayoral elections in the same year as presidential elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission did not address the question of noncitizen voting. However, last week, two members of the council, Magdalena Carrasco and Sylvia Arenas, \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10392078&GUID=03186749-1D75-44A8-B323-9BC603E838D6\">issued a memo recommending that city officials study expanding voting rights to noncitizen immigrants\u003c/a>, including those who lack legal authorization to be in the country. In a matter of days, a coalition of South Bay immigrant advocacy groups mobilized a large campaign to voice support at Tuesday’s meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be a step forward in acknowledging the contributions of our immigrant communities, who provide this country with labor and financial benefits through the taxes they contribute,” said José Servín, director of advocacy and communication with the nonprofit Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network, which has pushed for years for the city to expand voter eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 40% of San José residents were born outside the United States, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/sanjosecitycalifornia\">according to recent U.S. Census figures\u003c/a>. While many have become naturalized citizens, many others have not. The share of foreign-born residents in San José is higher than in San Francisco and on par with New York City. San Francisco has allowed noncitizens to vote in school board elections since 2016. And in December, New York City granted legal immigrants the right to vote in all local elections. In addition, 11 municipalities in Maryland and two in Vermont permit noncitizen voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Major tech companies with headquarters in the city, such as Zoom and Adobe, depend heavily on foreign-born workers in both technology and service jobs. Immigrants also propel many essential services and thousands of small businesses and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/sanjosefood\">power the city’s unique cultural and culinary landmarks\u003c/a>.[aside postID=\"arts_13904835\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/2/2021/10/san-jose-illo_thien-pham-1920x1439.jpg\"]“Thanking our essential workers who are risking their lives … is meaningless if we don’t give them the rights, that I believe they deserve, to enact change in their own lives,” said Councilmember Carrasco during Tuesday’s meeting. She added that there are roughly 157,000 undocumented immigrants living and working in Santa Clara County who currently do not have a viable path to citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lone dissenting vote Tuesday was cast by Councilmember Dev Davis, who is also a candidate for mayor. She argued that voting should be considered a right and responsibility exclusive to citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Noncitizens] have allegiance to another country,” said Davis. “They, hopefully, wherever they come from, have the right to vote in that country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other critics expressed concern that the measure only requires a person to have lived in San José for 30 consecutive days by election time to be eligible to vote — similar to the model adopted by New York City in their voter expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How does someone who’s been there for 30 days even know what’s going on politically?” Shane Patrick Connolly, chair of the Santa Clara County Republican Party, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='More Stories from the South Bay' tag='san-jose']“We have people who have lived in the community a long time who maybe haven’t gone through the citizenship process but here’s an incentive for them to do so, if you get to have a say through a vote,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meléndez, the San José resident who spoke at Tuesday’s meeting, will become a naturalized citizen later this month. She says that she’s very excited about becoming an American citizen but shared her frustration that the process has taken years and that, in that time, she has lacked a voice in local government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Give us a chance,” she said, appealing to those reluctant to support voter expansion. “Give us a chance to share ideas, share what is needed to make sure that San José can be an even greater city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San José has moved one step closer to giving noncitizens a voice in local elections. The city council voted Tuesday night to direct city officials to \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10392078&GUID=03186749-1D75-44A8-B323-9BC603E838D6\">study the potential impacts of changing the city charter to allow noncitizens the right to vote in municipal elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once staff has completed the review, council members will decide whether to put the question to voters with a ballot measure for either this year’s June primary or November general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s decision invigorated organizers who have been working for years to enfranchise immigrants in San José, regardless of their citizenship status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a place where we live, where we grew up, where our children grew up,” said Esther Meléndez, a 30-year San José resident. She was one of about 200 people who called into the meeting in support of expanding voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is frustrating to not be able to vote for something that is important,” said Meléndez, who is a legal permanent resident in the process of obtaining citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This is a place where we live, where we grew up, where our children grew up.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The council’s decision comes at the conclusion of a year-long review of the city charter, led by an independent commission. Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10354189&GUID=F27DF619-F273-4C05-9292-E375FFA42E45\">the commission released its recommendations\u003c/a> — including allowing noncitizens to serve on city boards and holding mayoral elections in the same year as presidential elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission did not address the question of noncitizen voting. However, last week, two members of the council, Magdalena Carrasco and Sylvia Arenas, \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10392078&GUID=03186749-1D75-44A8-B323-9BC603E838D6\">issued a memo recommending that city officials study expanding voting rights to noncitizen immigrants\u003c/a>, including those who lack legal authorization to be in the country. In a matter of days, a coalition of South Bay immigrant advocacy groups mobilized a large campaign to voice support at Tuesday’s meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be a step forward in acknowledging the contributions of our immigrant communities, who provide this country with labor and financial benefits through the taxes they contribute,” said José Servín, director of advocacy and communication with the nonprofit Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network, which has pushed for years for the city to expand voter eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 40% of San José residents were born outside the United States, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/sanjosecitycalifornia\">according to recent U.S. Census figures\u003c/a>. While many have become naturalized citizens, many others have not. The share of foreign-born residents in San José is higher than in San Francisco and on par with New York City. San Francisco has allowed noncitizens to vote in school board elections since 2016. And in December, New York City granted legal immigrants the right to vote in all local elections. In addition, 11 municipalities in Maryland and two in Vermont permit noncitizen voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Major tech companies with headquarters in the city, such as Zoom and Adobe, depend heavily on foreign-born workers in both technology and service jobs. Immigrants also propel many essential services and thousands of small businesses and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/sanjosefood\">power the city’s unique cultural and culinary landmarks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Thanking our essential workers who are risking their lives … is meaningless if we don’t give them the rights, that I believe they deserve, to enact change in their own lives,” said Councilmember Carrasco during Tuesday’s meeting. She added that there are roughly 157,000 undocumented immigrants living and working in Santa Clara County who currently do not have a viable path to citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lone dissenting vote Tuesday was cast by Councilmember Dev Davis, who is also a candidate for mayor. She argued that voting should be considered a right and responsibility exclusive to citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Noncitizens] have allegiance to another country,” said Davis. “They, hopefully, wherever they come from, have the right to vote in that country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other critics expressed concern that the measure only requires a person to have lived in San José for 30 consecutive days by election time to be eligible to vote — similar to the model adopted by New York City in their voter expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How does someone who’s been there for 30 days even know what’s going on politically?” Shane Patrick Connolly, chair of the Santa Clara County Republican Party, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We have people who have lived in the community a long time who maybe haven’t gone through the citizenship process but here’s an incentive for them to do so, if you get to have a say through a vote,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meléndez, the San José resident who spoke at Tuesday’s meeting, will become a naturalized citizen later this month. She says that she’s very excited about becoming an American citizen but shared her frustration that the process has taken years and that, in that time, she has lacked a voice in local government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Give us a chance,” she said, appealing to those reluctant to support voter expansion. “Give us a chance to share ideas, share what is needed to make sure that San José can be an even greater city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democrats on Tuesday took their first step toward abolishing the private health insurance market in the nation’s most populous state and replacing it with a government-run plan that they promised would never deny anyone the care they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the proposal that cleared a legislative committee in the state Assembly is still a long way from becoming law. Assembly Bill 1400, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1400\">which would create a universal health care system called CalCare\u003c/a>, faces strong opposition from powerful business interests who say it would cost too much. And even if it does become law, voters would have to approve a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220ACA11\">major income tax increase\u003c/a> to pay for it — a vote that might not happen until 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Democrats hailed Tuesday’s vote for jump-starting one of their long-stalled policy goals and signaling they won’t back away from a fight even during an election year. In an hours-long hearing, some lawmakers and advocates assailed a health care industry they say has benefited corporate interests at the expense of consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ady Barkan, a 38-year-old father of two, was diagnosed with ALS six years ago and now is mostly paralyzed. He testified at Tuesday’s hearing with the help of a computerized voice that spoke as he typed using technology that followed the movement of his eyes. Barkan said he has battled his private insurance carrier to get treatment he needed, including suing them to get a ventilator that keeps him alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even good health insurance, which I have, does not cover the cost of the care I need to survive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill that advanced on Tuesday would create the universal health care system — CalCare — and set its rules. It cleared the Assembly Health Committee on an 11-3 vote. Republicans voted no, arguing the bill would cost too much and pay doctors and nurses less, potentially worsening a shortage of health care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Ash Kalra, a Democrat from San Jos\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">é\u003c/span> and the author of the CalCare proposal, said Tuesday it could be 2024 before the tax increase proposal to pay for CalCare made it to the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/01/health-care-taxes-california/\">analysis from CalMatters\u003c/a> breaks down the proposed tax increase:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A 2.3% excise tax on businesses after their first $2 million in income\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A 1.25% payroll tax on employers with 50-plus workers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An additional 1% payroll tax on wages for resident employees earning more than $49,900\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A progressive income tax starting at 0.5% for Californians earning more than $149,500, up to 2.5% for people making about $2.5 million annually (with rates being adjusted for inflation)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The California Taxpayers Association, which opposes the plan, estimates it would raise taxes by about $163 billion per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If government-run health care becomes law, millions of Californians will flee the state — either to avoid the $163 billion per year in new taxes or to escape the lengthy waits for care that will become the norm,” Assembly Republican Leader Marie Waldron said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some Democrats who voted for the bill had sharp criticism for the proposal. Assemblymember Autumn Burke, a Democrat from Inglewood, said advancing the bill without a funding source made a mockery of the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill has been sold to my community that it is going to change things now and that it is free. And neither one of those things are true,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups, led by the California Chamber of Commerce, said the government-run health care system would be so expensive that the tax increase still wouldn’t be enough to pay for everything. In 2018, California’s total health care expenditures totaled $399.2 billion, accounting for 13.2% of the state’s gross domestic product, according to an analysis by the Healthy California for All Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Completely abolishing the current system in face of an unrelenting pandemic by annually taxing Californians hundreds of billions of dollars is not the solution,” said Preston Young, a policy advocate for the California Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra, the San Jos\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">é\u003c/span> Democrat and author of the proposal, said he knew opponents would focus on how much the plan would cost. But he said that argument distracts from the fact that Californians are already paying “the highest health tax in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You may refer to it as premiums, deductibles, co-pays, denial of care,” Kalra said, saying none of those costs would exist under a universal health care system. “It’s clear as day they are being fleeced, and far too many understandably feel helpless about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s health care system is paid for by multiple entities: patients, insurance companies, employers and government. But a universal health care system would be paid for by a single entity — the government, or the “single payer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single-payer system has been a staple of California progressive political rhetoric for decades. But it’s not been easy to accomplish in a state where most people pay for private health insurance through their jobs. In 1994, voters overwhelmingly rejected a ballot initiative that would have created a universal health care system. Another attempt passed the state Senate in 2017, but it never got a vote in the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questions about how to pay for a single-payer system have doomed previous plans. In 2011, Vermont enacted the nation’s first universal health care system in the country. But state officials abandoned it three years later because they said they couldn’t afford to pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11901253 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/021_SanFrancisco_NewsomRecallEvent_09142021-1020x680.jpg']Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/02/newsom-single-payer-health-care-dilemma/\">promised to do it when he ran for governor in 2018\u003c/a>, and voters elected him in a landslide. But in his first three years in office, Newsom has focused more on making sure everyone in California has health insurance. He has expanded Medi-Cal, the state’s health care program for lower-income Californians, to cover people 26 years old and younger and 50 years old and older, regardless of their immigration status. On Monday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11901253/flush-with-cash-governor-newsom-wants-to-invest-in-pandemic-response-universal-health-access-fighting-inequality\">Newsom proposed extending Medi-Cal again, this time to all eligible Californians\u003c/a>, regardless of immigration status, older than 26 and younger than 50, at a potential cost of $2.7 billion per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also on Monday, Newsom reiterated his support for a universal health care system, but declined to say whether he supported the plan in the Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/01/california-health-insurance-newsom/\">because he said he had not read it\u003c/a>. Asked if he had “given up” on a universal health care system in California, Newsom pointed to a commission he founded that is examining such a system and how much it would cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said he’s working with President Joe Biden’s administration on the “flexibility” required for California to implement such a system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re governor, you’ve got to be in the ‘how’ business,” Newsom said. “I believe in a single-payer financing model. The ‘how’ at the state level is the question that needs to be answered thoughtfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from Adam Beam of The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democrats on Tuesday took their first step toward abolishing the private health insurance market in the nation’s most populous state and replacing it with a government-run plan that they promised would never deny anyone the care they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the proposal that cleared a legislative committee in the state Assembly is still a long way from becoming law. Assembly Bill 1400, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1400\">which would create a universal health care system called CalCare\u003c/a>, faces strong opposition from powerful business interests who say it would cost too much. And even if it does become law, voters would have to approve a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220ACA11\">major income tax increase\u003c/a> to pay for it — a vote that might not happen until 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Democrats hailed Tuesday’s vote for jump-starting one of their long-stalled policy goals and signaling they won’t back away from a fight even during an election year. In an hours-long hearing, some lawmakers and advocates assailed a health care industry they say has benefited corporate interests at the expense of consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ady Barkan, a 38-year-old father of two, was diagnosed with ALS six years ago and now is mostly paralyzed. He testified at Tuesday’s hearing with the help of a computerized voice that spoke as he typed using technology that followed the movement of his eyes. Barkan said he has battled his private insurance carrier to get treatment he needed, including suing them to get a ventilator that keeps him alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even good health insurance, which I have, does not cover the cost of the care I need to survive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill that advanced on Tuesday would create the universal health care system — CalCare — and set its rules. It cleared the Assembly Health Committee on an 11-3 vote. Republicans voted no, arguing the bill would cost too much and pay doctors and nurses less, potentially worsening a shortage of health care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Ash Kalra, a Democrat from San Jos\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">é\u003c/span> and the author of the CalCare proposal, said Tuesday it could be 2024 before the tax increase proposal to pay for CalCare made it to the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/01/health-care-taxes-california/\">analysis from CalMatters\u003c/a> breaks down the proposed tax increase:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A 2.3% excise tax on businesses after their first $2 million in income\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A 1.25% payroll tax on employers with 50-plus workers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An additional 1% payroll tax on wages for resident employees earning more than $49,900\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A progressive income tax starting at 0.5% for Californians earning more than $149,500, up to 2.5% for people making about $2.5 million annually (with rates being adjusted for inflation)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The California Taxpayers Association, which opposes the plan, estimates it would raise taxes by about $163 billion per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If government-run health care becomes law, millions of Californians will flee the state — either to avoid the $163 billion per year in new taxes or to escape the lengthy waits for care that will become the norm,” Assembly Republican Leader Marie Waldron said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some Democrats who voted for the bill had sharp criticism for the proposal. Assemblymember Autumn Burke, a Democrat from Inglewood, said advancing the bill without a funding source made a mockery of the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill has been sold to my community that it is going to change things now and that it is free. And neither one of those things are true,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups, led by the California Chamber of Commerce, said the government-run health care system would be so expensive that the tax increase still wouldn’t be enough to pay for everything. In 2018, California’s total health care expenditures totaled $399.2 billion, accounting for 13.2% of the state’s gross domestic product, according to an analysis by the Healthy California for All Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Completely abolishing the current system in face of an unrelenting pandemic by annually taxing Californians hundreds of billions of dollars is not the solution,” said Preston Young, a policy advocate for the California Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra, the San Jos\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">é\u003c/span> Democrat and author of the proposal, said he knew opponents would focus on how much the plan would cost. But he said that argument distracts from the fact that Californians are already paying “the highest health tax in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You may refer to it as premiums, deductibles, co-pays, denial of care,” Kalra said, saying none of those costs would exist under a universal health care system. “It’s clear as day they are being fleeced, and far too many understandably feel helpless about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s health care system is paid for by multiple entities: patients, insurance companies, employers and government. But a universal health care system would be paid for by a single entity — the government, or the “single payer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single-payer system has been a staple of California progressive political rhetoric for decades. But it’s not been easy to accomplish in a state where most people pay for private health insurance through their jobs. In 1994, voters overwhelmingly rejected a ballot initiative that would have created a universal health care system. Another attempt passed the state Senate in 2017, but it never got a vote in the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questions about how to pay for a single-payer system have doomed previous plans. In 2011, Vermont enacted the nation’s first universal health care system in the country. But state officials abandoned it three years later because they said they couldn’t afford to pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/02/newsom-single-payer-health-care-dilemma/\">promised to do it when he ran for governor in 2018\u003c/a>, and voters elected him in a landslide. But in his first three years in office, Newsom has focused more on making sure everyone in California has health insurance. He has expanded Medi-Cal, the state’s health care program for lower-income Californians, to cover people 26 years old and younger and 50 years old and older, regardless of their immigration status. On Monday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11901253/flush-with-cash-governor-newsom-wants-to-invest-in-pandemic-response-universal-health-access-fighting-inequality\">Newsom proposed extending Medi-Cal again, this time to all eligible Californians\u003c/a>, regardless of immigration status, older than 26 and younger than 50, at a potential cost of $2.7 billion per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also on Monday, Newsom reiterated his support for a universal health care system, but declined to say whether he supported the plan in the Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/01/california-health-insurance-newsom/\">because he said he had not read it\u003c/a>. Asked if he had “given up” on a universal health care system in California, Newsom pointed to a commission he founded that is examining such a system and how much it would cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said he’s working with President Joe Biden’s administration on the “flexibility” required for California to implement such a system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re governor, you’ve got to be in the ‘how’ business,” Newsom said. “I believe in a single-payer financing model. The ‘how’ at the state level is the question that needs to be answered thoughtfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from Adam Beam of The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "A Simple Paperwork Error Can Get Asylum Seekers Deported. Rosa Díaz Got Lucky on a Lunch Break",
"title": "A Simple Paperwork Error Can Get Asylum Seekers Deported. Rosa Díaz Got Lucky on a Lunch Break",
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"content": "\u003cp>Rosa Díaz vividly remembers the summer day in 2019 when she showed up for an appointment at the Sacramento office of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The surprise I got on July 12 was that I was going to be deported,” she said, speaking in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE officer told her that a judge had ordered her removed from the country after she missed an immigration court hearing in Los Angeles the previous November. Díaz was stunned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had left Honduras with her three children in 2018 after police failed to protect her from an abusive partner who beat her close to death while she was pregnant with her youngest child. Over two weeks, they walked, got rides and took buses to the U.S. border, hoping to find protection. They were sent to an ICE family detention center in Texas for three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before she was released from detention, Díaz, 40, gave ICE agents the phone number for her adult son, who lived in Maxwell, a town in rural Colusa County in the Sacramento Valley. Her son provided officials with his address, where his mom and siblings would be living. But the address ICE sent to the immigration court got botched: ICE listed the city as Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never received a notice of that hearing. If I had, I would have been there,” Díaz said. “My intention was to do things the right way.” [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rosa Díaz, asylum seeker from Honduras\"]'I never received a notice of that hearing. If I had, I would have been there.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was released from detention with a temporary status called “parole,” she was given a year before she had to check in with ICE. Díaz said she thought she had already been granted asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a person first gets here, they don't know how things work, and nobody explained it to me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The asylum process can be baffling, and, as Díaz learned, navigating it without a lawyer can be disastrous. Unlike in criminal cases, people in federal immigration court have no right to a court-appointed lawyer if they can’t find their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Díaz, thousands of newly arrived \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asylum/\">asylum seekers never get their day in court\u003c/a>. They can be tripped up by paperwork, and a clerical error can be enough to get them deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year a third of all immigrants in asylum cases did not have representation, according to data analyzed by the \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/aboutTRACgeneral.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse\u003c/a>, or TRAC, a research center at Syracuse University. And over the past two decades, just 10% of asylum seekers without legal representation won their cases, while those with lawyers were nearly four times as likely to win protection, according to \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">TRAC’s data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The luckiest lunch break\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>After passing an initial asylum screening, Díaz and her kids were released from family detention on June 20, 2018, and told to check in with ICE before her one-year parole document expired. So on June 13, 2019, Díaz voluntarily went to the ICE office in Sacramento. She was instructed to return on June 20 with all her documents, which she did. That day, ICE officials put her in a GPS ankle monitor. On July 12, they summoned her again, and that’s when she learned she had been ordered deported “in absentia” by a Los Angeles immigration judge on Nov. 27, 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials told Díaz they planned to deport her that same day. But first, the office was closing for lunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went outside, sat down and burst into tears,” Díaz said. “I cried because I had gotten all the way here with my three children and I couldn’t imagine taking them back to Honduras.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pair of immigrant rights advocates with \u003ca href=\"https://www.norcalresist.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NorCal Resist\u003c/a> who were leafleting outside the ICE building stopped to check on Díaz, said Katie Fleming, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.crlaf.org/removal-defense-representation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">removal defense program\u003c/a> at the California Rural Legal Assistance Foundation in Sacramento. The advocates drove her to Fleming’s office and made an urgent plea for legal help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to talk to her and then advocate with ICE to give her a few more days to be able to try to reopen that removal proceeding because she did not know about it,” Fleming said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The swift response by the activists and lawyers was an incredible stroke of luck for Díaz. Attorneys succeeded in reopening her case. And in March, with Fleming representing her, she won asylum for herself and her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what Díaz experienced is common for asylum seekers without a lawyer. Fleming said Díaz’s case shows how even people with legitimate claims to asylum can be ordered deported without getting a chance to make their case to a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t understand, as most people don’t, what the next process entailed in terms of applying for asylum,” she continued. “She didn’t realize that going to an ICE office is different from going to court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='large' align='right']Judge Phan turned to a towering stack of blue folders for those not present. Then she signed deportation orders for 23 people who failed to appear.[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant rights advocates have long argued for universal access to counsel for people in removal proceedings. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/administrative/immigration/achieving_americas_immigration_promise.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">January 2021 report\u003c/a>, the American Bar Association made a series of recommendations for how the incoming administration of President Joe Biden could make the immigration system more fair and efficient by providing government funding for lawyers, among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes for people who are deported can include persecution, torture and death, the report noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unrepresented individuals in removal proceedings are inherently disadvantaged in an adversarial system in which the government is always represented by an experienced attorney,” the report warned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/07/27/fact-sheet-the-biden-administration-blueprint-for-a-fair-orderly-and-humane-immigration-system/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Biden administration has asked Congress\u003c/a> to budget $15 million to provide representation to families and children, and $23 million for legal orientation programs, but Congress has yet to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Deported in absentia\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When a person fails to appear for a hearing in immigration court, they can be ordered removed from the country in absentia. That’s what happened to Díaz, and it’s been happening with alarming regularity at San Francisco’s immigration court, according to Milli Atkinson, who runs the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfbar.org/jdc/immigrant-legal-defense/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Immigrant Legal Defense Program\u003c/a> at the Bar Association of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkinson said judges handed out scores of deportation orders in absentia from August to November under a new system ostensibly aimed at correcting bad addresses when mail was returned as undeliverable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the court started doing in August is purposely taking cases that they knew people were unlikely to get their mail and rescheduling their hearing and sending a new notice out to an address that the court knows is incorrect,” Atkinson said. “Some of the judges were just reading off their names and their case numbers and ordering them removed in bunches, without looking at the individual file, making sure the information was all correct and really making no attempt to contact the individuals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a self-defeating system, Atkinson said, because most immigrants never get the new notice, so they miss their new court date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She acknowledged that it’s the responsibility of individuals to notify the court within five days every time they move. But many people in removal proceedings are checking in regularly with ICE under a supervision program, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times ICE and the government attorneys have information about where these people are and what their current addresses are, and they have no legal obligation to share those with the court,” she said.[aside postID=news_11886227]At one “returned notice” hearing in San Francisco in late October, Judge Susan Phan had 31 cases on her afternoon docket, but only six of the people were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One woman in the courtroom was Nichol Valencia, a fluent English speaker originally from the Philippines who’s married to a U.S. Coast Guard officer. She said she learned that her December hearing date had been rescheduled for October when she checked the court’s website, concerned that COVID-19 might interfere with court business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We called you in today because we were concerned you were not getting hearing notices,” Phan told Valencia. “Even though you submitted your new address to the ICE officer, you have to separately submit it to the court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did submit a blue form to the court,” responded Valencia, who again provided her new address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After scheduling a new hearing for Valencia in February, Judge Phan turned to a towering stack of blue folders for those not present. She rescheduled two cases, telling the ICE prosecutor he needed to provide more evidence. Then Phan signed deportation orders for 23 people who failed to appear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkinson said she thinks the new system was an effort to cope with the court’s massive backlog, which recently surpassed 1.5 million cases. [aside postID=news_11883227]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a way to help some cases get back on track that might have otherwise lost contact with the court, but the actual result is they’re deporting people in very high numbers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Atkinson sent a letter on behalf of a group of Bay Area legal advocates to the presiding judge for the San Francisco court expressing “grave concerns” about the returned notice dockets, arguing they violate the constitutional due process rights of people who are ordered deported in absentia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, the letter said, the COVID-19 pandemic has caused housing instability for many immigrants and restricted their access to legal services, two reasons the court should be more understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, an official for the court system replied, calling the approach a “longstanding practice” for immigration courts throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts “routinely create dockets for cases with returned hearing notices for efficiency and docket management,” wrote Alexis Fooshé, the communications and legislative affairs division chief of the Executive Office for Immigration Review. “Like every case before the court, immigration judges make decisions based on the specific and unique factors of each case in accordance with applicable law.”[aside tag=\"immigration, migration\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]Atkinson said if people in immigration proceedings had the right to court-appointed counsel, attorneys would help with the simple but essential task of keeping contact information current.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And all of your mail would go to the lawyer’s office, so that would be a huge problem solved right there,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Díaz did not have a lawyer to sort out the mess caused when ICE erroneously entered her brother’s address. She’s grateful that the two advocates stopped to help when they saw her weeping outside the Sacramento ICE office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they hadn’t been there, I wouldn’t be here,” she said. “I’d be back in my country and God knows what would have happened to me there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Navigating immigration court can be bewildering — but without a lawyer, it can be disastrous, and some newly arrived asylum seekers never even get their day in court. One woman, Rosa Díaz, got lucky.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Rosa Díaz vividly remembers the summer day in 2019 when she showed up for an appointment at the Sacramento office of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The surprise I got on July 12 was that I was going to be deported,” she said, speaking in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE officer told her that a judge had ordered her removed from the country after she missed an immigration court hearing in Los Angeles the previous November. Díaz was stunned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had left Honduras with her three children in 2018 after police failed to protect her from an abusive partner who beat her close to death while she was pregnant with her youngest child. Over two weeks, they walked, got rides and took buses to the U.S. border, hoping to find protection. They were sent to an ICE family detention center in Texas for three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before she was released from detention, Díaz, 40, gave ICE agents the phone number for her adult son, who lived in Maxwell, a town in rural Colusa County in the Sacramento Valley. Her son provided officials with his address, where his mom and siblings would be living. But the address ICE sent to the immigration court got botched: ICE listed the city as Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never received a notice of that hearing. If I had, I would have been there,” Díaz said. “My intention was to do things the right way.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was released from detention with a temporary status called “parole,” she was given a year before she had to check in with ICE. Díaz said she thought she had already been granted asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a person first gets here, they don't know how things work, and nobody explained it to me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The asylum process can be baffling, and, as Díaz learned, navigating it without a lawyer can be disastrous. Unlike in criminal cases, people in federal immigration court have no right to a court-appointed lawyer if they can’t find their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Díaz, thousands of newly arrived \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asylum/\">asylum seekers never get their day in court\u003c/a>. They can be tripped up by paperwork, and a clerical error can be enough to get them deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year a third of all immigrants in asylum cases did not have representation, according to data analyzed by the \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/aboutTRACgeneral.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse\u003c/a>, or TRAC, a research center at Syracuse University. And over the past two decades, just 10% of asylum seekers without legal representation won their cases, while those with lawyers were nearly four times as likely to win protection, according to \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">TRAC’s data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The luckiest lunch break\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>After passing an initial asylum screening, Díaz and her kids were released from family detention on June 20, 2018, and told to check in with ICE before her one-year parole document expired. So on June 13, 2019, Díaz voluntarily went to the ICE office in Sacramento. She was instructed to return on June 20 with all her documents, which she did. That day, ICE officials put her in a GPS ankle monitor. On July 12, they summoned her again, and that’s when she learned she had been ordered deported “in absentia” by a Los Angeles immigration judge on Nov. 27, 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials told Díaz they planned to deport her that same day. But first, the office was closing for lunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went outside, sat down and burst into tears,” Díaz said. “I cried because I had gotten all the way here with my three children and I couldn’t imagine taking them back to Honduras.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pair of immigrant rights advocates with \u003ca href=\"https://www.norcalresist.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NorCal Resist\u003c/a> who were leafleting outside the ICE building stopped to check on Díaz, said Katie Fleming, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.crlaf.org/removal-defense-representation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">removal defense program\u003c/a> at the California Rural Legal Assistance Foundation in Sacramento. The advocates drove her to Fleming’s office and made an urgent plea for legal help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to talk to her and then advocate with ICE to give her a few more days to be able to try to reopen that removal proceeding because she did not know about it,” Fleming said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The swift response by the activists and lawyers was an incredible stroke of luck for Díaz. Attorneys succeeded in reopening her case. And in March, with Fleming representing her, she won asylum for herself and her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what Díaz experienced is common for asylum seekers without a lawyer. Fleming said Díaz’s case shows how even people with legitimate claims to asylum can be ordered deported without getting a chance to make their case to a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t understand, as most people don’t, what the next process entailed in terms of applying for asylum,” she continued. “She didn’t realize that going to an ICE office is different from going to court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant rights advocates have long argued for universal access to counsel for people in removal proceedings. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/administrative/immigration/achieving_americas_immigration_promise.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">January 2021 report\u003c/a>, the American Bar Association made a series of recommendations for how the incoming administration of President Joe Biden could make the immigration system more fair and efficient by providing government funding for lawyers, among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes for people who are deported can include persecution, torture and death, the report noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unrepresented individuals in removal proceedings are inherently disadvantaged in an adversarial system in which the government is always represented by an experienced attorney,” the report warned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/07/27/fact-sheet-the-biden-administration-blueprint-for-a-fair-orderly-and-humane-immigration-system/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Biden administration has asked Congress\u003c/a> to budget $15 million to provide representation to families and children, and $23 million for legal orientation programs, but Congress has yet to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Deported in absentia\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When a person fails to appear for a hearing in immigration court, they can be ordered removed from the country in absentia. That’s what happened to Díaz, and it’s been happening with alarming regularity at San Francisco’s immigration court, according to Milli Atkinson, who runs the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfbar.org/jdc/immigrant-legal-defense/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Immigrant Legal Defense Program\u003c/a> at the Bar Association of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkinson said judges handed out scores of deportation orders in absentia from August to November under a new system ostensibly aimed at correcting bad addresses when mail was returned as undeliverable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the court started doing in August is purposely taking cases that they knew people were unlikely to get their mail and rescheduling their hearing and sending a new notice out to an address that the court knows is incorrect,” Atkinson said. “Some of the judges were just reading off their names and their case numbers and ordering them removed in bunches, without looking at the individual file, making sure the information was all correct and really making no attempt to contact the individuals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a self-defeating system, Atkinson said, because most immigrants never get the new notice, so they miss their new court date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She acknowledged that it’s the responsibility of individuals to notify the court within five days every time they move. But many people in removal proceedings are checking in regularly with ICE under a supervision program, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times ICE and the government attorneys have information about where these people are and what their current addresses are, and they have no legal obligation to share those with the court,” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At one “returned notice” hearing in San Francisco in late October, Judge Susan Phan had 31 cases on her afternoon docket, but only six of the people were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One woman in the courtroom was Nichol Valencia, a fluent English speaker originally from the Philippines who’s married to a U.S. Coast Guard officer. She said she learned that her December hearing date had been rescheduled for October when she checked the court’s website, concerned that COVID-19 might interfere with court business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We called you in today because we were concerned you were not getting hearing notices,” Phan told Valencia. “Even though you submitted your new address to the ICE officer, you have to separately submit it to the court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did submit a blue form to the court,” responded Valencia, who again provided her new address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After scheduling a new hearing for Valencia in February, Judge Phan turned to a towering stack of blue folders for those not present. She rescheduled two cases, telling the ICE prosecutor he needed to provide more evidence. Then Phan signed deportation orders for 23 people who failed to appear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkinson said she thinks the new system was an effort to cope with the court’s massive backlog, which recently surpassed 1.5 million cases. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a way to help some cases get back on track that might have otherwise lost contact with the court, but the actual result is they’re deporting people in very high numbers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Atkinson sent a letter on behalf of a group of Bay Area legal advocates to the presiding judge for the San Francisco court expressing “grave concerns” about the returned notice dockets, arguing they violate the constitutional due process rights of people who are ordered deported in absentia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, the letter said, the COVID-19 pandemic has caused housing instability for many immigrants and restricted their access to legal services, two reasons the court should be more understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, an official for the court system replied, calling the approach a “longstanding practice” for immigration courts throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts “routinely create dockets for cases with returned hearing notices for efficiency and docket management,” wrote Alexis Fooshé, the communications and legislative affairs division chief of the Executive Office for Immigration Review. “Like every case before the court, immigration judges make decisions based on the specific and unique factors of each case in accordance with applicable law.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Atkinson said if people in immigration proceedings had the right to court-appointed counsel, attorneys would help with the simple but essential task of keeping contact information current.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And all of your mail would go to the lawyer’s office, so that would be a huge problem solved right there,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Díaz did not have a lawyer to sort out the mess caused when ICE erroneously entered her brother’s address. She’s grateful that the two advocates stopped to help when they saw her weeping outside the Sacramento ICE office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they hadn’t been there, I wouldn’t be here,” she said. “I’d be back in my country and God knows what would have happened to me there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Pablo López sat on the small balcony of an apartment in a Walnut Creek housing complex, dialing phone numbers for legal aid groups across the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just above his head, the freshly washed Chick-fil-A uniforms of his housemates were hanging to dry. He was focused on a printed list of nonprofit legal service groups and private immigration attorneys, hoping that one of them might help him make his case for asylum in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He doesn’t have long to find an attorney because his case falls under the expedited asylum process created in May by the Biden administration for recently arrived families. The aim of the so-called “dedicated docket” is \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/dhs-and-doj-announce-dedicated-docket-process-more-efficient-immigration-hearings\">to resolve asylum cases more quickly\u003c/a>, with a loose goal of a judge issuing a decision within 300 days of the initial court appearance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an effort to prevent such cases from slipping into an immigration court backlog that recently surpassed 1.5 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11883227\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/GettyImages-1150824330-1020x680.jpg\"]“Families who have recently arrived should not languish in a multiyear backlog,” said Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas when the program was launched.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without legal help, López and thousands like him must navigate an unfamiliar system on their own — and face deportation if they fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two-bedroom apartment in Walnut Creek is the home of an old friend from Nicaragua. López and his 12-year-old son have been bunking in the living room since they arrived in July. The guest room is occupied by a family of four who also fled political violence in Nicaragua last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López said he and his son abruptly left their town in the Nicaraguan mountains after local government officials came to his house and tried to strong-arm him into working for the reelection campaign of President Daniel Ortega, flashing a gun and threatening to kill him if he resisted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the next town over, they beat people up and took them away, and nobody knew where they’d gone,” said López, speaking in Spanish, of Ortega’s supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re using a variation on his name to protect his identity because he fears for his family’s safety — and his own if he were forced to return to Nicaragua.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López, 37, said he was never involved in politics. Instead, he worked in construction to support his parents, his wife and two kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wishes he could send money home to the wife and toddler he had to leave behind, but the cash he earns from odd jobs is just enough to feed him and his son. He said his wife tells him she and their daughter are fine, but he’s not convinced. Ortega’s supporters have been asking his family and his neighbors about his whereabouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The journey north took a month, and López and his son traveled much of it on foot, resting in migrant shelters when they could find them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11886227\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS51127_010_SanJose_Immigration_08232021-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]One night they were on a bus somewhere in central Mexico, López said, when Mexican police officers stopped the bus and made him and other Central American migrants get off. Then the officers took all their money before allowing them to continue on their journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So when we reached the border, we had nothing, no money. We were hungry,” he said. “The hardest thing was not being able to care for my son. I had to beg people for food and water. That’s how we made it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were held for three days by U.S. Customs and Border Protection in Arizona, then released with a notice to appear in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The ups and downs of the ‘rocket docket’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Both the Obama and Trump administrations implemented versions of an expedited “rocket docket” to handle the growing number of asylum seekers arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border. The Trump administration, in particular, stripped away due-process protections, and well over 90% of cases ended in a deportation order, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/due-process-questions-rocket-dockets-family-migrants\">according to analysis by the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the current system has more safeguards for migrant families and isn’t placing them in detention facilities, but the accelerated pace still makes it tough for asylum seekers like López to find legal representation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People in the federal immigration court system do not have the right to a court-appointed lawyer if they can’t find their own, unlike defendants in criminal court. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">a third of all immigrants in asylum cases did not have representation\u003c/a>, according to \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/aboutTRACgeneral.html\">data analyzed by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse\u003c/a>, or TRAC, a research center at Syracuse University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='large' align='right']People in the federal immigration court system do not have the right to a court-appointed lawyer if they can’t find their own, unlike defendants in criminal court.[/pullquote]The Biden administration has taken steps to increase access to lawyers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/07/27/fact-sheet-the-biden-administration-blueprint-for-a-fair-orderly-and-humane-immigration-system/\">including asking Congress to budget $15 million to provide representation to families and children\u003c/a>, as well as $23 million for legal orientation programs. But Congress has yet to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high. Over the last two decades, just 10% of asylum seekers without legal representation won their cases, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">while those with lawyers were nearly four times as likely to win protection\u003c/a>, according to TRAC’s data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>An impossible situation\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>López said he calls lawyers every day. He’s spoken to at least half a dozen. Most say they’re overloaded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said one private attorney quoted him a fee of $17,000, money he simply doesn’t have. Mostly, though, he’s gotten voicemail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know it’s better to have a lawyer because there’s a higher chance of winning asylum that way,” said López. “But the judge said she’s going to move my case forward even if I don’t have one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late October, López went before an immigration judge in San Francisco and told her he’d had no luck finding a lawyer. He had been to court twice before, and both times the judge had given him a few more weeks to try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third time she granted him three months, setting his next hearing for Jan. 26. But if he didn’t bring a completed asylum application to court next time, she said, she would deem his asylum claim abandoned and order him and his son deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López, who speaks only Spanish, has no idea how to complete the detailed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/forms/i-589.pdf\">12-page asylum application form in English\u003c/a>. But that’s the necessary first step to explain why he fears persecution, one of the five legal grounds — race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group — for seeking asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johanna Torres, an immigration attorney with a private practice in San Leandro, met López in October. Once a week, she fills in as “attorney of the day” at the San Francisco court as part of a Bar Association of San Francisco program to give immigrants basic legal guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres gave López the handout with the phone numbers he’s been calling. She said attorneys are not allowed to help with asylum forms unless they officially represent the person. Without help, she knows, the process is bewildering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11900568\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1917px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11900568\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/JohannaTorres2.jpg\" alt=\"A person sits at their desk in an office, facing a monitor.\" width=\"1917\" height=\"1279\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/JohannaTorres2.jpg 1917w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/JohannaTorres2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/JohannaTorres2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/JohannaTorres2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/JohannaTorres2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1917px) 100vw, 1917px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigration attorney Johanna Torres says it’s hard for lawyers to take on asylum seekers like López because the fast-track “dedicated docket” doesn’t allow enough time to prepare their cases. With a shortage of lawyers and no right to court-appointed counsel, Torres, seen here in her San Leandro office on Nov. 15, 2021, says asylum seekers are in “an impossible situation.” \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I put myself in their position,” she said. “I’m in a country that’s speaking a language that I don’t understand and I’m afraid of going back to whatever country I’m from. And they’re like, ‘Fill out this application that’s in a different language. I know you don’t know anyone. You don’t have the money to hire anyone. But if you don’t bring it, then we’re going to have to deport you.’ It’s an impossible situation for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres knows about the political repression in Nicaragua, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/11/05/1052968032/having-jailed-opposition-candidates-daniel-ortega-is-set-to-win-nicaragua-presid\">where Ortega jailed seven opposition candidates in the lead-up to his reelection in November\u003c/a>. She believes López could be in serious peril if he were returned there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she and other immigration lawyers say the swift pace of the dedicated docket makes it tricky for attorneys to accept clients like López.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do not have the resources to complete a case in two months,” she said. “It’s harder for [asylum seekers] to find representation because it’s hard for us to take on cases that are that fast.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Room for improvement\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the Executive Office for Immigration Review, as the federal immigration court system is known, said that while the goal of the dedicated docket is to resolve cases in less than a year, judges do have leeway to give immigrants more time to look for a lawyer. In a statement, she said “fairness will not be compromised.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres said she thinks the dedicated docket was Biden’s corrective to the Trump administration’s controversial strategy of holding court in tents erected at the border where immigration lawyers can be scarce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Johanna Torres, immigration attorney\"]‘I don’t know if the people that are being named to supervise this actually know what’s happening in the trenches.’[/pullquote]“I think we’re doing better than under the previous administration,” Torres said. “But there’s a lot of room for improvement, and I don’t know if the people that are being named to supervise this actually know what’s happening in the trenches.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mimi Tsankov, president of the National Association of Immigration Judges, said she’s also concerned about fairness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fair notice and access to counsel, adequate time periods within which to seek representation — [that’s] certainly an important component of providing due process,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tsankov said she’s encouraged that the director of EOIR sent a memo to the judges in November instructing them to work closely with the pro bono lawyers in their area to “accommodate and facilitate” getting free legal services to more immigrants in deportation proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Related Coverage' tag='immigration']Still, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">the number of people seeking asylum has grown in recent years\u003c/a>. Without more federal funds or a mandate to ensure every person in immigration court has representation, such initiatives are likely to fall short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López paced the tiny balcony at his friend’s place in Walnut Creek as the sun sank low in the sky, repeatedly dialing the numbers on his list. Inside the apartment, his son and the children of the other newly arrived family played on the couch. The mother of those kids prepared tortillas for supper as ranchera music played on the radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope a lawyer will answer,” López said. “The journey was hard, and crossing Mexico was dangerous. But we’ve come this far, with God’s help.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Families who have recently arrived should not languish in a multiyear backlog,” said Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas when the program was launched.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without legal help, López and thousands like him must navigate an unfamiliar system on their own — and face deportation if they fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two-bedroom apartment in Walnut Creek is the home of an old friend from Nicaragua. López and his 12-year-old son have been bunking in the living room since they arrived in July. The guest room is occupied by a family of four who also fled political violence in Nicaragua last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López said he and his son abruptly left their town in the Nicaraguan mountains after local government officials came to his house and tried to strong-arm him into working for the reelection campaign of President Daniel Ortega, flashing a gun and threatening to kill him if he resisted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the next town over, they beat people up and took them away, and nobody knew where they’d gone,” said López, speaking in Spanish, of Ortega’s supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re using a variation on his name to protect his identity because he fears for his family’s safety — and his own if he were forced to return to Nicaragua.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López, 37, said he was never involved in politics. Instead, he worked in construction to support his parents, his wife and two kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wishes he could send money home to the wife and toddler he had to leave behind, but the cash he earns from odd jobs is just enough to feed him and his son. He said his wife tells him she and their daughter are fine, but he’s not convinced. Ortega’s supporters have been asking his family and his neighbors about his whereabouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The journey north took a month, and López and his son traveled much of it on foot, resting in migrant shelters when they could find them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>One night they were on a bus somewhere in central Mexico, López said, when Mexican police officers stopped the bus and made him and other Central American migrants get off. Then the officers took all their money before allowing them to continue on their journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So when we reached the border, we had nothing, no money. We were hungry,” he said. “The hardest thing was not being able to care for my son. I had to beg people for food and water. That’s how we made it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were held for three days by U.S. Customs and Border Protection in Arizona, then released with a notice to appear in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The ups and downs of the ‘rocket docket’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Both the Obama and Trump administrations implemented versions of an expedited “rocket docket” to handle the growing number of asylum seekers arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border. The Trump administration, in particular, stripped away due-process protections, and well over 90% of cases ended in a deportation order, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/due-process-questions-rocket-dockets-family-migrants\">according to analysis by the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the current system has more safeguards for migrant families and isn’t placing them in detention facilities, but the accelerated pace still makes it tough for asylum seekers like López to find legal representation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People in the federal immigration court system do not have the right to a court-appointed lawyer if they can’t find their own, unlike defendants in criminal court. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">a third of all immigrants in asylum cases did not have representation\u003c/a>, according to \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/aboutTRACgeneral.html\">data analyzed by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse\u003c/a>, or TRAC, a research center at Syracuse University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Biden administration has taken steps to increase access to lawyers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/07/27/fact-sheet-the-biden-administration-blueprint-for-a-fair-orderly-and-humane-immigration-system/\">including asking Congress to budget $15 million to provide representation to families and children\u003c/a>, as well as $23 million for legal orientation programs. But Congress has yet to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high. Over the last two decades, just 10% of asylum seekers without legal representation won their cases, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">while those with lawyers were nearly four times as likely to win protection\u003c/a>, according to TRAC’s data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>An impossible situation\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>López said he calls lawyers every day. He’s spoken to at least half a dozen. Most say they’re overloaded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said one private attorney quoted him a fee of $17,000, money he simply doesn’t have. Mostly, though, he’s gotten voicemail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know it’s better to have a lawyer because there’s a higher chance of winning asylum that way,” said López. “But the judge said she’s going to move my case forward even if I don’t have one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late October, López went before an immigration judge in San Francisco and told her he’d had no luck finding a lawyer. He had been to court twice before, and both times the judge had given him a few more weeks to try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third time she granted him three months, setting his next hearing for Jan. 26. But if he didn’t bring a completed asylum application to court next time, she said, she would deem his asylum claim abandoned and order him and his son deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López, who speaks only Spanish, has no idea how to complete the detailed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/forms/i-589.pdf\">12-page asylum application form in English\u003c/a>. But that’s the necessary first step to explain why he fears persecution, one of the five legal grounds — race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group — for seeking asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johanna Torres, an immigration attorney with a private practice in San Leandro, met López in October. Once a week, she fills in as “attorney of the day” at the San Francisco court as part of a Bar Association of San Francisco program to give immigrants basic legal guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres gave López the handout with the phone numbers he’s been calling. She said attorneys are not allowed to help with asylum forms unless they officially represent the person. Without help, she knows, the process is bewildering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11900568\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1917px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11900568\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/JohannaTorres2.jpg\" alt=\"A person sits at their desk in an office, facing a monitor.\" width=\"1917\" height=\"1279\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/JohannaTorres2.jpg 1917w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/JohannaTorres2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/JohannaTorres2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/JohannaTorres2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/JohannaTorres2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1917px) 100vw, 1917px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigration attorney Johanna Torres says it’s hard for lawyers to take on asylum seekers like López because the fast-track “dedicated docket” doesn’t allow enough time to prepare their cases. With a shortage of lawyers and no right to court-appointed counsel, Torres, seen here in her San Leandro office on Nov. 15, 2021, says asylum seekers are in “an impossible situation.” \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I put myself in their position,” she said. “I’m in a country that’s speaking a language that I don’t understand and I’m afraid of going back to whatever country I’m from. And they’re like, ‘Fill out this application that’s in a different language. I know you don’t know anyone. You don’t have the money to hire anyone. But if you don’t bring it, then we’re going to have to deport you.’ It’s an impossible situation for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres knows about the political repression in Nicaragua, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/11/05/1052968032/having-jailed-opposition-candidates-daniel-ortega-is-set-to-win-nicaragua-presid\">where Ortega jailed seven opposition candidates in the lead-up to his reelection in November\u003c/a>. She believes López could be in serious peril if he were returned there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she and other immigration lawyers say the swift pace of the dedicated docket makes it tricky for attorneys to accept clients like López.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do not have the resources to complete a case in two months,” she said. “It’s harder for [asylum seekers] to find representation because it’s hard for us to take on cases that are that fast.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Room for improvement\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the Executive Office for Immigration Review, as the federal immigration court system is known, said that while the goal of the dedicated docket is to resolve cases in less than a year, judges do have leeway to give immigrants more time to look for a lawyer. In a statement, she said “fairness will not be compromised.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres said she thinks the dedicated docket was Biden’s corrective to the Trump administration’s controversial strategy of holding court in tents erected at the border where immigration lawyers can be scarce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I don’t know if the people that are being named to supervise this actually know what’s happening in the trenches.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think we’re doing better than under the previous administration,” Torres said. “But there’s a lot of room for improvement, and I don’t know if the people that are being named to supervise this actually know what’s happening in the trenches.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mimi Tsankov, president of the National Association of Immigration Judges, said she’s also concerned about fairness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fair notice and access to counsel, adequate time periods within which to seek representation — [that’s] certainly an important component of providing due process,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tsankov said she’s encouraged that the director of EOIR sent a memo to the judges in November instructing them to work closely with the pro bono lawyers in their area to “accommodate and facilitate” getting free legal services to more immigrants in deportation proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">the number of people seeking asylum has grown in recent years\u003c/a>. Without more federal funds or a mandate to ensure every person in immigration court has representation, such initiatives are likely to fall short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López paced the tiny balcony at his friend’s place in Walnut Creek as the sun sank low in the sky, repeatedly dialing the numbers on his list. Inside the apartment, his son and the children of the other newly arrived family played on the couch. The mother of those kids prepared tortillas for supper as ranchera music played on the radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope a lawyer will answer,” López said. “The journey was hard, and crossing Mexico was dangerous. But we’ve come this far, with God’s help.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "theres-a-lot-thats-not-working-within-the-system-afghan-evacuees-struggle-with-housing-and-immigration-bureaucracy",
"title": "'There's a Lot That's Not Working Within the System': Afghan Evacuees Struggle with Housing and Immigration Hurdles",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#locations\">How to help, and how to find help\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Over four months since the fall of Kabul, some Afghan evacuees are still working to find a sense of stability here in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some families, it’s an ongoing search for an affordable home and a job. For others, like Sadaat, it’s fighting with bureaucracy to obtain the necessary paperwork for their loved ones in Afghanistan to join them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadaat arrived in the Bay Area on Oct. 21 — flying from Abu Dhabi with her three children, ages 8, 10 and 12. She preferred to use a pseudonym for fear of Taliban retaliation against her husband and other family members who are still in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Sadaat, Afghan evacuee in the Bay Area\"]‘It’s not easy to survive in this country. We have been already waiting for three years and still — such a messy situation.’[/pullquote]Before leaving her country, Sadaat worked for a U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID, project on agricultural development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She received her visa in August before Kabul fell to the Taliban, but her husband was still waiting for his paperwork. She waited another two months, leaving the country with her children. Now she’s in Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here with my three children, I’m just struggling with that — finding resources and finding different sources to help me out. How can I get him out of there?” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her husband had previously worked with the U.S. government, and now he has to live in hiding from the Taliban regime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s not living a normal life,” Sadaat said. But she acknowledges that caring for three kids by herself in the U.S. is also far from normal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since she has to take her kids to school and pick them up, Sadaat hasn’t been able to find a job. Her brother lives in Fremont and has been helping her move around the city until she can get her own license and car to drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not easy to survive in this country,” she said. “We have been already waiting for three years and still — such a messy situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This pending situation is very frustrating for me,” Sadaat said. Her kids are having trouble focusing as well, living in a new country without their father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11890467\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/019_EastBay_JFCSAfghanResettlement_09102021-1020x680.jpg\"]Aminah Abdullah, who is the charity coordinator at the Pleasanton \u003ca href=\"https://mcceastbay.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Muslim Community Center in the East Bay\u003c/a> (MCC), says that for many recently arrived evacuees, the biggest challenge is housing, and once housing is secured, everything else becomes easier. To help bridge the gap and provide food, MCC has been \u003ca href=\"https://mcceastbay.org/event/afghan-refugee-food-drive/2021-11-05/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">coordinating food drop-offs\u003c/a> for families who are in need of support, many of whom are waiting for state benefits to kick in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdullah said they’re also asking for used cars so they can fix them up for families. “A lot of people are working from home now. They might have an extra vehicle they no longer need. They could donate it to MCC and we would fix it up if needed and pass it along to a refugee family,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCC works with refugee resettlement organizations like the International Rescue Committee and Jewish Family and Community Services East Bay who assist with housing and support in the first few months of arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Searching for stability\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For M. Shakir, who left Kabul with her husband and 4-year-old son, the journey since mid-August has been long and slow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After sleeping on the floor overnight at the airport in Kabul, they left Afghanistan Aug. 17, landed in Qatar and were then moved to Germany. After five days, Shakir said, they arrived in Washington, D.C., and from there were moved to \u003ca href=\"https://www.keranews.org/texas-news/2021-09-23/fort-bliss-builds-village-for-afghan-evacuees\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fort Bliss in Texas\u003c/a>, where about 10,000 evacuees were placed, with 100 people to a tent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really hard … I must say terrible,” she said. At Fort Bliss they lived in a tent with several families, but she said that hygiene was very poor. After staying there for two and a half months, they left to move in with relatives in Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11887630\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51403_018_Fremont_MaiwandMarket_08272021-qut.jpg\"]But within the first week of their arrival, they were told by a manager of the building complex that there was an occupancy limit and they would need to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now they have to move again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the financial support they receive from the government is not enough to provide a security deposit, and some places ask for a credit history, something they also don’t have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are totally lost in this situation,” she said and added that some landlords were asking for a five-month deposit on a one-bedroom apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in Afghanistan, Shakir said, her husband was a contract worker for U.S.-based companies and they were in the process of applying for a \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/us-visas/immigrate/special-immg-visa-afghans-employed-us-gov.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">special immigrant visa\u003c/a> (SIV) when they left, but she said they applied for humanitarian parole and have received approval to stay for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many cases, \u003ca href=\"https://immigrationforum.org/article/explainer-humanitarian-parole-and-the-afghan-evacuation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">humanitarian parole\u003c/a> was seen as a temporary workaround that would allow individuals to enter and stay in the U.S. without a visa for “urgent humanitarian reasons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal and community groups say they expect to file at least 30,000 humanitarian parole applications, but nationwide only about 100 applications have been approved since July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Shakir, who received temporary status under humanitarian parole, it hasn’t solved all of the challenges. Her CalFresh card stopped working, so the family needs help with food in addition to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We waited for four weeks and it didn’t arrive at our mail address. Then they said, ‘Wait, one week more.’ We waited one week more. Still, it didn’t arrive,” she explained. “Then they said, ‘OK, you apply for replacement.’ We applied for a replacement again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Shakir, Afghan evacuee in the Bay Area\"]‘We don’t want to be a load on the government. We have experience. We can work, you know?’[/pullquote]For now, this has meant they are forgoing meals so their son has enough to eat and they rely on family members for assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are affected and sometimes we feel very heavy,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a good life there back in Kabul, in Afghanistan … life before was quite amazing. Like my husband was a civil engineer. And also he had his own business,” she said. Shakir was a professor at a university, teaching management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to be a load on the government. We have experience. We can work, you know?” she said.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The ongoing humanitarian parole backlog\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nasirilaw.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Spojmie Nasiri\u003c/a>, an immigration attorney in the Bay Area, said she began frantically filing humanitarian parole petitions for people seeking to evacuate Afghanistan soon after the Taliban takeover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those in Afghanistan, “humanitarian parole is the last resort,” she said. “The unicorn of seeking relief into the U.S. The criteria has always been very stringent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the U.S. embassy in Kabul is closed down, Afghans need to travel to another country with an operating American embassy or consulate to be approved for humanitarian parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11885170\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS51188_GettyImages-1336534302-qut-1020x681.jpg\"]“And we all know that with the dire situation in Afghanistan, particular minority groups, women judges, lawyers, other groups that are targeted by the Taliban are in dire danger right now and are living in Afghanistan either in safe houses or in hiding,” Nasiri said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And how are they going to possibly go to a third country that is not issuing visas?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration attorneys working with clients in Afghanistan are calling for the U.S. government to lower the requirements for humanitarian parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paris Etemadi Scott, the legal director of the Pars Equality Center in San Jos\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">é\u003c/span>, said one of her clients in Afghanistan has been moving constantly to stay safe because his experience as a contractor for the American government and education in the U.S. puts him at imminent risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott explains that even this client is likely to have his application for humanitarian parole denied because it would be so difficult to get a third party to corroborate that he is at risk of imminent harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a very high evidentiary standard, basically asking Afghans who are in hiding, who don’t have enough to eat, to try to find a person to write a statement specifically naming them and the risk of harm they’re suffering,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Potentially going to Taliban and asking them to notarize the statement. And that’s just, that’s basically tantamount to abandoning our Afghan allies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/project_anar/status/1470834153146904579\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and other advocates are calling for an Afghan parole program with a criteria based on general risk rather than showing evidence for individual harm. “At this stage, it just seems like the U.S. is washing its hands of Afghanistan and just moving on,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyra Lilien, director of the immigration legal services program at Jewish Family and Community Services East Bay, said while the organization has resettled 300 people in the Bay Area over the last four months, none of her clients has been approved for humanitarian parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jane Pak, co-executive director, Refugee and Immigrant Transitions\"]‘What’s been beautiful is how the communities have been coming together in solidarity … doing everything they can to volunteer, to raise resources, to welcome people.’[/pullquote]“The question of the hour is, what other option is there? And really, there is none,” Lilien said. “There’s sort of the false option that the U.S government is advancing, which is that Afghans should find their own way out of Afghanistan somehow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Dec. 13, over 200 organizations sent \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1TchmLvdvWUwQlUsblvNd_65TahuAkTSKlKcpKCfOBSI/edit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a letter\u003c/a> to the Biden administration regarding humanitarian parole denials for Afghans. The letter, spearheaded by \u003ca href=\"https://www.projectanar.org/225-organizations-slam-uscis-policy-on-afghans-seeking-humanitarian-protections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project ANAR\u003c/a> (Afghan Network for Advocacy and Resources), marks the second appeal by the group to the White House and members of Congress. According to The Wall Street Journal, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/more-than-60-000-interpreters-visa-applicants-remain-in-afghanistan-11639689706?mod=panda_wsj_author_alert\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60,000 visa applicants remain in Afghanistan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jane Pak, co-executive director at \u003ca href=\"https://www.reftrans.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Refugee and Immigrant Transitions\u003c/a> in Oakland, it’s been hard to see the different parts of the system that don’t connect — from people in Afghanistan being told to apply for humanitarian parole without the structure in place to do so — to what appears to be blanket rejections of applicants already in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Related Coverage' tag='immigration']“All these efforts to do the right thing are met by systemic flaws that are damaging and hurtful,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although dealing with all the immigration hurdles has been very difficult, Pak said, the support from the already settled Bay Area Afghan community has been a source of joy and warmth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s been beautiful is how the communities have been coming together in solidarity,” she said, “doing everything they can to volunteer, to raise resources, to welcome people who are here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said, at the root of it, “there’s a lot that’s not working within the system … and I just want to call attention to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"locations\">\u003c/a>Resources\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Legal assistance \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://parsequalitycenter.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">PARS Equality Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://sf-cairs.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Coalition of Asylee, Immigrant, and Refugee Services\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/EastBayRefugeeandImmigrantForum/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">East Bay Refugee and Immigrant Forum\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Immigrant Legal Services \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/48721/637118335366670000\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">referral list\u003c/a> from the City of San Jos\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">é\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Food assistance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSdaTTNOrXKdD98sdbtsowmPJGT2G461-rQIo2OfUyJu3y9Kag/viewform\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Request food assistance (from MCC East Bay).\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Volunteer with the Muslim Community Center\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Sign up to \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSe7r0ER-PDEeHRYlt9fSRqOF3kdfmVmc4cgAYtQ4KeyVgYfYw/viewform\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">volunteer\u003c/a> with the food pantry.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://mcceastbay.org/donate-furniture/\">Donate furniture\u003c/a> in like-new condition.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Learn more about \u003ca href=\"https://mcceastbay.org/vehicle-donation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">donating used cars\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://mcceastbay.org/vehicle-donation/\">Share housing or employment referrals\u003c/a> and/or to indicate willingness to co-sign a lease.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Resources in all Bay Area counties\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nDial 211 for \u003ca href=\"https://www.211bayarea.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">United Way’s resource line\u003c/a> (150 languages).\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Over four months since the fall of Kabul, some Afghan evacuees are still working to find a sense of stability here in the Bay Area — but hurdles in securing legal residency aren't helping.",
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"title": "'There's a Lot That's Not Working Within the System': Afghan Evacuees Struggle with Housing and Immigration Hurdles | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#locations\">How to help, and how to find help\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Over four months since the fall of Kabul, some Afghan evacuees are still working to find a sense of stability here in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some families, it’s an ongoing search for an affordable home and a job. For others, like Sadaat, it’s fighting with bureaucracy to obtain the necessary paperwork for their loved ones in Afghanistan to join them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadaat arrived in the Bay Area on Oct. 21 — flying from Abu Dhabi with her three children, ages 8, 10 and 12. She preferred to use a pseudonym for fear of Taliban retaliation against her husband and other family members who are still in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s not easy to survive in this country. We have been already waiting for three years and still — such a messy situation.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Before leaving her country, Sadaat worked for a U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID, project on agricultural development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She received her visa in August before Kabul fell to the Taliban, but her husband was still waiting for his paperwork. She waited another two months, leaving the country with her children. Now she’s in Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here with my three children, I’m just struggling with that — finding resources and finding different sources to help me out. How can I get him out of there?” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her husband had previously worked with the U.S. government, and now he has to live in hiding from the Taliban regime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s not living a normal life,” Sadaat said. But she acknowledges that caring for three kids by herself in the U.S. is also far from normal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since she has to take her kids to school and pick them up, Sadaat hasn’t been able to find a job. Her brother lives in Fremont and has been helping her move around the city until she can get her own license and car to drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not easy to survive in this country,” she said. “We have been already waiting for three years and still — such a messy situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This pending situation is very frustrating for me,” Sadaat said. Her kids are having trouble focusing as well, living in a new country without their father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Aminah Abdullah, who is the charity coordinator at the Pleasanton \u003ca href=\"https://mcceastbay.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Muslim Community Center in the East Bay\u003c/a> (MCC), says that for many recently arrived evacuees, the biggest challenge is housing, and once housing is secured, everything else becomes easier. To help bridge the gap and provide food, MCC has been \u003ca href=\"https://mcceastbay.org/event/afghan-refugee-food-drive/2021-11-05/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">coordinating food drop-offs\u003c/a> for families who are in need of support, many of whom are waiting for state benefits to kick in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdullah said they’re also asking for used cars so they can fix them up for families. “A lot of people are working from home now. They might have an extra vehicle they no longer need. They could donate it to MCC and we would fix it up if needed and pass it along to a refugee family,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCC works with refugee resettlement organizations like the International Rescue Committee and Jewish Family and Community Services East Bay who assist with housing and support in the first few months of arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Searching for stability\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For M. Shakir, who left Kabul with her husband and 4-year-old son, the journey since mid-August has been long and slow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After sleeping on the floor overnight at the airport in Kabul, they left Afghanistan Aug. 17, landed in Qatar and were then moved to Germany. After five days, Shakir said, they arrived in Washington, D.C., and from there were moved to \u003ca href=\"https://www.keranews.org/texas-news/2021-09-23/fort-bliss-builds-village-for-afghan-evacuees\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fort Bliss in Texas\u003c/a>, where about 10,000 evacuees were placed, with 100 people to a tent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really hard … I must say terrible,” she said. At Fort Bliss they lived in a tent with several families, but she said that hygiene was very poor. After staying there for two and a half months, they left to move in with relatives in Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But within the first week of their arrival, they were told by a manager of the building complex that there was an occupancy limit and they would need to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now they have to move again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the financial support they receive from the government is not enough to provide a security deposit, and some places ask for a credit history, something they also don’t have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are totally lost in this situation,” she said and added that some landlords were asking for a five-month deposit on a one-bedroom apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in Afghanistan, Shakir said, her husband was a contract worker for U.S.-based companies and they were in the process of applying for a \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/us-visas/immigrate/special-immg-visa-afghans-employed-us-gov.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">special immigrant visa\u003c/a> (SIV) when they left, but she said they applied for humanitarian parole and have received approval to stay for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many cases, \u003ca href=\"https://immigrationforum.org/article/explainer-humanitarian-parole-and-the-afghan-evacuation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">humanitarian parole\u003c/a> was seen as a temporary workaround that would allow individuals to enter and stay in the U.S. without a visa for “urgent humanitarian reasons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal and community groups say they expect to file at least 30,000 humanitarian parole applications, but nationwide only about 100 applications have been approved since July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Shakir, who received temporary status under humanitarian parole, it hasn’t solved all of the challenges. Her CalFresh card stopped working, so the family needs help with food in addition to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We waited for four weeks and it didn’t arrive at our mail address. Then they said, ‘Wait, one week more.’ We waited one week more. Still, it didn’t arrive,” she explained. “Then they said, ‘OK, you apply for replacement.’ We applied for a replacement again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We don’t want to be a load on the government. We have experience. We can work, you know?’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For now, this has meant they are forgoing meals so their son has enough to eat and they rely on family members for assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are affected and sometimes we feel very heavy,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a good life there back in Kabul, in Afghanistan … life before was quite amazing. Like my husband was a civil engineer. And also he had his own business,” she said. Shakir was a professor at a university, teaching management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to be a load on the government. We have experience. We can work, you know?” she said.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The ongoing humanitarian parole backlog\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nasirilaw.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Spojmie Nasiri\u003c/a>, an immigration attorney in the Bay Area, said she began frantically filing humanitarian parole petitions for people seeking to evacuate Afghanistan soon after the Taliban takeover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those in Afghanistan, “humanitarian parole is the last resort,” she said. “The unicorn of seeking relief into the U.S. The criteria has always been very stringent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the U.S. embassy in Kabul is closed down, Afghans need to travel to another country with an operating American embassy or consulate to be approved for humanitarian parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“And we all know that with the dire situation in Afghanistan, particular minority groups, women judges, lawyers, other groups that are targeted by the Taliban are in dire danger right now and are living in Afghanistan either in safe houses or in hiding,” Nasiri said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And how are they going to possibly go to a third country that is not issuing visas?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration attorneys working with clients in Afghanistan are calling for the U.S. government to lower the requirements for humanitarian parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paris Etemadi Scott, the legal director of the Pars Equality Center in San Jos\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">é\u003c/span>, said one of her clients in Afghanistan has been moving constantly to stay safe because his experience as a contractor for the American government and education in the U.S. puts him at imminent risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott explains that even this client is likely to have his application for humanitarian parole denied because it would be so difficult to get a third party to corroborate that he is at risk of imminent harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a very high evidentiary standard, basically asking Afghans who are in hiding, who don’t have enough to eat, to try to find a person to write a statement specifically naming them and the risk of harm they’re suffering,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Potentially going to Taliban and asking them to notarize the statement. And that’s just, that’s basically tantamount to abandoning our Afghan allies.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>She and other advocates are calling for an Afghan parole program with a criteria based on general risk rather than showing evidence for individual harm. “At this stage, it just seems like the U.S. is washing its hands of Afghanistan and just moving on,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyra Lilien, director of the immigration legal services program at Jewish Family and Community Services East Bay, said while the organization has resettled 300 people in the Bay Area over the last four months, none of her clients has been approved for humanitarian parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The question of the hour is, what other option is there? And really, there is none,” Lilien said. “There’s sort of the false option that the U.S government is advancing, which is that Afghans should find their own way out of Afghanistan somehow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Dec. 13, over 200 organizations sent \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1TchmLvdvWUwQlUsblvNd_65TahuAkTSKlKcpKCfOBSI/edit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a letter\u003c/a> to the Biden administration regarding humanitarian parole denials for Afghans. The letter, spearheaded by \u003ca href=\"https://www.projectanar.org/225-organizations-slam-uscis-policy-on-afghans-seeking-humanitarian-protections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Project ANAR\u003c/a> (Afghan Network for Advocacy and Resources), marks the second appeal by the group to the White House and members of Congress. According to The Wall Street Journal, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/more-than-60-000-interpreters-visa-applicants-remain-in-afghanistan-11639689706?mod=panda_wsj_author_alert\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60,000 visa applicants remain in Afghanistan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jane Pak, co-executive director at \u003ca href=\"https://www.reftrans.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Refugee and Immigrant Transitions\u003c/a> in Oakland, it’s been hard to see the different parts of the system that don’t connect — from people in Afghanistan being told to apply for humanitarian parole without the structure in place to do so — to what appears to be blanket rejections of applicants already in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“All these efforts to do the right thing are met by systemic flaws that are damaging and hurtful,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although dealing with all the immigration hurdles has been very difficult, Pak said, the support from the already settled Bay Area Afghan community has been a source of joy and warmth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s been beautiful is how the communities have been coming together in solidarity,” she said, “doing everything they can to volunteer, to raise resources, to welcome people who are here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said, at the root of it, “there’s a lot that’s not working within the system … and I just want to call attention to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"locations\">\u003c/a>Resources\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Legal assistance \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://parsequalitycenter.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">PARS Equality Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://sf-cairs.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Coalition of Asylee, Immigrant, and Refugee Services\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/EastBayRefugeeandImmigrantForum/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">East Bay Refugee and Immigrant Forum\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Immigrant Legal Services \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/48721/637118335366670000\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">referral list\u003c/a> from the City of San Jos\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">é\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Food assistance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSdaTTNOrXKdD98sdbtsowmPJGT2G461-rQIo2OfUyJu3y9Kag/viewform\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Request food assistance (from MCC East Bay).\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Volunteer with the Muslim Community Center\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Sign up to \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSe7r0ER-PDEeHRYlt9fSRqOF3kdfmVmc4cgAYtQ4KeyVgYfYw/viewform\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">volunteer\u003c/a> with the food pantry.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://mcceastbay.org/donate-furniture/\">Donate furniture\u003c/a> in like-new condition.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Learn more about \u003ca href=\"https://mcceastbay.org/vehicle-donation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">donating used cars\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://mcceastbay.org/vehicle-donation/\">Share housing or employment referrals\u003c/a> and/or to indicate willingness to co-sign a lease.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Resources in all Bay Area counties\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nDial 211 for \u003ca href=\"https://www.211bayarea.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">United Way’s resource line\u003c/a> (150 languages).\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Protesters Demand ICE Stop Using Yuba Jail to Detain Immigrants",
"title": "Protesters Demand ICE Stop Using Yuba Jail to Detain Immigrants",
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"content": "\u003cp>Chanting, “Shut it down! Shut it down!,” more than a dozen protesters gathered this week in downtown San Francisco to demand the Biden administration permanently stop detaining immigrants at a county jail north of Sacramento that they say has a long history of dangerous confinement conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yuba County Jail in Marysville is the only remaining public facility in California that gets paid by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to lock up immigrants fighting deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Detention is always bad, but especially at Yuba County Jail, because of its history of mental health neglect, of medical neglect, of, unfortunately, tragic deaths,” said Laura Duarte Bateman, communications manager with the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice, which organized Wednesday’s protest outside ICE’s San Francisco offices.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ricardo Vasquez Cruz, a Salvadoran immigrant who was detained at Yuba County Jail\"]'What I experienced, I don't want another human being to live through that.'[/pullquote]“We’ve seen that, for more than 40 years, they’ve had these really horrible conditions,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jail has been under the supervision of a federal court since 1979. A consent decree that was negotiated beforehand between the county and attorneys representing people incarcerated in the jail required the facility to improve conditions, including by providing timely medical care and access to exercise and recreation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, four decades after it went into effect, the consent decree was amended to reflect current issues with the jail. But a recent monitoring report by the original attorneys concluded \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.com/yuba-county-jail-monitoring-report-again-finds-county-not-in-compliance-with-amended-consent-decree/\">the jail is still not in full compliance\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found a number of violations, including a failure to follow intake protocols at the jail, which may have contributed to one person’s death, and the ongoing practice of placing people with serious mental illness in segregated housing units on a long-term basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11899496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11899496 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman speaks into a microphone, in front of two other women holding a banner that says '¡Somos 11!'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Duarte Bateman speaks to protesters in front of ICE's offices in San Francisco on Dec. 15, 2021. On her right is Miguel Araujo, 73, who was held by ICE at the Yuba County Jail in 2018 and continues to fight deportation. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In April 2020, the jail held 144 immigrants as part of its arrangement with ICE. But all the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11835611/ice-detainees-at-yuba-jail-press-for-covid-19-protections\">detainees were released during the pandemic\u003c/a>, partly as a result of another federal judge’s orders aimed at preventing a COVID-19 outbreak at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, ICE is still on the hook to pay Yuba County at least $23,720 a day as part of their agreement, even though no detainees are currently being held there, according to the Yuba County Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That expenditure was criticized as an “obvious waste of resources” by two dozen Democratic members of Congress from California who in October \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/sites/lofgren.house.gov/files/CA%20ICE%20Detention%20Letter.pdf\">expressed their grievances in a letter\u003c/a> to U.S. Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, whose agency oversees ICE. The lawmakers urged Mayorkas to take immediate steps to end ICE’s contracts with both the jail and two privately run detention centers in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]“Those detained at Yuba have experienced a lack of medical care, broken hygiene facilities, unsanitary conditions including mold and insects, spoiled food, and excessive use of solitary confinement, leading to repeat protests and hunger strikes, when formal complaints were mishandled,” the letter, signed by Rep. Zoe Lofgren, D-San José, and other lawmakers, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayorkas has not yet replied, said a staffer for Lofgren, who chairs the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has not sent any new individuals to the Yuba jail since July 2020, said Kelly Wells, an immigration attorney with the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office who represented detainees in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/our-work/legal-docket/zepeda-rivas-v-jennings-immigration-detention\">lawsuit\u003c/a> that forced ICE officials to release dozens of people during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE is able to conduct its operations without using this facility,” said Wells, whose clients include a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11856995/they-didnt-listen-to-us-ice-detainee-who-waged-hunger-strikes-for-covid-19-protections-gets-virus\">young asylum-seeker who waged hunger strikes\u003c/a> at the jail. “So why would you go back to using a facility that can’t comply with people’s constitutional rights in normal times, much less with the heightened level of care they need when there’s a pandemic?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesperson declined to comment on why no individuals are currently held at the jail or whether the agency plans to detain people at the facility anytime soon, as advocates fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duarte Bateman, of the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice, and local immigration attorneys say they believe ICE is planning to restart intakes at Yuba because the agency has requested that an immigration court in San Francisco — whose jurisdiction includes the Yuba facility — reserve time in judges’ schedules to consider new cases of people who would be detained at the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Yuba County Jail is not expecting any ICE detainees this week, said Leslie Carbah, a spokesperson with the Yuba County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The simple answer is they haven’t needed the housing here,” she said. “However, we are able to accept detainees for housing when ICE has detainees in need of housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carbah defended conditions at the facility and maintained that while some deficiencies have been noted during inspections by state and federal authorities, they have been quickly rectified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11899497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11899497 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52946_IMG_4652-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a jacket and a scarf on a street in San Francisco, with a small group of protesters behind him.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52946_IMG_4652-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52946_IMG_4652-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52946_IMG_4652-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52946_IMG_4652-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52946_IMG_4652-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salvadoran immigrant Ricardo Vasquez Cruz at a protest near ICE's offices in San Francisco on Dec. 15, 2021. Vasquez Cruz, 46, was detained by ICE at Yuba County Jail for more than three years, he said, and released on Oct. 27, 2021. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have 24/7 medical and mental health care available for those in our custody, and the men and women who work in the Yuba County Jail provide a high level of service,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 22,000 people were detained in ICE facilities across the country as of Dec. 5, down from more than 27,000 reported in June, according to researchers at Syracuse University. The data shows that \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/quickfacts/\">75% of those detained have no criminal record\u003c/a>, while many others have only minor violations, such as traffic infractions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE says it must lock up people fighting deportation to ensure they appear for their court hearings. Detention resources are “focused on those who represent a danger to persons or property, for whom detention is mandatory by law, or who may be a flight risk,” said Alethea Smock, the ICE spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE ensures that detainees in its custody “reside in safe, secure and humane environments and under appropriate conditions of confinement,” she added, quoting the agency’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In theory, civil immigration detention should not be punitive, since the people held by ICE are not serving criminal sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Ricardo Vasquez Cruz, a Salvadoran immigrant who in October became the \u003ca href=\"https://sfpublicdefender.org/news/2021/10/breaking-last-person-in-ice-custody-at-the-yuba-county-jail-released-after-pressure-from-advocates-attorneys-and-members-of-congress/\">last detainee\u003c/a> released from the Yuba jail, said his experience there felt like a punishment — with poor medical care available to treat his diabetes and meals that made his stomach hurt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The father of a 19-year-old U.S. citizen, Vasquez Cruz said he was often locked up in a cell for more than 20 hours a day, and struggled to get soap and other basic necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I experienced, I don’t want another human being to live through that,” Vasquez Cruz, 46, told KQED in Spanish, after joining Wednesday’s protest. “Thank God I was able to bear it, but I don’t know if other people can.”[pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Chanting, “Shut it down! Shut it down!,” more than a dozen protesters gathered this week in downtown San Francisco to demand the Biden administration permanently stop detaining immigrants at a county jail north of Sacramento that they say has a long history of dangerous confinement conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yuba County Jail in Marysville is the only remaining public facility in California that gets paid by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to lock up immigrants fighting deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Detention is always bad, but especially at Yuba County Jail, because of its history of mental health neglect, of medical neglect, of, unfortunately, tragic deaths,” said Laura Duarte Bateman, communications manager with the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice, which organized Wednesday’s protest outside ICE’s San Francisco offices.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’ve seen that, for more than 40 years, they’ve had these really horrible conditions,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jail has been under the supervision of a federal court since 1979. A consent decree that was negotiated beforehand between the county and attorneys representing people incarcerated in the jail required the facility to improve conditions, including by providing timely medical care and access to exercise and recreation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, four decades after it went into effect, the consent decree was amended to reflect current issues with the jail. But a recent monitoring report by the original attorneys concluded \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.com/yuba-county-jail-monitoring-report-again-finds-county-not-in-compliance-with-amended-consent-decree/\">the jail is still not in full compliance\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found a number of violations, including a failure to follow intake protocols at the jail, which may have contributed to one person’s death, and the ongoing practice of placing people with serious mental illness in segregated housing units on a long-term basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11899496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11899496 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman speaks into a microphone, in front of two other women holding a banner that says '¡Somos 11!'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52944_IMG_4617-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Duarte Bateman speaks to protesters in front of ICE's offices in San Francisco on Dec. 15, 2021. On her right is Miguel Araujo, 73, who was held by ICE at the Yuba County Jail in 2018 and continues to fight deportation. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In April 2020, the jail held 144 immigrants as part of its arrangement with ICE. But all the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11835611/ice-detainees-at-yuba-jail-press-for-covid-19-protections\">detainees were released during the pandemic\u003c/a>, partly as a result of another federal judge’s orders aimed at preventing a COVID-19 outbreak at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, ICE is still on the hook to pay Yuba County at least $23,720 a day as part of their agreement, even though no detainees are currently being held there, according to the Yuba County Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That expenditure was criticized as an “obvious waste of resources” by two dozen Democratic members of Congress from California who in October \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/sites/lofgren.house.gov/files/CA%20ICE%20Detention%20Letter.pdf\">expressed their grievances in a letter\u003c/a> to U.S. Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, whose agency oversees ICE. The lawmakers urged Mayorkas to take immediate steps to end ICE’s contracts with both the jail and two privately run detention centers in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Those detained at Yuba have experienced a lack of medical care, broken hygiene facilities, unsanitary conditions including mold and insects, spoiled food, and excessive use of solitary confinement, leading to repeat protests and hunger strikes, when formal complaints were mishandled,” the letter, signed by Rep. Zoe Lofgren, D-San José, and other lawmakers, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayorkas has not yet replied, said a staffer for Lofgren, who chairs the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has not sent any new individuals to the Yuba jail since July 2020, said Kelly Wells, an immigration attorney with the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office who represented detainees in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/our-work/legal-docket/zepeda-rivas-v-jennings-immigration-detention\">lawsuit\u003c/a> that forced ICE officials to release dozens of people during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE is able to conduct its operations without using this facility,” said Wells, whose clients include a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11856995/they-didnt-listen-to-us-ice-detainee-who-waged-hunger-strikes-for-covid-19-protections-gets-virus\">young asylum-seeker who waged hunger strikes\u003c/a> at the jail. “So why would you go back to using a facility that can’t comply with people’s constitutional rights in normal times, much less with the heightened level of care they need when there’s a pandemic?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesperson declined to comment on why no individuals are currently held at the jail or whether the agency plans to detain people at the facility anytime soon, as advocates fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duarte Bateman, of the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice, and local immigration attorneys say they believe ICE is planning to restart intakes at Yuba because the agency has requested that an immigration court in San Francisco — whose jurisdiction includes the Yuba facility — reserve time in judges’ schedules to consider new cases of people who would be detained at the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Yuba County Jail is not expecting any ICE detainees this week, said Leslie Carbah, a spokesperson with the Yuba County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The simple answer is they haven’t needed the housing here,” she said. “However, we are able to accept detainees for housing when ICE has detainees in need of housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carbah defended conditions at the facility and maintained that while some deficiencies have been noted during inspections by state and federal authorities, they have been quickly rectified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11899497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11899497 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52946_IMG_4652-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a jacket and a scarf on a street in San Francisco, with a small group of protesters behind him.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52946_IMG_4652-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52946_IMG_4652-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52946_IMG_4652-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52946_IMG_4652-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52946_IMG_4652-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salvadoran immigrant Ricardo Vasquez Cruz at a protest near ICE's offices in San Francisco on Dec. 15, 2021. Vasquez Cruz, 46, was detained by ICE at Yuba County Jail for more than three years, he said, and released on Oct. 27, 2021. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have 24/7 medical and mental health care available for those in our custody, and the men and women who work in the Yuba County Jail provide a high level of service,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 22,000 people were detained in ICE facilities across the country as of Dec. 5, down from more than 27,000 reported in June, according to researchers at Syracuse University. The data shows that \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/quickfacts/\">75% of those detained have no criminal record\u003c/a>, while many others have only minor violations, such as traffic infractions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE says it must lock up people fighting deportation to ensure they appear for their court hearings. Detention resources are “focused on those who represent a danger to persons or property, for whom detention is mandatory by law, or who may be a flight risk,” said Alethea Smock, the ICE spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE ensures that detainees in its custody “reside in safe, secure and humane environments and under appropriate conditions of confinement,” she added, quoting the agency’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In theory, civil immigration detention should not be punitive, since the people held by ICE are not serving criminal sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Ricardo Vasquez Cruz, a Salvadoran immigrant who in October became the \u003ca href=\"https://sfpublicdefender.org/news/2021/10/breaking-last-person-in-ice-custody-at-the-yuba-county-jail-released-after-pressure-from-advocates-attorneys-and-members-of-congress/\">last detainee\u003c/a> released from the Yuba jail, said his experience there felt like a punishment — with poor medical care available to treat his diabetes and meals that made his stomach hurt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The father of a 19-year-old U.S. citizen, Vasquez Cruz said he was often locked up in a cell for more than 20 hours a day, and struggled to get soap and other basic necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I experienced, I don’t want another human being to live through that,” Vasquez Cruz, 46, told KQED in Spanish, after joining Wednesday’s protest. “Thank God I was able to bear it, but I don’t know if other people can.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
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"id": "science-friday",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
"airtime": "SAT 1pm-2pm, 9pm-10pm",
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