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"disqusTitle": "'I'm Still Vulnerable': Bay Area Dreamers on 10-Year DACA Anniversary",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hayward resident Ju Hong remembers when President Barack Obama signed an executive order aimed at protecting young undocumented immigrants like himself from deportation. It was June 15, 2012, and Hong was a UC Berkeley senior, studying in a coffee shop next to campus when he got the news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of a sudden, my friends are texting me,” he said. “And people are saying, ‘Hey, check out Obama's new announcement.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He applied right away, and he said the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/DACA\">Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals\u003c/a> program, or DACA, was a game-changer. It not only shielded him from deportation but also provided a renewable, two-year work permit. It was the first quasi-legal status he’d had since he was 11 and his family came to the Bay Area from South Korea on a temporary visa and stayed after it expired.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ju Hong, DACA recipient\"]'It's very frustrating, and it's tiring too, sometimes, to wait for politicians to prioritize the immigrant community.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong, 32, was able to get work in nonprofit organizations, and then went on for a master’s degree and started building a career as a staff member in state and local government agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I had the opportunity to earn income, to support myself and my family while getting generous benefits like health care that you get through an employer,” he said. “My mental and physical well-being improved dramatically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week marks the 10th anniversary of DACA. Over the decade it has \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/reports/DACA_performancedata_fy2022_qtr1.pdf\">benefited roughly 835,000\u003c/a> young undocumented immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children. More than a quarter of them call California home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today, DACA’s future is uncertain. And so is the future of the people who’ve come to rely on it, including Hong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, he was working for Alameda County as a grants administrator. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11881855/tired-of-living-in-limbo-daca-application-backlog-puts-immigrant-lives-on-hold\">his work permit expired\u003c/a> when his DACA renewal application got caught in a federal backlog. And overnight, Hong was let go from his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a wake-up call for me that I'm still vulnerable, that I'm still in this limbo status,” he said. “DACA is still temporary.”[aside postID=\"news_11913665,news_11885260,news_11881855\" label=\"Related Posts\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong mobilized, and got 600 supporters to call Congress. Within days, his DACA protection was renewed. And he probably could have gotten his job back. But after that experience, he decided to work full-time for immigrants’ rights. Today, he’s the director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.labor.ucla.edu/what-we-do/dream-resource-center/\">UCLA’s Dream Resource Center\u003c/a>, which supports undocumented students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s committed to the work, and pushing for a path to citizenship for all 11 million undocumented immigrants in the country — including his mother and older sister. But it wears on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's very frustrating, and it’s tiring, too, sometimes, to wait for politicians to prioritize the immigrant community,” said Hong. “It's a lot of mixed emotions as we're entering into this 10th-year DACA anniversary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DACA was always a stopgap measure: an executive action Obama took because Congress hadn’t passed the Dream Act, which would offer permanent legal residence — that path to citizenship — for young undocumented immigrants brought to the country as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama was persuaded to act after years of outspoken activism by \"Dreamers\" — young undocumented immigrants who’d grown up in the U.S. and were yearning to build a life here legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Coming out and risking deportation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yahaira Carrillo was one of those activists. She was 7 when her mother brought her from Mexico to California so they could reunite with Carrillo’s dad. He was a farmworker in the Central Valley, and later found a job in a bakery in Napa, the same town where her mother worked as a cleaner at a nursing home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917177\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917177 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman with long, thick, wavy dark brown hair and a gold hoop earring looks directly at the camera, unsmiling. She wears a black long-sleeved top. In the blurry background is an interior brick wall and another woman, facing away, sitting at a wooden desk with a laptop.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yahaira Carrillo was photographed in the East Bay Community Law Center office on April 14, 2017. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Carrillo, 37, came of age with the stifling awareness that her family was always in danger. She said her parents taught her to drive when she was 9 so that if anything happened to them, she could reach safety with other relatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It felt like you could go to work and end up deported, you could go to the market and end up deported,” she said. “I didn’t want to live with that hanging over my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of keeping her head down and striving to be a model student, Carrillo began organizing for the Dream Act. Then, in 2010, she took a bold step: She and four other college students staged a sit-in at the Arizona office of the late Senator John McCain — and she was arrested. She says she risked deportation with the sit-in because she was at the end of her rope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was feeling like I was going to be stuck,” she said. “And that all of my personal effort, but also all of my mother's effort in trying to provide for me, was going to be wasted.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo had come out of the closet once already, telling her loved ones she was queer. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11405917/queer-and-undocumented-a-powerful-force-in-the-dreamer-movement\">Along with other LGBTQ+ immigrant advocates\u003c/a>, she realized there was a similar power in having the courage to come out as undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sit-in at Sen. McCain's office was a more extreme version of that, of really scaling it up a notch,” she said. “But it started from coming out of the shadows and it was very much steeped in queer history and of coming out and sharing our stories.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When DACA was created, Carrillo applied, but she got rejected. The program has strict requirements to prove you’ve been in the U.S. continuously since 2007. And not everyone can come up with all the school records, utility bills and other paperwork to document their presence for every single month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo did eventually get permanent residence, as the result of a terrible circumstance: She was a survivor of domestic violence. Her lawyer told her about one of the only avenues for undocumented people to become legal immigrants: Under a 2000 law, crime victims are eligible for a U visa, and later a green card, if they cooperate with the police. She can apply for citizenship next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are not so fortunate. The Dream Act was first introduced in Congress in 2001, but despite strong support from voters of both parties in public opinion polls, it has never been enacted. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/6\">version of the bill\u003c/a> passed the House of Representatives last year — and could benefit 2.3 million \"Dreamers.\" But it’s stuck in the U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democratic Senator Alex Padilla has been trying to break the logjam, with bipartisan talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What frustrates me the most is a lot of my Republican colleagues will tell me in private that they're supportive of Dreamers but don't seem to be willing to say so or act accordingly publicly when it comes to being able to support legislation,” Padilla told KQED. “So the fact that we’ve resumed negotiations is encouraging, and I'm going to keep pressing for it until we get it done.\u003cem>”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear, though, that he can win over the 10 or more Republicans he would need for the bill to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A pivotal moment with DACA's future at stake\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, DACA has survived in the courts, but barely. In 2017 President Trump declared an end to the program. Legal challenges went all the way up to the U.S. Supreme Court, and in 2020 the justices ruled that Trump’s termination had violated proper procedure, so DACA could stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11881668/after-texas-court-ruling-whats-the-future-for-young-immigrants-and-daca-recipients\">another case, filed by Texas and six other states, is challenging the program’s legality\u003c/a>. Last year a federal judge in Texas blocked the government from considering new DACA applications as the case proceeds. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit will hear the case on July 6, and it could reach the Supreme Court next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University of Pennsylvania sociologist \u003ca href=\"https://sociology.sas.upenn.edu/people/roberto-gonzales\">Roberto Gonzales \u003c/a>has followed the life paths of hundreds of undocumented young people in Los Angeles. He says this is a pivotal moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question becomes, do we make good on the promise of DACA that has really catapulted young adults in this country into better lives? Or do we leave them without answers to their future?” asked Gonzales. “It's a critical question right now. And I think it will really define this contemporary moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales called DACA “probably the most successful policy of immigrant integration in the last several decades.” And, he said, it’s not just \"Dreamers\" like Hong who will lose out if the program is wiped away. It’s a loss for the whole country to forfeit their talents and the contributions they make to the economy and their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration has always been a contentious issue,” he said. “And that issue has been framed around this question of who belongs in the ‘we’ of our nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Twelve days too late\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the years go by, fewer and fewer young people can qualify for DACA. That’s because the rules say an immigrant has to have been in the U.S. since June 15, 2007. By some estimates, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fwd.us/news/undocumented-high-school-graduates/\">the majority of this year’s 100,000 undocumented high school graduates\u003c/a> have missed the program’s cutoff date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer is a 20-year-old high school graduate in Oakland. She came from El Salvador with her grandmother when she was 5. We’re not using her last name because she’s undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn't qualify for it because I came here 12 days too late,” she said. “It made me feel really sad, very disappointed, because I really had high hopes for it, thinking that it was going to work out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer says she wants to go to college and study for a job in the health professions, a plan that was inspired by an aunt who became a doctor. For now, she’s getting by working in a fast food restaurant, under the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hayward resident Ju Hong remembers when President Barack Obama signed an executive order aimed at protecting young undocumented immigrants like himself from deportation. It was June 15, 2012, and Hong was a UC Berkeley senior, studying in a coffee shop next to campus when he got the news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of a sudden, my friends are texting me,” he said. “And people are saying, ‘Hey, check out Obama's new announcement.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He applied right away, and he said the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/DACA\">Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals\u003c/a> program, or DACA, was a game-changer. It not only shielded him from deportation but also provided a renewable, two-year work permit. It was the first quasi-legal status he’d had since he was 11 and his family came to the Bay Area from South Korea on a temporary visa and stayed after it expired.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong, 32, was able to get work in nonprofit organizations, and then went on for a master’s degree and started building a career as a staff member in state and local government agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I had the opportunity to earn income, to support myself and my family while getting generous benefits like health care that you get through an employer,” he said. “My mental and physical well-being improved dramatically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week marks the 10th anniversary of DACA. Over the decade it has \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/reports/DACA_performancedata_fy2022_qtr1.pdf\">benefited roughly 835,000\u003c/a> young undocumented immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children. More than a quarter of them call California home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today, DACA’s future is uncertain. And so is the future of the people who’ve come to rely on it, including Hong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, he was working for Alameda County as a grants administrator. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11881855/tired-of-living-in-limbo-daca-application-backlog-puts-immigrant-lives-on-hold\">his work permit expired\u003c/a> when his DACA renewal application got caught in a federal backlog. And overnight, Hong was let go from his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a wake-up call for me that I'm still vulnerable, that I'm still in this limbo status,” he said. “DACA is still temporary.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong mobilized, and got 600 supporters to call Congress. Within days, his DACA protection was renewed. And he probably could have gotten his job back. But after that experience, he decided to work full-time for immigrants’ rights. Today, he’s the director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.labor.ucla.edu/what-we-do/dream-resource-center/\">UCLA’s Dream Resource Center\u003c/a>, which supports undocumented students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s committed to the work, and pushing for a path to citizenship for all 11 million undocumented immigrants in the country — including his mother and older sister. But it wears on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's very frustrating, and it’s tiring, too, sometimes, to wait for politicians to prioritize the immigrant community,” said Hong. “It's a lot of mixed emotions as we're entering into this 10th-year DACA anniversary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DACA was always a stopgap measure: an executive action Obama took because Congress hadn’t passed the Dream Act, which would offer permanent legal residence — that path to citizenship — for young undocumented immigrants brought to the country as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama was persuaded to act after years of outspoken activism by \"Dreamers\" — young undocumented immigrants who’d grown up in the U.S. and were yearning to build a life here legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Coming out and risking deportation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yahaira Carrillo was one of those activists. She was 7 when her mother brought her from Mexico to California so they could reunite with Carrillo’s dad. He was a farmworker in the Central Valley, and later found a job in a bakery in Napa, the same town where her mother worked as a cleaner at a nursing home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917177\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917177 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman with long, thick, wavy dark brown hair and a gold hoop earring looks directly at the camera, unsmiling. She wears a black long-sleeved top. In the blurry background is an interior brick wall and another woman, facing away, sitting at a wooden desk with a laptop.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yahaira Carrillo was photographed in the East Bay Community Law Center office on April 14, 2017. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Carrillo, 37, came of age with the stifling awareness that her family was always in danger. She said her parents taught her to drive when she was 9 so that if anything happened to them, she could reach safety with other relatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It felt like you could go to work and end up deported, you could go to the market and end up deported,” she said. “I didn’t want to live with that hanging over my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of keeping her head down and striving to be a model student, Carrillo began organizing for the Dream Act. Then, in 2010, she took a bold step: She and four other college students staged a sit-in at the Arizona office of the late Senator John McCain — and she was arrested. She says she risked deportation with the sit-in because she was at the end of her rope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was feeling like I was going to be stuck,” she said. “And that all of my personal effort, but also all of my mother's effort in trying to provide for me, was going to be wasted.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo had come out of the closet once already, telling her loved ones she was queer. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11405917/queer-and-undocumented-a-powerful-force-in-the-dreamer-movement\">Along with other LGBTQ+ immigrant advocates\u003c/a>, she realized there was a similar power in having the courage to come out as undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sit-in at Sen. McCain's office was a more extreme version of that, of really scaling it up a notch,” she said. “But it started from coming out of the shadows and it was very much steeped in queer history and of coming out and sharing our stories.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When DACA was created, Carrillo applied, but she got rejected. The program has strict requirements to prove you’ve been in the U.S. continuously since 2007. And not everyone can come up with all the school records, utility bills and other paperwork to document their presence for every single month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo did eventually get permanent residence, as the result of a terrible circumstance: She was a survivor of domestic violence. Her lawyer told her about one of the only avenues for undocumented people to become legal immigrants: Under a 2000 law, crime victims are eligible for a U visa, and later a green card, if they cooperate with the police. She can apply for citizenship next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are not so fortunate. The Dream Act was first introduced in Congress in 2001, but despite strong support from voters of both parties in public opinion polls, it has never been enacted. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/6\">version of the bill\u003c/a> passed the House of Representatives last year — and could benefit 2.3 million \"Dreamers.\" But it’s stuck in the U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democratic Senator Alex Padilla has been trying to break the logjam, with bipartisan talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What frustrates me the most is a lot of my Republican colleagues will tell me in private that they're supportive of Dreamers but don't seem to be willing to say so or act accordingly publicly when it comes to being able to support legislation,” Padilla told KQED. “So the fact that we’ve resumed negotiations is encouraging, and I'm going to keep pressing for it until we get it done.\u003cem>”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear, though, that he can win over the 10 or more Republicans he would need for the bill to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A pivotal moment with DACA's future at stake\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, DACA has survived in the courts, but barely. In 2017 President Trump declared an end to the program. Legal challenges went all the way up to the U.S. Supreme Court, and in 2020 the justices ruled that Trump’s termination had violated proper procedure, so DACA could stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11881668/after-texas-court-ruling-whats-the-future-for-young-immigrants-and-daca-recipients\">another case, filed by Texas and six other states, is challenging the program’s legality\u003c/a>. Last year a federal judge in Texas blocked the government from considering new DACA applications as the case proceeds. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit will hear the case on July 6, and it could reach the Supreme Court next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University of Pennsylvania sociologist \u003ca href=\"https://sociology.sas.upenn.edu/people/roberto-gonzales\">Roberto Gonzales \u003c/a>has followed the life paths of hundreds of undocumented young people in Los Angeles. He says this is a pivotal moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question becomes, do we make good on the promise of DACA that has really catapulted young adults in this country into better lives? Or do we leave them without answers to their future?” asked Gonzales. “It's a critical question right now. And I think it will really define this contemporary moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales called DACA “probably the most successful policy of immigrant integration in the last several decades.” And, he said, it’s not just \"Dreamers\" like Hong who will lose out if the program is wiped away. It’s a loss for the whole country to forfeit their talents and the contributions they make to the economy and their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration has always been a contentious issue,” he said. “And that issue has been framed around this question of who belongs in the ‘we’ of our nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Twelve days too late\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the years go by, fewer and fewer young people can qualify for DACA. That’s because the rules say an immigrant has to have been in the U.S. since June 15, 2007. By some estimates, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fwd.us/news/undocumented-high-school-graduates/\">the majority of this year’s 100,000 undocumented high school graduates\u003c/a> have missed the program’s cutoff date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer is a 20-year-old high school graduate in Oakland. She came from El Salvador with her grandmother when she was 5. We’re not using her last name because she’s undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn't qualify for it because I came here 12 days too late,” she said. “It made me feel really sad, very disappointed, because I really had high hopes for it, thinking that it was going to work out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer says she wants to go to college and study for a job in the health professions, a plan that was inspired by an aunt who became a doctor. For now, she’s getting by working in a fast food restaurant, under the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom Wants to Expand Medi-Cal to All Undocumented Immigrants by 2024. Advocates Say They Need It Sooner",
"title": "Newsom Wants to Expand Medi-Cal to All Undocumented Immigrants by 2024. Advocates Say They Need It Sooner",
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"content": "\u003cp>California immigrant advocates applauded Gov. Gavin Newsom's budget proposal that would make this the first state in the nation to extend safety-net health care coverage to all residents, regardless of immigration status. But with a $97 billion surplus projected in the governor's May budget revision, they say it's time for state leaders to go even further to strengthen the social safety net for unauthorized immigrants, many of whom have played an essential role as frontline workers during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The fact that we have such a huge surplus is because we have widening inequality, because the rich did so well,\" said Alexis Castro, government affairs director at the California Immigrant Policy Center, referring to the fact that much of the surplus revenue comes from income taxes on high earnings and capital gains from investments. \"Can we use that to invest in those that were most impacted, that are at the front lines, that are really the backbone of our communities?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with an unprecedented budget surplus, plans to further expand social programs will have to contend with a state spending limit approved by voters in 1979, along with uncertainty about where the state economy is headed and resistance from fiscal conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2016, California has expanded Medi-Cal to undocumented children and, beginning this month, adults over age 50. Newsom's plan, first announced in January, would cover the last remaining group: roughly 700,000 undocumented adults, age 26 to 49, at a cost of $800 million next year and $2.7 billion in future years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the governor's Medi-Cal expansion is enacted, though, it won't take effect until 2024. Castro and other advocates want it in place sooner. They say the pandemic showed why everyone needs access to medical care, particularly the uninsured immigrants who grew, processed and distributed food, and who worked in construction, cleaning and child care through shelter-in-place orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A USC study last year of 2020 COVID-19 deaths in California found that working-age Latino immigrants were 11 times more likely to die from the disease than U.S.-born non-Hispanic adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro's group and others back a plan by Senate Democrats to spend an extra $1 billion to accelerate the Medi-Cal expansion to June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They also are endorsing Democrats' proposals to use the additional surplus in the following ways:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">$284 million to expand nutrition assistance under the Food for All bill to undocumented immigrants of all ages (not just those over 55, as Newsom proposes).\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">$400 million to increase the state's \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/file/personal/credits/california-earned-income-tax-credit.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">earned income tax credit\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to a minimum of $255 for workers who earn less than $30,000 a year.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An expansion of the state's young child tax credit, for families with children under 6.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In addition, a statewide network of more than 100 immigrant and labor advocacy groups, dubbed the Safety Net for All Coalition, is getting behind a bill, AB 2847, that would put $690 million into a pilot program to fund unemployment insurance for undocumented workers. California employers contribute to the state unemployment insurance trust fund on behalf of undocumented workers, but those workers are ineligible for its benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in Calexico with a single mother who was a farmworker, Castro said he experienced firsthand the importance of the social safety net when his mom lost her job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know what it's like to need these services — what it's like to need food assistance, unemployment benefits, Medi-Cal — to be able to not so much thrive, but to be able to survive,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11914810\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-800x533.jpg\" alt='Amid a crowd of people wearing caps and face masks, one person wearing a black hoodie with the word \"justice\" in rainbow colors holds a sign reading \"Reforma Migratoria Ahora!\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Latino immigrant children call for immigration reform as a coalition of activist groups and labor unions participate in a May Day march for workers' and human rights in Los Angeles, on May 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(DAVID MCNEW/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California, 1 in 4 residents was born in another country, and roughly 2 million Californians are unauthorized immigrants — most of whom have been here for over a decade and have no clear way to obtain legal status. Lawmakers have gradually made more state benefits available to these immigrants, who are denied many federal services. Access to everything from college financial aid to legal services to pandemic relief has been the result of persistent organizing by pro-immigrant advocacy groups in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eduardo Garcia, senior policy manager with the Latino Community Foundation, is calling on the governor to embrace the Senate Democrats' proposals to target funding to the state's lower-income residents, including unauthorized immigrants, rather than use $11.5 billion for a gas tax rebate for all vehicle owners, as Newsom proposed in the May budget revision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We actually see that as a missed opportunity to help some of the most vulnerable Californians, many of whom we know don't own a vehicle,\" said Garcia. \"We actually think there are other initiatives to help reduce poverty in the state that must be taken seriously into consideration in time for the final budget.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 1979 spending restriction, known as the Gann limit, is likely to be a huge hurdle. It says the state may not spend more per capita than it did in 1978, adjusted for inflation. There are some exceptions, including for infrastructure and tax rebates. But the state's legislative analyst says Newsom's current budget proposal is already $3.5 billion over the limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The surplus is so large that it's putting us up against, if not over, this proposition for state appropriations,\" said Gabriel Petek, the legislative analyst. \"In our judgment, that's going to force the Legislature to have to make some trade-offs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gas tax rebate isn't affected by the Gann limit, he said, but spending more on the social safety net will only make the imbalance worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the Legislature wanted to increase spending on some social services, our recommendation would be for them to consider reducing other types of services,\" he said. \"It is a difficult set of choices.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond that, lawmakers and the governor need to keep an eye on the overall economy, which Petek says is at risk of falling into a recession, as the U.S. Federal Reserve raises interest rates in an effort to rein in inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Californians' incomes drop in the coming year, tax revenues will, too, forcing cuts to programs that were expanded when times were flush, pointed out Andrew Pederson, capitol director for Govern for California, a nonprofit organization working to counter the influence of special interests in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not comfortable to fall off a fiscal cliff,\" said Pederson. \"That's where programs funded with one-time funding tend to fold up and people are left empty-handed. So we tend to take a more conservative approach when it comes to these things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican consultant Mike Madrid argues that a lot of the unexpected revenue should be refunded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California, unfortunately, I think, is becoming a state with a tax system that is overly reliant on very high-income earners and is extraordinarily generous to very low-income earners,\" he said. \"I do think with this size of a surplus, there needs to be some sort of rebate or refund back to the taxpayers who paid it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Madrid also said the pandemic showed the importance of providing health care for all Californians, even at taxpayer expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've learned: contagion, public health — it's all intertwined. Viruses don't care if you're undocumented or not,\" he said. \"We also, I think, realize that there's some benefit to ensuring that everybody in our society around us, regardless of status, is healthy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state lawmakers hammer out their version of a budget bill this month and then negotiate with the governor on a version he's willing to sign by the June 30 deadline, the debate over extending services to undocumented immigrants builds on a political consensus that's been growing for more than a decade: that immigrants, regardless of status, are an integral part of California's economic and social fabric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California is actually leading in a lot of ways,\" said Garcia. \"But at the same time, we have a historic budget surplus. We can afford to include these essential workers in the safety net. … We think that this budget has to reflect the values that we have as a state.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California immigrant advocates applauded Gov. Gavin Newsom's budget proposal that would make this the first state in the nation to extend safety-net health care coverage to all residents, regardless of immigration status. But with a $97 billion surplus projected in the governor's May budget revision, they say it's time for state leaders to go even further to strengthen the social safety net for unauthorized immigrants, many of whom have played an essential role as frontline workers during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The fact that we have such a huge surplus is because we have widening inequality, because the rich did so well,\" said Alexis Castro, government affairs director at the California Immigrant Policy Center, referring to the fact that much of the surplus revenue comes from income taxes on high earnings and capital gains from investments. \"Can we use that to invest in those that were most impacted, that are at the front lines, that are really the backbone of our communities?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with an unprecedented budget surplus, plans to further expand social programs will have to contend with a state spending limit approved by voters in 1979, along with uncertainty about where the state economy is headed and resistance from fiscal conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2016, California has expanded Medi-Cal to undocumented children and, beginning this month, adults over age 50. Newsom's plan, first announced in January, would cover the last remaining group: roughly 700,000 undocumented adults, age 26 to 49, at a cost of $800 million next year and $2.7 billion in future years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the governor's Medi-Cal expansion is enacted, though, it won't take effect until 2024. Castro and other advocates want it in place sooner. They say the pandemic showed why everyone needs access to medical care, particularly the uninsured immigrants who grew, processed and distributed food, and who worked in construction, cleaning and child care through shelter-in-place orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A USC study last year of 2020 COVID-19 deaths in California found that working-age Latino immigrants were 11 times more likely to die from the disease than U.S.-born non-Hispanic adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro's group and others back a plan by Senate Democrats to spend an extra $1 billion to accelerate the Medi-Cal expansion to June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They also are endorsing Democrats' proposals to use the additional surplus in the following ways:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">$284 million to expand nutrition assistance under the Food for All bill to undocumented immigrants of all ages (not just those over 55, as Newsom proposes).\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">$400 million to increase the state's \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/file/personal/credits/california-earned-income-tax-credit.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">earned income tax credit\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to a minimum of $255 for workers who earn less than $30,000 a year.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An expansion of the state's young child tax credit, for families with children under 6.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In addition, a statewide network of more than 100 immigrant and labor advocacy groups, dubbed the Safety Net for All Coalition, is getting behind a bill, AB 2847, that would put $690 million into a pilot program to fund unemployment insurance for undocumented workers. California employers contribute to the state unemployment insurance trust fund on behalf of undocumented workers, but those workers are ineligible for its benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in Calexico with a single mother who was a farmworker, Castro said he experienced firsthand the importance of the social safety net when his mom lost her job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know what it's like to need these services — what it's like to need food assistance, unemployment benefits, Medi-Cal — to be able to not so much thrive, but to be able to survive,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11914810\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-800x533.jpg\" alt='Amid a crowd of people wearing caps and face masks, one person wearing a black hoodie with the word \"justice\" in rainbow colors holds a sign reading \"Reforma Migratoria Ahora!\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Latino immigrant children call for immigration reform as a coalition of activist groups and labor unions participate in a May Day march for workers' and human rights in Los Angeles, on May 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(DAVID MCNEW/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California, 1 in 4 residents was born in another country, and roughly 2 million Californians are unauthorized immigrants — most of whom have been here for over a decade and have no clear way to obtain legal status. Lawmakers have gradually made more state benefits available to these immigrants, who are denied many federal services. Access to everything from college financial aid to legal services to pandemic relief has been the result of persistent organizing by pro-immigrant advocacy groups in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eduardo Garcia, senior policy manager with the Latino Community Foundation, is calling on the governor to embrace the Senate Democrats' proposals to target funding to the state's lower-income residents, including unauthorized immigrants, rather than use $11.5 billion for a gas tax rebate for all vehicle owners, as Newsom proposed in the May budget revision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We actually see that as a missed opportunity to help some of the most vulnerable Californians, many of whom we know don't own a vehicle,\" said Garcia. \"We actually think there are other initiatives to help reduce poverty in the state that must be taken seriously into consideration in time for the final budget.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 1979 spending restriction, known as the Gann limit, is likely to be a huge hurdle. It says the state may not spend more per capita than it did in 1978, adjusted for inflation. There are some exceptions, including for infrastructure and tax rebates. But the state's legislative analyst says Newsom's current budget proposal is already $3.5 billion over the limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The surplus is so large that it's putting us up against, if not over, this proposition for state appropriations,\" said Gabriel Petek, the legislative analyst. \"In our judgment, that's going to force the Legislature to have to make some trade-offs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gas tax rebate isn't affected by the Gann limit, he said, but spending more on the social safety net will only make the imbalance worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the Legislature wanted to increase spending on some social services, our recommendation would be for them to consider reducing other types of services,\" he said. \"It is a difficult set of choices.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond that, lawmakers and the governor need to keep an eye on the overall economy, which Petek says is at risk of falling into a recession, as the U.S. Federal Reserve raises interest rates in an effort to rein in inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Californians' incomes drop in the coming year, tax revenues will, too, forcing cuts to programs that were expanded when times were flush, pointed out Andrew Pederson, capitol director for Govern for California, a nonprofit organization working to counter the influence of special interests in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not comfortable to fall off a fiscal cliff,\" said Pederson. \"That's where programs funded with one-time funding tend to fold up and people are left empty-handed. So we tend to take a more conservative approach when it comes to these things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican consultant Mike Madrid argues that a lot of the unexpected revenue should be refunded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California, unfortunately, I think, is becoming a state with a tax system that is overly reliant on very high-income earners and is extraordinarily generous to very low-income earners,\" he said. \"I do think with this size of a surplus, there needs to be some sort of rebate or refund back to the taxpayers who paid it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Madrid also said the pandemic showed the importance of providing health care for all Californians, even at taxpayer expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've learned: contagion, public health — it's all intertwined. Viruses don't care if you're undocumented or not,\" he said. \"We also, I think, realize that there's some benefit to ensuring that everybody in our society around us, regardless of status, is healthy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state lawmakers hammer out their version of a budget bill this month and then negotiate with the governor on a version he's willing to sign by the June 30 deadline, the debate over extending services to undocumented immigrants builds on a political consensus that's been growing for more than a decade: that immigrants, regardless of status, are an integral part of California's economic and social fabric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California is actually leading in a lot of ways,\" said Garcia. \"But at the same time, we have a historic budget surplus. We can afford to include these essential workers in the safety net. … We think that this budget has to reflect the values that we have as a state.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910789/for-guatemalan-women-fleeing-gender-based-violence-a-long-road-to-asylum-in-us\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deisy Ramírez se despertó antes del amanecer el día de su audiencia final de asilo el pasado noviembre. Estaba temblando de nervios, pero se levantó y se preparó una taza de té para calmarse. Su destino estaba en manos de uno de los jueces de inmigración más duros de San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y su abogado se habían preparado tres veces para que ella declarara, pero cada vez, la audiencia programada se pospuso debido a la pandemia del COVID-19. Revisar lo que había vivido cada vez seguía siendo algo desgarrador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez, de 24 años, creció en el altiplano rural de la provincia de San Marcos, en Guatemala. Es una de ocho hijos, y dijo que su padre a menudo golpeaba a su madre y maltrataba a sus hijas. Cuando Ramírez tenía 14 años, dijo, su padre la vendió a Ernesto y Eugenia Cinto, los propietarios de un bar donde él solía beber. Estaba a 30 minutos a pie de su casa.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nEsta familia la aprisionó, exigiendo que cocinara, limpiara y sirviera a los clientes del bar sin pagarle. Dijo que fue obligada a mantener una relación sexual con el hijo de la pareja, Dembler Cinto, de 18 años, que la golpeaba y violaba habitualmente. Este engendró sus dos hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez es una de las miles de personas que buscan protección frente a la violencia de género en un sistema de asilo estadounidense que fue eviscerado durante la presidencia de Donald Trump y que solo ha sido restaurado parcialmente por el presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]‘Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo.’[/pullquote]El gobierno de Biden se está preparando para levantar el Título 42, la normativa de salud pública que se desplegó en marzo de 2020 al comienzo de la pandemia para expulsar a los solicitantes de asilo en las fronteras de los Estados Unidos. Pero el presidente Biden aún no ha cumplido su promesa de aclarar los motivos por los que las personas pueden solicitar asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace más de un año, el presidente prometió una \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">pauta que detallaría quién puede ser considerado miembro de un “grupo social particular”\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), una categoría de asilo ambigua que proviene de una convención internacional de refugiados de 1951. Los defensores de inmigrantes esperan que la nueva definición incluya a las personas que han sufrido violencia de género, y afirman que el retraso está poniendo a mujeres como Ramírez, que han huido de la persecución infligida específicamente por ser mujeres, en riesgo de sufrir más violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2019, cuando Ramírez tenía 21 años, logró escapar de Guatemala con sus hijos, que entonces tenían 3 y 5 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que llegó a San Francisco, Ramírez pasó seis meses buscando un abogado que la ayudara a presentar su caso ante el tribunal de inmigración. Finalmente, encontró ayuda gratuita en el \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>, una organización sin fines de lucro de Oakland, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">una asistencia crucial de la que carecen muchos solicitantes de asilo\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mónica Valencia, su abogada del Centro Legal, reforzó la solicitud de asilo de Ramírez con más de 500 páginas de documentos, incluyendo informes sobre las condiciones del país y declaraciones juradas de expertos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero mientras se preparaba para ir al tribunal la tensa madrugada del 17 de noviembre, Ramírez sabía que tendría que contar su historia en voz alta y pedir protección al juez Joseph Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park fue nombrado juez en 2017 por el entonces fiscal general Jeff Sessions. En sus primeros tres años como juez, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/00526SFR/index.html\">Park denegó casi el 87% de los casos de asilo que se le presentaron\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), mucho más que la tasa promedio de denegación del 67% a nivel nacional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según la ley de asilo estadounidense, Ramírez tendría que convencer a Park de tener un temor bien fundado a la persecución en Guatemala por uno de los cinco motivos: raza, religión, nacionalidad, opinión política o pertenecer a un grupo social determinado, y además tendría que demostrar que su gobierno tuvo responsabilidad en esta persecución o no la había protegido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valencia presentó el testimonio de un experto en el caso de Ramírez, demostrando que la violencia doméstica, la violación, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf\">el feminicidio\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) y el matrimonio forzado, incluyendo a los padres que venden a sus hijas para que se casen a temprana edad, son prácticas comunes en Guatemala y se tratan con impunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Karen Musalo, Directora del Centro de Estudios sobre Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho UC Hastings\"]‘La idea de la protección de los refugiados es que la comunidad internacional protege a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla.’[/pullquote]Ella basó el caso en parte en un fallo anterior, conocido como \u003ca href=\"https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Matter-of-ARCG.pdf\">Matter of ARCG\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), el cual catalogó a las mujeres guatemaltecas que huían de la violencia doméstica como miembros de un grupo social particular con motivos para solicitar asilo. Pero ese argumento iba en contra de la manera en que se interpretó la ley de asilo durante el mandato de Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">Sessions anuló esa norma y dictaminó\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que la violencia doméstica, y otras “actividades criminales privadas”, no eran generalmente motivo de asilo. Un grupo de jueces de inmigración jubilados calificó el fallo de Sessions como “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-issue\">una afrenta al estado de derecho\u003c/a>” (enlace sólo en inglés). Los académicos dicen \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/immigration/the-history-and-future-of-gender-asylum-law/\">que revocó más de tres décadas de derecho estadounidense e internacional de refugiados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que reconoce a víctimas de la violencia de género como elegibles para la protección.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Antes se pensaba que las cosas que le ocurrían a la gente en la intimidad de sus hogares no eran motivo de preocupación para los derechos humanos”, dijo Karen Musalo, directora del Centro de Estudios de Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de California Hastings. “Así que las mujeres podían morir quemadas, golpeadas y asesinadas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero desde la década de los 80, la comprensión de los derechos humanos ha evolucionado para reconocer que “los derechos de las mujeres son derechos humanos y los gobiernos tienen la responsabilidad de proteger los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos”, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La idea de protección a refugiados es que la comunidad internacional proteja a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla”, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En junio del 2021, Merrick Garland, el fiscal general del presidente Biden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/asg/page/file/1404826/download\">revocó las decisiones de Sessions sobre la violencia doméstica\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés). Y en el último año, los jueces de inmigración, incluido Park, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/667/\">han aprobado una mayor proporción de solicitudes de asilo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11859436\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Honduras-Road-Main-1020x581-1.jpg\"]Sin embargo, las decisiones jurídicas sobre el asilo aún pueden verse influidas por las inclinaciones políticas de futuros gobiernos. Esto se debe a que los tribunales de inmigración no son independientes del Departamento de Justicia, y además, \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">el gobierno aún no define claramente\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) la categoría de asilo, “grupo social particular”. Está \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">mal definida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su segunda semana en el cargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">Biden emitió una orden ejecutiva\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) en la que prometía revisar, en un plazo de seis meses, si las protecciones estadounidenses para las personas que huyen de la violencia doméstica o de las bandas criminales son “coherentes con las normas internacionales.” La orden \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=202104&RIN=1615-AC65\">también prometía una nueva norma\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), en un plazo de nueve meses, para definir “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero más de un año después, la revisión y la norma no están a la vista, y los solicitantes de asilo como Deisy Ramírez se enfrentan a una situación turbia en los tribunales de inmigración, mientras los jueces se enfrentan a una acumulación de casos agravada por la pandemia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El retraso en la definición de los motivos de asilo, al igual que el retraso de Biden en terminar la aplicación del Título 42 en la frontera, refleja una tensión entre aquellos en la administración que quieren impulsar posiciones humanitarias, y aquellos que temen que el retroceso de las políticas restrictivas de la era de Trump podría perjudicar a los demócratas en las elecciones intermedias al Congreso, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer con un abrigo blanco está sentada en un parque para niños.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que sus hijos le dieron la fuerza para liberarse de una relación abusiva en la que estaba retenida contra su voluntad. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Revivir el trauma en los tribunales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ramírez se preparaba para su día en el tribunal, no seguía estas sutilezas legales y políticas. Sólo sabía que ella y sus hijos habían sufrido horrores en Guatemala y que habían huido a los Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fue la decisión más difícil que he tomado”, dijo. “Pensé, ‘¿Qué voy a hacer si me encuentran? Me van a matar, y podrían matar a los niños, podrían hacerles daño, podrían venderlos'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La mañana de su audiencia, Ramírez se puso una falda larga y floreada, se peinó su pelo castaño que le llegaba hasta la cintura y consiguió que la llevaran al juzgado ubicado en el centro de San Francisco. Pasó por el detector de metales y tomó el ascensor hasta el cuarto piso. El tribunal estaba vacío, salvo por dos abogados y un asistente de su equipo jurídico. Ramírez también me había permitido asistir a esta sensible audiencia que cambiaría su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un empleado inició un enlace de vídeo que conectaría al juez y al intérprete del tribunal, y marcó la línea telefónica para el fiscal del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés). Luego volvió a caminar por el pasillo vacío hacia su oficina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El revestimiento de madera color marrón de las paredes de la sala estaba rayado y arañado. En el respaldo de uno de los bancos de madera para espectadores, alguien había grabado las palabras “amor” y “feliz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park apareció en un gran monitor de vídeo y explicó el procedimiento. Su voz estaba distorsionada, como si hablara desde el fondo de una piscina, pero cuando la intérprete repetía sus palabras en español, su voz era clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante la siguiente hora y media, Valencia guió a Ramírez a través de su desgarrador testimonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Por qué cree que su padre la vendió a la familia Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi padre me dijo que nosotras, como mujeres, no valíamos nada”, respondió Ramírez. “Y que le pertenecíamos como su propiedad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Estás casada con Dembler Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]‘No quería que [mis hijos] sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te marca, de verdad, para toda la vida.’[/pullquote]“No. Cuando tenía 14 años me obligaron a estar con él”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus padres me dijeron, cuando mi padre me dejó, que sería su mujer”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Qué tipo de palabras usaba cuando abusaba de ti?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dijo que las mujeres habían nacido para servir a los hombres”, respondió Ramírez, con la voz quebrada. “Dijo que yo era una puta y que era su esclava”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez hubo marcas físicas en tu cuerpo?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sí, cada vez que me hacía daño tenía moretones en las piernas y en los brazos, en la cintura y en la cara”, respondió Ramírez. “Me sangraba la nariz y la boca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez describió años de servidumbre forzada, lenguaje degradante y palizas y violaciones regulares. Dijo que se le exigía que llevara poca ropa cuando trabajaba en el bar, donde los hombres le tocaban el cuerpo. En algunas ocasiones, dijo, llegaron agentes de policía y bebieron en el bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Podían ver que era una niña de 14 años que estaba golpeada”, dijo Ramírez. “Y nunca intentaron ayudar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, nunca había visto a la policía ayudar a las mujeres maltratadas. Cuando Ramírez aún vivía en su casa, dijo que su madre había acudido a la policía tras recibir una paliza sangrienta de su padre, pero los agentes dijeron que era un asunto doméstico y no intervinieron, al igual que ignoraron a otras mujeres del barrio que sufrían abusos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que normalmente la encerraban en la casa y que Dembler Cinto la amenazaba con que si alguna vez le contaba a alguien sobre el trato que recibía o intentaba irse, la mataría y le haría daño a los niños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El relato de las experiencias traumáticas fue agotador. Para ayudarla a mantenerse firme, me dijo Ramírez más tarde, Valencia le había enseñado ejercicios de respiración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Siempre terminaba nuestras conversaciones con un ejercicio para que yo supiera que estaba en un lugar seguro”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus palabras me ayudaron mucho”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Son técnicas de enraizamiento para volver a tu cuerpo”, dijo Valencia, que practica la meditación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que la práctica la ayudó a reunir el valor para contar su historia en el tribunal. Pero su mayor valor lo encontró tres años antes, cuando escapó de la familia Cinto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912964\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque. La madre sonríe.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"728\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez observa a sus hijos jugar en un parque infantil en San Francisco el 22 de noviembre de 2021. “Sólo se es niño una vez”, dice Ramírez, que pasó gran parte de su propia infancia en régimen de servidumbre. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La fuga\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fueron sus hijas, Stefany y Alexis, quienes le dieron la fuerza para liberarse, dijo. Cuando pasaron de ser bebés a niños, su padre se volvió cada vez más abusivo, azotándolas con un cinturón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Era muy difícil ver cómo les pegaba, cómo les hablaba”, dijo. “No quería que sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te deja cicatrices, realmente, para toda la vida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras sus hijas crecían, Ramírez también se transformó de ser una adolescente a una mujer. Una mañana vio su oportunidad y la aprovechó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]‘Me dije: Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?’[/pullquote]“Me dije: ‘Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ese día de febrero del 2019, dijo que Dembler Cinto y su padre habían salido a comprar licor para surtir el bar y su madre estaba de compras. Con una hora rara a solas, Ramírez dijo que tomó un fajo de dinero en efectivo de Dembler, agarró a las niñas y se subieron a una camioneta que tenía una ruta diaria que conducía a los pobladores a Coatepeque, una ciudad más grande ubicada a 40 minutos de distancia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A partir de ahí, mi idea era llegar a México. Porque si me quedo en Guatemala, me van a encontrar más rápido”, me dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al principio, Ramírez tenía mucho miedo de hablar con la gente. Tocaba las puertas y se ofrecía a lavar la ropa a cambio de comida o dinero. A veces, ella y las niñas dormían en las estaciones de autobús bajo tan sólo con una cobija. Pero también conocieron a extraños amables que les ayudaron, y Ramírez dijo que se dió cuenta de que había gente en la que podía confiar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez compró un teléfono móvil y llamó a su madre. Era la primera vez que hablaban en años, y se enteró de que varios de sus hermanos se habían trasladado a San Francisco, huyendo de la violencia en su país en cuanto pudieron salir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi madre me dio el número de mi hermana porque sabía que necesitaba ayuda”, dijo.\u003cbr>\nAsí que Ramírez se fue rumbo a la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y cuando llegó allí, les dio el número de teléfono de su hermana a los agentes fronterizos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi hermana les dijo que tenía una habitación donde mis hijas y yo podíamos quedarnos. Fue como si se cayera el cielo, porque realmente no tenía ni idea de lo que iba a hacer”, dijo Ramírez. “Pero ella nos abrió las puertas. Y luego me ayudó a encontrar trabajo y a empezar a estabilizarme”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Asilo concedido\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia de asilo, Valencia se centró en unos últimos puntos cruciales para probar su caso ante el juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez pidió ayuda?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No”, dijo Ramírez. “Tenía miedo de que si volvía a casa, mi padre me llevaría de nuevo con la familia Cinto. Decía que eran mis dueños”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez explicó que no tenía ninguna base para confiar en que las autoridades locales la protegerían, y que no creía que pudiera estar segura en ningún lugar de Guatemala.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En Guatemala se trata mal a las mujeres”, dijo Ramírez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fiscal del ICE, Juliet Boss, dijo que no iba a interrogar a Ramírez, lo cual sorprendió a Valencia\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ella ha cubierto todo”, dijo Boss al juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dijo que si Ramírez ganaba su caso, el gobierno no apelaría. Esto concuerda con las \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/opla/OPLA-immigration-enforcement_interim-guidance.pdf\">directrices de la administración Biden\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) del año pasado, en las que se pedía a los abogados del ICE que usaran su discreción para decidir a quién procesar, pero no era lo que el equipo del Centro Legal esperaba de los normalmente agresivos fiscales del ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11856583\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oakland-Mam-Aguilar-1020x680-1.jpg\"]Luego llegó el turno del juez. Ramírez y sus abogados miraron el monitor de vídeo en el que Park estaba sentado con su toga negra. De los 40 jueces del tribunal de San Francisco, sabían que él era uno de los menos propensos a conceder el asilo. Si Ramírez perdía, podría ser deportada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Señora, hemos escuchado su testimonio”, dijo Park. “El tribunal ha determinado que usted es elegible y merece asilo a discreción del tribunal. Así que usted y sus hijos serán asilados en los Estados Unidos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras un agradecimiento de Ramírez y unas cuantas formalidades, la señal de vídeo se apagó. Ramírez y sus abogados se quedaron solos en la sala. Se levantaron y se abrazaron. Todos lloraron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gracias, gracias, gracias”, dijo Ramírez. “Son realmente personas muy especiales”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las mujeres recogieron sus abrigos, sus documentos y pasaron por delante de los guardias de seguridad y salieron a la calle. Mientras se dirigían a una cafetería Peet’s cercana para celebrarlo, comenzaron a charlar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estaba nerviosa por este juez”, dijo Valencia. “El caso de Deisy es el más fuerte de asilo que he argumentado, pero él tiene fama de ser duro”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y añadió: “Nunca había estado frente a un fiscal del ICE que se negara a interrogar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el mostrador, Ramírez pidió un chocolate caliente con crema batida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Era el tercer caso de asilo que el equipo de Centro Legal ganaba en sólo cuatro días, dijo la colega de Valencia, Abby Sullivan Engen, y probablemente el resultado de las interpretaciones más generosas de la ley de asilo por parte de la administración Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unas semanas más tarde, otra clienta, también una mujer que huía de la violencia de género en Guatemala, obtuvo el asilo de un juez de inmigración de San Francisco igualmente duro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iris Diéguez declaró que estuvo casada con un policía guatemalteco que la violó y amenazó y que, cuando consiguió una orden de alejamiento, los compañeros de su marido se negaban a hacer cumplir la orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La jueza Julie Nelson reconoció que Diéguez debía haberse sentido frustrada ya que llevaba esperando su día en el tribunal desde el 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pero”, le dijo a Engen, la abogada, “puede funcionar a su favor, dados los cambios en la ley”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia, Nelson explicó su razonamiento a Diéguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usted ha argumentado que fue perjudicada porque formaba parte del grupo social de mujeres guatemaltecas… sí encuentro que es un grupo social particular reconocible, basado en la ley”, dijo. “Y sí encuentro que usted testificó de manera creíble que [su esposo] y otros la trataron de la manera en que lo hicieron debido a su animadversión hacia las mujeres guatemaltecas y a usted como mujer guatemalteca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces Nelson concedió asilo a Diéguez y a su hija.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y Diéguez tienen ahora la seguridad de saber que pueden vivir permanentemente en los Estados Unidos. Pero los defensores dicen que hay demasiados solicitantes de asilo que se quedan sin saber cuáles son sus posibilidades de protección, porque el gobierno de Biden no ha emitido la norma que prometió en febrero de 2021 para aclarar los motivos de asilo basados en la pertenencia a un “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que será más claro para los solicitantes y será más claro para los adjudicatarios”, dijo Musalo. “Hará que las cosas funcionen mejor”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que la protección del asilo le permitirá centrarse en reconstruir su vida y crear un hogar seguro para sus hijas. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Una mejor vida en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ahora que ya tiene asilo, y pronto una tarjeta de residencia que la establece como residente permanente en los Estados Unidos, Ramírez puede evaluar la nueva vida que está construyendo para su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Me reuní con ella unos días después de la audiencia de asilo en su casa del distrito Bayview de San Francisco, y nos dirigimos a un parque cercano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos por la calle bajo el sol otoñal, Stefany y Alexis, que ahora tienen 8 y 6 años, brincaban por delante. Las niñas se detuvieron para admirar una procesión de hormigas que escalaban por el tronco de un árbol, y luego se echaron a correr cuando llegamos al parque infantil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']“Son inseparables”, dijo Ramírez. “No sé si es por lo que han pasado, pero lo hacen todo juntas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos, Ramírez empujaba un cochecito (también conocido como una carriola). Sus hijas tienen ahora una hermanita, Irma. Nos sentamos en un banco del parque, y ella rebotaba a la bebé sobre sus piernas y me contó cómo conoció al padre de Irma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En San Francisco, Ramírez comenzó a asistir a la iglesia de su hermana. Allí conoció a otros guatemaltecos, entre ellos a Cristian Aguilar, un joven que había sido compañero de juegos de su infancia en su pueblo de San José Chibuj. Ramírez dice que Aguilar se convirtió en un amigo de confianza. Con el tiempo, su vínculo se convirtió en amor y se casaron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al principio fue muy difícil”, dijo. “Pero siempre me dio una sensación de seguridad. Y es maravilloso con mis hijas. Se sienten muy cómodas con él”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguilar trabaja como mensajero médico, llevando sangre entre hospitales y clínicas. El costo de la vida en San Francisco es elevado, pero se las arreglan compartiendo la casa de cuatro dormitorios con sus padres y hermanos, lo que hace que el hogar sea de 10 personas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esperan tener su lugar propio algún día, y Ramírez, que sólo estudió hasta el séptimo grado en Guatemala, espera eventualmente volver a la escuela y encontrar un buen trabajo. Sabe que en éste país es difícil mantener a una familia con un solo ingreso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por ahora, sin embargo, Ramírez está enfocada en recuperarse. Ha acudido a un psicólogo y está estableciendo relaciones con sus hermanos y su madre, que, según ella, sigue sufriendo abusos en su país. Ramírez no ha hablado con su padre, así que quizá nunca sepa por qué la vendió a los Cinto. Tal vez fue una forma de cubrir su cuenta de bar, dijo. Sólo quiere dejar todo atrás.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lo más importante para Ramírez es el bienestar de sus hijos, y sabe que eso está relacionado con su propia condición de mujer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aquí, en Estados Unidos, las mujeres son libres, son iguales, pueden hacer cualquier cosa”, dijo. “Aquí tengo oportunidades que serían imposibles en Guatemala. Y mi hija, mis hijos, estarán seguros aquí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las lleva al parque infantil casi todos los días.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quiero que sus mentes estén en paz para que puedan disfrutar de su infancia”, dijo. “Porque sólo se es niño una vez en la vida. Y creo que merecen ser felices”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/soytapatia\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Para inmigrantes que huyen de la violencia de género, el camino hacia el asilo en los Estados Unidos es largo | KQED",
"description": "Al inicio de su gobierno, el presidente Joe Biden prometió aclarar el proceso para solicitar el asilo. Pero más de un año ha pasado y estos cambios no se han visto, lo que pone a varios solicitantes de asilo en situaciones complicadas.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910789/for-guatemalan-women-fleeing-gender-based-violence-a-long-road-to-asylum-in-us\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deisy Ramírez se despertó antes del amanecer el día de su audiencia final de asilo el pasado noviembre. Estaba temblando de nervios, pero se levantó y se preparó una taza de té para calmarse. Su destino estaba en manos de uno de los jueces de inmigración más duros de San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y su abogado se habían preparado tres veces para que ella declarara, pero cada vez, la audiencia programada se pospuso debido a la pandemia del COVID-19. Revisar lo que había vivido cada vez seguía siendo algo desgarrador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez, de 24 años, creció en el altiplano rural de la provincia de San Marcos, en Guatemala. Es una de ocho hijos, y dijo que su padre a menudo golpeaba a su madre y maltrataba a sus hijas. Cuando Ramírez tenía 14 años, dijo, su padre la vendió a Ernesto y Eugenia Cinto, los propietarios de un bar donde él solía beber. Estaba a 30 minutos a pie de su casa.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nEsta familia la aprisionó, exigiendo que cocinara, limpiara y sirviera a los clientes del bar sin pagarle. Dijo que fue obligada a mantener una relación sexual con el hijo de la pareja, Dembler Cinto, de 18 años, que la golpeaba y violaba habitualmente. Este engendró sus dos hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez es una de las miles de personas que buscan protección frente a la violencia de género en un sistema de asilo estadounidense que fue eviscerado durante la presidencia de Donald Trump y que solo ha sido restaurado parcialmente por el presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>El gobierno de Biden se está preparando para levantar el Título 42, la normativa de salud pública que se desplegó en marzo de 2020 al comienzo de la pandemia para expulsar a los solicitantes de asilo en las fronteras de los Estados Unidos. Pero el presidente Biden aún no ha cumplido su promesa de aclarar los motivos por los que las personas pueden solicitar asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace más de un año, el presidente prometió una \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">pauta que detallaría quién puede ser considerado miembro de un “grupo social particular”\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), una categoría de asilo ambigua que proviene de una convención internacional de refugiados de 1951. Los defensores de inmigrantes esperan que la nueva definición incluya a las personas que han sufrido violencia de género, y afirman que el retraso está poniendo a mujeres como Ramírez, que han huido de la persecución infligida específicamente por ser mujeres, en riesgo de sufrir más violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2019, cuando Ramírez tenía 21 años, logró escapar de Guatemala con sus hijos, que entonces tenían 3 y 5 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que llegó a San Francisco, Ramírez pasó seis meses buscando un abogado que la ayudara a presentar su caso ante el tribunal de inmigración. Finalmente, encontró ayuda gratuita en el \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>, una organización sin fines de lucro de Oakland, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">una asistencia crucial de la que carecen muchos solicitantes de asilo\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mónica Valencia, su abogada del Centro Legal, reforzó la solicitud de asilo de Ramírez con más de 500 páginas de documentos, incluyendo informes sobre las condiciones del país y declaraciones juradas de expertos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero mientras se preparaba para ir al tribunal la tensa madrugada del 17 de noviembre, Ramírez sabía que tendría que contar su historia en voz alta y pedir protección al juez Joseph Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park fue nombrado juez en 2017 por el entonces fiscal general Jeff Sessions. En sus primeros tres años como juez, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/00526SFR/index.html\">Park denegó casi el 87% de los casos de asilo que se le presentaron\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), mucho más que la tasa promedio de denegación del 67% a nivel nacional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según la ley de asilo estadounidense, Ramírez tendría que convencer a Park de tener un temor bien fundado a la persecución en Guatemala por uno de los cinco motivos: raza, religión, nacionalidad, opinión política o pertenecer a un grupo social determinado, y además tendría que demostrar que su gobierno tuvo responsabilidad en esta persecución o no la había protegido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valencia presentó el testimonio de un experto en el caso de Ramírez, demostrando que la violencia doméstica, la violación, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf\">el feminicidio\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) y el matrimonio forzado, incluyendo a los padres que venden a sus hijas para que se casen a temprana edad, son prácticas comunes en Guatemala y se tratan con impunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ella basó el caso en parte en un fallo anterior, conocido como \u003ca href=\"https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Matter-of-ARCG.pdf\">Matter of ARCG\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), el cual catalogó a las mujeres guatemaltecas que huían de la violencia doméstica como miembros de un grupo social particular con motivos para solicitar asilo. Pero ese argumento iba en contra de la manera en que se interpretó la ley de asilo durante el mandato de Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">Sessions anuló esa norma y dictaminó\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que la violencia doméstica, y otras “actividades criminales privadas”, no eran generalmente motivo de asilo. Un grupo de jueces de inmigración jubilados calificó el fallo de Sessions como “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-issue\">una afrenta al estado de derecho\u003c/a>” (enlace sólo en inglés). Los académicos dicen \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/immigration/the-history-and-future-of-gender-asylum-law/\">que revocó más de tres décadas de derecho estadounidense e internacional de refugiados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que reconoce a víctimas de la violencia de género como elegibles para la protección.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Antes se pensaba que las cosas que le ocurrían a la gente en la intimidad de sus hogares no eran motivo de preocupación para los derechos humanos”, dijo Karen Musalo, directora del Centro de Estudios de Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de California Hastings. “Así que las mujeres podían morir quemadas, golpeadas y asesinadas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero desde la década de los 80, la comprensión de los derechos humanos ha evolucionado para reconocer que “los derechos de las mujeres son derechos humanos y los gobiernos tienen la responsabilidad de proteger los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos”, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La idea de protección a refugiados es que la comunidad internacional proteja a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla”, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En junio del 2021, Merrick Garland, el fiscal general del presidente Biden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/asg/page/file/1404826/download\">revocó las decisiones de Sessions sobre la violencia doméstica\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés). Y en el último año, los jueces de inmigración, incluido Park, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/667/\">han aprobado una mayor proporción de solicitudes de asilo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sin embargo, las decisiones jurídicas sobre el asilo aún pueden verse influidas por las inclinaciones políticas de futuros gobiernos. Esto se debe a que los tribunales de inmigración no son independientes del Departamento de Justicia, y además, \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">el gobierno aún no define claramente\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) la categoría de asilo, “grupo social particular”. Está \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">mal definida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su segunda semana en el cargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">Biden emitió una orden ejecutiva\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) en la que prometía revisar, en un plazo de seis meses, si las protecciones estadounidenses para las personas que huyen de la violencia doméstica o de las bandas criminales son “coherentes con las normas internacionales.” La orden \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=202104&RIN=1615-AC65\">también prometía una nueva norma\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), en un plazo de nueve meses, para definir “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero más de un año después, la revisión y la norma no están a la vista, y los solicitantes de asilo como Deisy Ramírez se enfrentan a una situación turbia en los tribunales de inmigración, mientras los jueces se enfrentan a una acumulación de casos agravada por la pandemia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El retraso en la definición de los motivos de asilo, al igual que el retraso de Biden en terminar la aplicación del Título 42 en la frontera, refleja una tensión entre aquellos en la administración que quieren impulsar posiciones humanitarias, y aquellos que temen que el retroceso de las políticas restrictivas de la era de Trump podría perjudicar a los demócratas en las elecciones intermedias al Congreso, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer con un abrigo blanco está sentada en un parque para niños.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que sus hijos le dieron la fuerza para liberarse de una relación abusiva en la que estaba retenida contra su voluntad. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Revivir el trauma en los tribunales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ramírez se preparaba para su día en el tribunal, no seguía estas sutilezas legales y políticas. Sólo sabía que ella y sus hijos habían sufrido horrores en Guatemala y que habían huido a los Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fue la decisión más difícil que he tomado”, dijo. “Pensé, ‘¿Qué voy a hacer si me encuentran? Me van a matar, y podrían matar a los niños, podrían hacerles daño, podrían venderlos'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La mañana de su audiencia, Ramírez se puso una falda larga y floreada, se peinó su pelo castaño que le llegaba hasta la cintura y consiguió que la llevaran al juzgado ubicado en el centro de San Francisco. Pasó por el detector de metales y tomó el ascensor hasta el cuarto piso. El tribunal estaba vacío, salvo por dos abogados y un asistente de su equipo jurídico. Ramírez también me había permitido asistir a esta sensible audiencia que cambiaría su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un empleado inició un enlace de vídeo que conectaría al juez y al intérprete del tribunal, y marcó la línea telefónica para el fiscal del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés). Luego volvió a caminar por el pasillo vacío hacia su oficina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El revestimiento de madera color marrón de las paredes de la sala estaba rayado y arañado. En el respaldo de uno de los bancos de madera para espectadores, alguien había grabado las palabras “amor” y “feliz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park apareció en un gran monitor de vídeo y explicó el procedimiento. Su voz estaba distorsionada, como si hablara desde el fondo de una piscina, pero cuando la intérprete repetía sus palabras en español, su voz era clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante la siguiente hora y media, Valencia guió a Ramírez a través de su desgarrador testimonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Por qué cree que su padre la vendió a la familia Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi padre me dijo que nosotras, como mujeres, no valíamos nada”, respondió Ramírez. “Y que le pertenecíamos como su propiedad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Estás casada con Dembler Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘No quería que [mis hijos] sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te marca, de verdad, para toda la vida.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“No. Cuando tenía 14 años me obligaron a estar con él”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus padres me dijeron, cuando mi padre me dejó, que sería su mujer”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Qué tipo de palabras usaba cuando abusaba de ti?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dijo que las mujeres habían nacido para servir a los hombres”, respondió Ramírez, con la voz quebrada. “Dijo que yo era una puta y que era su esclava”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez hubo marcas físicas en tu cuerpo?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sí, cada vez que me hacía daño tenía moretones en las piernas y en los brazos, en la cintura y en la cara”, respondió Ramírez. “Me sangraba la nariz y la boca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez describió años de servidumbre forzada, lenguaje degradante y palizas y violaciones regulares. Dijo que se le exigía que llevara poca ropa cuando trabajaba en el bar, donde los hombres le tocaban el cuerpo. En algunas ocasiones, dijo, llegaron agentes de policía y bebieron en el bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Podían ver que era una niña de 14 años que estaba golpeada”, dijo Ramírez. “Y nunca intentaron ayudar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, nunca había visto a la policía ayudar a las mujeres maltratadas. Cuando Ramírez aún vivía en su casa, dijo que su madre había acudido a la policía tras recibir una paliza sangrienta de su padre, pero los agentes dijeron que era un asunto doméstico y no intervinieron, al igual que ignoraron a otras mujeres del barrio que sufrían abusos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que normalmente la encerraban en la casa y que Dembler Cinto la amenazaba con que si alguna vez le contaba a alguien sobre el trato que recibía o intentaba irse, la mataría y le haría daño a los niños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El relato de las experiencias traumáticas fue agotador. Para ayudarla a mantenerse firme, me dijo Ramírez más tarde, Valencia le había enseñado ejercicios de respiración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Siempre terminaba nuestras conversaciones con un ejercicio para que yo supiera que estaba en un lugar seguro”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus palabras me ayudaron mucho”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Son técnicas de enraizamiento para volver a tu cuerpo”, dijo Valencia, que practica la meditación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que la práctica la ayudó a reunir el valor para contar su historia en el tribunal. Pero su mayor valor lo encontró tres años antes, cuando escapó de la familia Cinto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912964\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque. La madre sonríe.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"728\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez observa a sus hijos jugar en un parque infantil en San Francisco el 22 de noviembre de 2021. “Sólo se es niño una vez”, dice Ramírez, que pasó gran parte de su propia infancia en régimen de servidumbre. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La fuga\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fueron sus hijas, Stefany y Alexis, quienes le dieron la fuerza para liberarse, dijo. Cuando pasaron de ser bebés a niños, su padre se volvió cada vez más abusivo, azotándolas con un cinturón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Era muy difícil ver cómo les pegaba, cómo les hablaba”, dijo. “No quería que sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te deja cicatrices, realmente, para toda la vida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras sus hijas crecían, Ramírez también se transformó de ser una adolescente a una mujer. Una mañana vio su oportunidad y la aprovechó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Me dije: Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Me dije: ‘Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ese día de febrero del 2019, dijo que Dembler Cinto y su padre habían salido a comprar licor para surtir el bar y su madre estaba de compras. Con una hora rara a solas, Ramírez dijo que tomó un fajo de dinero en efectivo de Dembler, agarró a las niñas y se subieron a una camioneta que tenía una ruta diaria que conducía a los pobladores a Coatepeque, una ciudad más grande ubicada a 40 minutos de distancia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A partir de ahí, mi idea era llegar a México. Porque si me quedo en Guatemala, me van a encontrar más rápido”, me dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al principio, Ramírez tenía mucho miedo de hablar con la gente. Tocaba las puertas y se ofrecía a lavar la ropa a cambio de comida o dinero. A veces, ella y las niñas dormían en las estaciones de autobús bajo tan sólo con una cobija. Pero también conocieron a extraños amables que les ayudaron, y Ramírez dijo que se dió cuenta de que había gente en la que podía confiar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez compró un teléfono móvil y llamó a su madre. Era la primera vez que hablaban en años, y se enteró de que varios de sus hermanos se habían trasladado a San Francisco, huyendo de la violencia en su país en cuanto pudieron salir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi madre me dio el número de mi hermana porque sabía que necesitaba ayuda”, dijo.\u003cbr>\nAsí que Ramírez se fue rumbo a la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y cuando llegó allí, les dio el número de teléfono de su hermana a los agentes fronterizos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi hermana les dijo que tenía una habitación donde mis hijas y yo podíamos quedarnos. Fue como si se cayera el cielo, porque realmente no tenía ni idea de lo que iba a hacer”, dijo Ramírez. “Pero ella nos abrió las puertas. Y luego me ayudó a encontrar trabajo y a empezar a estabilizarme”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Asilo concedido\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia de asilo, Valencia se centró en unos últimos puntos cruciales para probar su caso ante el juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez pidió ayuda?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No”, dijo Ramírez. “Tenía miedo de que si volvía a casa, mi padre me llevaría de nuevo con la familia Cinto. Decía que eran mis dueños”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez explicó que no tenía ninguna base para confiar en que las autoridades locales la protegerían, y que no creía que pudiera estar segura en ningún lugar de Guatemala.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En Guatemala se trata mal a las mujeres”, dijo Ramírez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fiscal del ICE, Juliet Boss, dijo que no iba a interrogar a Ramírez, lo cual sorprendió a Valencia\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ella ha cubierto todo”, dijo Boss al juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dijo que si Ramírez ganaba su caso, el gobierno no apelaría. Esto concuerda con las \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/opla/OPLA-immigration-enforcement_interim-guidance.pdf\">directrices de la administración Biden\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) del año pasado, en las que se pedía a los abogados del ICE que usaran su discreción para decidir a quién procesar, pero no era lo que el equipo del Centro Legal esperaba de los normalmente agresivos fiscales del ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Luego llegó el turno del juez. Ramírez y sus abogados miraron el monitor de vídeo en el que Park estaba sentado con su toga negra. De los 40 jueces del tribunal de San Francisco, sabían que él era uno de los menos propensos a conceder el asilo. Si Ramírez perdía, podría ser deportada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Señora, hemos escuchado su testimonio”, dijo Park. “El tribunal ha determinado que usted es elegible y merece asilo a discreción del tribunal. Así que usted y sus hijos serán asilados en los Estados Unidos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras un agradecimiento de Ramírez y unas cuantas formalidades, la señal de vídeo se apagó. Ramírez y sus abogados se quedaron solos en la sala. Se levantaron y se abrazaron. Todos lloraron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gracias, gracias, gracias”, dijo Ramírez. “Son realmente personas muy especiales”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las mujeres recogieron sus abrigos, sus documentos y pasaron por delante de los guardias de seguridad y salieron a la calle. Mientras se dirigían a una cafetería Peet’s cercana para celebrarlo, comenzaron a charlar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estaba nerviosa por este juez”, dijo Valencia. “El caso de Deisy es el más fuerte de asilo que he argumentado, pero él tiene fama de ser duro”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y añadió: “Nunca había estado frente a un fiscal del ICE que se negara a interrogar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el mostrador, Ramírez pidió un chocolate caliente con crema batida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Era el tercer caso de asilo que el equipo de Centro Legal ganaba en sólo cuatro días, dijo la colega de Valencia, Abby Sullivan Engen, y probablemente el resultado de las interpretaciones más generosas de la ley de asilo por parte de la administración Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unas semanas más tarde, otra clienta, también una mujer que huía de la violencia de género en Guatemala, obtuvo el asilo de un juez de inmigración de San Francisco igualmente duro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iris Diéguez declaró que estuvo casada con un policía guatemalteco que la violó y amenazó y que, cuando consiguió una orden de alejamiento, los compañeros de su marido se negaban a hacer cumplir la orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La jueza Julie Nelson reconoció que Diéguez debía haberse sentido frustrada ya que llevaba esperando su día en el tribunal desde el 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pero”, le dijo a Engen, la abogada, “puede funcionar a su favor, dados los cambios en la ley”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia, Nelson explicó su razonamiento a Diéguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usted ha argumentado que fue perjudicada porque formaba parte del grupo social de mujeres guatemaltecas… sí encuentro que es un grupo social particular reconocible, basado en la ley”, dijo. “Y sí encuentro que usted testificó de manera creíble que [su esposo] y otros la trataron de la manera en que lo hicieron debido a su animadversión hacia las mujeres guatemaltecas y a usted como mujer guatemalteca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces Nelson concedió asilo a Diéguez y a su hija.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y Diéguez tienen ahora la seguridad de saber que pueden vivir permanentemente en los Estados Unidos. Pero los defensores dicen que hay demasiados solicitantes de asilo que se quedan sin saber cuáles son sus posibilidades de protección, porque el gobierno de Biden no ha emitido la norma que prometió en febrero de 2021 para aclarar los motivos de asilo basados en la pertenencia a un “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que será más claro para los solicitantes y será más claro para los adjudicatarios”, dijo Musalo. “Hará que las cosas funcionen mejor”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que la protección del asilo le permitirá centrarse en reconstruir su vida y crear un hogar seguro para sus hijas. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Una mejor vida en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ahora que ya tiene asilo, y pronto una tarjeta de residencia que la establece como residente permanente en los Estados Unidos, Ramírez puede evaluar la nueva vida que está construyendo para su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Me reuní con ella unos días después de la audiencia de asilo en su casa del distrito Bayview de San Francisco, y nos dirigimos a un parque cercano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos por la calle bajo el sol otoñal, Stefany y Alexis, que ahora tienen 8 y 6 años, brincaban por delante. Las niñas se detuvieron para admirar una procesión de hormigas que escalaban por el tronco de un árbol, y luego se echaron a correr cuando llegamos al parque infantil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Son inseparables”, dijo Ramírez. “No sé si es por lo que han pasado, pero lo hacen todo juntas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos, Ramírez empujaba un cochecito (también conocido como una carriola). Sus hijas tienen ahora una hermanita, Irma. Nos sentamos en un banco del parque, y ella rebotaba a la bebé sobre sus piernas y me contó cómo conoció al padre de Irma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En San Francisco, Ramírez comenzó a asistir a la iglesia de su hermana. Allí conoció a otros guatemaltecos, entre ellos a Cristian Aguilar, un joven que había sido compañero de juegos de su infancia en su pueblo de San José Chibuj. Ramírez dice que Aguilar se convirtió en un amigo de confianza. Con el tiempo, su vínculo se convirtió en amor y se casaron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al principio fue muy difícil”, dijo. “Pero siempre me dio una sensación de seguridad. Y es maravilloso con mis hijas. Se sienten muy cómodas con él”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguilar trabaja como mensajero médico, llevando sangre entre hospitales y clínicas. El costo de la vida en San Francisco es elevado, pero se las arreglan compartiendo la casa de cuatro dormitorios con sus padres y hermanos, lo que hace que el hogar sea de 10 personas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esperan tener su lugar propio algún día, y Ramírez, que sólo estudió hasta el séptimo grado en Guatemala, espera eventualmente volver a la escuela y encontrar un buen trabajo. Sabe que en éste país es difícil mantener a una familia con un solo ingreso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por ahora, sin embargo, Ramírez está enfocada en recuperarse. Ha acudido a un psicólogo y está estableciendo relaciones con sus hermanos y su madre, que, según ella, sigue sufriendo abusos en su país. Ramírez no ha hablado con su padre, así que quizá nunca sepa por qué la vendió a los Cinto. Tal vez fue una forma de cubrir su cuenta de bar, dijo. Sólo quiere dejar todo atrás.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lo más importante para Ramírez es el bienestar de sus hijos, y sabe que eso está relacionado con su propia condición de mujer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aquí, en Estados Unidos, las mujeres son libres, son iguales, pueden hacer cualquier cosa”, dijo. “Aquí tengo oportunidades que serían imposibles en Guatemala. Y mi hija, mis hijos, estarán seguros aquí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las lleva al parque infantil casi todos los días.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quiero que sus mentes estén en paz para que puedan disfrutar de su infancia”, dijo. “Porque sólo se es niño una vez en la vida. Y creo que merecen ser felices”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/soytapatia\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For many families waiting decades for the right to live and work permanently in the U.S. through the crazy, byzantine rules of America’s immigration system, a special nightmare occurs when a child turns 21—they age out of their parent’s work visas and are at risk for deportation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, there are over 40,000 ‘Documented Dreamers’ aging out and labeled foreign nationals, with few options for permanent residency. And in Silicon Valley, where tech companies run on immigrant labor, this crisis is hitting especially hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/rachael-myrow\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Rachael Myrow\u003c/a>, Senior Editor, Silicon Valley desk for KQED\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3MrsA94\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Read the transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3706091190\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"disqusTitle": "For Migrant Kids Stuck in Tijuana, This School Offers a Place to Grow and Dream",
"title": "For Migrant Kids Stuck in Tijuana, This School Offers a Place to Grow and Dream",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a canyon filled with makeshift shelters, a mile south of the U.S.-Mexico border, farm animals linger near a stream clogged with trash.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Walter Orlando Campos, teacher, Canyon Nest\"]'When I arrived in Tijuana, I couldn't find anywhere to work, I wasn't happy at all, I couldn't enjoy anything. But when I found [this school], I felt refreshed. The children transmit ... so much positivity.'[/pullquote]For over two years, thousands of migrants seeking refuge in the United States — many of them children — have crowded into a network of shelters here, as two successive U.S. presidential administrations closed almost all access to asylum at the Southwest border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One morning in March, on a patio behind a wooden fence along the canyon, classical music played from portable speakers as a teacher readied art supplies for her students. At this school, called Canyon Nest, all of the students, and many of the teachers, are migrants — many fleeing violence in their homelands — waiting to enter the U.S. The school serves over 100 students, ages 3 to 10, who attend free of charge, five days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten-year-old Gabriel is one of the first through the door and gives his teachers big hugs. He’s especially excited because tomorrow is his birthday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911188\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A teacher stands by a white board talking to young students who sit on the floor.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Walter Orlando Campos teaches math to elementary school-age students at Canyon Nest school on March 10, 2022. Campos recently fled his native Honduras, after threats of violence were made against his community. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriel came here with his mother and 4-year-old brother in August, from the Mexican state of Michoacán, where drug cartel violence has exploded in recent years. He started attending the school in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I like most here is to help my classmates with the subjects they have difficulties with,” Gabriel said in Spanish, explaining that he’s one of the older students at the school and already knows some of the material being taught.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the patio is his favorite place at the school, which is filled with playground equipment, toys and even a resident kitten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school, run by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pilaglobal.org/\">PILAglobal\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit, opened its first school in 2018 in a more residential Tijuana neighborhood to accommodate kids in the large migrant caravans that began arriving in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911189\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of young students sit at a table doing math problems, with a teaching standing overhead.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at Canyon Nest school, all of whom are migrants waiting to enter the United States, work on math problems on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But after learning of the thousands of migrants crowded together in this canyon, the program quickly marshaled resources to build a new location here, which opened its doors in 2020 just before the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization, which also operates school sites serving migrants in Greece, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe, is funded by a variety of private donors and foundations, and partners with organizations like UNICEF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel says he hopes to someday become an English teacher in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he says here his favorite class is math, which is taught by Walter Orlando Campos, a veteran elementary school teacher from Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Science, social studies, math, Spanish, art,” Orlando Campos said in Spanish, ticking off the subjects he taught back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911183\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911183\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Stools for small children set up in front of easels, with blank pieces of paper.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Art supplies are set up for students on the patio of Canyon Nest shortly before students arrive in the morning on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Orlando Campos says he would have loved to stay in Honduras the rest of his life if conditions hadn't deteriorated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t want to go. I left because of the political crisis there,” he said. “It became too complicated for me to live there, and I saw no other way to escape the violence there than to leave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orlando Campos has been in Tijuana since July, and says the school allows him to earn some extra money, and to continue teaching students.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]Working here also has benefited his own mental health, he says, which took a big hit after his life was uprooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s my passion to teach students. When I arrived in Tijuana, I couldn’t find anywhere to work, I wasn’t happy at all, I couldn’t enjoy anything. But when I found [this school], I felt refreshed. The children transmit ... so much positivity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school starts out every day with a song greeting each of its students. The goal, says PILAglobal CEO Lindsay Weissert, is to give children a break from the immense stress of migration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All children deserve to feel valued, and all children deserve to have a space where they can just be children, away from adult conversation where past violence against them may be retold,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glenda Linares, the site’s program director, who migrated to the U.S. from El Salvador as a child, says the school also gives parents some much-needed time for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they go home to the shelter, the parents have attention and energy to be with their children. The parents are holding a lot of their own stories and journey, and their own trauma,” she said. Parenting classes, she notes, also are offered on weekends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to meet the growing demand, PILAglobal is now expanding the school into the hillside of the canyon and plans to be able to serve more children later this spring. The group also runs a mobile classroom that circulates to shelters in Tijuana, and a small playroom for children near the San Ysidro border crossing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911186\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911186\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Two young students play with clay at a table, as a teacher supervises.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Doris, a teacher's helper, supervises as students at Canyon Nest play with clay on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since August, Doris — who gave only her first name — has been working as a classroom helper at the school, which her daughter attends. The two fled violence in the Mexican state of Guerrero, and tried to cross the border into the U.S. last June, hoping to claim asylum. When border patrol agents thwarted their passage, they ended up at a nearby shelter and soon learned of the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doris says working is giving her a chance to feel positive about her life again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the kids call out to me on the street, ‘Teacher, teacher,’ I’m so proud they’re saying that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a canyon filled with makeshift shelters, a mile south of the U.S.-Mexico border, farm animals linger near a stream clogged with trash.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'When I arrived in Tijuana, I couldn't find anywhere to work, I wasn't happy at all, I couldn't enjoy anything. But when I found [this school], I felt refreshed. The children transmit ... so much positivity.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For over two years, thousands of migrants seeking refuge in the United States — many of them children — have crowded into a network of shelters here, as two successive U.S. presidential administrations closed almost all access to asylum at the Southwest border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One morning in March, on a patio behind a wooden fence along the canyon, classical music played from portable speakers as a teacher readied art supplies for her students. At this school, called Canyon Nest, all of the students, and many of the teachers, are migrants — many fleeing violence in their homelands — waiting to enter the U.S. The school serves over 100 students, ages 3 to 10, who attend free of charge, five days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten-year-old Gabriel is one of the first through the door and gives his teachers big hugs. He’s especially excited because tomorrow is his birthday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911188\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A teacher stands by a white board talking to young students who sit on the floor.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Walter Orlando Campos teaches math to elementary school-age students at Canyon Nest school on March 10, 2022. Campos recently fled his native Honduras, after threats of violence were made against his community. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriel came here with his mother and 4-year-old brother in August, from the Mexican state of Michoacán, where drug cartel violence has exploded in recent years. He started attending the school in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I like most here is to help my classmates with the subjects they have difficulties with,” Gabriel said in Spanish, explaining that he’s one of the older students at the school and already knows some of the material being taught.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the patio is his favorite place at the school, which is filled with playground equipment, toys and even a resident kitten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school, run by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pilaglobal.org/\">PILAglobal\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit, opened its first school in 2018 in a more residential Tijuana neighborhood to accommodate kids in the large migrant caravans that began arriving in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911189\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of young students sit at a table doing math problems, with a teaching standing overhead.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at Canyon Nest school, all of whom are migrants waiting to enter the United States, work on math problems on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But after learning of the thousands of migrants crowded together in this canyon, the program quickly marshaled resources to build a new location here, which opened its doors in 2020 just before the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization, which also operates school sites serving migrants in Greece, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe, is funded by a variety of private donors and foundations, and partners with organizations like UNICEF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel says he hopes to someday become an English teacher in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he says here his favorite class is math, which is taught by Walter Orlando Campos, a veteran elementary school teacher from Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Science, social studies, math, Spanish, art,” Orlando Campos said in Spanish, ticking off the subjects he taught back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911183\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911183\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Stools for small children set up in front of easels, with blank pieces of paper.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Art supplies are set up for students on the patio of Canyon Nest shortly before students arrive in the morning on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Orlando Campos says he would have loved to stay in Honduras the rest of his life if conditions hadn't deteriorated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t want to go. I left because of the political crisis there,” he said. “It became too complicated for me to live there, and I saw no other way to escape the violence there than to leave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orlando Campos has been in Tijuana since July, and says the school allows him to earn some extra money, and to continue teaching students.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Working here also has benefited his own mental health, he says, which took a big hit after his life was uprooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s my passion to teach students. When I arrived in Tijuana, I couldn’t find anywhere to work, I wasn’t happy at all, I couldn’t enjoy anything. But when I found [this school], I felt refreshed. The children transmit ... so much positivity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school starts out every day with a song greeting each of its students. The goal, says PILAglobal CEO Lindsay Weissert, is to give children a break from the immense stress of migration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All children deserve to feel valued, and all children deserve to have a space where they can just be children, away from adult conversation where past violence against them may be retold,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glenda Linares, the site’s program director, who migrated to the U.S. from El Salvador as a child, says the school also gives parents some much-needed time for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they go home to the shelter, the parents have attention and energy to be with their children. The parents are holding a lot of their own stories and journey, and their own trauma,” she said. Parenting classes, she notes, also are offered on weekends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to meet the growing demand, PILAglobal is now expanding the school into the hillside of the canyon and plans to be able to serve more children later this spring. The group also runs a mobile classroom that circulates to shelters in Tijuana, and a small playroom for children near the San Ysidro border crossing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911186\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911186\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Two young students play with clay at a table, as a teacher supervises.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Doris, a teacher's helper, supervises as students at Canyon Nest play with clay on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since August, Doris — who gave only her first name — has been working as a classroom helper at the school, which her daughter attends. The two fled violence in the Mexican state of Guerrero, and tried to cross the border into the U.S. last June, hoping to claim asylum. When border patrol agents thwarted their passage, they ended up at a nearby shelter and soon learned of the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doris says working is giving her a chance to feel positive about her life again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the kids call out to me on the street, ‘Teacher, teacher,’ I’m so proud they’re saying that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "For Immigrants Fleeing Gender-Based Violence, a Long Road to Asylum in US",
"title": "For Immigrants Fleeing Gender-Based Violence, a Long Road to Asylum in US",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912836/para-inmigrantes-que-huyen-de-la-violencia-de-genero-el-camino-hacia-el-asilo-en-los-estados-unidos-es-largo\">\u003cstrong>Leer en español\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Deisy Ramírez woke before dawn on the day of her final asylum hearing last November. She was shaky with nerves, but she got up and made a cup of tea to calm herself. Her fate was in the hands of one of the toughest immigration judges in San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez and her lawyer had prepared three times for her to testify, but each time, the scheduled hearing was postponed due to COVID-19. Revisiting the things she had lived through was still gut-wrenching every time. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez, 24, grew up in the rural highlands of San Marcos province in Guatemala. She’s one of eight children, and she said her father often beat her mother and mistreated his daughters. When Ramírez was 14, she said, her father sold her to Ernesto and Eugenia Cinto, the owners of a bar where he often drank. It was a 30-minute walk from her home.\u003c/span>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]'They treated me like a slave. I was so scared that whole time.'[/pullquote]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She was imprisoned by the family, required to cook, clean and serve the patrons of the bar without pay. She said she was forced into a sexual relationship with the couple’s 18-year-old son, Dembler Cinto, who routinely beat and raped her. He fathered her two children.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They treated me like a slave,” she said. “I was so scared that whole time.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez is one of thousands of people pursuing protection from gender-based violence in a U.S. asylum system that was gutted during the presidency of Donald Trump and has been only partially restored by President Joe Biden.[aside postID='news_11912836' label='Read this story in Spanish'] \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Biden administration is now preparing to lift Title 42, the public health regulation that was deployed in March 2020 at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic to expel asylum-seekers at U.S. borders. But Biden has not yet delivered on a pledge to clarify the grounds on which people can qualify for asylum. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over a year ago, the president promised a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">rule that would spell out who can be considered a member of a “particular social group,”\u003c/a> a vague asylum category that comes from a 1951 international refugee convention. Advocates hope a new definition will cover people who’ve suffered gender-based violence, and they say the delay is putting women like Ramírez, who’ve fled persecution inflicted specifically because they are women, at risk of further violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2019, when Ramírez was 21, she managed to escape Guatemala with her children, then 3 and 5 years old.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Once she reached San Francisco, Ramírez spent six months searching for a lawyer to help her make her case in immigration court. She eventually found pro bono help from the Oakland nonprofit Centro Legal de la Raza, crucial assistance that \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">many asylum-seekers lack\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Monica Valencia, her attorney at Centro Legal, bolstered Ramírez’s asylum application with more than 500 pages of documents, including reports on country conditions and affidavits from experts. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But as she prepared for court on that nervous morning of Nov. 17, Ramírez knew she would have to tell her story out loud and ask for protection from Judge Joseph Park. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Park was appointed to the bench in 2017 by then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions. In his first three years as a judge, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/00526SFR/index.html\">Park denied nearly 87% of the asylum cases that came before him\u003c/a>, far more than the 67% average denial rate nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Under U.S. asylum law, Ramírez would have to convince Park that she had a well-founded fear of persecution in Guatemala based on one of five grounds: race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group — and she’d have to show that her government was responsible or had failed to protect her. \u003c/span>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Karen Musalo, director, Center for Gender and Refugee Studies, UC Hastings College of the Law\"]'The idea of refugee protection is that the international community protects people when their government fails them.'[/pullquote]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Valencia submitted expert testimony in Ramírez’s case showing that domestic violence, rape, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">femicide\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and forced marriage, including parents selling their daughters into early marriage, are common in Guatemala and treated with impunity. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She based the case in part on a \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ruling\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, known as \u003ca href=\"https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Matter-of-ARCG.pdf\">Matter of ARCG\u003c/a>, that recognized Guatemalan women fleeing domestic violence as members of a particular social group with grounds to pursue asylum. But that argument ran counter to the way asylum law was interpreted during the Trump presidency.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">Sessions vacated that standard and ruled\u003c/a> that domestic violence, and other “private criminal activity,” was not generally grounds for asylum. A group of retired immigration judges called the Sessions ruling “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-issue\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an affront to the rule of law\u003c/span>\u003c/a>.” \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scholars say\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/immigration/the-history-and-future-of-gender-asylum-law/\"> it bucked more than three decades of U.S. and international refugee law\u003c/a> that recognizes victims of gender-based violence as eligible for protection.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It used to be thought that things that happen to people in the privacy of their homes weren’t of concern to human rights,” said \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Karen Musalo, director of the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://cgrs.uchastings.edu\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Center for Gender and Refugee Studies\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Hastings College of the Law\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. “So women could be burned to death, beaten and killed.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But since the 1980s, the understanding of human rights has evolved to recognize that “women’s rights are human rights and governments have the responsibility to protect the human rights of their citizens,” Musalo said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The idea of refugee protection is that the international community protects people when their government fails them,” she added. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Merrick Garland, Biden’s attorney general, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/asg/page/file/1404826/download\">reversed Sessions’s decisions on domestic violence\u003c/a>. And over the past year, immigration judges, including Park, have begun \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/667/\">approving a larger share of asylum claims\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, asylum rulings remain vulnerable to the political leanings of future administrations. That’s because the immigration courts lack independence from the Department of Justice, and because the asylum category of a “particular social group” is \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">poorly defined\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his second week in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">Biden issued an executive order\u003c/a> promising to review — within six months — whether U.S. protections for people fleeing domestic or gang violence are “consistent with international standards.” The order \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=202104&RIN=1615-AC65\">also promised a new rule\u003c/a> — within nine months — to define “particular social group.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But more than a year later, the review and the rule are nowhere in sight, and asylum-seekers like Deisy Ramírez face a murky situation in immigration court, as judges tackle a backlog of cases made worse by the pandemic. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The delay in defining the grounds for asylum, like Biden’s delay in lifting Title 42 at the border, reflects a tension between those in the administration who want to stake out humanitarian positions, and those who fear that rolling back restrictive Trump-era policies could hurt Democrats in the midterm Congressional elections, Musalo said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“There’s controversy and conflict between different positions within the administration,” said Musalo. “As we’ve seen from other immigration-related decisions in this administration, there have been opposing viewpoints.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910852\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11910852\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-800x572.jpg\" alt=\"Deisy Ramirez sits at a playground.\" width=\"800\" height=\"572\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1536x1098.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez says her children gave her the strength to break free from an abusive relationship where she was held against her will. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Reliving trauma in court\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As Ramírez prepared for her day in court, she was not following these legal and political ins and outs. She just knew that she and her children had endured horrors in Guatemala and they had fled to the U.S. in search of safety.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was the most difficult decision I’ve ever made,” she said. “I thought, ‘What am I going to do if they find me? They’re going to kill me, and they could kill the children, they could hurt them, they could sell them.’” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the morning of her hearing, Ramírez put on a long, flowered skirt, combed out her waist-length brown hair and got a ride to the courthouse in downtown San Francisco. She passed through the metal detector, and took the elevator to the fourth floor. The courtroom was empty except for two lawyers and a paralegal from her legal team. Ramírez also had allowed me to attend this sensitive hearing that would change her life.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A clerk turned on a video link that would connect the judge and the court interpreter, and he dialed the phone line for the ICE prosecutor. Then he walked back down the empty hall to his office.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The brown wood paneling of the courtroom walls was scratched and scuffed. On the back of one of the wooden benches for spectators, someone had carved the words \"love\" and \"happy.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Park appeared on a large video monitor and explained the proceedings. His voice was distorted, as if he were speaking from the bottom of a swimming pool, but when the interpreter repeated his words in Spanish, her voice was clear. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Over the next hour and a half, Valencia led Ramírez through her harrowing testimony.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Why do you believe your father sold you to the Cinto family?” asked Valencia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“My father told me we, as women, were worthless,” Ramírez replied. “And we belonged to him like his property.”\u003c/span>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]'I didn't want [my children] to suffer as I had, because it scars you, really, for life.'[/pullquote]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Are you married to Dembler Cinto?” asked Valencia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“No. When I was 14 years old, I was forced to be with him,” said Ramírez. “His parents told me, when my father dropped me off, that I would be his woman.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“What kind of words did he use when he abused you?” asked Valencia. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“He said that women were born to serve men,” Ramírez answered, her voice cracking. “He said I was whore and that I was his slave.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Were there ever physical markings on your body?” the lawyer asked.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Yes, every time he hurt me I had bruises on my legs and arms, on my waist and my face,” Ramírez replied. “My nose and mouth would bleed.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez described years of forced servitude, degrading language and regular beatings and rapes. She said she was required to wear skimpy clothing when working in the bar, where men would grope her body. A few times, she said, police officers came and drank at the bar.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They could see I was a 14-year-old child who was bruised,” Ramírez said. “And they never tried to help.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Besides, she had never seen police aid battered women. When Ramírez still lived at home, she said her mother had gone to the police after being beaten bloody by her father, but officers said it was a domestic matter and wouldn’t intervene, just as they ignored other neighborhood women who suffered abuse.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez said she was typically locked in the house and Dembler Cinto threatened that if she ever told anyone about her treatment or tried to leave, he would kill her and harm the children. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Recounting the traumatic experiences was grueling. To help her stay steady, Ramírez told me later, Valencia had taught her breathing exercises. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“She always ended our conversations with an exercise so that I knew I was in a safe place,” said Ramírez. “Her words helped me so much.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They’re grounding techniques for coming back to your body,” said Valencia, who practices meditation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez said the practice helped her summon the courage to tell her story in court. But she had found her greatest courage three years earlier when she made her escape from the Cinto family.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910799\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910799 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-800x571.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"571\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-800x571.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1536x1097.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez watches her children play at a playground in San Francisco on Nov. 22, 2021. “You’re only a child once,” says Ramírez, who spent much of her own childhood in forced servitude. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>The escape\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was the kids, Stefany and Alexis, who gave her the strength to break free, she said. As they grew from babies into children, their father became increasingly abusive, whipping them with a belt. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was really difficult to see how he hit them, how he spoke to them,” she said. “I didn’t want them to suffer as I had, because it scars you, really, for life. ”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As her children were getting bigger, Ramírez, too, was growing from a teenager into a woman. One morning she saw her chance and took it.\u003c/span>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]'I told myself, 'It's today. If I don't try today, then when?'[/pullquote]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I told myself, ‘It’s today. If I don’t try today, then when?’” she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That February day in 2019, she said Dembler Cinto and his father were out buying liquor to restock the bar and his mother was grocery shopping. With a rare hour alone, Ramírez said she took a wad of Dembler’s cash, grabbed the children and flagged down a pickup truck that had a daily route driving villagers to the bigger town of Coatepeque about 40 minutes away. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“From there, my idea was, get to Mexico. Because if I stay in Guatemala, they’ll find me more quickly,” she told me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At first, Ramírez was too fearful to speak to people. She knocked on doors, offering to do laundry in exchange for food or money. Sometimes she and the kids slept in bus stations under one blanket. But they also met kind strangers who helped, and Ramírez said she learned there were people she could trust.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez bought a cellphone and called her mother. It was the first time they had spoken in years, and she learned that several of her siblings had moved to San Francisco, escaping the violence back home as soon as they could leave. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“My mom gave me my sister’s number because she knew I needed help,” she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So Ramírez set out for the U.S.-Mexico border, and when she got there she gave her sister’s phone number to border officials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“My sister told them she had a room where my kids and I could stay. It was like it fell from the sky, because I really had no idea what I would do,” said Ramírez. “But she opened her doors to us. And then she helped me find work and start to get stable.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Asylum granted\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the asylum hearing concluded, Valencia narrowed in on a few final points crucial to proving her case before the judge.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Did you ever ask for help?” she asked.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“No,” Ramírez said. “I was afraid if I went home, my dad would take me back to the Cinto family. He said they were my owners.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez explained she had no basis to trust that local authorities would protect her, and she didn’t believe she could be safe anywhere in Guatemala. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Women in Guatemala are treated badly,” Ramírez said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">To Valencia’s surprise, ICE prosecutor Juliet Boss said she wouldn’t cross-examine Ramírez. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“She’s covered everything,” Boss told the judge. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She said that if Ramírez won her case, the government would not appeal. That lined up with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/opla/OPLA-immigration-enforcement_interim-guidance.pdf\">Biden administration guidance\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> last year telling ICE attorneys to use their discretion on whom to prosecute, but it was not what the Centro Legal team expected from the usually aggressive ICE prosecutors. \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then it was the judge’s turn. Ramírez and her lawyers gazed at the video monitor where Park sat in his black robe. Of the 40 judges on the San Francisco bench, they knew he was one of the least likely to grant asylum. If Ramírez lost, she could be deported.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Ma’am, we’ve heard your testimony,” Park said. “The court has determined that you are eligible and deserve asylum at the court’s discretion. So you and your children will be asylees in the United States.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After a thank-you from Ramírez and a few formalities, the video feed clicked off. Ramírez and her lawyers were left alone in the courtroom. They stood up and hugged each other. Everyone cried.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Gracias, gracias, gracias,” said Ramírez. “You are really special people.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The women collected their jackets and files and walked past the security guards and out onto the street. As they headed for a nearby Peet’s coffee shop to celebrate, they began to chatter.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I was nervous about this judge,” said Valencia. “Deisy’s case is the strongest asylum case I’ve ever argued, but he has a reputation for being tough.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She added, “I’ve never had an ICE prosecutor decline to cross-examine.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the counter, Ramírez ordered a hot chocolate with whipped cream.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was the third asylum case the Centro Legal team had won in just four days, said Valencia’s colleague, Abby Sullivan Engen, and likely the result of the Biden administration’s more generous interpretations of asylum law.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A few weeks later, another client — also a woman fleeing gender-based violence in Guatemala — won asylum from an equally tough San Francisco immigration judge. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Iris Diéguez testified she had been married to a Guatemalan police officer who raped and threatened her and that, when she got a restraining order, his fellow officers refused to enforce it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Judge Julie Nelson acknowledged that Diéguez must have felt frustrated since she’d been waiting for her day in court since 2013.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“But,” she told Engen, “it may work in her favor, given changes in the law.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the hearing concluded, Nelson explained her reasoning to Diéguez. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“You have argued that you were harmed because you were part of the social group of Guatemalan women … I do find this is a recognizable particular social group, based on the law,” she said. “And I do find that you testified in a credible manner that [your husband] and others treated you the way they did because of their animus toward Guatemalan women and you as a Guatemalan woman.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then Nelson granted asylum to Diéguez and her daughter. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez and Diéguez now have the security of knowing they can live permanently in the United States. But advocates say too many asylum-seekers are left guessing about their chances for protection, because the Biden administration hasn’t issued the rule promised in February 2021 to clarify the grounds for asylum based on belonging to a “particular social group.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think it will be more clear for applicants and it will be more clear for adjudicators,” said Musalo. “It will make things run more smoothly.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910796\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11910796\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-800x572.jpg\" alt=\"Deisy watches her two children play at a playground\" width=\"800\" height=\"572\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-800x572.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1536x1098.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez says asylum protection will allow her to focus on rebuilding her life and making a safe home for her children. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>A better life in San Francisco\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now that she has asylum — and soon a green card, establishing her as a permanent U.S. resident — Ramírez can take stock of the new life she’s building for her family.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I met up with her a few days after the asylum hearing at her home in San Francisco’s Bayview district, and we headed for a nearby park. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As we walked down the street in the late autumn sunshine, Stefany and Alexis, now 8 and 6, skipped ahead. The kids stopped to marvel at a procession of ants climbing a tree trunk, then took off running when we reached the playground.\u003c/span>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=news_11900535,news_11900546,news_11903829,news_11909538]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They’re inseparable,” Ramírez said. “I don’t know if it’s because of what they’ve been through, but they do everything together.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As she walked, Ramírez pushed a stroller. Her kids now have a baby sister, Irma. We settled on a park bench, and she bounced the baby on her lap and told me how she had met Irma’s father. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In San Francisco, Ramírez started attending her sister’s church. There she met other Guatemalans, including Cristian Aguilar, a young man who had once been a childhood playmate in her village of San José Chibuj. Ramírez said Aguilar became a trusted friend. In time, their bond grew into love and they married. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“At first it was really difficult,” she said. “But he always gave me a sense of security. And he’s great with my kids. They feel so comfortable with him.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Aguilar works as a medical courier, driving blood between hospitals and clinics. The cost of living in San Francisco is high, but they manage by sharing the four-bedroom townhouse with his parents and siblings, making it a household of 10. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They hope to have a place of their own one day, and Ramírez, who studied only through seventh grade in Guatemala, eventually hopes to go back to school and find a good job. She knows that in this country it’s hard to support a family on one income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For now, though, Ramírez is focused on healing. She’s seen a psychologist, and she’s building relationships with her siblings and her mother, who she said is still suffering abuse back home. Ramírez hasn’t spoken to her father, so she may never know why he sold her to the Cintos. Maybe it was a way to cover his bar tab, she said. She just wants to put it behind her.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The most important thing for Ramírez is the well-being of her children — and she knows that’s connected to her own status as a woman. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Here in the United States, women are free, they’re equal, they can do anything,” she said. “I have opportunities here that would be impossible in Guatemala. And my daughter, my children, will be safe here.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She takes them to the playground almost every day. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I want their minds to be peaceful so they can enjoy their childhood,” she said. “Because you’re only a child once in your life. And I believe they deserve to be happy.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912836/para-inmigrantes-que-huyen-de-la-violencia-de-genero-el-camino-hacia-el-asilo-en-los-estados-unidos-es-largo\">\u003cstrong>Leer en español\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Deisy Ramírez woke before dawn on the day of her final asylum hearing last November. She was shaky with nerves, but she got up and made a cup of tea to calm herself. Her fate was in the hands of one of the toughest immigration judges in San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez and her lawyer had prepared three times for her to testify, but each time, the scheduled hearing was postponed due to COVID-19. Revisiting the things she had lived through was still gut-wrenching every time. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez, 24, grew up in the rural highlands of San Marcos province in Guatemala. She’s one of eight children, and she said her father often beat her mother and mistreated his daughters. When Ramírez was 14, she said, her father sold her to Ernesto and Eugenia Cinto, the owners of a bar where he often drank. It was a 30-minute walk from her home.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She was imprisoned by the family, required to cook, clean and serve the patrons of the bar without pay. She said she was forced into a sexual relationship with the couple’s 18-year-old son, Dembler Cinto, who routinely beat and raped her. He fathered her two children.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They treated me like a slave,” she said. “I was so scared that whole time.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez is one of thousands of people pursuing protection from gender-based violence in a U.S. asylum system that was gutted during the presidency of Donald Trump and has been only partially restored by President Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Biden administration is now preparing to lift Title 42, the public health regulation that was deployed in March 2020 at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic to expel asylum-seekers at U.S. borders. But Biden has not yet delivered on a pledge to clarify the grounds on which people can qualify for asylum. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over a year ago, the president promised a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">rule that would spell out who can be considered a member of a “particular social group,”\u003c/a> a vague asylum category that comes from a 1951 international refugee convention. Advocates hope a new definition will cover people who’ve suffered gender-based violence, and they say the delay is putting women like Ramírez, who’ve fled persecution inflicted specifically because they are women, at risk of further violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2019, when Ramírez was 21, she managed to escape Guatemala with her children, then 3 and 5 years old.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Once she reached San Francisco, Ramírez spent six months searching for a lawyer to help her make her case in immigration court. She eventually found pro bono help from the Oakland nonprofit Centro Legal de la Raza, crucial assistance that \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">many asylum-seekers lack\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Monica Valencia, her attorney at Centro Legal, bolstered Ramírez’s asylum application with more than 500 pages of documents, including reports on country conditions and affidavits from experts. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But as she prepared for court on that nervous morning of Nov. 17, Ramírez knew she would have to tell her story out loud and ask for protection from Judge Joseph Park. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Park was appointed to the bench in 2017 by then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions. In his first three years as a judge, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/00526SFR/index.html\">Park denied nearly 87% of the asylum cases that came before him\u003c/a>, far more than the 67% average denial rate nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Under U.S. asylum law, Ramírez would have to convince Park that she had a well-founded fear of persecution in Guatemala based on one of five grounds: race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group — and she’d have to show that her government was responsible or had failed to protect her. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Valencia submitted expert testimony in Ramírez’s case showing that domestic violence, rape, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">femicide\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and forced marriage, including parents selling their daughters into early marriage, are common in Guatemala and treated with impunity. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She based the case in part on a \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ruling\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, known as \u003ca href=\"https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Matter-of-ARCG.pdf\">Matter of ARCG\u003c/a>, that recognized Guatemalan women fleeing domestic violence as members of a particular social group with grounds to pursue asylum. But that argument ran counter to the way asylum law was interpreted during the Trump presidency.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">Sessions vacated that standard and ruled\u003c/a> that domestic violence, and other “private criminal activity,” was not generally grounds for asylum. A group of retired immigration judges called the Sessions ruling “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-issue\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an affront to the rule of law\u003c/span>\u003c/a>.” \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scholars say\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/immigration/the-history-and-future-of-gender-asylum-law/\"> it bucked more than three decades of U.S. and international refugee law\u003c/a> that recognizes victims of gender-based violence as eligible for protection.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It used to be thought that things that happen to people in the privacy of their homes weren’t of concern to human rights,” said \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Karen Musalo, director of the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://cgrs.uchastings.edu\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Center for Gender and Refugee Studies\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Hastings College of the Law\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. “So women could be burned to death, beaten and killed.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But since the 1980s, the understanding of human rights has evolved to recognize that “women’s rights are human rights and governments have the responsibility to protect the human rights of their citizens,” Musalo said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The idea of refugee protection is that the international community protects people when their government fails them,” she added. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Merrick Garland, Biden’s attorney general, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/asg/page/file/1404826/download\">reversed Sessions’s decisions on domestic violence\u003c/a>. And over the past year, immigration judges, including Park, have begun \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/667/\">approving a larger share of asylum claims\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, asylum rulings remain vulnerable to the political leanings of future administrations. That’s because the immigration courts lack independence from the Department of Justice, and because the asylum category of a “particular social group” is \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">poorly defined\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his second week in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">Biden issued an executive order\u003c/a> promising to review — within six months — whether U.S. protections for people fleeing domestic or gang violence are “consistent with international standards.” The order \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=202104&RIN=1615-AC65\">also promised a new rule\u003c/a> — within nine months — to define “particular social group.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But more than a year later, the review and the rule are nowhere in sight, and asylum-seekers like Deisy Ramírez face a murky situation in immigration court, as judges tackle a backlog of cases made worse by the pandemic. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The delay in defining the grounds for asylum, like Biden’s delay in lifting Title 42 at the border, reflects a tension between those in the administration who want to stake out humanitarian positions, and those who fear that rolling back restrictive Trump-era policies could hurt Democrats in the midterm Congressional elections, Musalo said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“There’s controversy and conflict between different positions within the administration,” said Musalo. “As we’ve seen from other immigration-related decisions in this administration, there have been opposing viewpoints.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910852\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11910852\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-800x572.jpg\" alt=\"Deisy Ramirez sits at a playground.\" width=\"800\" height=\"572\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1536x1098.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez says her children gave her the strength to break free from an abusive relationship where she was held against her will. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Reliving trauma in court\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As Ramírez prepared for her day in court, she was not following these legal and political ins and outs. She just knew that she and her children had endured horrors in Guatemala and they had fled to the U.S. in search of safety.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was the most difficult decision I’ve ever made,” she said. “I thought, ‘What am I going to do if they find me? They’re going to kill me, and they could kill the children, they could hurt them, they could sell them.’” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the morning of her hearing, Ramírez put on a long, flowered skirt, combed out her waist-length brown hair and got a ride to the courthouse in downtown San Francisco. She passed through the metal detector, and took the elevator to the fourth floor. The courtroom was empty except for two lawyers and a paralegal from her legal team. Ramírez also had allowed me to attend this sensitive hearing that would change her life.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A clerk turned on a video link that would connect the judge and the court interpreter, and he dialed the phone line for the ICE prosecutor. Then he walked back down the empty hall to his office.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The brown wood paneling of the courtroom walls was scratched and scuffed. On the back of one of the wooden benches for spectators, someone had carved the words \"love\" and \"happy.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Park appeared on a large video monitor and explained the proceedings. His voice was distorted, as if he were speaking from the bottom of a swimming pool, but when the interpreter repeated his words in Spanish, her voice was clear. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Over the next hour and a half, Valencia led Ramírez through her harrowing testimony.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Why do you believe your father sold you to the Cinto family?” asked Valencia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“My father told me we, as women, were worthless,” Ramírez replied. “And we belonged to him like his property.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Are you married to Dembler Cinto?” asked Valencia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“No. When I was 14 years old, I was forced to be with him,” said Ramírez. “His parents told me, when my father dropped me off, that I would be his woman.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“What kind of words did he use when he abused you?” asked Valencia. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“He said that women were born to serve men,” Ramírez answered, her voice cracking. “He said I was whore and that I was his slave.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Were there ever physical markings on your body?” the lawyer asked.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Yes, every time he hurt me I had bruises on my legs and arms, on my waist and my face,” Ramírez replied. “My nose and mouth would bleed.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez described years of forced servitude, degrading language and regular beatings and rapes. She said she was required to wear skimpy clothing when working in the bar, where men would grope her body. A few times, she said, police officers came and drank at the bar.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They could see I was a 14-year-old child who was bruised,” Ramírez said. “And they never tried to help.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Besides, she had never seen police aid battered women. When Ramírez still lived at home, she said her mother had gone to the police after being beaten bloody by her father, but officers said it was a domestic matter and wouldn’t intervene, just as they ignored other neighborhood women who suffered abuse.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez said she was typically locked in the house and Dembler Cinto threatened that if she ever told anyone about her treatment or tried to leave, he would kill her and harm the children. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Recounting the traumatic experiences was grueling. To help her stay steady, Ramírez told me later, Valencia had taught her breathing exercises. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“She always ended our conversations with an exercise so that I knew I was in a safe place,” said Ramírez. “Her words helped me so much.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They’re grounding techniques for coming back to your body,” said Valencia, who practices meditation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez said the practice helped her summon the courage to tell her story in court. But she had found her greatest courage three years earlier when she made her escape from the Cinto family.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910799\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910799 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-800x571.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"571\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-800x571.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1536x1097.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez watches her children play at a playground in San Francisco on Nov. 22, 2021. “You’re only a child once,” says Ramírez, who spent much of her own childhood in forced servitude. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>The escape\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was the kids, Stefany and Alexis, who gave her the strength to break free, she said. As they grew from babies into children, their father became increasingly abusive, whipping them with a belt. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was really difficult to see how he hit them, how he spoke to them,” she said. “I didn’t want them to suffer as I had, because it scars you, really, for life. ”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As her children were getting bigger, Ramírez, too, was growing from a teenager into a woman. One morning she saw her chance and took it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I told myself, ‘It’s today. If I don’t try today, then when?’” she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That February day in 2019, she said Dembler Cinto and his father were out buying liquor to restock the bar and his mother was grocery shopping. With a rare hour alone, Ramírez said she took a wad of Dembler’s cash, grabbed the children and flagged down a pickup truck that had a daily route driving villagers to the bigger town of Coatepeque about 40 minutes away. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“From there, my idea was, get to Mexico. Because if I stay in Guatemala, they’ll find me more quickly,” she told me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At first, Ramírez was too fearful to speak to people. She knocked on doors, offering to do laundry in exchange for food or money. Sometimes she and the kids slept in bus stations under one blanket. But they also met kind strangers who helped, and Ramírez said she learned there were people she could trust.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez bought a cellphone and called her mother. It was the first time they had spoken in years, and she learned that several of her siblings had moved to San Francisco, escaping the violence back home as soon as they could leave. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“My mom gave me my sister’s number because she knew I needed help,” she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So Ramírez set out for the U.S.-Mexico border, and when she got there she gave her sister’s phone number to border officials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“My sister told them she had a room where my kids and I could stay. It was like it fell from the sky, because I really had no idea what I would do,” said Ramírez. “But she opened her doors to us. And then she helped me find work and start to get stable.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Asylum granted\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the asylum hearing concluded, Valencia narrowed in on a few final points crucial to proving her case before the judge.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Did you ever ask for help?” she asked.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“No,” Ramírez said. “I was afraid if I went home, my dad would take me back to the Cinto family. He said they were my owners.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez explained she had no basis to trust that local authorities would protect her, and she didn’t believe she could be safe anywhere in Guatemala. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Women in Guatemala are treated badly,” Ramírez said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">To Valencia’s surprise, ICE prosecutor Juliet Boss said she wouldn’t cross-examine Ramírez. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“She’s covered everything,” Boss told the judge. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She said that if Ramírez won her case, the government would not appeal. That lined up with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/opla/OPLA-immigration-enforcement_interim-guidance.pdf\">Biden administration guidance\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> last year telling ICE attorneys to use their discretion on whom to prosecute, but it was not what the Centro Legal team expected from the usually aggressive ICE prosecutors. \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then it was the judge’s turn. Ramírez and her lawyers gazed at the video monitor where Park sat in his black robe. Of the 40 judges on the San Francisco bench, they knew he was one of the least likely to grant asylum. If Ramírez lost, she could be deported.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Ma’am, we’ve heard your testimony,” Park said. “The court has determined that you are eligible and deserve asylum at the court’s discretion. So you and your children will be asylees in the United States.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After a thank-you from Ramírez and a few formalities, the video feed clicked off. Ramírez and her lawyers were left alone in the courtroom. They stood up and hugged each other. Everyone cried.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Gracias, gracias, gracias,” said Ramírez. “You are really special people.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The women collected their jackets and files and walked past the security guards and out onto the street. As they headed for a nearby Peet’s coffee shop to celebrate, they began to chatter.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I was nervous about this judge,” said Valencia. “Deisy’s case is the strongest asylum case I’ve ever argued, but he has a reputation for being tough.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She added, “I’ve never had an ICE prosecutor decline to cross-examine.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the counter, Ramírez ordered a hot chocolate with whipped cream.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was the third asylum case the Centro Legal team had won in just four days, said Valencia’s colleague, Abby Sullivan Engen, and likely the result of the Biden administration’s more generous interpretations of asylum law.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A few weeks later, another client — also a woman fleeing gender-based violence in Guatemala — won asylum from an equally tough San Francisco immigration judge. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Iris Diéguez testified she had been married to a Guatemalan police officer who raped and threatened her and that, when she got a restraining order, his fellow officers refused to enforce it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Judge Julie Nelson acknowledged that Diéguez must have felt frustrated since she’d been waiting for her day in court since 2013.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“But,” she told Engen, “it may work in her favor, given changes in the law.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the hearing concluded, Nelson explained her reasoning to Diéguez. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“You have argued that you were harmed because you were part of the social group of Guatemalan women … I do find this is a recognizable particular social group, based on the law,” she said. “And I do find that you testified in a credible manner that [your husband] and others treated you the way they did because of their animus toward Guatemalan women and you as a Guatemalan woman.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then Nelson granted asylum to Diéguez and her daughter. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ramírez and Diéguez now have the security of knowing they can live permanently in the United States. But advocates say too many asylum-seekers are left guessing about their chances for protection, because the Biden administration hasn’t issued the rule promised in February 2021 to clarify the grounds for asylum based on belonging to a “particular social group.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think it will be more clear for applicants and it will be more clear for adjudicators,” said Musalo. “It will make things run more smoothly.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910796\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11910796\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-800x572.jpg\" alt=\"Deisy watches her two children play at a playground\" width=\"800\" height=\"572\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-800x572.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1536x1098.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez says asylum protection will allow her to focus on rebuilding her life and making a safe home for her children. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>A better life in San Francisco\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now that she has asylum — and soon a green card, establishing her as a permanent U.S. resident — Ramírez can take stock of the new life she’s building for her family.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I met up with her a few days after the asylum hearing at her home in San Francisco’s Bayview district, and we headed for a nearby park. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As we walked down the street in the late autumn sunshine, Stefany and Alexis, now 8 and 6, skipped ahead. The kids stopped to marvel at a procession of ants climbing a tree trunk, then took off running when we reached the playground.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They’re inseparable,” Ramírez said. “I don’t know if it’s because of what they’ve been through, but they do everything together.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As she walked, Ramírez pushed a stroller. Her kids now have a baby sister, Irma. We settled on a park bench, and she bounced the baby on her lap and told me how she had met Irma’s father. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In San Francisco, Ramírez started attending her sister’s church. There she met other Guatemalans, including Cristian Aguilar, a young man who had once been a childhood playmate in her village of San José Chibuj. Ramírez said Aguilar became a trusted friend. In time, their bond grew into love and they married. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“At first it was really difficult,” she said. “But he always gave me a sense of security. And he’s great with my kids. They feel so comfortable with him.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Aguilar works as a medical courier, driving blood between hospitals and clinics. The cost of living in San Francisco is high, but they manage by sharing the four-bedroom townhouse with his parents and siblings, making it a household of 10. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They hope to have a place of their own one day, and Ramírez, who studied only through seventh grade in Guatemala, eventually hopes to go back to school and find a good job. She knows that in this country it’s hard to support a family on one income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For now, though, Ramírez is focused on healing. She’s seen a psychologist, and she’s building relationships with her siblings and her mother, who she said is still suffering abuse back home. Ramírez hasn’t spoken to her father, so she may never know why he sold her to the Cintos. Maybe it was a way to cover his bar tab, she said. She just wants to put it behind her.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The most important thing for Ramírez is the well-being of her children — and she knows that’s connected to her own status as a woman. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Here in the United States, women are free, they’re equal, they can do anything,” she said. “I have opportunities here that would be impossible in Guatemala. And my daughter, my children, will be safe here.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She takes them to the playground almost every day. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I want their minds to be peaceful so they can enjoy their childhood,” she said. “Because you’re only a child once in your life. And I believe they deserve to be happy.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Asylum Limits at US-Mexico Border Expected to End May 23",
"title": "Asylum Limits at US-Mexico Border Expected to End May 23",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Biden administration is expected to end, by May 23, the asylum limits at the U.S.-Mexico border that were put in place during the Trump administration ostensibly to prevent the spread of COVID-19, according to people familiar with the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision, not yet final, would stop the United States from invoking public health rules to avoid fulfilling its legal obligations to provide haven to people fleeing persecution. It would apply to all asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ending the limitations in May would allow for time to prepare at the border, the sources said. But the delay runs against the wishes of top Democrats and others who say COVID-19 has long been used as an excuse for the U.S. to get out of asylum obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also raises the possibility that more asylum-seeking migrants will come to the border at a time when flows are already high. The Department of Homeland Security said Tuesday that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-covid-health-arizona-san-antonio-f99c9d3e892a908471e096fa9882e251\">about 7,100 migrants were coming daily, compared with an average of about 5,900 a day in February\u003c/a>, a rate that's on pace to match or exceed highs from last year, 2019 and other peak periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Biden declined to discuss his administration’s plans, telling reporters Wednesday at the White House, “We’ll have a decision on that soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whenever the limits are lifted, \"there will be an influx of people to the border. We are doing a lot of work to plan for that contingency,” said White House communications director Kate Bedingfield. Speaking broadly, Bedingfield said the administration is trying to “build up our migration system and ensure that we are restoring order at the border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention had extended its asylum-blocking powers for two months in late January, near the height of the omicron variant. The authority is up for renewal this week, and officials were expected to announce as early as Friday that it would be terminated, giving border authorities a few months to prepare for the coming deadline.[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"asylum-seekers\"]The people familiar with the plans saw a draft report that has not been finalized, and spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The limits went into place in March 2020 under the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-coronavirus-pandemic-health-mexico-texas-45cb54dc7824e1848bd0f5656a4ff78a\">Trump administration\u003c/a> as coronavirus cases soared. While officials said at the time that it was a way to keep COVID-19 out of the United States, there always has been criticism that the restrictions were used as an excuse to seal the border to migrants unwanted by then-President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was perhaps the broadest of Trump’s actions to restrict crossings and crack down on migrants. The health order has caused migrants to be expelled from the United States more than 1.7 million times since March 2020 without a chance for them to request asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restrictions took effect \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-pandemics-public-health-new-york-health-4ef0c6c5263815a26f8aa17f6ea490ae\">over the objections of CDC officials\u003c/a>. Dr. Martin Cetron of the Division of Global Migration and Quarantine refused the order, saying there was no public health basis for such a drastic move, the AP reported. But then-Vice President Mike Pence ordered the CDC’s director to use the agency’s emergency powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as mask mandates were lifted; vaccination rates climbed; and COVID-19 rates dropped among migrants crossing from Mexico, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-covid-health-public-health-arizona-922239ef33f346b58cfc93772f8fc287\">it became increasingly difficult to defend the order on scientific grounds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden, who has rolled back some of Trump’s other, more restrictive policies, has taken increasing criticism for keeping the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York and other top Democrats were increasingly vocal about wanting to end so-called Title 42 authority, named for a 1944 public health law to prevent communicable disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all Democratic elected officials agreed, including some from border and swing states. Sens. Mark Kelly and Kyrsten Sinema, both Arizona Democrats, sided with Republican leaders to say Title 42 should remain until U.S. border authorities were prepared for sharp increases in new arrivals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Border Patrol agents told me they expect a tsunami of humans to come across the border, and the Border Patrol has said they will lose control entirely,” said Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials said they are planning for as many as 18,000 arrivals daily, an astounding number that they cautioned was given simply to prepare for all possible outcomes, and is not a projection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there have been no major changes to how migrants are processed at the U.S.-Mexico border, and there is no increase in holding facilities for them. The immigration court backlog continues to soar, now at more than 1.7 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say Title 42 has been an excuse to avoid asylum obligations under U.S. law and international treaty, buying Biden time to create the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mexico-immigration-united-states-1efbf1f357a5210d2433b48820b9aa54\">“humane” asylum system\u003c/a> that he promised during his 2020 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Title 42 is a horrific and unjustified policy that should never have been enacted and has caused grave harm to thousands of asylum-seekers over the past two years,\" said immigration attorney Lee Gelernt of the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there is no aggregate rate for migrants, COVID-19 test results from several major corridors for illegal border crossings suggest it is well below levels that have triggered concerns among U.S. officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, 54 of 2,877 migrants tested positive in the first two weeks of March, according to the state Department of Social Services. That’s a rate of just 1.9%, down from a peak of 28.2% on January 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Pima County, Arizona, which includes Tucson, the seven-day positivity rate among migrants didn’t exceed 1.3% in early March. The positivity rate among 5,300 migrants tested last month at the Regional Center for Border Health near Yuma, Arizona, was 0.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAllen, Texas, the largest city in the busiest corridor for illegal crossings, has a higher rate among migrants — 11.3% for the week ending March 16 — but it has been consistently lower than the general population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky noted falling rates when she ended asylum limits on unaccompanied child migrants on March 11, while keeping them for adults and families with kids. In August, U.S. border authorities began testing children traveling alone in their busiest areas: The positivity rate fell to 6% in the first week of March from a high of nearly 20% in early February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum limits have been applied unevenly by nationality, depending largely on costs and diplomatic relations with home countries. Many migrants from Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/russia-ukraine-immigration-covid-health-caribbean-b263d08de4ec094ee4d5e137c0ca8460\">more recently, Ukraine\u003c/a> have been spared. Homeland Security officials wrote to border authorities this month that Ukrainians may be exempt, saying Russia's invasion \"created a humanitarian crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Biden administration is expected to end, by May 23, the asylum limits at the U.S.-Mexico border that were put in place during the Trump administration ostensibly to prevent the spread of COVID-19, according to people familiar with the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision, not yet final, would stop the United States from invoking public health rules to avoid fulfilling its legal obligations to provide haven to people fleeing persecution. It would apply to all asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ending the limitations in May would allow for time to prepare at the border, the sources said. But the delay runs against the wishes of top Democrats and others who say COVID-19 has long been used as an excuse for the U.S. to get out of asylum obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also raises the possibility that more asylum-seeking migrants will come to the border at a time when flows are already high. The Department of Homeland Security said Tuesday that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-covid-health-arizona-san-antonio-f99c9d3e892a908471e096fa9882e251\">about 7,100 migrants were coming daily, compared with an average of about 5,900 a day in February\u003c/a>, a rate that's on pace to match or exceed highs from last year, 2019 and other peak periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Biden declined to discuss his administration’s plans, telling reporters Wednesday at the White House, “We’ll have a decision on that soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whenever the limits are lifted, \"there will be an influx of people to the border. We are doing a lot of work to plan for that contingency,” said White House communications director Kate Bedingfield. Speaking broadly, Bedingfield said the administration is trying to “build up our migration system and ensure that we are restoring order at the border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention had extended its asylum-blocking powers for two months in late January, near the height of the omicron variant. The authority is up for renewal this week, and officials were expected to announce as early as Friday that it would be terminated, giving border authorities a few months to prepare for the coming deadline.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The people familiar with the plans saw a draft report that has not been finalized, and spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The limits went into place in March 2020 under the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-coronavirus-pandemic-health-mexico-texas-45cb54dc7824e1848bd0f5656a4ff78a\">Trump administration\u003c/a> as coronavirus cases soared. While officials said at the time that it was a way to keep COVID-19 out of the United States, there always has been criticism that the restrictions were used as an excuse to seal the border to migrants unwanted by then-President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was perhaps the broadest of Trump’s actions to restrict crossings and crack down on migrants. The health order has caused migrants to be expelled from the United States more than 1.7 million times since March 2020 without a chance for them to request asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restrictions took effect \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-pandemics-public-health-new-york-health-4ef0c6c5263815a26f8aa17f6ea490ae\">over the objections of CDC officials\u003c/a>. Dr. Martin Cetron of the Division of Global Migration and Quarantine refused the order, saying there was no public health basis for such a drastic move, the AP reported. But then-Vice President Mike Pence ordered the CDC’s director to use the agency’s emergency powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as mask mandates were lifted; vaccination rates climbed; and COVID-19 rates dropped among migrants crossing from Mexico, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-covid-health-public-health-arizona-922239ef33f346b58cfc93772f8fc287\">it became increasingly difficult to defend the order on scientific grounds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden, who has rolled back some of Trump’s other, more restrictive policies, has taken increasing criticism for keeping the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York and other top Democrats were increasingly vocal about wanting to end so-called Title 42 authority, named for a 1944 public health law to prevent communicable disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all Democratic elected officials agreed, including some from border and swing states. Sens. Mark Kelly and Kyrsten Sinema, both Arizona Democrats, sided with Republican leaders to say Title 42 should remain until U.S. border authorities were prepared for sharp increases in new arrivals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Border Patrol agents told me they expect a tsunami of humans to come across the border, and the Border Patrol has said they will lose control entirely,” said Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials said they are planning for as many as 18,000 arrivals daily, an astounding number that they cautioned was given simply to prepare for all possible outcomes, and is not a projection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there have been no major changes to how migrants are processed at the U.S.-Mexico border, and there is no increase in holding facilities for them. The immigration court backlog continues to soar, now at more than 1.7 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say Title 42 has been an excuse to avoid asylum obligations under U.S. law and international treaty, buying Biden time to create the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mexico-immigration-united-states-1efbf1f357a5210d2433b48820b9aa54\">“humane” asylum system\u003c/a> that he promised during his 2020 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Title 42 is a horrific and unjustified policy that should never have been enacted and has caused grave harm to thousands of asylum-seekers over the past two years,\" said immigration attorney Lee Gelernt of the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there is no aggregate rate for migrants, COVID-19 test results from several major corridors for illegal border crossings suggest it is well below levels that have triggered concerns among U.S. officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, 54 of 2,877 migrants tested positive in the first two weeks of March, according to the state Department of Social Services. That’s a rate of just 1.9%, down from a peak of 28.2% on January 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Pima County, Arizona, which includes Tucson, the seven-day positivity rate among migrants didn’t exceed 1.3% in early March. The positivity rate among 5,300 migrants tested last month at the Regional Center for Border Health near Yuma, Arizona, was 0.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAllen, Texas, the largest city in the busiest corridor for illegal crossings, has a higher rate among migrants — 11.3% for the week ending March 16 — but it has been consistently lower than the general population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky noted falling rates when she ended asylum limits on unaccompanied child migrants on March 11, while keeping them for adults and families with kids. In August, U.S. border authorities began testing children traveling alone in their busiest areas: The positivity rate fell to 6% in the first week of March from a high of nearly 20% in early February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum limits have been applied unevenly by nationality, depending largely on costs and diplomatic relations with home countries. Many migrants from Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/russia-ukraine-immigration-covid-health-caribbean-b263d08de4ec094ee4d5e137c0ca8460\">more recently, Ukraine\u003c/a> have been spared. Homeland Security officials wrote to border authorities this month that Ukrainians may be exempt, saying Russia's invasion \"created a humanitarian crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "'The Situation Was Not Different': For Afghan Refugee in California, Ukrainian Crisis Hits Close to Home",
"title": "'The Situation Was Not Different': For Afghan Refugee in California, Ukrainian Crisis Hits Close to Home",
"headTitle": "KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>https://youtu.be/KxL3Wz8Cge4?t=687\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Ukraine to Afghanistan, Mexico and beyond, KQED Live's \"Finding Asylum in California\" event touched on asylum broadly as well as the U.S. immigration court system, the role of social media, and art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aiming to see the path of asylum-seekers to California through different lenses,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/kqednewsroom\"> KQED Newsroom host Priya David Clemens\u003c/a> interviewed on stage Fouzia Azizi, director of refugee services at Jewish Family and Community Services East Bay, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnocitycollege.edu/campus-life/events-and-places/art-space-gallery-exhibits/past-exhibits/2020-caleb-duarte.html\">Fresno City College professor and artist Caleb Duarte\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">KQED Immigration Senior Editor Tyche Hendricks\u003c/a>.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Caleb Duarte, artist\"]'We as artists, our tool is the image, the painted image, the ability to tell stories through simple actions that are kind of sometimes absurd actions that really change, can possibly change someone's perspective.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Azizi helps find homes and support for those fleeing war-torn counties. That's here and now. But when Azizi saw photos and videos of the war in Ukraine, it brought her back to her time growing up in Afghanistan, she told a virtual KQED audience on a livestream last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's [taking] me back to all those memories that I had when I was in Afghanistan as a young girl seeing Russian soldiers all over the city,\" she said. \"What I see and witness right now with Ukraine, my heart goes to these people. But the situation was not different in Afghanistan.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caleb Duarte, who grew up in both Mexico and the U.S., is known for painting, public sculptures and community performances across the globe in places like Cuba, Honduras and India. He said \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=StqAYgy-tts\">his work tries to explore the human condition\u003c/a> while empowering others to exercise art: political prisoners, children, people in disability centers. His aim is to go past the hopelessness, to see evidence of power, resistance and survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We as artists, our tool is the image, the painted image, the ability to tell stories through simple actions that are kind of sometimes absurd actions that really change, can possibly change someone's perspective,\" Duarte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2021 project he worked on called \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.calebduarte.org/tijuan\">Burning Houses\u003c/a>\" saw Duarte and asylum-seekers in Tijuana create small, symbolic houses with the families of refugees camping at the border to highlight the hope they have for their children: to seek a new life. Duarte said he considers the project \"invisible theater,\" with the audience being asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We decided to carry the houses through the camp and straight to the U.S.-Mexican border as a symbol as evidence of resistance, of survival, also evidence of joy,\" Duarte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community artists then burnt the homes at the U.S.-Mexican border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Generally, we think of the idea of burning as such a destructive act, but it seems like you were really working to reclaim that. Why burn them?\" KQED's Clemens asked Duarte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909581\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1274px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11909581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1.jpg\" alt=\"People carry small house-like structures as a form of art on tall, 10-foot stilts, along a beach, with the sun setting in the background.\" width=\"1274\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1.jpg 1274w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-800x417.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-1020x532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-160x83.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1274px) 100vw, 1274px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asylum-seekers carry their homes-as-art to the U.S.-Mexico border as part of Caleb Duarte's 'Burning Homes' community art project. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Caleb Duarte)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Duarte pointed to a statement made by U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris, who told Guatemalan immigrants at the time, \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/07/1004074139/harris-tells-guatemalans-not-to-migrate-to-the-united-states\">Do not come\u003c/a>.\" The artists hoped to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/dec/19/central-america-migrants-us-foreign-policy\">point to intervention from the U.S. into Central America\u003c/a> throughout history, Duarte said.[aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"More immigration coverage\"]\"This was kind of a way of mirroring that violence,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The KQED Live event also explored the policy side of the same asylum and refugee struggles. Hendricks, the KQED senior editor, joined the stage to talk about her work tracking dysfunction in U.S. immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may touch close to home for KQED's audience. \"There's 1.7 million [immigration] cases backlogged in the U.S. San Francisco has a big court and one of the worst backlogs here as well,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Understaffing and underfunding are realities for the immigration court system, Hendricks said. But the Trump administration also began prosecuting \"a lot more people.\" The backlog can be felt keenly by individuals trying to navigate the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The delays lead to these effects where, people that I've met who are preparing to make their asylum case, they prepare and prepare, if they have a lawyer, and their cases are rescheduled and canceled. And there's sort of a trauma to going back through this,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that's if a person is fortunate enough to get representation at all: There isn't a right to appointed counsel if someone can't afford a lawyer — and when they can't, that's when things can take a turn for the worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909570\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1274px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11909570 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1.jpg\" alt=\"Four panelists sit on a stage at KQED's The Commons, speaking with one another. \" width=\"1274\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1.jpg 1274w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-800x417.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-1020x532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-160x83.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1274px) 100vw, 1274px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED Newsroom's Priya David Clemens (right) interviews (from left) Tyche Hendricks, Fouzia Azizi and Caleb Duarte at a KQED Live event. \u003ccite>(KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hendricks said she did a recent story on a Honduran woman, Rosa Díaz, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11900535/a-simple-paperwork-error-can-get-asylum-seekers-deported-rosa-diaz-got-lucky-on-a-lunch-break\">who came across the border with her children, fleeing violence and seeking asylum\u003c/a>. But a clerical error recorded her wrong address — listing her contact info as Los Angeles, instead of the city of Maxwell — and she wasn't notified of her hearing time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Díaz didn't show up, immigration officials ordered her deported in her absence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She went to her next [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] check-in and they said, 'We're going to deport you today.' Her children were back home some 50 miles away. She walked out of the office and burst into tears,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates and nonprofit legal services were able to help the woman, saving her from deportation. But it was a lucky break, Hendricks said, and not an opportunity all will have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That, to me, speaks to the dysfunction in the courts and the lack of due process,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/KxL3Wz8Cge4?t=687\">\u003cem>Watch the full virtual event from KQED Live, 'Finding Asylum in California,' on YouTube.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "KQED Live's 'Finding Asylum in California' event touched on asylum from Ukraine to Afghanistan, Mexico and beyond, including the U.S. immigration court system, the role of social media, and art's role in highlighting hope for asylum-seekers.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/KxL3Wz8Cge4'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/KxL3Wz8Cge4'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>From Ukraine to Afghanistan, Mexico and beyond, KQED Live's \"Finding Asylum in California\" event touched on asylum broadly as well as the U.S. immigration court system, the role of social media, and art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aiming to see the path of asylum-seekers to California through different lenses,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/kqednewsroom\"> KQED Newsroom host Priya David Clemens\u003c/a> interviewed on stage Fouzia Azizi, director of refugee services at Jewish Family and Community Services East Bay, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnocitycollege.edu/campus-life/events-and-places/art-space-gallery-exhibits/past-exhibits/2020-caleb-duarte.html\">Fresno City College professor and artist Caleb Duarte\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">KQED Immigration Senior Editor Tyche Hendricks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Azizi helps find homes and support for those fleeing war-torn counties. That's here and now. But when Azizi saw photos and videos of the war in Ukraine, it brought her back to her time growing up in Afghanistan, she told a virtual KQED audience on a livestream last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's [taking] me back to all those memories that I had when I was in Afghanistan as a young girl seeing Russian soldiers all over the city,\" she said. \"What I see and witness right now with Ukraine, my heart goes to these people. But the situation was not different in Afghanistan.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caleb Duarte, who grew up in both Mexico and the U.S., is known for painting, public sculptures and community performances across the globe in places like Cuba, Honduras and India. He said \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=StqAYgy-tts\">his work tries to explore the human condition\u003c/a> while empowering others to exercise art: political prisoners, children, people in disability centers. His aim is to go past the hopelessness, to see evidence of power, resistance and survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We as artists, our tool is the image, the painted image, the ability to tell stories through simple actions that are kind of sometimes absurd actions that really change, can possibly change someone's perspective,\" Duarte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2021 project he worked on called \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.calebduarte.org/tijuan\">Burning Houses\u003c/a>\" saw Duarte and asylum-seekers in Tijuana create small, symbolic houses with the families of refugees camping at the border to highlight the hope they have for their children: to seek a new life. Duarte said he considers the project \"invisible theater,\" with the audience being asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We decided to carry the houses through the camp and straight to the U.S.-Mexican border as a symbol as evidence of resistance, of survival, also evidence of joy,\" Duarte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community artists then burnt the homes at the U.S.-Mexican border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Generally, we think of the idea of burning as such a destructive act, but it seems like you were really working to reclaim that. Why burn them?\" KQED's Clemens asked Duarte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909581\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1274px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11909581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1.jpg\" alt=\"People carry small house-like structures as a form of art on tall, 10-foot stilts, along a beach, with the sun setting in the background.\" width=\"1274\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1.jpg 1274w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-800x417.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-1020x532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-160x83.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1274px) 100vw, 1274px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asylum-seekers carry their homes-as-art to the U.S.-Mexico border as part of Caleb Duarte's 'Burning Homes' community art project. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Caleb Duarte)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Duarte pointed to a statement made by U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris, who told Guatemalan immigrants at the time, \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/07/1004074139/harris-tells-guatemalans-not-to-migrate-to-the-united-states\">Do not come\u003c/a>.\" The artists hoped to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/dec/19/central-america-migrants-us-foreign-policy\">point to intervention from the U.S. into Central America\u003c/a> throughout history, Duarte said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"This was kind of a way of mirroring that violence,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The KQED Live event also explored the policy side of the same asylum and refugee struggles. Hendricks, the KQED senior editor, joined the stage to talk about her work tracking dysfunction in U.S. immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may touch close to home for KQED's audience. \"There's 1.7 million [immigration] cases backlogged in the U.S. San Francisco has a big court and one of the worst backlogs here as well,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Understaffing and underfunding are realities for the immigration court system, Hendricks said. But the Trump administration also began prosecuting \"a lot more people.\" The backlog can be felt keenly by individuals trying to navigate the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The delays lead to these effects where, people that I've met who are preparing to make their asylum case, they prepare and prepare, if they have a lawyer, and their cases are rescheduled and canceled. And there's sort of a trauma to going back through this,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that's if a person is fortunate enough to get representation at all: There isn't a right to appointed counsel if someone can't afford a lawyer — and when they can't, that's when things can take a turn for the worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909570\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1274px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11909570 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1.jpg\" alt=\"Four panelists sit on a stage at KQED's The Commons, speaking with one another. \" width=\"1274\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1.jpg 1274w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-800x417.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-1020x532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-160x83.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1274px) 100vw, 1274px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED Newsroom's Priya David Clemens (right) interviews (from left) Tyche Hendricks, Fouzia Azizi and Caleb Duarte at a KQED Live event. \u003ccite>(KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hendricks said she did a recent story on a Honduran woman, Rosa Díaz, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11900535/a-simple-paperwork-error-can-get-asylum-seekers-deported-rosa-diaz-got-lucky-on-a-lunch-break\">who came across the border with her children, fleeing violence and seeking asylum\u003c/a>. But a clerical error recorded her wrong address — listing her contact info as Los Angeles, instead of the city of Maxwell — and she wasn't notified of her hearing time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Díaz didn't show up, immigration officials ordered her deported in her absence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She went to her next [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] check-in and they said, 'We're going to deport you today.' Her children were back home some 50 miles away. She walked out of the office and burst into tears,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates and nonprofit legal services were able to help the woman, saving her from deportation. But it was a lucky break, Hendricks said, and not an opportunity all will have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That, to me, speaks to the dysfunction in the courts and the lack of due process,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/KxL3Wz8Cge4?t=687\">\u003cem>Watch the full virtual event from KQED Live, 'Finding Asylum in California,' on YouTube.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "ukrainians-cross-california-border-even-as-pandemic-policy-keeps-other-asylum-seekers-out",
"title": "Ukrainians Cross California Border, Even As Pandemic Policy Keeps Other Asylum-Seekers Out",
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"headTitle": "Ukrainians Cross California Border, Even As Pandemic Policy Keeps Other Asylum-Seekers Out | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s well after midnight at a border crossing in Tijuana, Mexico, on a recent Saturday night. A group of migrants are huddled under blankets near the San Ysidro port of entry. They say they’re from Russia and Belarus, and they’ve come here to ask for asylum in the United States. But the door to the U.S., just feet away from where they’re camped out, is still closed to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because of \u003ca href=\"https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?hl=false&edition=prelim&req=granuleid%3AUSC-prelim-title42-section265&num=0&saved=%7CKHRpdGxlOjQyIHNlY3Rpb246MjY0IGVkaXRpb246cHJlbGltKQ%3D%3D%7C%7C%7C0%7Cfalse%7Cprelim\">Title 42\u003c/a>, a public health code intended to prevent the spread of disease that’s being used to block the entry of migrants without visas. The policy was imposed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-pandemics-public-health-new-york-health-4ef0c6c5263815a26f8aa17f6ea490ae\">under pressure\u003c/a> from the Trump White House, at the start of the pandemic two years ago. And while COVID-19 restrictions have been lifted in much of the U.S., Title 42 is still in place. But it’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/more/pdf/NoticeUnaccompaniedChildren-update.pdf\">subject to review\u003c/a> by the end of this month.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kate Clark, attorney, Jewish Family Service of San Diego\"]‘Many times [migrants] will try to seek asylum at the port, and they’re denied, and so they’re forced to grapple with going between ports.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, two weeks ago, the Department of Homeland Security issued \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1glEe8MnsNWR15BsfQtiaSR75yKBrCuqe/view\">an extraordinary exception for Ukrainians\u003c/a>, saying they — and only they — could be exempted from Title 42. That means something resembling the normal asylum process is restored for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Title 42 has been used to expel people \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">more than 1.7 million times\u003c/a>, without allowing them the opportunity to request asylum. Eastern Europeans — the same as Central Americans, Haitians and other asylum-seekers who have arrived in the thousands at the U.S.-Mexico border — are now increasingly desperate to cross. And some are trying dangerous methods to get into the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909546\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11909546 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Cars are seen in front of barricades with razor wire.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cars line up at the automobile crossing at the San Ysidro port of entry, where Customs and Border Protection recently added cement blocks and concertina wire, on Thursday, March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Legal ways that would normally be afforded to people seeking protection are not available,” said Kate Clark, an attorney with Jewish Family Service of San Diego. Her organization provides shelter and assistance to every asylum-seeker that passes through San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since January, more than 1,000 Russians and over 450 Ukrainians have crossed the San Diego-Tijuana border, according to Jewish Family Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many times [migrants] will try to seek asylum at the port, and they’re denied, and so they’re forced to grapple with going between ports,” Clark said, “whether it be through the high desert or through another way that, quite frankly, risks their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Ukrainians and other Eastern Europeans, the challenge has just been to get onto U.S. soil. As part of an agreement with the United States, Mexico won’t accept Eastern European asylum-seekers if the U.S. doesn’t want to admit them under Title 42. Mexicans and Central Americans, by contrast, have been promptly expelled back to Mexico, though the Biden administration has made exceptions for unaccompanied children and many families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One strategy used by Russians and, until recently, Ukrainians, is to buy or rent a car in Tijuana, and drive past an initial checkpoint at the port of entry before asking for protection. In September, one Ukrainian asylum-seeker even went so far as to ram his car into the car in front of him to make sure he was firmly in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, it was a miracle that we were able to get past the [American] border officials. They didn’t ask for my documents,” said Maryna, a Ukrainian asylum-seeker who made it to the U.S. before the exception from DHS. She left Vyshneve, a small city near Kyiv, in early March as Russian bombs began to fall. (KQED is using only her first name because of safety concerns for her parents and husband, who are still in Ukraine.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maryna and her two young daughters fled to Germany, then flew to Mexico City. After a final flight to Tijuana, a family friend crossed over from San Diego and drove them back to California through the port of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just saw that a U.S. citizen was behind the wheel, and they let us through,” she told me through an interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11909547 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A man and woman are standing close together with other people around them next to a metal gate.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unidentified Ukrainian couple waits at the pedestrian crossing at the San Ysidro port of entry, as Eastern Europeans try to find safety in the United States, on Thursday, March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Once at the passport control booth on U.S. soil, Maryna told Customs and Border Protection officers they were seeking asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s relieved that she and her daughters reached the U.S., but as she looks out at the beautiful spring weather in San Diego, she says her mind is constantly elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At night, I couldn’t sleep because of the emotions, because [my family] is far away and we’re already here,” she said. “Yes, everything is pretty, everything is great here, but I can’t enjoy it or relax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The preferential treatment Ukrainians are now receiving has left migrants from other countries — many of whom have been waiting months, if not years — baffled and frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One woman turned back under Title 42 is Jackie, 21, from Michoacán, Mexico. She said she came to Tijuana a year ago, fleeing cartel violence, and lives in a crowded shelter, with no timetable on when she can enter the United States. We’re only using her first name because she fears for her safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her wait in Tijuana, she has slept in a dangerous encampment near the border, and has had to relocate multiple times after being confronted by Mexican police. She told me last November that when she tried to cross the border into the United States, Border Patrol agents were insulting and dismissive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were very racist to me,” Jackie said. “They treated my family like insects.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erika Pinheiro, an attorney with Al Otro Lado, a legal aid group that assists asylum-seekers in Tijuana, said she has seen Eastern Europeans receive much better treatment than other migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve personally observed is that CBP tends to be more polite or tell them to wait,” she said. “But when we see Central American or Black migrants approach the port of entry, they’re told to leave, they’re screamed at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, several U.S. senators, including majority leader Chuck Shumer and California’s Alex Padilla, \u003ca href=\"https://www.menendez.senate.gov/newsroom/press/menendez-schumer-booker-and-padilla-joint-statement-on-recent-court-decisions-on-title-42\">called on the Biden administration\u003c/a> to end Title 42. The CDC must reassess the policy every 60 days, and the current review period ends March 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Ukrainians Cross California Border, Even As Pandemic Policy Keeps Other Asylum-Seekers Out | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s well after midnight at a border crossing in Tijuana, Mexico, on a recent Saturday night. A group of migrants are huddled under blankets near the San Ysidro port of entry. They say they’re from Russia and Belarus, and they’ve come here to ask for asylum in the United States. But the door to the U.S., just feet away from where they’re camped out, is still closed to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because of \u003ca href=\"https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?hl=false&edition=prelim&req=granuleid%3AUSC-prelim-title42-section265&num=0&saved=%7CKHRpdGxlOjQyIHNlY3Rpb246MjY0IGVkaXRpb246cHJlbGltKQ%3D%3D%7C%7C%7C0%7Cfalse%7Cprelim\">Title 42\u003c/a>, a public health code intended to prevent the spread of disease that’s being used to block the entry of migrants without visas. The policy was imposed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-pandemics-public-health-new-york-health-4ef0c6c5263815a26f8aa17f6ea490ae\">under pressure\u003c/a> from the Trump White House, at the start of the pandemic two years ago. And while COVID-19 restrictions have been lifted in much of the U.S., Title 42 is still in place. But it’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/more/pdf/NoticeUnaccompaniedChildren-update.pdf\">subject to review\u003c/a> by the end of this month.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, two weeks ago, the Department of Homeland Security issued \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1glEe8MnsNWR15BsfQtiaSR75yKBrCuqe/view\">an extraordinary exception for Ukrainians\u003c/a>, saying they — and only they — could be exempted from Title 42. That means something resembling the normal asylum process is restored for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Title 42 has been used to expel people \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">more than 1.7 million times\u003c/a>, without allowing them the opportunity to request asylum. Eastern Europeans — the same as Central Americans, Haitians and other asylum-seekers who have arrived in the thousands at the U.S.-Mexico border — are now increasingly desperate to cross. And some are trying dangerous methods to get into the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909546\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11909546 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Cars are seen in front of barricades with razor wire.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7212-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cars line up at the automobile crossing at the San Ysidro port of entry, where Customs and Border Protection recently added cement blocks and concertina wire, on Thursday, March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Legal ways that would normally be afforded to people seeking protection are not available,” said Kate Clark, an attorney with Jewish Family Service of San Diego. Her organization provides shelter and assistance to every asylum-seeker that passes through San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since January, more than 1,000 Russians and over 450 Ukrainians have crossed the San Diego-Tijuana border, according to Jewish Family Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many times [migrants] will try to seek asylum at the port, and they’re denied, and so they’re forced to grapple with going between ports,” Clark said, “whether it be through the high desert or through another way that, quite frankly, risks their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Ukrainians and other Eastern Europeans, the challenge has just been to get onto U.S. soil. As part of an agreement with the United States, Mexico won’t accept Eastern European asylum-seekers if the U.S. doesn’t want to admit them under Title 42. Mexicans and Central Americans, by contrast, have been promptly expelled back to Mexico, though the Biden administration has made exceptions for unaccompanied children and many families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One strategy used by Russians and, until recently, Ukrainians, is to buy or rent a car in Tijuana, and drive past an initial checkpoint at the port of entry before asking for protection. In September, one Ukrainian asylum-seeker even went so far as to ram his car into the car in front of him to make sure he was firmly in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, it was a miracle that we were able to get past the [American] border officials. They didn’t ask for my documents,” said Maryna, a Ukrainian asylum-seeker who made it to the U.S. before the exception from DHS. She left Vyshneve, a small city near Kyiv, in early March as Russian bombs began to fall. (KQED is using only her first name because of safety concerns for her parents and husband, who are still in Ukraine.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maryna and her two young daughters fled to Germany, then flew to Mexico City. After a final flight to Tijuana, a family friend crossed over from San Diego and drove them back to California through the port of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just saw that a U.S. citizen was behind the wheel, and they let us through,” she told me through an interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11909547 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A man and woman are standing close together with other people around them next to a metal gate.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7291-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unidentified Ukrainian couple waits at the pedestrian crossing at the San Ysidro port of entry, as Eastern Europeans try to find safety in the United States, on Thursday, March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Once at the passport control booth on U.S. soil, Maryna told Customs and Border Protection officers they were seeking asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s relieved that she and her daughters reached the U.S., but as she looks out at the beautiful spring weather in San Diego, she says her mind is constantly elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At night, I couldn’t sleep because of the emotions, because [my family] is far away and we’re already here,” she said. “Yes, everything is pretty, everything is great here, but I can’t enjoy it or relax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The preferential treatment Ukrainians are now receiving has left migrants from other countries — many of whom have been waiting months, if not years — baffled and frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One woman turned back under Title 42 is Jackie, 21, from Michoacán, Mexico. She said she came to Tijuana a year ago, fleeing cartel violence, and lives in a crowded shelter, with no timetable on when she can enter the United States. We’re only using her first name because she fears for her safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her wait in Tijuana, she has slept in a dangerous encampment near the border, and has had to relocate multiple times after being confronted by Mexican police. She told me last November that when she tried to cross the border into the United States, Border Patrol agents were insulting and dismissive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were very racist to me,” Jackie said. “They treated my family like insects.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erika Pinheiro, an attorney with Al Otro Lado, a legal aid group that assists asylum-seekers in Tijuana, said she has seen Eastern Europeans receive much better treatment than other migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve personally observed is that CBP tends to be more polite or tell them to wait,” she said. “But when we see Central American or Black migrants approach the port of entry, they’re told to leave, they’re screamed at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, several U.S. senators, including majority leader Chuck Shumer and California’s Alex Padilla, \u003ca href=\"https://www.menendez.senate.gov/newsroom/press/menendez-schumer-booker-and-padilla-joint-statement-on-recent-court-decisions-on-title-42\">called on the Biden administration\u003c/a> to end Title 42. The CDC must reassess the policy every 60 days, and the current review period ends March 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "KQED Live: Finding Asylum in California",
"headTitle": "KQED Live: Finding Asylum in California | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Landing in a new country is never easy, even if you’re landing in a place like the Bay Area, which is already home to so many immigrants, refugees, and people who’ve sought asylum. And b\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">etween Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, chaos in Afghanistan, and the ongoing crisis at the US-Mexico border, this topic has been on our minds a lot.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, March 23, KQED Live held an event called \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KxL3Wz8Cge4\">\u003cem>Finding Asylum in California\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. It included visual art by \u003ca href=\"https://www.calebduarte.org/?utm_medium=Email&utm_source=ExactTarget&utm_campaign=20220302_Events_EventsEblast&mc_key=003i000000UOJUpAAP\">Caleb Duarte\u003c/a>, and a discussion moderated by KQED Newsroom host Priya David Clemens. That discussion also included KQED immigration senior editor \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/tychehendricks\">Tyche Hendricks\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://jfcs-eastbay.org\">JFCS East Bay\u003c/a> refugee resettlement director Fouzia Azizi. Today, we’re sharing that conversation on the show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For more information about live events at KQED, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/events\">https://www.kqed.org/events\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3Dh9Ndr\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Episode Transcript \u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC2779408177&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Landing in a new country is never easy, even if you’re landing in a place like the Bay Area, which is already home to so many immigrants, refugees, and people who’ve sought asylum. And b\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">etween Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, chaos in Afghanistan, and the ongoing crisis at the US-Mexico border, this topic has been on our minds a lot.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, March 23, KQED Live held an event called \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KxL3Wz8Cge4\">\u003cem>Finding Asylum in California\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. It included visual art by \u003ca href=\"https://www.calebduarte.org/?utm_medium=Email&utm_source=ExactTarget&utm_campaign=20220302_Events_EventsEblast&mc_key=003i000000UOJUpAAP\">Caleb Duarte\u003c/a>, and a discussion moderated by KQED Newsroom host Priya David Clemens. That discussion also included KQED immigration senior editor \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/tychehendricks\">Tyche Hendricks\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://jfcs-eastbay.org\">JFCS East Bay\u003c/a> refugee resettlement director Fouzia Azizi. Today, we’re sharing that conversation on the show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For more information about live events at KQED, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/events\">https://www.kqed.org/events\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3Dh9Ndr\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Episode Transcript \u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC2779408177&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Vithea Yung was a teenager in Long Beach in the 1990s, he joined a gang. As a Cambodian refugee whose family was shattered by the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime, it gave him a sense of security. But at 16, pursued by members of a rival gang, he fired a gun and killed someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung was tried as an adult, convicted of murder and sent to prison with a sentence of 35 years to life. Now 25 years on, the California \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/bph/parole-suitability-hearings-overview/what-to-expect-after-a-parole-suitability-hearing/\">parole board has approved Yung’s release\u003c/a>, based on the work he’s done to rehabilitate himself and help fellow incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until late Friday, it seemed as if Yung faced the possibility of being released from prison only to be locked up again, this time by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Yung feared he’d be deported to Cambodia, a country his family fled when he was 3 years old. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Anoop Prasad, lawyer, Asian Law Caucus\"]‘As long as California is relying on ICE to act with decency and compassion, we have a problem, because ICE has a proven track record across administrations of acting with cruelty. We need a systemic solution.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for Yung, the stakes were high. In 2017, he suffered a spinal cord injury during a prison softball game and since then has been paralyzed from the neck down, requiring round-the-clock care and assistance with the basic functions of daily living. He lives in a skilled nursing facility in the Los Angeles area that’s under contract with the state prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Friday afternoon, an ICE spokesperson said that an immigration detainer, requesting California prison officials turn Yung over to ICE, had been dropped months earlier, on November 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson, who would not agree to be identified because he was not authorized to speak about the case, said ICE makes custody determinations on a case-by-case basis, “considering the merits and factors of each case while adhering to current agency priorities, guidelines and legal mandates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news came as a surprise to Yung’s supporters, who had held a rally in Los Angeles Friday morning calling on California officials not to cooperate with ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re relieved it was dropped and he’s not going to be transferred to ICE and he’ll receive the care he needs after leaving prison,” said Anoop Prasad, Yung’s lawyer with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. “But it’s such a nerve-racking process. It shouldn’t require community outrage and rallies to get ICE to step in and do the basic, humane thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has a policy of notifying incarcerated people if an immigration detainer is dropped, but that didn’t happen here. Even in recent weeks, Yung’s CDCR counselor had told him the hold was still on file, Prasad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through his sister, Yung said he won’t feel confident that ICE isn’t going to detain him until he sees it in writing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigrants funneled from prison to ICE detention\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state prison system hands over hundreds of inmates to ICE each year. Between Jan. 1, 2020, and Nov. 30, 2021, the CDCR made 2,600 transfers to ICE, according to data obtained from the agency by the Asian Law Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And advocates say Yung’s case highlights an injustice: If he had been born in the U.S. or had become a naturalized U.S. citizen, then when he completed his sentence that would have settled his debt to society and he would go free. But as a lawful permanent resident, or “green card” holder, his felony record meant he could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung’s sister Terry Honoré said she was terrified at the thought that her quadriplegic brother could be sent to Cambodia to fend for himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t know how that would work,” she said. “It was really scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also feared that Yung’s health could deteriorate in immigration detention, since ICE has been sued over inadequate care for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The level of medical neglect at baseline in ICE facilities is horrific,” said Prasad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that given how seriously injured Yung is, there’s no plausible argument he could pose a danger to society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Asian Prisoner Support Committee and other advocacy groups are pushing for passage of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.iceoutofca.org/ca-values-act-sb54-408546.html\">Vision Act\u003c/a>, a bill in the state Senate that would block jail and prison officials from honoring ICE detainers for most inmates, like Yung, when they’re released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scores of people turned out for the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sg_chambita/status/1507435056456880128\">Los Angeles rally Friday\u003c/a> to push for that bill, AB 937, and support Yung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has until April 12 to review Yung’s parole. Unless he moves to block it, Yung will be released from prison and paroled to the care of his family. But advocates want Newsom to go further and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827617/state-lawmakers-urge-newsom-to-stop-transferring-people-in-prison-to-ice-in-pandemic\">stop transfers from California prisons to ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, CDCR press secretary Dana Simas said the prison system notifies ICE of anyone they’re holding who might be a foreign national. ICE then determines their immigration status and decides whether to put an immigration “hold” or detainer on the person. [aside postID=news_11827388]“CDCR responds to detainers from all law enforcement agencies,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simas did not respond to requests for comment about Yung’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, another Cambodian refugee, Chanthon Bun, was released from San Quentin despite being told that ICE had a detainer for him. But neither ICE nor CDCR explained why \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827388/cambodian-refugee-leaves-san-quentin-with-covid-19-but-avoids-ice-detention\">he was not transferred to immigration detention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Should rehabilitation affect deportation decisions?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yung is proud of the work he did to become a better person in the two decades before his accident. He enrolled in prison support groups and restorative justice programs, pursued his high school diploma, became a teacher’s aide and joined sports teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tried to rehabilitate myself,” he said in a Zoom interview with KQED. “I took classes. I did everything that it took before I went to my parole board hearing. It shocked them a little bit because I did everything before they even asked me to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung’s efforts might have played a role in ICE’s decision to revoke the detainer, though the circumstances of that decision remain unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last September, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/news/guidelines-civilimmigrationlaw.pdf\">guidelines allowing ICE to use discretion\u003c/a> about whom to prioritize for detention and deportation. Mayorkas said ICE should focus on people who pose a “current threat” to national security, border security or public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Tuesday, a \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/national-security/599216-judge-blocks-dhs-memo-narrowing-ice-deportation-focus\">federal judge in Ohio partially blocked that guidance\u003c/a>. U.S. District Court Judge Michael Newman, a Trump appointee, ruled the agency can’t ignore people whose criminal convictions subject them to mandatory detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Permanent residency isn’t ‘real permanence’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Yung’s family fled Cambodia’s killing fields, two older siblings died of starvation and both of his parents were locked up by the Khmer Rouge. When his mother got out, she and the children made their way to a refugee camp and eventually to California.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Terry Honoré, Vithea Yung's sister\"]‘We came here with the understanding that we escaped the war and we are American.’[/pullquote]Honoré said her parents didn’t understand that even though they became permanent residents, real permanence depended on becoming naturalized U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one ever explained that to us,” she said. “We came here with the understanding that we escaped the war and we are American. Our card says that we are legal residents, you know, permanent residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now she’s become a supporter of the Vision Act, hoping others don’t have to go through her brother’s experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said thousands of people — fully 10% of the state prison population — also are subject to ICE detainers, and few will get the attention Yung’s case has received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as California is relying on ICE to act with decency and compassion, we have a problem, because ICE has a proven track record across administrations of acting with cruelty,” he said. “We need a systemic solution.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson, who would not agree to be identified because he was not authorized to speak about the case, said ICE makes custody determinations on a case-by-case basis, “considering the merits and factors of each case while adhering to current agency priorities, guidelines and legal mandates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news came as a surprise to Yung’s supporters, who had held a rally in Los Angeles Friday morning calling on California officials not to cooperate with ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re relieved it was dropped and he’s not going to be transferred to ICE and he’ll receive the care he needs after leaving prison,” said Anoop Prasad, Yung’s lawyer with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. “But it’s such a nerve-racking process. It shouldn’t require community outrage and rallies to get ICE to step in and do the basic, humane thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has a policy of notifying incarcerated people if an immigration detainer is dropped, but that didn’t happen here. Even in recent weeks, Yung’s CDCR counselor had told him the hold was still on file, Prasad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through his sister, Yung said he won’t feel confident that ICE isn’t going to detain him until he sees it in writing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigrants funneled from prison to ICE detention\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state prison system hands over hundreds of inmates to ICE each year. Between Jan. 1, 2020, and Nov. 30, 2021, the CDCR made 2,600 transfers to ICE, according to data obtained from the agency by the Asian Law Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And advocates say Yung’s case highlights an injustice: If he had been born in the U.S. or had become a naturalized U.S. citizen, then when he completed his sentence that would have settled his debt to society and he would go free. But as a lawful permanent resident, or “green card” holder, his felony record meant he could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung’s sister Terry Honoré said she was terrified at the thought that her quadriplegic brother could be sent to Cambodia to fend for himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t know how that would work,” she said. “It was really scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also feared that Yung’s health could deteriorate in immigration detention, since ICE has been sued over inadequate care for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The level of medical neglect at baseline in ICE facilities is horrific,” said Prasad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that given how seriously injured Yung is, there’s no plausible argument he could pose a danger to society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Asian Prisoner Support Committee and other advocacy groups are pushing for passage of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.iceoutofca.org/ca-values-act-sb54-408546.html\">Vision Act\u003c/a>, a bill in the state Senate that would block jail and prison officials from honoring ICE detainers for most inmates, like Yung, when they’re released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scores of people turned out for the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sg_chambita/status/1507435056456880128\">Los Angeles rally Friday\u003c/a> to push for that bill, AB 937, and support Yung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has until April 12 to review Yung’s parole. Unless he moves to block it, Yung will be released from prison and paroled to the care of his family. But advocates want Newsom to go further and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827617/state-lawmakers-urge-newsom-to-stop-transferring-people-in-prison-to-ice-in-pandemic\">stop transfers from California prisons to ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, CDCR press secretary Dana Simas said the prison system notifies ICE of anyone they’re holding who might be a foreign national. ICE then determines their immigration status and decides whether to put an immigration “hold” or detainer on the person. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“CDCR responds to detainers from all law enforcement agencies,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simas did not respond to requests for comment about Yung’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, another Cambodian refugee, Chanthon Bun, was released from San Quentin despite being told that ICE had a detainer for him. But neither ICE nor CDCR explained why \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827388/cambodian-refugee-leaves-san-quentin-with-covid-19-but-avoids-ice-detention\">he was not transferred to immigration detention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Should rehabilitation affect deportation decisions?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yung is proud of the work he did to become a better person in the two decades before his accident. He enrolled in prison support groups and restorative justice programs, pursued his high school diploma, became a teacher’s aide and joined sports teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tried to rehabilitate myself,” he said in a Zoom interview with KQED. “I took classes. I did everything that it took before I went to my parole board hearing. It shocked them a little bit because I did everything before they even asked me to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung’s efforts might have played a role in ICE’s decision to revoke the detainer, though the circumstances of that decision remain unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last September, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/news/guidelines-civilimmigrationlaw.pdf\">guidelines allowing ICE to use discretion\u003c/a> about whom to prioritize for detention and deportation. Mayorkas said ICE should focus on people who pose a “current threat” to national security, border security or public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Tuesday, a \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/national-security/599216-judge-blocks-dhs-memo-narrowing-ice-deportation-focus\">federal judge in Ohio partially blocked that guidance\u003c/a>. U.S. District Court Judge Michael Newman, a Trump appointee, ruled the agency can’t ignore people whose criminal convictions subject them to mandatory detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Permanent residency isn’t ‘real permanence’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Yung’s family fled Cambodia’s killing fields, two older siblings died of starvation and both of his parents were locked up by the Khmer Rouge. When his mother got out, she and the children made their way to a refugee camp and eventually to California.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Honoré said her parents didn’t understand that even though they became permanent residents, real permanence depended on becoming naturalized U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one ever explained that to us,” she said. “We came here with the understanding that we escaped the war and we are American. Our card says that we are legal residents, you know, permanent residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now she’s become a supporter of the Vision Act, hoping others don’t have to go through her brother’s experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said thousands of people — fully 10% of the state prison population — also are subject to ICE detainers, and few will get the attention Yung’s case has received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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