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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump signed a memorandum on Tuesday to exclude undocumented immigrants from the U.S. Census count that determines the states’ political representation, arguing that including them undermines democracy for American citizens. Hours later, several California elected officials, including House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Gov. Gavin Newsom, swiftly condemned the president’s directive as plainly unlawful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counting every person in our country through the Census is a principle so foundational that it is written into our Constitution,” Newsom said in a statement. “This latest action by the administration to exclude undocumented immigrants when determining representation in Congress, rooted in racism and xenophobia, is a blatant attack on our institutions and our neighbors.” [aside tag=\"census\" label=\"The 2020 Census\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Constitution’s 14th Amendment says representatives shall be apportioned among states, counting “the whole number of persons in each state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Trump argues that the term has been interpreted to mean “inhabitants” of each state, and that the executive branch can decide who qualifies as such to conclude how many seats a state gets in the House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affording congressional representation, and therefore formal political influence, to States on account of the presence within their borders of aliens who have not followed the steps to secure lawful immigration status under our laws undermines (democratic) principles,” according to the President’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6999106-July-21-2020-Memorandum-On-Excluding-Illegal.html?mc_cid=903a15e849&mc_eid=22ccf5fd29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">memorandum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order also took a swing at so-called sanctuary laws, saying states that adopt them attract illegal immigrants and “should not be rewarded with greater representation in the House of Representatives.” The president then referred to California, with an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/interactives/u-s-unauthorized-immigrants-by-state/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2.2 million undocumented immigrants\u003c/a>, as “one state” exemplifying the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Including these illegal aliens in the population of the State for the purpose of apportionment could result in the allocation of two or three more congressional seats than would otherwise be allocated,” Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congresswoman Anna Eshoo, D-Palo Alto, who sits on the House committee overseeing the U.S. Census Bureau, said the president’s new policy was meant to energize his supporters before the November election and rob political representation from California, which has the nation’s largest population of undocumented residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That would be a dream come true for Donald Trump because he doesn’t think that any of these people count in life anyway,” Eshoo said. “This is clearly a move that is unconstitutional. And I think the president, frankly, is throwing red meat to his base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California and other states successfully sued to block the administration from including a question on citizenship in the census. Critics argued that it would depress participation among non-citizens and that states such as California would lose a big share of the more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/korihale/2020/03/24/being-undercounted-in-the-us-census-costs-minority-communities-millions-of-dollars/#727cb3bf3aa0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$675 billion\u003c/a> in federal funds distributed on the basis of population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Trump instructed Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross — who oversees the Census Bureau — to “provide information” to carry out the policy of excluding undocumented immigrants from congressional apportionment. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A White House official declined to comment further on how the administration could achieve the president’s goal. The official, who declined to be named, defended Trump’s new policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These actions are consistent with America’s democratic principles as outlined in the United States Constitution,” said the official in a statement. “President Trump will never allow the erosion of our Nation’s democracy or the underrepresentation of lawful American citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By law, the Census Bureau may \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/factsheets/2019/comm/2020-confidentiality-factsheet.pdf\">not share\u003c/a> an individual’s information with immigration enforcement or other federal agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the census already underway, the president’s directive could make it even harder to achieve a full and accurate count of non-citizens and their households, said Julia Marks, an attorney with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='— California Attorney General Xavier Becerra']‘The moment they take action and that action would amount to a violation of the law, we now have standing … to sue the Trump administration,.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been an extraordinarily difficult census because of the public health situation and because of existing statements from the Trump administration that makes this a scary environment for immigrant communities,” said Marks, whose organization does outreach to increase participation in the Census. “And this will just make some of those challenges even greater.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is already facing the loss of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821752/california-could-lose-a-seat-in-congress-heres-what-that-would-mean\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one congressional seat\u003c/a>, largely because the state’s population growth has slowed down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, Black, brown and immigrant communities have not been fully counted in the Census, leading to a smaller share of federal funds for schools, hospitals, roads and other critical needs in their local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California would lose more than $1,000 per year for every person who is not counted in the decennial census, said state Sen. Tom Umberg, D-Santa Ana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We in California need to make sure that we redouble our efforts to get the message out to all Californians, irrespective of whatever their immigration status is, that they have to be counted,” Umberg said, who co-chairs a Senate committee on the 2020 Census. “And it’s not just for their own benefit. It’s for all our benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra said his office will be on the lookout for federal actions that would merit a court challenge, such as failing to seek census forms from immigrant households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Becerra says the president’s memorandum, though inflammatory, isn’t reason enough for a legal challenge yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply because Donald Trump says things that are crazy or extreme doesn’t mean we can go to court,” Becerra said, who was part of a coalition of attorneys general that sued to block the Trump administration from including the citizenship question in the 2020 Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The moment they take action and that action would amount to a violation of the law, we now have standing … to sue the Trump administration,” Becerra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump signed a memorandum on Tuesday to exclude undocumented immigrants from the U.S. Census count that determines the states’ political representation, arguing that including them undermines democracy for American citizens. Hours later, several California elected officials, including House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Gov. Gavin Newsom, swiftly condemned the president’s directive as plainly unlawful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counting every person in our country through the Census is a principle so foundational that it is written into our Constitution,” Newsom said in a statement. “This latest action by the administration to exclude undocumented immigrants when determining representation in Congress, rooted in racism and xenophobia, is a blatant attack on our institutions and our neighbors.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Constitution’s 14th Amendment says representatives shall be apportioned among states, counting “the whole number of persons in each state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Trump argues that the term has been interpreted to mean “inhabitants” of each state, and that the executive branch can decide who qualifies as such to conclude how many seats a state gets in the House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affording congressional representation, and therefore formal political influence, to States on account of the presence within their borders of aliens who have not followed the steps to secure lawful immigration status under our laws undermines (democratic) principles,” according to the President’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6999106-July-21-2020-Memorandum-On-Excluding-Illegal.html?mc_cid=903a15e849&mc_eid=22ccf5fd29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">memorandum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order also took a swing at so-called sanctuary laws, saying states that adopt them attract illegal immigrants and “should not be rewarded with greater representation in the House of Representatives.” The president then referred to California, with an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/interactives/u-s-unauthorized-immigrants-by-state/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2.2 million undocumented immigrants\u003c/a>, as “one state” exemplifying the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Including these illegal aliens in the population of the State for the purpose of apportionment could result in the allocation of two or three more congressional seats than would otherwise be allocated,” Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congresswoman Anna Eshoo, D-Palo Alto, who sits on the House committee overseeing the U.S. Census Bureau, said the president’s new policy was meant to energize his supporters before the November election and rob political representation from California, which has the nation’s largest population of undocumented residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That would be a dream come true for Donald Trump because he doesn’t think that any of these people count in life anyway,” Eshoo said. “This is clearly a move that is unconstitutional. And I think the president, frankly, is throwing red meat to his base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California and other states successfully sued to block the administration from including a question on citizenship in the census. Critics argued that it would depress participation among non-citizens and that states such as California would lose a big share of the more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/korihale/2020/03/24/being-undercounted-in-the-us-census-costs-minority-communities-millions-of-dollars/#727cb3bf3aa0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$675 billion\u003c/a> in federal funds distributed on the basis of population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Trump instructed Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross — who oversees the Census Bureau — to “provide information” to carry out the policy of excluding undocumented immigrants from congressional apportionment. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A White House official declined to comment further on how the administration could achieve the president’s goal. The official, who declined to be named, defended Trump’s new policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These actions are consistent with America’s democratic principles as outlined in the United States Constitution,” said the official in a statement. “President Trump will never allow the erosion of our Nation’s democracy or the underrepresentation of lawful American citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By law, the Census Bureau may \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/factsheets/2019/comm/2020-confidentiality-factsheet.pdf\">not share\u003c/a> an individual’s information with immigration enforcement or other federal agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the census already underway, the president’s directive could make it even harder to achieve a full and accurate count of non-citizens and their households, said Julia Marks, an attorney with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been an extraordinarily difficult census because of the public health situation and because of existing statements from the Trump administration that makes this a scary environment for immigrant communities,” said Marks, whose organization does outreach to increase participation in the Census. “And this will just make some of those challenges even greater.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is already facing the loss of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821752/california-could-lose-a-seat-in-congress-heres-what-that-would-mean\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one congressional seat\u003c/a>, largely because the state’s population growth has slowed down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, Black, brown and immigrant communities have not been fully counted in the Census, leading to a smaller share of federal funds for schools, hospitals, roads and other critical needs in their local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California would lose more than $1,000 per year for every person who is not counted in the decennial census, said state Sen. Tom Umberg, D-Santa Ana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We in California need to make sure that we redouble our efforts to get the message out to all Californians, irrespective of whatever their immigration status is, that they have to be counted,” Umberg said, who co-chairs a Senate committee on the 2020 Census. “And it’s not just for their own benefit. It’s for all our benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra said his office will be on the lookout for federal actions that would merit a court challenge, such as failing to seek census forms from immigrant households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Becerra says the president’s memorandum, though inflammatory, isn’t reason enough for a legal challenge yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply because Donald Trump says things that are crazy or extreme doesn’t mean we can go to court,” Becerra said, who was part of a coalition of attorneys general that sued to block the Trump administration from including the citizenship question in the 2020 Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The moment they take action and that action would amount to a violation of the law, we now have standing … to sue the Trump administration,” Becerra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Trump Memo Aims to Bypass Constitution By Excluding Undocumented Immigrants From Census",
"title": "Trump Memo Aims to Bypass Constitution By Excluding Undocumented Immigrants From Census",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump released \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/memorandum-excluding-illegal-aliens-apportionment-base-following-2020-census/\">a memorandum\u003c/a> Tuesday that calls for an unprecedented change to the constitutionally-mandated count of every person living in the country — the exclusion of unauthorized immigrants from the numbers used to divide up seats in Congress among the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memo instructs Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, who oversees the Commerce Department, to include in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/141\">legally required\u003c/a> report of census results to the president \"information permitting the President, to the extent practicable\" to leave out the number of immigrants living in the U.S. without authorization from the apportionment count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the move by the president, who does not have final authority over the census, is more likely to spur legal challenges and political spectacle in the last months before this year's presidential election than a transformation of the once-a-decade head count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the first U.S. Census in 1790, both U.S. citizens and noncitizens — regardless of immigration status — have been included in the country's official population counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fifth sentence of \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/constitution-transcript\">the Constitution\u003c/a> specifies that \"persons\" residing in the states should be counted every 10 years to determine each state's share of seats in the House of Representatives. \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/amendmentxiv\">The 14th Amendment\u003c/a> goes further to require the counting of the \"whole number of persons in each state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is Congress — not the president — that \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/articlei\">Article 1\u003c/a>, Section 2 of the country's founding document empowers to carry out the \"actual enumeration\" of the country's population in \"such manner as they shall by law direct.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/2/2a\">Title 2\u003c/a> of the U.S. Code, Congress detailed its instructions for the president to report to lawmakers the tally of the \"whole number of persons\" living in each state for the reapportionment of House seats. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/141\">Title 13\u003c/a>, Congress established additional key dates for the \"tabulation of total population.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state of Alabama, however, is arguing in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/06/754685703/15-states-say-unauthorized-immigrants-should-continue-to-count-for-seats-in-cong\">ongoing federal lawsuit\u003c/a> that the framers of the Constitution did not intend for the term \"persons\" to include immigrants living in the country without authorization. Alabama says it's trying to avoid losing a seat in Congress after the 2020 census by seeking to leave out unauthorized immigrants from the results of the national count that are used to reapportion the U.S. House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's announcement, first signaled in a\u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/playbook-pm/2020/07/17/new-trumps-next-executive-order-489834\"> Politico newsletter\u003c/a> last week, comes just over a year after the administration backed down in its failed attempt to add the now-blocked citizenship question to the 2020 census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2019, the president issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-collecting-information-citizenship-status-connection-decennial-census/\">an executive order\u003c/a> to use government records, including from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/14/890798378/south-dakota-is-sharing-drivers-license-info-to-help-find-out-who-s-a-citizen\">state departments of motor vehicles\u003c/a> and federal agencies such as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/04/793325772/to-produce-citizenship-data-homeland-security-to-share-records-with-census\">Department of Homeland Security\u003c/a>, to produce anonymized citizenship data that could be used to redraw voting districts in a way that, a GOP strategist concluded, would politically benefit Republicans and non-Hispanic white people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the national census self-response rate at just over 62%, the White House announcement threatens to derail the Census Bureau's efforts to finish tallying up roughly four out of 10 households that have not filled out a census form on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Census Coverage' tag='2020-census']The agency's \u003ca href=\"https://www2.census.gov/programs-surveys/decennial/2020/program-management/planning-docs/2020-oper-plan4.pdf\">operational plan for the 2020 census\u003c/a> includes specially designed efforts, such as providing online forms and call centers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/03/31/629409884/for-the-first-time-u-s-census-to-collect-responses-in-arabic-among-13-languages\">13 languages\u003c/a>, to try to make sure the census includes undocumented immigrants and other populations the bureau considers \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6183449-2020-Census-Operational-Plan-Version-4-0.html#document/p208/a572351\">hard-to-count\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/d/2018-02370/p-111\">the Census Bureau's residence criteria\u003c/a> for determining how to count different groups of residents for the 2020 census, citizens of foreign countries who are living in the U.S. are supposed to be counted \"at the U.S. residence where they live and sleep most of the time,\" while international visitors should not be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bureau has been relying on ads and community groups to help ramp up its outreach to households with immigrants, people of color and other historically undercounted groups, many of whom remain distrustful of sharing their information with the government despite federal laws that require the Census Bureau to keep personally identifiable census information confidential \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/history/www/genealogy/decennial_census_records/the_72_year_rule_1.html\">until 72 years after it's been collected\u003c/a> and prohibit that information from \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/9\">being used against an individual\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration has also raised concerns in recent weeks by making \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/06/23/882433973/trump-appointees-join-census-bureau-democrats-concerned-over-partisan-games\">two new political appointments at the bureau\u003c/a>. The move has sparked \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hansilowang/status/1280629685248983043\">an inquiry by the inspector general\u003c/a> for the Commerce Department, which oversees the bureau. Democratic lawmakers and professional associations, including the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hansilowang/status/1275882643796766721?s=20\">American Statistical Association\u003c/a> and the\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hansilowang/status/1277663449259147264\"> American Economic Association\u003c/a>, are questioning whether the appointments of Nathaniel Cogley, a political science professor, and Adam Korzeniewski, a former political consultant to a YouTube personality known for racist pranks, are a partisan attempt to interfere with the census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR White House correspondent Tamara Keith contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=With+No+Final+Say%2C+Trump+Wants+To+Change+Who+Counts+For+Dividing+Up+Congress%27+Seats&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump released \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/memorandum-excluding-illegal-aliens-apportionment-base-following-2020-census/\">a memorandum\u003c/a> Tuesday that calls for an unprecedented change to the constitutionally-mandated count of every person living in the country — the exclusion of unauthorized immigrants from the numbers used to divide up seats in Congress among the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memo instructs Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, who oversees the Commerce Department, to include in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/141\">legally required\u003c/a> report of census results to the president \"information permitting the President, to the extent practicable\" to leave out the number of immigrants living in the U.S. without authorization from the apportionment count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the move by the president, who does not have final authority over the census, is more likely to spur legal challenges and political spectacle in the last months before this year's presidential election than a transformation of the once-a-decade head count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the first U.S. Census in 1790, both U.S. citizens and noncitizens — regardless of immigration status — have been included in the country's official population counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fifth sentence of \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/constitution-transcript\">the Constitution\u003c/a> specifies that \"persons\" residing in the states should be counted every 10 years to determine each state's share of seats in the House of Representatives. \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/amendmentxiv\">The 14th Amendment\u003c/a> goes further to require the counting of the \"whole number of persons in each state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is Congress — not the president — that \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/articlei\">Article 1\u003c/a>, Section 2 of the country's founding document empowers to carry out the \"actual enumeration\" of the country's population in \"such manner as they shall by law direct.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/2/2a\">Title 2\u003c/a> of the U.S. Code, Congress detailed its instructions for the president to report to lawmakers the tally of the \"whole number of persons\" living in each state for the reapportionment of House seats. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/141\">Title 13\u003c/a>, Congress established additional key dates for the \"tabulation of total population.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state of Alabama, however, is arguing in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/06/754685703/15-states-say-unauthorized-immigrants-should-continue-to-count-for-seats-in-cong\">ongoing federal lawsuit\u003c/a> that the framers of the Constitution did not intend for the term \"persons\" to include immigrants living in the country without authorization. Alabama says it's trying to avoid losing a seat in Congress after the 2020 census by seeking to leave out unauthorized immigrants from the results of the national count that are used to reapportion the U.S. House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's announcement, first signaled in a\u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/playbook-pm/2020/07/17/new-trumps-next-executive-order-489834\"> Politico newsletter\u003c/a> last week, comes just over a year after the administration backed down in its failed attempt to add the now-blocked citizenship question to the 2020 census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2019, the president issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-collecting-information-citizenship-status-connection-decennial-census/\">an executive order\u003c/a> to use government records, including from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/14/890798378/south-dakota-is-sharing-drivers-license-info-to-help-find-out-who-s-a-citizen\">state departments of motor vehicles\u003c/a> and federal agencies such as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/04/793325772/to-produce-citizenship-data-homeland-security-to-share-records-with-census\">Department of Homeland Security\u003c/a>, to produce anonymized citizenship data that could be used to redraw voting districts in a way that, a GOP strategist concluded, would politically benefit Republicans and non-Hispanic white people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the national census self-response rate at just over 62%, the White House announcement threatens to derail the Census Bureau's efforts to finish tallying up roughly four out of 10 households that have not filled out a census form on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The agency's \u003ca href=\"https://www2.census.gov/programs-surveys/decennial/2020/program-management/planning-docs/2020-oper-plan4.pdf\">operational plan for the 2020 census\u003c/a> includes specially designed efforts, such as providing online forms and call centers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/03/31/629409884/for-the-first-time-u-s-census-to-collect-responses-in-arabic-among-13-languages\">13 languages\u003c/a>, to try to make sure the census includes undocumented immigrants and other populations the bureau considers \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6183449-2020-Census-Operational-Plan-Version-4-0.html#document/p208/a572351\">hard-to-count\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/d/2018-02370/p-111\">the Census Bureau's residence criteria\u003c/a> for determining how to count different groups of residents for the 2020 census, citizens of foreign countries who are living in the U.S. are supposed to be counted \"at the U.S. residence where they live and sleep most of the time,\" while international visitors should not be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bureau has been relying on ads and community groups to help ramp up its outreach to households with immigrants, people of color and other historically undercounted groups, many of whom remain distrustful of sharing their information with the government despite federal laws that require the Census Bureau to keep personally identifiable census information confidential \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/history/www/genealogy/decennial_census_records/the_72_year_rule_1.html\">until 72 years after it's been collected\u003c/a> and prohibit that information from \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/9\">being used against an individual\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration has also raised concerns in recent weeks by making \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/06/23/882433973/trump-appointees-join-census-bureau-democrats-concerned-over-partisan-games\">two new political appointments at the bureau\u003c/a>. The move has sparked \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hansilowang/status/1280629685248983043\">an inquiry by the inspector general\u003c/a> for the Commerce Department, which oversees the bureau. Democratic lawmakers and professional associations, including the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hansilowang/status/1275882643796766721?s=20\">American Statistical Association\u003c/a> and the\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hansilowang/status/1277663449259147264\"> American Economic Association\u003c/a>, are questioning whether the appointments of Nathaniel Cogley, a political science professor, and Adam Korzeniewski, a former political consultant to a YouTube personality known for racist pranks, are a partisan attempt to interfere with the census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR White House correspondent Tamara Keith contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=With+No+Final+Say%2C+Trump+Wants+To+Change+Who+Counts+For+Dividing+Up+Congress%27+Seats&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "thousands-in-california-to-face-delays-if-feds-furlough-immigration-workers",
"title": "Thousands in California to Face Delays If Feds Furlough Immigration Workers",
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"headTitle": "Thousands in California to Face Delays If Feds Furlough Immigration Workers | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Updated 2:00 p.m:\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) should postpone plans to furlough about 13,400 employees, now that the agency has projected it will end this fiscal year with a budget surplus instead of the $571 million deficit it forecast earlier this year, said Vermont Sen. Patrick Leahy and Montana Sen. Jon Tester, both Democrats who sit on the Senate Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We ask that you take immediate action to save USCIS employees from unnecessary furloughs,” wrote Leahy and Tester in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.appropriations.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/USCIS%20Final%20Letter%207%2021%2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">letter\u003c/a> to Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Acting Secretary Chad Wolf and USCIS Deputy Director for Policy Joseph Edlow. “You must not sit by as thousands of American jobs are on the line, particularly during a time of unprecedented unemployment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the letter, Leahy and Tester said that even though USCIS’ fiscal outlook had reversed, the agency had “perplexingly chosen” to proceed with the furloughs, which would go into effect on Aug. 3 for at least a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Collins, a spokeswoman with USCIS, said the agency still requires $1.2 billion from Congress because its financial outlook had not improved enough to sustain operations next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In order to delay a furlough, we would need a commitment from Congress to fund USCIS, either through passing legislation or indicating that legislation is forthcoming which would meet our ultimate goal of canceling the furlough once we receive funding,” Collins said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS, the parent agency of USCIS, and the White House Office of Management and Budget did not immediately return requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Original Story:\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than two weeks before massive furloughs are set to strike the federal agency that processes immigration applications, it’s unclear whether Congress will reach a bailout deal in time to spare more than 13,000 employees and millions of immigrants awaiting key services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high in California, where hundreds of thousands of immigrants — as well as their American employers and relatives — depend on U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services for work permits, green cards, naturalization and other benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS plans to furlough more than two-thirds of its employees, including 2,300 in California, because revenue has dropped dramatically during the COVID-19 pandemic, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, USCIS officials told Congress they would need $1.2 billion to avoid the furloughs, which are set to start Aug. 3. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren']‘If the administration decides to run this agency off a cliff, which it looks like they’re planning to do, I think it would be really a shameful thing.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California representatives Lucille Roybal-Allard (D-Los Angeles) and Zoe Lofgren (D-San Jose) said they are working to include emergency funds for the agency in the contentious COVID-19 recovery bill that Congress is debating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Roybal-Allard and Lofgren, who chair subcommittees negotiating relief for the agency, said the White House has only provided a one-page letter with scant details on the financial shortfall at USCIS or proposed solutions. They said a lack of cooperation from the administration has slowed progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the administration decides to run this agency off a cliff, which it looks like they’re planning to do, I think it would be really a shameful thing,” Lofgren said, chair of the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with the White House Office of Management and Budget defended the administration’s response, and said Congress has enough information to avoid the furloughs, which are expected to last between one and three months. [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration has formally requested the resources necessary to keep USCIS running,” said the OMB spokesman in a statement. “Our hope is that Congressional Democrats accept our proposal to keep the lights on in a responsible manner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS has proposed to pay back to the U.S. Treasury the $1.2 billion it seeks by adding a 10% surcharge to applications paid by U.S. employers, U.S. citizens and immigrants. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.afge.org/article/bipartisan-bill-introduced-to-fund-uscis-to-avoid-furloughs/\">bill\u003c/a> introduced by Rep. Emanuel Cleaver (D-Mo) this month would do that. But Lofgren and other Democrats have been lukewarm to the idea of raising fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most federal agencies, USCIS \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/news/news-releases/uscis-proposes-to-adjust-fees-to-meet-operational-needs\">funds\u003c/a> its operations with immigrant application fees. After the agency halted in-person services due to the pandemic and the worldwide travel shutdown, its earnings collapsed by half, starting in March, according to officials. Offices began to \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/about-us/uscis-office-closings\">reopen\u003c/a> last month, but revenues are still lagging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This dramatic drop in revenue has made it impossible for our agency to operate at full capacity,” said a USCIS spokesperson. “Without additional funding from Congress before August 3, USCIS has no choice but to administratively furlough a substantial portion of our workforce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics say that the agency was already on shaky financial ground well before the coronavirus tore through the country. And they blame the Trump administration’s management of the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS had at least $790 million in cash reserves in 2017, then went into a budget deficit the following year, according to agency figures analyzed by researchers at the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/uscis-severe-budget-shortfall\">Migration Policy Institute\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ur Jaddou, former chief counsel at USCIS, said President Trump’s restrictive immigration policies have cost the agency significant losses in revenue by excluding many immigrants from work permits and other benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, Jaddou estimates that since the Trump administration took steps to end the humanitarian protections called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824078/essential-workers-with-temporary-protected-status-could-be-at-risk-of-deportation\">Temporary Protected Status\u003c/a> for more than 400,000 immigrants, USCIS has lost nearly $200 million in TPS renewal fees every 18 months. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the furloughs go into effect and fewer employees are at work to process petitions, more immigrants could be locked out of benefits for which they’re eligible — including becoming naturalized U.S. citizens, just months before the presidential election, Jaddou said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an insidious, bureaucratic way of achieving many of the policies that this administration has implemented since the beginning,” Jaddou said, who now directs \u003ca href=\"https://americasvoice.org/uncategorized/about-us-dhs-watch/\">DHS Watch\u003c/a> at the pro-immigration group America’s Voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first three months of this year, USCIS received more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/Resources/Reports%20and%20Studies/Immigration%20Forms%20Data/Naturalization%20Data/N400_performancedata_fy2020_qtr2.pdf\">40,000\u003c/a> naturalization petitions at its offices in California, about 17% of the total requests for U.S. citizenship nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, USCIS naturalized more than 750,000 people, and processed more than 630,000 green card petitions, which allow immigrants to live and work permanently in the U.S., according to an agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/reports/2018_USCIS_Statistical_Annual_Report_Final_-_OPQ_5.28.19_EXA.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a>. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Ur Jaddou']‘This is an insidious, bureaucratic way of achieving many of the policies that this administration has implemented since the beginning’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/sites/default/files/resources/senate_letter_uscis_appropriations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">letter\u003c/a> to Congress last month, DHS Watch and 100 other immigrant and human rights organizations wrote that USCIS has “squandered millions of dollars” as the Trump administration transformed the historically customer-service focused agency into an immigration enforcement arm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocates want any Congressional bailout to be conditioned on changes at the agency, including prohibiting immigration enforcement arrests at USCIS offices and suspending proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11745013/free-immigration-applications-may-become-harder-to-get-under-federal-proposal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fee increases\u003c/a> that would double the price of naturalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland-based immigration attorney Jesse Lloyd said many of his clients are already experiencing delays in getting their work permits, due to the agency’s financial problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furloughs that further delay work permits would mean that many Bay Area immigrants could lose their ability to work legally, and that could cost them their jobs, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are households with U.S. citizen spouses. These are often households with U.S. citizen children,” Lloyd said. “And all of these citizens are relying on the spouse to be able to be employed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services plans to furlough two thirds of its staff, unless Congress provides it with emergency funds. In California, hundreds of thousands of immigrants depend on the agency for work permits, green cards, naturalization and other benefits.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Updated 2:00 p.m:\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) should postpone plans to furlough about 13,400 employees, now that the agency has projected it will end this fiscal year with a budget surplus instead of the $571 million deficit it forecast earlier this year, said Vermont Sen. Patrick Leahy and Montana Sen. Jon Tester, both Democrats who sit on the Senate Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We ask that you take immediate action to save USCIS employees from unnecessary furloughs,” wrote Leahy and Tester in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.appropriations.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/USCIS%20Final%20Letter%207%2021%2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">letter\u003c/a> to Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Acting Secretary Chad Wolf and USCIS Deputy Director for Policy Joseph Edlow. “You must not sit by as thousands of American jobs are on the line, particularly during a time of unprecedented unemployment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the letter, Leahy and Tester said that even though USCIS’ fiscal outlook had reversed, the agency had “perplexingly chosen” to proceed with the furloughs, which would go into effect on Aug. 3 for at least a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Collins, a spokeswoman with USCIS, said the agency still requires $1.2 billion from Congress because its financial outlook had not improved enough to sustain operations next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In order to delay a furlough, we would need a commitment from Congress to fund USCIS, either through passing legislation or indicating that legislation is forthcoming which would meet our ultimate goal of canceling the furlough once we receive funding,” Collins said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS, the parent agency of USCIS, and the White House Office of Management and Budget did not immediately return requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Original Story:\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than two weeks before massive furloughs are set to strike the federal agency that processes immigration applications, it’s unclear whether Congress will reach a bailout deal in time to spare more than 13,000 employees and millions of immigrants awaiting key services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high in California, where hundreds of thousands of immigrants — as well as their American employers and relatives — depend on U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services for work permits, green cards, naturalization and other benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS plans to furlough more than two-thirds of its employees, including 2,300 in California, because revenue has dropped dramatically during the COVID-19 pandemic, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, USCIS officials told Congress they would need $1.2 billion to avoid the furloughs, which are set to start Aug. 3. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If the administration decides to run this agency off a cliff, which it looks like they’re planning to do, I think it would be really a shameful thing.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California representatives Lucille Roybal-Allard (D-Los Angeles) and Zoe Lofgren (D-San Jose) said they are working to include emergency funds for the agency in the contentious COVID-19 recovery bill that Congress is debating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Roybal-Allard and Lofgren, who chair subcommittees negotiating relief for the agency, said the White House has only provided a one-page letter with scant details on the financial shortfall at USCIS or proposed solutions. They said a lack of cooperation from the administration has slowed progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the administration decides to run this agency off a cliff, which it looks like they’re planning to do, I think it would be really a shameful thing,” Lofgren said, chair of the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with the White House Office of Management and Budget defended the administration’s response, and said Congress has enough information to avoid the furloughs, which are expected to last between one and three months. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration has formally requested the resources necessary to keep USCIS running,” said the OMB spokesman in a statement. “Our hope is that Congressional Democrats accept our proposal to keep the lights on in a responsible manner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS has proposed to pay back to the U.S. Treasury the $1.2 billion it seeks by adding a 10% surcharge to applications paid by U.S. employers, U.S. citizens and immigrants. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.afge.org/article/bipartisan-bill-introduced-to-fund-uscis-to-avoid-furloughs/\">bill\u003c/a> introduced by Rep. Emanuel Cleaver (D-Mo) this month would do that. But Lofgren and other Democrats have been lukewarm to the idea of raising fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most federal agencies, USCIS \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/news/news-releases/uscis-proposes-to-adjust-fees-to-meet-operational-needs\">funds\u003c/a> its operations with immigrant application fees. After the agency halted in-person services due to the pandemic and the worldwide travel shutdown, its earnings collapsed by half, starting in March, according to officials. Offices began to \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/about-us/uscis-office-closings\">reopen\u003c/a> last month, but revenues are still lagging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This dramatic drop in revenue has made it impossible for our agency to operate at full capacity,” said a USCIS spokesperson. “Without additional funding from Congress before August 3, USCIS has no choice but to administratively furlough a substantial portion of our workforce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics say that the agency was already on shaky financial ground well before the coronavirus tore through the country. And they blame the Trump administration’s management of the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS had at least $790 million in cash reserves in 2017, then went into a budget deficit the following year, according to agency figures analyzed by researchers at the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/uscis-severe-budget-shortfall\">Migration Policy Institute\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ur Jaddou, former chief counsel at USCIS, said President Trump’s restrictive immigration policies have cost the agency significant losses in revenue by excluding many immigrants from work permits and other benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, Jaddou estimates that since the Trump administration took steps to end the humanitarian protections called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824078/essential-workers-with-temporary-protected-status-could-be-at-risk-of-deportation\">Temporary Protected Status\u003c/a> for more than 400,000 immigrants, USCIS has lost nearly $200 million in TPS renewal fees every 18 months. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the furloughs go into effect and fewer employees are at work to process petitions, more immigrants could be locked out of benefits for which they’re eligible — including becoming naturalized U.S. citizens, just months before the presidential election, Jaddou said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an insidious, bureaucratic way of achieving many of the policies that this administration has implemented since the beginning,” Jaddou said, who now directs \u003ca href=\"https://americasvoice.org/uncategorized/about-us-dhs-watch/\">DHS Watch\u003c/a> at the pro-immigration group America’s Voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first three months of this year, USCIS received more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/Resources/Reports%20and%20Studies/Immigration%20Forms%20Data/Naturalization%20Data/N400_performancedata_fy2020_qtr2.pdf\">40,000\u003c/a> naturalization petitions at its offices in California, about 17% of the total requests for U.S. citizenship nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, USCIS naturalized more than 750,000 people, and processed more than 630,000 green card petitions, which allow immigrants to live and work permanently in the U.S., according to an agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/reports/2018_USCIS_Statistical_Annual_Report_Final_-_OPQ_5.28.19_EXA.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/sites/default/files/resources/senate_letter_uscis_appropriations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">letter\u003c/a> to Congress last month, DHS Watch and 100 other immigrant and human rights organizations wrote that USCIS has “squandered millions of dollars” as the Trump administration transformed the historically customer-service focused agency into an immigration enforcement arm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocates want any Congressional bailout to be conditioned on changes at the agency, including prohibiting immigration enforcement arrests at USCIS offices and suspending proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11745013/free-immigration-applications-may-become-harder-to-get-under-federal-proposal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fee increases\u003c/a> that would double the price of naturalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland-based immigration attorney Jesse Lloyd said many of his clients are already experiencing delays in getting their work permits, due to the agency’s financial problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furloughs that further delay work permits would mean that many Bay Area immigrants could lose their ability to work legally, and that could cost them their jobs, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are households with U.S. citizen spouses. These are often households with U.S. citizen children,” Lloyd said. “And all of these citizens are relying on the spouse to be able to be employed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Dreamers in Limbo as Trump Officials Stall on New DACA Applications",
"title": "Dreamers in Limbo as Trump Officials Stall on New DACA Applications",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Updated July 17, 2020, 2:30 p.m. PST:\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mdd.403497/gov.uscourts.mdd.403497.97.0.pdf\">ruled\u003c/a> Friday that the Trump administration must accept new applications for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program from young undocumented immigrants who never before had DACA’s protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following last month's Supreme Court decision that the administration’s attempt to end the program was unlawful, the judge in Maryland said DACA must be restored to its status before President Donald Trump moved to end it in September 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That opens the door for more than 300,000 unauthorized immigrants brought to the U.S. as children to apply for DACA’s two-year work permit and protection from deportation. New applicants would join the nearly 650,000 current DACA holders, who are entitled to renew their protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling was welcomed by California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, who led a coalition of states in suing the federal government to preserve the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the Supreme Court down, the courts have made it clear: DACA stands, and now its doors are open to new Dreamers to apply,” Becerra said in a statement. “I urge all Dreamers to enter DACA.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Original Story: \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kassandra Merlos, 24, is ready to apply to the federal government for a work permit and protection from deportation under Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, something she’s been barred from for almost three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Riverside student decided to try for DACA after a U.S. Supreme Court ruling last month preserved the program, which benefits undocumented immigrants brought to this country as children. She had intended to apply in the fall of 2017, she said, but the Trump administration rescinded the protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would help me so much because not only I could work and provide for myself, but I could help my parents as well financially,” Merlos said, who has lived in California since age 3. “I've been struggling, not being able to work.” [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 5-4 ruling, the Supreme Court said the Trump administration did not follow the law when it tried to end DACA. Lower courts had forced the government to process DACA renewals while the case was litigated, but did not require officials to accept new applications from people like Merlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the June 18 decision however, at least \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanprogress.org/press/release/2020/07/13/487538/release-trump-administration-must-immediately-resume-processing-new-daca-applications-new-cap-column-argues/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">300,000\u003c/a> young immigrants, who meet the requirements for DACA but have never held the protections, are now eligible to apply, according to legal scholars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But nearly a month after the high court ruled, the federal agency in charge of handling immigration applications, has not publicly said how or whether it will accept new DACA requests. That has incensed Democratic lawmakers and sowed uncertainty among young immigrants who have waited, sometimes for years, to benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services has begun rejecting new petitions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/891563635\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Departments of Justice and Homeland Security are continuing to review the Supreme Court ruling, said a USCIS spokesperson this week. The agency referred KQED to a defiant statement by a top official issued the day after the justices’ decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “court opinion has no basis in law and merely delays the President’s lawful ability to end the illegal Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals amnesty program,” said USCIS Deputy Director for Policy Joseph Edlow in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.uscis.gov/news/news-releases/uscis-statement-supreme-courts-daca-decision\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statement\u003c/a>. “The constitutionality of this de facto amnesty program created by the Obama administration has been widely questioned since its inception.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Thursday, the USCIS website said the agency is only accepting DACA renewal applications. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose Rep. Zoe Lofgren, who chairs the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship, said the agency must immediately begin processing new DACA applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a lawless administration, I mean it’s a shocking thing,” Lofgren said, an immigration attorney. “They are not adhering to the ruling of the United States Supreme Court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis Perez, legal director at the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights in Los Angeles (CHIRLA) said his organization is weighing a lawsuit to force the Trump administration to comply. His legal team submitted a new DACA petition on behalf of a client the same day of the Supreme Court ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While USCIS usually notifies applicants it has received their petition within two weeks, the client still hasn’t heard back from the agency, nearly a month later, said Perez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHIRLA is assisting more than a hundred first-time DACA applicants prepare their petitions, Perez said. But he’s recommending they wait to see what happens with the first application he turned in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So it is a very difficult time. Things are up in the air,” Perez said. “There's not a lot of guidance from anywhere. And people are just waiting, unfortunately, to hear better news. And we still haven't got that.” [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Kassandra Merlos']'We grew up here. This is our home now ... It's like: Why can we not become U.S. citizens?'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The uncertainty over DACA comes as USCIS is preparing to furlough 13,400 employees, or 70% of the agency’s staff — a move that is widely expected to delay the processing of immigration benefits, including DACA. Officials with USCIS, which relies on application fees to fund most of its operations, told Congress they’ve seen a 50% drop in revenue because of the pandemic, and they need a $1.2 billion bailout to avoid the furloughs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=about_15238 label='Take Our Survey']Some undocumented young people who’ve considered applying for DACA are getting fed up with waiting for a chance to legally work and pursue their goals in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zara Diaz, 18, who attended UC Santa Barbara, said she has decided to move to Canada and pursue her studies there. Diaz has lived in the Bay Area city of Fremont since she was a toddler, but she doesn’t want her future to depend on the roller coaster ride of immigration politics in the U.S., she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like they are playing tug of war with you,” said Diaz, referring to President Obama’s creation of DACA in 2012 and President Trump’s efforts to rescind the program. She said she’s left unsure how the program will fare under future administrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Merlos, the UC Riverside student, said she remains hopeful DACA’s temporary protections will one day lead to a pathway to citizenship for hundreds of thousands of young people like her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We grew up here. This is our home now,” Merlos said. “It's like: Why can we not become U.S. citizens?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Tyche Hendricks contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Updated July 17, 2020, 2:30 p.m. PST:\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mdd.403497/gov.uscourts.mdd.403497.97.0.pdf\">ruled\u003c/a> Friday that the Trump administration must accept new applications for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program from young undocumented immigrants who never before had DACA’s protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following last month's Supreme Court decision that the administration’s attempt to end the program was unlawful, the judge in Maryland said DACA must be restored to its status before President Donald Trump moved to end it in September 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That opens the door for more than 300,000 unauthorized immigrants brought to the U.S. as children to apply for DACA’s two-year work permit and protection from deportation. New applicants would join the nearly 650,000 current DACA holders, who are entitled to renew their protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling was welcomed by California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, who led a coalition of states in suing the federal government to preserve the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the Supreme Court down, the courts have made it clear: DACA stands, and now its doors are open to new Dreamers to apply,” Becerra said in a statement. “I urge all Dreamers to enter DACA.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Original Story: \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kassandra Merlos, 24, is ready to apply to the federal government for a work permit and protection from deportation under Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, something she’s been barred from for almost three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Riverside student decided to try for DACA after a U.S. Supreme Court ruling last month preserved the program, which benefits undocumented immigrants brought to this country as children. She had intended to apply in the fall of 2017, she said, but the Trump administration rescinded the protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would help me so much because not only I could work and provide for myself, but I could help my parents as well financially,” Merlos said, who has lived in California since age 3. “I've been struggling, not being able to work.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 5-4 ruling, the Supreme Court said the Trump administration did not follow the law when it tried to end DACA. Lower courts had forced the government to process DACA renewals while the case was litigated, but did not require officials to accept new applications from people like Merlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the June 18 decision however, at least \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanprogress.org/press/release/2020/07/13/487538/release-trump-administration-must-immediately-resume-processing-new-daca-applications-new-cap-column-argues/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">300,000\u003c/a> young immigrants, who meet the requirements for DACA but have never held the protections, are now eligible to apply, according to legal scholars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But nearly a month after the high court ruled, the federal agency in charge of handling immigration applications, has not publicly said how or whether it will accept new DACA requests. That has incensed Democratic lawmakers and sowed uncertainty among young immigrants who have waited, sometimes for years, to benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services has begun rejecting new petitions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/891563635\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Departments of Justice and Homeland Security are continuing to review the Supreme Court ruling, said a USCIS spokesperson this week. The agency referred KQED to a defiant statement by a top official issued the day after the justices’ decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “court opinion has no basis in law and merely delays the President’s lawful ability to end the illegal Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals amnesty program,” said USCIS Deputy Director for Policy Joseph Edlow in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.uscis.gov/news/news-releases/uscis-statement-supreme-courts-daca-decision\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statement\u003c/a>. “The constitutionality of this de facto amnesty program created by the Obama administration has been widely questioned since its inception.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Thursday, the USCIS website said the agency is only accepting DACA renewal applications. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose Rep. Zoe Lofgren, who chairs the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship, said the agency must immediately begin processing new DACA applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a lawless administration, I mean it’s a shocking thing,” Lofgren said, an immigration attorney. “They are not adhering to the ruling of the United States Supreme Court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis Perez, legal director at the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights in Los Angeles (CHIRLA) said his organization is weighing a lawsuit to force the Trump administration to comply. His legal team submitted a new DACA petition on behalf of a client the same day of the Supreme Court ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While USCIS usually notifies applicants it has received their petition within two weeks, the client still hasn’t heard back from the agency, nearly a month later, said Perez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHIRLA is assisting more than a hundred first-time DACA applicants prepare their petitions, Perez said. But he’s recommending they wait to see what happens with the first application he turned in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So it is a very difficult time. Things are up in the air,” Perez said. “There's not a lot of guidance from anywhere. And people are just waiting, unfortunately, to hear better news. And we still haven't got that.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The uncertainty over DACA comes as USCIS is preparing to furlough 13,400 employees, or 70% of the agency’s staff — a move that is widely expected to delay the processing of immigration benefits, including DACA. Officials with USCIS, which relies on application fees to fund most of its operations, told Congress they’ve seen a 50% drop in revenue because of the pandemic, and they need a $1.2 billion bailout to avoid the furloughs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Some undocumented young people who’ve considered applying for DACA are getting fed up with waiting for a chance to legally work and pursue their goals in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zara Diaz, 18, who attended UC Santa Barbara, said she has decided to move to Canada and pursue her studies there. Diaz has lived in the Bay Area city of Fremont since she was a toddler, but she doesn’t want her future to depend on the roller coaster ride of immigration politics in the U.S., she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like they are playing tug of war with you,” said Diaz, referring to President Obama’s creation of DACA in 2012 and President Trump’s efforts to rescind the program. She said she’s left unsure how the program will fare under future administrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Merlos, the UC Riverside student, said she remains hopeful DACA’s temporary protections will one day lead to a pathway to citizenship for hundreds of thousands of young people like her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We grew up here. This is our home now,” Merlos said. “It's like: Why can we not become U.S. citizens?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Tyche Hendricks contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Tensions Around Contact Tracing During the AIDS Era Are Resurfacing With COVID-19",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 1968, John Potterat finished his tour of duty in Vietnam and came home to Los Angeles. He started working for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) on its syphilis eradication campaign in what became a 40-year career as a contact tracer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a given day, I would be in the clinic for two, three hours. I would interview one or two people, and then I would go out in the field and drive around and locate the people that had been named,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tracking down sexual contacts in the “free love” era required private eye skills. A lot of people infected with a sexually transmitted disease didn’t know the names of the people they slept with. Maybe they remember a lover who works in a deli, but they don’t remember the name of the deli either. They only remember that it’s on South Broadway, and it’s the only deli in the neighborhood that doesn’t serve breakfast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Potterat drives up and down Broadway until he finds it. Then he writes a note for the employee — without a name, he addresses it with defining features, for example, the guy with a thick brown mustache and scorpion tattoo on his bicep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A day later, the person calls,” Potterat said. “He was located, and he was tested. Turned out that he was positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ’70s, when gonorrhea took center stage, Potterat moved on to a new contact tracing job in Colorado. He sat at his desk in his paisley shirt, clashing paisley tie and \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=nigel+tufnel+haircut&tbm=isch&source=iu&ictx=1&fir=OMAqOACsHQAOVM%252CRCxqk4VPrFoGqM%252C_&vet=1&usg=AI4_-kRQ6TZ3UuNpqKaOiIvnniPYwFptEA&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiExp20777qAhXkna0KHesqC58Q9QEwAnoECAcQBw&biw=1431&bih=744#imgrc=OMAqOACsHQAOVM\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nigel Tufnel\u003c/a> shag haircut, working the phones. Then at night, he tracked people down at the biker bars and gay bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would spend time there — it’s sort of a see and be seen type of approach, and we gained their trust through the ’70s,” he says. “But everything changed with AIDS.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new virus with no name arrived in the ’80s. And, unlike syphilis or gonorrhea, it wouldn’t go away with a round of antibiotics. There was no test for AIDS, there was no treatment and it was 100% fatal. Health departments felt helpless, Potterat said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contact tracers were in a \u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/pdf/10.2105/AJPH.82.8.1158\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">moral quandary\u003c/a>. Many felt it was unethical to tell someone they might have been exposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What did we have to offer these people? We didn’t even have hope,” Potterat remembered. “And these were young people. How do you tell a 23-year-old you might have two years to live? And here I am working for a medical clinic, and there’s not a damn thing I can do about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of years later, Potterat concluded that was a mistake. They could have at least met with people to educate them about the virus and counsel them on how to stop spreading it further. Eventually, Potterat’s team \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/12083437/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">traced HIV infections\u003c/a> back to the origin of the epidemic in Colorado Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that, had we had the courage and the conviction to go visit these people, we could have saved several people, a dozen, 20,” he said “So on some level, I failed. I made up for it later, but failure is failure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1996px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11828042\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1996\" height=\"1242\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing.png 1996w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-800x498.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-1020x635.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-160x100.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-1536x956.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-1920x1195.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1996px) 100vw, 1996px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Graphic of the HIV network derived from contact tracing in Colorado in the late 1980s through the 1990s. \u003ccite>(From study: Risk network structure in the early epidemic phase of HIV transmission in Colorado Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Gay Community Resists\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gay community in San Francisco did not share Potterat’s enthusiasm for contact tracing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when a test was developed in the mid ’80s, and even when the first antiretrovirals came out, gay advocates in San Francisco were opposed to contact tracing. They were afraid of what would happen if local governments collected a list of gay men that could then be used against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Coronavirus coverage\" tag=\"coronavirus\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we create public health measures, which are doomed to scare people into avoiding public health departments, nobody gains, and the epidemic spreads,” said gay rights lawyer, Ben Schatz, during a 1987 televised debate on KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He warned what would come from naming names: lost jobs and lost housing. He and other advocates said public education was the way to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have to be able to protect themselves,” he said. “If they think that the state is going to swoop in and say your sexual partner has AIDS, then they’re just going to continue burying their heads in the sand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some epidemiologists thought the money needed for contact tracing would be better spent on other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my thinking about contact tracing back in those days was, ‘well, what exactly is it supposed to add?’ We’ve already told every single gay man they’re at high-risk, and they should get tested,” said UCSF doctor George Rutherford, who led the CDC’s AIDS response in San Francisco at the time. “At the time, the answer was, ‘Nothing,'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In smaller places, like Colorado where Potterat worked, they could contact trace and map disease networks. But in San Francisco, where a third of the population was infected, Rutherford says, it wasn’t \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/article-abstract/372541\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cost-effective\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, with much better drugs, it’s become part of a standard operating procedure for any AIDS control program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A new generation of tracers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veterans like Rutherford are relying on lessons learned in the ’80s AIDS era to build the state’s new corps of the coronavirus contact tracers. Gov. Gavin Newsom has made contact tracing one of his key pillars for combatting the pandemic, and he’s tapped experts at UCSF to help train \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821528/in-search-of-20000-covid-19-contact-tracers-california-taps-local-librarians-tax-assessors-city-legal-staff\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">20,000 new contact tracers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11828027\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/me-contact-tracing--800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Fagundes is one of 20,000 new contact tracers trained to help contain the coronavirus. \u003ccite>(Jasmin Serim)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of them is Lisa Fagundes, a librarian at the San Francisco Public Library, who began training in March when she was furloughed from her job on the first floor of the main library. She’s since been promoted to be a team lead, guiding other contact tracers as they place calls to people who have been exposed to someone who tested positive for COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a lot of contacts today, like 20 pages of contacts,” she said after a recent shift. “It’s just getting crazy busy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While people were generally receptive to their calls in the early months of the pandemic, privacy concerns have been mounting just as they did with HIV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re starting to encounter more of the segment of the population that doesn’t trust this whole system, that doesn’t trust the department of public health in general,” Fagundes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Lisa Fagundes, a contact tracer in San Francisco\"]‘We’re starting to encounter more of the segment of the population that doesn’t trust this whole system, that doesn’t trust the department of public health in general.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, it’s Latino immigrant communities and communities of color who are disproportionately impacted by COVID-19 — they are more likely to contract the virus and more likely to die from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the mistrust and fears of discrimination are the same as they were for the gay community in the ’80s: lost jobs, lost housing, and now, getting deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here, because a lot of people may or may not be documented,” Rutherford said. “People are hesitant, much like gay men were hesitant to get on a list of gay men.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It makes the work very difficult, Fagundes said, “because they’re a lot more curt and resistant, or suspicious or scared and upset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Overcoming Mistrust\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local state and county public health departments are leaning on lessons learned in the ’80s to overcome the mistrust. They are running social media campaigns to demystify contact tracing and remind people the U.S. has been doing this for decades to contain all sorts of outbreaks, like STDs, measles, tuberculosis and food poisoning. They are building bridges with the affected populations by partnering with community groups that already have trusted relationships with them. And they are emphasizing hiring contact tracers who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11822532/diversity-among-disease-detectives-key-to-containing-the-coronavirus\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bilingual and bicultural\u003c/a> to ease communication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to truly win the public’s buy-in for contact tracing, veterans say the local health departments need back up from the federal government — they need a leader with a unifying message: us against the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president today, just like the president in the ’80s, is doing the opposite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“COVID or HIV, pretending that it wasn’t there, or that it would go away,” Potterat said. “And if it doesn’t go away, ‘Well, it’s not affecting people that are really, really very important.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"John Potterat, contact tracer for 40 years\"]‘COVID or HIV, pretending that it wasn’t there, or that it would go away.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1980s, President Ronald Reagan refused to reference AIDS in public for the first several years of the epidemic, alienating the gay community that was most impacted by the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump refuses to wear a mask in public, repeatedly contradicts his top scientific advisors and routinely makes remarks that alienate the communities of color most impacted by the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We paid the price then for a president who wouldn’t utter the word,” said David Harvey, executive director of the National Coalition of STD Directors, referring to the illness and deaths that could have been prevented. “This is where we have history repeating itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a sustained national education campaign, without a unified national message and without leaders who model the behavior that curbs transmission of the virus, he said, the pandemic will spread, and more people will die.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 1968, John Potterat finished his tour of duty in Vietnam and came home to Los Angeles. He started working for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) on its syphilis eradication campaign in what became a 40-year career as a contact tracer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a given day, I would be in the clinic for two, three hours. I would interview one or two people, and then I would go out in the field and drive around and locate the people that had been named,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tracking down sexual contacts in the “free love” era required private eye skills. A lot of people infected with a sexually transmitted disease didn’t know the names of the people they slept with. Maybe they remember a lover who works in a deli, but they don’t remember the name of the deli either. They only remember that it’s on South Broadway, and it’s the only deli in the neighborhood that doesn’t serve breakfast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Potterat drives up and down Broadway until he finds it. Then he writes a note for the employee — without a name, he addresses it with defining features, for example, the guy with a thick brown mustache and scorpion tattoo on his bicep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A day later, the person calls,” Potterat said. “He was located, and he was tested. Turned out that he was positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ’70s, when gonorrhea took center stage, Potterat moved on to a new contact tracing job in Colorado. He sat at his desk in his paisley shirt, clashing paisley tie and \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=nigel+tufnel+haircut&tbm=isch&source=iu&ictx=1&fir=OMAqOACsHQAOVM%252CRCxqk4VPrFoGqM%252C_&vet=1&usg=AI4_-kRQ6TZ3UuNpqKaOiIvnniPYwFptEA&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiExp20777qAhXkna0KHesqC58Q9QEwAnoECAcQBw&biw=1431&bih=744#imgrc=OMAqOACsHQAOVM\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nigel Tufnel\u003c/a> shag haircut, working the phones. Then at night, he tracked people down at the biker bars and gay bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would spend time there — it’s sort of a see and be seen type of approach, and we gained their trust through the ’70s,” he says. “But everything changed with AIDS.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new virus with no name arrived in the ’80s. And, unlike syphilis or gonorrhea, it wouldn’t go away with a round of antibiotics. There was no test for AIDS, there was no treatment and it was 100% fatal. Health departments felt helpless, Potterat said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contact tracers were in a \u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/pdf/10.2105/AJPH.82.8.1158\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">moral quandary\u003c/a>. Many felt it was unethical to tell someone they might have been exposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What did we have to offer these people? We didn’t even have hope,” Potterat remembered. “And these were young people. How do you tell a 23-year-old you might have two years to live? And here I am working for a medical clinic, and there’s not a damn thing I can do about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of years later, Potterat concluded that was a mistake. They could have at least met with people to educate them about the virus and counsel them on how to stop spreading it further. Eventually, Potterat’s team \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/12083437/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">traced HIV infections\u003c/a> back to the origin of the epidemic in Colorado Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that, had we had the courage and the conviction to go visit these people, we could have saved several people, a dozen, 20,” he said “So on some level, I failed. I made up for it later, but failure is failure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1996px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11828042\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1996\" height=\"1242\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing.png 1996w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-800x498.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-1020x635.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-160x100.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-1536x956.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-1920x1195.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1996px) 100vw, 1996px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Graphic of the HIV network derived from contact tracing in Colorado in the late 1980s through the 1990s. \u003ccite>(From study: Risk network structure in the early epidemic phase of HIV transmission in Colorado Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Gay Community Resists\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gay community in San Francisco did not share Potterat’s enthusiasm for contact tracing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when a test was developed in the mid ’80s, and even when the first antiretrovirals came out, gay advocates in San Francisco were opposed to contact tracing. They were afraid of what would happen if local governments collected a list of gay men that could then be used against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we create public health measures, which are doomed to scare people into avoiding public health departments, nobody gains, and the epidemic spreads,” said gay rights lawyer, Ben Schatz, during a 1987 televised debate on KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He warned what would come from naming names: lost jobs and lost housing. He and other advocates said public education was the way to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have to be able to protect themselves,” he said. “If they think that the state is going to swoop in and say your sexual partner has AIDS, then they’re just going to continue burying their heads in the sand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some epidemiologists thought the money needed for contact tracing would be better spent on other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my thinking about contact tracing back in those days was, ‘well, what exactly is it supposed to add?’ We’ve already told every single gay man they’re at high-risk, and they should get tested,” said UCSF doctor George Rutherford, who led the CDC’s AIDS response in San Francisco at the time. “At the time, the answer was, ‘Nothing,'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In smaller places, like Colorado where Potterat worked, they could contact trace and map disease networks. But in San Francisco, where a third of the population was infected, Rutherford says, it wasn’t \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/article-abstract/372541\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cost-effective\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, with much better drugs, it’s become part of a standard operating procedure for any AIDS control program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A new generation of tracers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veterans like Rutherford are relying on lessons learned in the ’80s AIDS era to build the state’s new corps of the coronavirus contact tracers. Gov. Gavin Newsom has made contact tracing one of his key pillars for combatting the pandemic, and he’s tapped experts at UCSF to help train \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821528/in-search-of-20000-covid-19-contact-tracers-california-taps-local-librarians-tax-assessors-city-legal-staff\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">20,000 new contact tracers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11828027\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/me-contact-tracing--800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Fagundes is one of 20,000 new contact tracers trained to help contain the coronavirus. \u003ccite>(Jasmin Serim)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of them is Lisa Fagundes, a librarian at the San Francisco Public Library, who began training in March when she was furloughed from her job on the first floor of the main library. She’s since been promoted to be a team lead, guiding other contact tracers as they place calls to people who have been exposed to someone who tested positive for COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a lot of contacts today, like 20 pages of contacts,” she said after a recent shift. “It’s just getting crazy busy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While people were generally receptive to their calls in the early months of the pandemic, privacy concerns have been mounting just as they did with HIV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re starting to encounter more of the segment of the population that doesn’t trust this whole system, that doesn’t trust the department of public health in general,” Fagundes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, it’s Latino immigrant communities and communities of color who are disproportionately impacted by COVID-19 — they are more likely to contract the virus and more likely to die from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the mistrust and fears of discrimination are the same as they were for the gay community in the ’80s: lost jobs, lost housing, and now, getting deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here, because a lot of people may or may not be documented,” Rutherford said. “People are hesitant, much like gay men were hesitant to get on a list of gay men.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It makes the work very difficult, Fagundes said, “because they’re a lot more curt and resistant, or suspicious or scared and upset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Overcoming Mistrust\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local state and county public health departments are leaning on lessons learned in the ’80s to overcome the mistrust. They are running social media campaigns to demystify contact tracing and remind people the U.S. has been doing this for decades to contain all sorts of outbreaks, like STDs, measles, tuberculosis and food poisoning. They are building bridges with the affected populations by partnering with community groups that already have trusted relationships with them. And they are emphasizing hiring contact tracers who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11822532/diversity-among-disease-detectives-key-to-containing-the-coronavirus\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bilingual and bicultural\u003c/a> to ease communication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to truly win the public’s buy-in for contact tracing, veterans say the local health departments need back up from the federal government — they need a leader with a unifying message: us against the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president today, just like the president in the ’80s, is doing the opposite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“COVID or HIV, pretending that it wasn’t there, or that it would go away,” Potterat said. “And if it doesn’t go away, ‘Well, it’s not affecting people that are really, really very important.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1980s, President Ronald Reagan refused to reference AIDS in public for the first several years of the epidemic, alienating the gay community that was most impacted by the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump refuses to wear a mask in public, repeatedly contradicts his top scientific advisors and routinely makes remarks that alienate the communities of color most impacted by the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We paid the price then for a president who wouldn’t utter the word,” said David Harvey, executive director of the National Coalition of STD Directors, referring to the illness and deaths that could have been prevented. “This is where we have history repeating itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Bay Area Teen Awaits Ruling on Humanitarian Protections for Mom and Other Immigrants",
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"content": "\u003cp>Before the pandemic, Crista Ramos, 16, devoted her weekends to soccer practice and games around the Bay Area with her team, the Richmond Lionesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that was canceled due to the coronavirus. Now, Ramos spends her days at home in San Pablo, with her parents and 13-year-old brother. But far from regretting it, Ramos said she is grateful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are trying to look on the bright side of things,” Ramos said, a high school junior who was born and raised in the Bay Area. “The coronavirus has given us more time to be home, as a family. So we’ve had more time to do things together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos is painfully aware that her family may not be able to stay together. She is one of roughly 300,000 United States citizen children whose parents could face deportation if the Trump administration prevails in a legal fight over humanitarian protections known as Temporary Protected Status or TPS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Ramos is the lead plaintiff in the class-action lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/cases/ramos-v-nielsen\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ramos v. Nielsen\u003c/a>, aiming to stop the Trump administration from ending TPS for more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20200401_RS20844_91460572a0f416f013d508c6afb7a68f60a29b80.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">400,000 immigrants\u003c/a> nationwide, including Ramos’ mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A three-judge panel at the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals is expected to issue a ruling any day now on whether those TPS holders can continue to live and work in this country while the merits of the case are decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been waiting in this limbo of not knowing what’s going to happen with our families,” Ramos said. “Now, we are getting more anxious because it’s been months since the last court hearing, and we haven’t heard anything back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"temporary-protected-status\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress created the TPS program in 1990 to provide humanitarian relief to immigrants who couldn’t return safely to countries torn by war and natural disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The secretary of the Department of Homeland Security can designate a country for TPS for periods of six to 18 months, and extend the protections after periodic review. Immigrants from El Salvador who were already here when TPS was first granted, like Ramos’ mother, have been eligible for the protections for 19 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But starting in 2017, the Trump administration terminated the protections for six countries: El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua and Sudan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump officials claim TPS is no longer needed because the initial earthquakes and other conditions that led to the designations have been resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During court hearings, plaintiff attorneys argued that past administrations looked more broadly at the potentially dangerous conditions of a country and whether it could safely absorb a large number of deportees, to determine whether to continue TPS for that country’s nationals in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco issued an injunction, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694816/judge-in-san-francisco-could-preserve-humanitarian-immigrant-protections-for-now\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">blocking\u003c/a> the administration from ending the program while the case is decided. Now Ramos and thousands of others are looking to the 9th Circuit to keep that injunction in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828010\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11828010\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS43878_011_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS43878_011_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS43878_011_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS43878_011_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS43878_011_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS43878_011_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crista Ramos spends time with her mother Cristina Morales, father Edgar Ramos and brother Diego at Marina Park in Richmond on July 7, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Ramos and her family are finding hope in another court ruling that favored hundreds of thousands of immigrants brought to the U.S. illegally as children. Last month, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Trump administration didn’t follow the law when it tried to end Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals or DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court decision on DACA, it made me feel like I was the one who was winning the case,” said Cristina Morales, 39, Crista’s mother and also a plaintiff in the TPS lawsuit. “Very strong. Very happy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the DACA recipients, TPS plaintiffs argue that the Trump administration ended the relief unlawfully because officials failed to adequately consider the impact on the families, investments and jobs of so many people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s opinion should make it easier for lower courts to find that the government acted arbitrarily and capriciously when it revoked TPS, said Kevin Johnson, dean of the University of California, Davis School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the DACA decision will have a very significant impact on the way that the 9th Circuit looks at this case,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Kevin Johnson, UC Davis School of Law\"]‘I think the DACA decision will have a very significant impact on the way that the 9th Circuit looks at this case.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another argument shared by plaintiffs in both cases is that the Trump administration was motivated by racial animus against non-white immigrants. The Supreme Court majority said DACA plaintiffs lacked enough evidence to win on this “equal protection” claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Johnson believes Ramos and the other TPS plaintiffs have stronger evidence than the DACA recipients had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January of 2018, shortly after ending TPS for immigrants from El Salvador and Haiti, Trump referred to them as coming from “shithole countries,” in a meeting with lawmakers at the Oval Office. Trump also suggested he would prefer more immigrants from predominantly white countries such as Norway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That sounds like racial animus,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the 9th Circuit sides with the administration, impacted TPS holders would lose their work permits on Jan. 4, 2021. Four months after the appeals court rules, immigrants from Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua and Sudan would completely lose their protections, while Salvadorans would have at least a year, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/news/alerts/dhs-extends-tps-documentation-six-countries\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Department of Homeland Security\u003c/a>. Haitians are also waiting on a ruling in a second lawsuit, but if they lose that as well, they would become deportable after 120 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Ramos, and her brother, Diego, keeping their mother in the country has become even more important since last summer. Diego was diagnosed with a rare, slow-growing cancer, angiomatoid fibrous histiocytoma, that is treated with surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diego has undergone three surgeries to remove tumors, and more could be needed, Ramos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Crista Ramos, plaintiff\"]‘If my mom had to go back to El Salvador, she wouldn’t be able to be here for her son. It’d be difficult, not only in terms of trauma, but his health now depends on it.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If my mom had to go back to El Salvador, she wouldn’t be able to be here for her son,” Ramos said. “It’d be difficult, not only in terms of trauma, but his health now depends on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her brother’s illness has motivated Ramos to work even harder to find a lasting way for her family to stay together, such as joining a years-long battle to push Congress to grant TPS holders a path to citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill that would do just that: the American Dream and Promise Act, introduced by Congresswoman Lucille Roybal-Allard (D-CA). But the Republican-controlled Senate has not taken it up yet, and Roybal-Allard blamed Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell for blocking the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the two years since she first sued the Trump administration, Ramos has become an outspoken advocate with the National TPS Alliance, starring in Facebook videos and radio shows in Spanish. She shares lessons with other TPS families that she says she learned from her mom: stay positive and keep fighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve met a lot of children who are also in this situation [of] losing their parents,” Ramos said. “So that’s given me more courage to be able to speak out because I know that I’m not the only one in this fight.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Before the pandemic, Crista Ramos, 16, devoted her weekends to soccer practice and games around the Bay Area with her team, the Richmond Lionesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that was canceled due to the coronavirus. Now, Ramos spends her days at home in San Pablo, with her parents and 13-year-old brother. But far from regretting it, Ramos said she is grateful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are trying to look on the bright side of things,” Ramos said, a high school junior who was born and raised in the Bay Area. “The coronavirus has given us more time to be home, as a family. So we’ve had more time to do things together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos is painfully aware that her family may not be able to stay together. She is one of roughly 300,000 United States citizen children whose parents could face deportation if the Trump administration prevails in a legal fight over humanitarian protections known as Temporary Protected Status or TPS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Ramos is the lead plaintiff in the class-action lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/cases/ramos-v-nielsen\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ramos v. Nielsen\u003c/a>, aiming to stop the Trump administration from ending TPS for more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20200401_RS20844_91460572a0f416f013d508c6afb7a68f60a29b80.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">400,000 immigrants\u003c/a> nationwide, including Ramos’ mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A three-judge panel at the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals is expected to issue a ruling any day now on whether those TPS holders can continue to live and work in this country while the merits of the case are decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been waiting in this limbo of not knowing what’s going to happen with our families,” Ramos said. “Now, we are getting more anxious because it’s been months since the last court hearing, and we haven’t heard anything back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress created the TPS program in 1990 to provide humanitarian relief to immigrants who couldn’t return safely to countries torn by war and natural disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The secretary of the Department of Homeland Security can designate a country for TPS for periods of six to 18 months, and extend the protections after periodic review. Immigrants from El Salvador who were already here when TPS was first granted, like Ramos’ mother, have been eligible for the protections for 19 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But starting in 2017, the Trump administration terminated the protections for six countries: El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua and Sudan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump officials claim TPS is no longer needed because the initial earthquakes and other conditions that led to the designations have been resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During court hearings, plaintiff attorneys argued that past administrations looked more broadly at the potentially dangerous conditions of a country and whether it could safely absorb a large number of deportees, to determine whether to continue TPS for that country’s nationals in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco issued an injunction, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694816/judge-in-san-francisco-could-preserve-humanitarian-immigrant-protections-for-now\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">blocking\u003c/a> the administration from ending the program while the case is decided. Now Ramos and thousands of others are looking to the 9th Circuit to keep that injunction in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828010\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11828010\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS43878_011_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS43878_011_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS43878_011_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS43878_011_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS43878_011_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS43878_011_KQED_Richmond_TPS_07072020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crista Ramos spends time with her mother Cristina Morales, father Edgar Ramos and brother Diego at Marina Park in Richmond on July 7, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Ramos and her family are finding hope in another court ruling that favored hundreds of thousands of immigrants brought to the U.S. illegally as children. Last month, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Trump administration didn’t follow the law when it tried to end Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals or DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court decision on DACA, it made me feel like I was the one who was winning the case,” said Cristina Morales, 39, Crista’s mother and also a plaintiff in the TPS lawsuit. “Very strong. Very happy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the DACA recipients, TPS plaintiffs argue that the Trump administration ended the relief unlawfully because officials failed to adequately consider the impact on the families, investments and jobs of so many people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s opinion should make it easier for lower courts to find that the government acted arbitrarily and capriciously when it revoked TPS, said Kevin Johnson, dean of the University of California, Davis School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the DACA decision will have a very significant impact on the way that the 9th Circuit looks at this case,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another argument shared by plaintiffs in both cases is that the Trump administration was motivated by racial animus against non-white immigrants. The Supreme Court majority said DACA plaintiffs lacked enough evidence to win on this “equal protection” claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Johnson believes Ramos and the other TPS plaintiffs have stronger evidence than the DACA recipients had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January of 2018, shortly after ending TPS for immigrants from El Salvador and Haiti, Trump referred to them as coming from “shithole countries,” in a meeting with lawmakers at the Oval Office. Trump also suggested he would prefer more immigrants from predominantly white countries such as Norway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That sounds like racial animus,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the 9th Circuit sides with the administration, impacted TPS holders would lose their work permits on Jan. 4, 2021. Four months after the appeals court rules, immigrants from Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua and Sudan would completely lose their protections, while Salvadorans would have at least a year, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/news/alerts/dhs-extends-tps-documentation-six-countries\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Department of Homeland Security\u003c/a>. Haitians are also waiting on a ruling in a second lawsuit, but if they lose that as well, they would become deportable after 120 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Ramos, and her brother, Diego, keeping their mother in the country has become even more important since last summer. Diego was diagnosed with a rare, slow-growing cancer, angiomatoid fibrous histiocytoma, that is treated with surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diego has undergone three surgeries to remove tumors, and more could be needed, Ramos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal appeals court on Monday blocked a key U.S. policy to deny asylum to anyone who passes through another country without first seeking protection there, dealing it a second blow in less than a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"more coverage\"]The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruling has no immediate impact because a judge appointed by President Donald Trump in Washington last week knocked down the policy on procedural grounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three-judge appeals panel in San Francisco found procedural errors, as well as substantive reasons to block the policy while litigation continues. The panel said it does \"virtually nothing\" to prevent asylum-seekers from being sent to unsafe countries, a violation of international treaty obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impact is also lessened by a pandemic-related measure imposed in March to quickly expel asylum-seekers. In May, the administration extended it indefinitely, relying on a little-known public health law to prevent the spread of disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice and Homeland Security departments didn't immediately respond to requests for comment late Monday. In response to last week's decision, Homeland Security said it strongly disagreed and was considering options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court is unlikely to hear arguments before January if it takes the case. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit was filed by the American Civil Liberties Union, Center for Constitutional Rights and Southern Poverty Law Center on behalf of immigrant advocacy and service groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The court recognized the grave danger facing asylum seekers and blocked the Trump administration's attempt to make an end-run around asylum protections enacted by Congress,\" said ACLU attorney Lee Gelernt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge William Fletcher, an appointee of President Bill Clinton, wrote the opinion. He was joined by Judge Richard Clifton, an appointee of George W. Bush, and Eric Miller, a Trump appointee who said the ruling should be much narrower in scope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal appeals court on Monday blocked a key U.S. policy to deny asylum to anyone who passes through another country without first seeking protection there, dealing it a second blow in less than a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruling has no immediate impact because a judge appointed by President Donald Trump in Washington last week knocked down the policy on procedural grounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three-judge appeals panel in San Francisco found procedural errors, as well as substantive reasons to block the policy while litigation continues. The panel said it does \"virtually nothing\" to prevent asylum-seekers from being sent to unsafe countries, a violation of international treaty obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impact is also lessened by a pandemic-related measure imposed in March to quickly expel asylum-seekers. In May, the administration extended it indefinitely, relying on a little-known public health law to prevent the spread of disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice and Homeland Security departments didn't immediately respond to requests for comment late Monday. In response to last week's decision, Homeland Security said it strongly disagreed and was considering options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court is unlikely to hear arguments before January if it takes the case. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit was filed by the American Civil Liberties Union, Center for Constitutional Rights and Southern Poverty Law Center on behalf of immigrant advocacy and service groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The court recognized the grave danger facing asylum seekers and blocked the Trump administration's attempt to make an end-run around asylum protections enacted by Congress,\" said ACLU attorney Lee Gelernt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge William Fletcher, an appointee of President Bill Clinton, wrote the opinion. He was joined by Judge Richard Clifton, an appointee of George W. Bush, and Eric Miller, a Trump appointee who said the ruling should be much narrower in scope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "State Lawmakers Urge Newsom to Stop Transferring People in Prison to ICE in Pandemic",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Tuesday, July 7, 12:00 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of state lawmakers called on Gov. Gavin Newsom Monday to stop California prison officials from transferring people to federal immigration detention during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1O2z1Wc3GoEhkCGQuNkLKLoA-7fC35MgP/view\">letter\u003c/a> signed by 44 members of the state Senate and Assembly — as well as 18 local elected officials, including Mayor Libby Schaaf of Oakland and Mayor Michael Tubbs of Stockton — the political leaders said ending the transfers is urgently needed to help reduce the spread of COVID-19 between detention systems in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the health of Californians in custody is at risk, that puts the health of all Californians at risk,” said Assemblyman Rob Bonta, an Oakland Democrat leading the effort. “Once a Californian has paid their debt to society … they’ve earned their release from state prison or a jail, they should be released back to their community, back to their family, and not be funneled into Trump’s deportation machine … where they can be sent to circumstances where their health and life are put at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The request came as COVID-19 is raging through both the California prison system and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement facilities. In California, as of Monday, a total of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\">5,346 people in the state prison system\u003c/a> and 949 state prison staff have been diagnosed with the virus. In addition, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus\">2,742 people in ICE detention\u003c/a> have tested positive for COVID-19, along with 45 ICE employees — and scores of private prison workers — at detention centers nationally, including more than 200 people who have been sickened at ICE facilities in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Non-citizen immigrants, even those with longstanding, legal permanent residence, can be subject to deportation if they have a criminal record. Immigration officials commonly issue a “detainer,” requesting that prison officials notify them when an incarcerated immigrant is set to be released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"california-state-prison\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week Ralph Diaz, the head of the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, said in a state Senate hearing that his agency does inform ICE of incarcerated immigrants’ release dates, and coordinates a transfer to ICE agents who take the person into custody. He said he had no plan to end the practice, which he said was the same way that CDCR responds to a hold placed by any other law enforcement agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in their letter to Newsom, Bonta and the other lawmakers said California is under no legal obligation to assist the federal government with deportations, and the governor and CDCR can end the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office did not respond to a request for comment by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates said Monday that transfers from CDCR are the primary way that people are being taken into ICE custody in California since the start of the pandemic. CDCR transferred 575 people to ICE between Jan. 1 to May 13, according to Angela Chan, policy director for the San Francisco-based Asian Law Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan said she is aware of only one instance this year in which a person was released from state prison and not picked up by ICE — that’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827388/cambodian-refugee-leaves-san-quentin-with-covid-19-but-avoids-ice-detention\">the case of Chanthon Bun\u003c/a>, a Cambodian refugee who was set free from San Quentin State Prison last week after earning early parole, having served 23 years of a 49-year sentence for an armed robbery he committed as a teenager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the day of his release, Bun went for a COVID-19 test and found out he had been infected inside the prison. If he had been transferred to ICE custody, he would have taken the virus with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan said Bun’s legal team at the Asian Law Caucus is still trying to learn why Bun was not transferred to ICE, even though the agency had a detainer to arrest him. ICE officials did not answer a request for an explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=about_15238 label='Take Our Survey']However in response to the call by California lawmakers for prisons to stop cooperating with the immigration agency, ICE spokeswoman Paige Hughes released this statement: “Policy makers who strive to make it more difficult to remove dangerous criminal aliens and aim to stop the cooperation of local officials and business partners, harm the very communities whose welfare they have sworn to protect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE maintains that the safest place to take immigrants into custody is inside a locked facility of another law enforcement agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta disputed that notion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think when they say ‘safe,’ they mean ‘easy,'” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly not safer for the individual who’s being put at risk of [exposure to] COVID in detention centers. … They don’t need to be in a detention center to go through [civil deportation] proceedings. They can show up to court, they can file their paperwork, they can do all that from the safety of their community and their family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta added that making transfers convenient for ICE is not the state’s responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our issue is to look out for the health, safety and welfare of Californians,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Tuesday, July 7, 12:00 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of state lawmakers called on Gov. Gavin Newsom Monday to stop California prison officials from transferring people to federal immigration detention during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1O2z1Wc3GoEhkCGQuNkLKLoA-7fC35MgP/view\">letter\u003c/a> signed by 44 members of the state Senate and Assembly — as well as 18 local elected officials, including Mayor Libby Schaaf of Oakland and Mayor Michael Tubbs of Stockton — the political leaders said ending the transfers is urgently needed to help reduce the spread of COVID-19 between detention systems in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the health of Californians in custody is at risk, that puts the health of all Californians at risk,” said Assemblyman Rob Bonta, an Oakland Democrat leading the effort. “Once a Californian has paid their debt to society … they’ve earned their release from state prison or a jail, they should be released back to their community, back to their family, and not be funneled into Trump’s deportation machine … where they can be sent to circumstances where their health and life are put at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The request came as COVID-19 is raging through both the California prison system and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement facilities. In California, as of Monday, a total of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\">5,346 people in the state prison system\u003c/a> and 949 state prison staff have been diagnosed with the virus. In addition, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus\">2,742 people in ICE detention\u003c/a> have tested positive for COVID-19, along with 45 ICE employees — and scores of private prison workers — at detention centers nationally, including more than 200 people who have been sickened at ICE facilities in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Non-citizen immigrants, even those with longstanding, legal permanent residence, can be subject to deportation if they have a criminal record. Immigration officials commonly issue a “detainer,” requesting that prison officials notify them when an incarcerated immigrant is set to be released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week Ralph Diaz, the head of the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, said in a state Senate hearing that his agency does inform ICE of incarcerated immigrants’ release dates, and coordinates a transfer to ICE agents who take the person into custody. He said he had no plan to end the practice, which he said was the same way that CDCR responds to a hold placed by any other law enforcement agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in their letter to Newsom, Bonta and the other lawmakers said California is under no legal obligation to assist the federal government with deportations, and the governor and CDCR can end the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office did not respond to a request for comment by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates said Monday that transfers from CDCR are the primary way that people are being taken into ICE custody in California since the start of the pandemic. CDCR transferred 575 people to ICE between Jan. 1 to May 13, according to Angela Chan, policy director for the San Francisco-based Asian Law Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan said she is aware of only one instance this year in which a person was released from state prison and not picked up by ICE — that’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827388/cambodian-refugee-leaves-san-quentin-with-covid-19-but-avoids-ice-detention\">the case of Chanthon Bun\u003c/a>, a Cambodian refugee who was set free from San Quentin State Prison last week after earning early parole, having served 23 years of a 49-year sentence for an armed robbery he committed as a teenager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the day of his release, Bun went for a COVID-19 test and found out he had been infected inside the prison. If he had been transferred to ICE custody, he would have taken the virus with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan said Bun’s legal team at the Asian Law Caucus is still trying to learn why Bun was not transferred to ICE, even though the agency had a detainer to arrest him. ICE officials did not answer a request for an explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>However in response to the call by California lawmakers for prisons to stop cooperating with the immigration agency, ICE spokeswoman Paige Hughes released this statement: “Policy makers who strive to make it more difficult to remove dangerous criminal aliens and aim to stop the cooperation of local officials and business partners, harm the very communities whose welfare they have sworn to protect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE maintains that the safest place to take immigrants into custody is inside a locked facility of another law enforcement agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta disputed that notion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think when they say ‘safe,’ they mean ‘easy,'” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly not safer for the individual who’s being put at risk of [exposure to] COVID in detention centers. … They don’t need to be in a detention center to go through [civil deportation] proceedings. They can show up to court, they can file their paperwork, they can do all that from the safety of their community and their family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta added that making transfers convenient for ICE is not the state’s responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our issue is to look out for the health, safety and welfare of Californians,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "dozens-of-pistachio-plant-workers-infected-with-covid-19",
"title": "Dozens of Pistachio Plant Workers Infected with COVID-19",
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"content": "\u003cp>Remigio Ramirez, who is in charge of machinery maintenance at a pistachio processing plant, repeatedly tried to tell his supervisors that he was sick. But they wouldn’t let him go home or take time off to be tested for the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I started feeling sick like three days before (the diagnosis) and I asked my supervisor to let me go home and he said there was a lot of work and not enough employees,” Ramirez said. “Then I made an appointment to go to the doctor, asked permission again, but by the time I was let off work, the clinic was closed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez, 54, has worked at the Primex Farms plant, located in Wasco in the San Joaquin Valley, for more than 12 years. The company, which processes more than 60 million pounds a year of nuts, has about 400 year-round packing plant workers, many of whom earn minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite dozens of infections like Ramirez’s, the Primex plant did not shut down until June 26. That was ten days after Ramirez said he tested positive with the coronavirus. And 16 days after the first case of COVID-19 was confirmed at Primex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plant reopened with limited operations on July 1 after voluntarily shutting down for five days, employees said. But as they return to work, the workers said they are still worried and do not feel safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 1, 78 workers at the Primex plant — about one-fifth of its year-round staff — have been infected with COVID-19, along with 34 family members, including children, according to the labor union United Farm Workers. The youngest is nine months old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We spoke to the workers and told them to share with us their (COVID) results,” said Armando Elenes, secretary treasurer of United Farm Workers, which is helping the workers even though they are not unionized. “The numbers are quickly changing by the hour. They send us texts and/or photos of their results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Primex did not respond to repeated requests to answer questions about the outbreak or the precautions it is now taking. However, its spokeswoman sent a statement June 29 saying that its processing facility is part of the food production and distribution system identified as critical infrastructure during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"— Gaspar Rivera-Salgado, UCLA Labor Center\"]‘The farmworkers were declared essential but the state never placed specific health protocols since everything had to be done by the employers.’[/pullquote] “What that means is that it’s our job, and our responsibility, to continue to produce safe and wholesome products for our customers while doing everything within our power to protect the health and well-being of our employees and of the communities in which we live and work,” said Primex spokeswoman Mojgan Amin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company reopened July 1 with a limited number of workers and hours. It is expected to reopen with full operations today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Analyst Gaspar Rivera-Salgado of the UCLA Labor Center said farmworkers and packing plant workers are often left unprotected and vulnerable to the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The farmworkers were declared essential but the state never placed specific health protocols since everything had to be done by the employers,” Rivera-Salgado said. “There is an estimate that 65% to 80% of farmworkers are immigrants and many are afraid of speaking up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivera-Salgado said that cramped living conditions also are a problem when a worker arrives home and unknowingly infects family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are essential workers but for companies they are not worth it more than the production,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Seeking safe working conditions\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Workers said in a virtual press conference last week that the company failed to give them protective gear and didn’t follow Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines. Initially, the company sold the workers masks for $8 a piece, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers said those who got infected were advised to keep it confidential, and if they requested time off to be quarantined, they were told to resign instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers said the company never told them about the infections. They said they learned from other workers and media reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the workers are demanding social distancing, payment of wages during shutdowns, thorough and daily sanitation of facilities, COVID-19 testing of all current and new employees and free protective equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Farm Workers representatives said the company is now testing workers at the plant. The company agreed that workers 65 and over can stay home if they are afraid to go back to work and they’ll get paid, and that workers, regardless of age, who test positive for COVID-19 can stay home and get paid. However, workers still don’t know if they’ll be paid for the days that the company was closed. [aside tag=\"coronavirus\" label=\"More Related Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Primex confirmed in its statement that “unfortunately a number of employees” tested positive for the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In response we have temporarily suspended our operations and instituted a rigorous testing program, along with a number of other protective measures,” Amin said. “Employees who test positive or who exhibit any covid-related systems will be directed to stay home, on sick leave with full pay.” He did not offer any details about the protective measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Primex said it conducted a deep cleaning of the plant. But workers said the company merely conducted its regularly scheduled in-house fumigation against pests, a normal monthly practice. “That falls far short of a complete disinfection of all facilities against coronavirus by a specialized outside firm,” according to United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Then the whole family became sick, too\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ramirez said his symptoms initially were similar to a common cold, but then his body started feeling hot while his feet were extremely cold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That day it was my wife’s birthday. I didn’t feel well so when I arrived from work I just walked directly to my room,” Ramirez said. “The next day when I woke up I saw my wife and my daughters very sick, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez’ wife told him to get tested for COVID-19. When he called the Kern County number, he was told there were no immediate tests available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t have time to wait so I went to a local clinic and paid like $200 to get the test,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez said his wife and daughters, 21 and 12, all tested positive, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Never in my life I thought I would be getting coronavirus,” Ramirez said. “Since then I have tried to be strong for my family. They worry a lot about me but I try to get up every day and have a normal life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the first time in 12 years that he has been home so much. He had been working seven days a week from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez has made $21 per hour for the past nine months, and before that, he earned minimum wage for about 12 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez plans to return to the plant next week, but he doesn’t know if he’ll get paid for the two weeks of missed work. He’s not even sure if he will get his job back. No one from the company has talked to him since he told them he tested positive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His supervisors were upset when he got sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are only two of us (employees) that have a lot of experience with the machinery,” he said. “The supervisors were mad because of work, not because of my health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jacqueline García is a reporter with La Opinión in Los Angeles. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/the-california-divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The Primex plant waited 16 days before shutting down for only five days. Employees still feel unsafe after 112 workers and family members, including a baby, have been sickened.",
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"title": "Dozens of Pistachio Plant Workers Infected with COVID-19 | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Remigio Ramirez, who is in charge of machinery maintenance at a pistachio processing plant, repeatedly tried to tell his supervisors that he was sick. But they wouldn’t let him go home or take time off to be tested for the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I started feeling sick like three days before (the diagnosis) and I asked my supervisor to let me go home and he said there was a lot of work and not enough employees,” Ramirez said. “Then I made an appointment to go to the doctor, asked permission again, but by the time I was let off work, the clinic was closed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez, 54, has worked at the Primex Farms plant, located in Wasco in the San Joaquin Valley, for more than 12 years. The company, which processes more than 60 million pounds a year of nuts, has about 400 year-round packing plant workers, many of whom earn minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite dozens of infections like Ramirez’s, the Primex plant did not shut down until June 26. That was ten days after Ramirez said he tested positive with the coronavirus. And 16 days after the first case of COVID-19 was confirmed at Primex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plant reopened with limited operations on July 1 after voluntarily shutting down for five days, employees said. But as they return to work, the workers said they are still worried and do not feel safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 1, 78 workers at the Primex plant — about one-fifth of its year-round staff — have been infected with COVID-19, along with 34 family members, including children, according to the labor union United Farm Workers. The youngest is nine months old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We spoke to the workers and told them to share with us their (COVID) results,” said Armando Elenes, secretary treasurer of United Farm Workers, which is helping the workers even though they are not unionized. “The numbers are quickly changing by the hour. They send us texts and/or photos of their results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Primex did not respond to repeated requests to answer questions about the outbreak or the precautions it is now taking. However, its spokeswoman sent a statement June 29 saying that its processing facility is part of the food production and distribution system identified as critical infrastructure during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The farmworkers were declared essential but the state never placed specific health protocols since everything had to be done by the employers.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “What that means is that it’s our job, and our responsibility, to continue to produce safe and wholesome products for our customers while doing everything within our power to protect the health and well-being of our employees and of the communities in which we live and work,” said Primex spokeswoman Mojgan Amin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company reopened July 1 with a limited number of workers and hours. It is expected to reopen with full operations today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Analyst Gaspar Rivera-Salgado of the UCLA Labor Center said farmworkers and packing plant workers are often left unprotected and vulnerable to the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The farmworkers were declared essential but the state never placed specific health protocols since everything had to be done by the employers,” Rivera-Salgado said. “There is an estimate that 65% to 80% of farmworkers are immigrants and many are afraid of speaking up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivera-Salgado said that cramped living conditions also are a problem when a worker arrives home and unknowingly infects family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are essential workers but for companies they are not worth it more than the production,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Seeking safe working conditions\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Workers said in a virtual press conference last week that the company failed to give them protective gear and didn’t follow Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines. Initially, the company sold the workers masks for $8 a piece, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers said those who got infected were advised to keep it confidential, and if they requested time off to be quarantined, they were told to resign instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers said the company never told them about the infections. They said they learned from other workers and media reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the workers are demanding social distancing, payment of wages during shutdowns, thorough and daily sanitation of facilities, COVID-19 testing of all current and new employees and free protective equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Farm Workers representatives said the company is now testing workers at the plant. The company agreed that workers 65 and over can stay home if they are afraid to go back to work and they’ll get paid, and that workers, regardless of age, who test positive for COVID-19 can stay home and get paid. However, workers still don’t know if they’ll be paid for the days that the company was closed. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Primex confirmed in its statement that “unfortunately a number of employees” tested positive for the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In response we have temporarily suspended our operations and instituted a rigorous testing program, along with a number of other protective measures,” Amin said. “Employees who test positive or who exhibit any covid-related systems will be directed to stay home, on sick leave with full pay.” He did not offer any details about the protective measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Primex said it conducted a deep cleaning of the plant. But workers said the company merely conducted its regularly scheduled in-house fumigation against pests, a normal monthly practice. “That falls far short of a complete disinfection of all facilities against coronavirus by a specialized outside firm,” according to United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Then the whole family became sick, too\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ramirez said his symptoms initially were similar to a common cold, but then his body started feeling hot while his feet were extremely cold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That day it was my wife’s birthday. I didn’t feel well so when I arrived from work I just walked directly to my room,” Ramirez said. “The next day when I woke up I saw my wife and my daughters very sick, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez’ wife told him to get tested for COVID-19. When he called the Kern County number, he was told there were no immediate tests available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t have time to wait so I went to a local clinic and paid like $200 to get the test,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez said his wife and daughters, 21 and 12, all tested positive, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Never in my life I thought I would be getting coronavirus,” Ramirez said. “Since then I have tried to be strong for my family. They worry a lot about me but I try to get up every day and have a normal life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the first time in 12 years that he has been home so much. He had been working seven days a week from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez has made $21 per hour for the past nine months, and before that, he earned minimum wage for about 12 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez plans to return to the plant next week, but he doesn’t know if he’ll get paid for the two weeks of missed work. He’s not even sure if he will get his job back. No one from the company has talked to him since he told them he tested positive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His supervisors were upset when he got sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are only two of us (employees) that have a lot of experience with the machinery,” he said. “The supervisors were mad because of work, not because of my health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dr. Basim Ali graduated at the top of his medical school class in Pakistan and landed a residency at a renowned teaching hospital in Texas, where he’ll be on the front lines of one of the worst COVID-19 outbreaks in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s obviously some degree of anxiety about what that’s going to be like,” Ali said by phone from Karachi before coming here. “But there’s also this understanding that this is what we signed up for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 4,000 foreign-born doctors officially begin their residencies at hospitals across the United States on July 1. They’ll confront two historic challenges: the COVID-19 pandemic and some of the most restrictive immigration policies this nation has seen in decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House has blamed foreigners for the virus, and closed the borders to all kinds of immigrants. President Trump has referred to coronavirus as “foreign” and called it “kung flu” at his rallies. And last week, his administration suspended green cards and visas for many foreign guest workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, of course, it might be disheartening for some to hear statements like that — that they’re not welcome,” Ali said. “But right now as far as I’m concerned, they do not affect me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, new Trump administration restrictions on immigration do not affect Ali and other incoming residents. The administration exempted health care workers from the new restrictions announced last week — as long as they’re needed for the coronavirus response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says it’s trying to put American workers first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time of double-digit unemployment, the president is seeking to ensure that Americans aren’t facing what domestically feels like unfair competition,” said Ken Cuccinelli, a top immigration official at the Department of Homeland Security, during a call with reporters this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when it comes to health care, the U.S. depends on foreign labor. Almost \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/immigrant-health-care-workers-united-states\">30% of doctors are immigrants\u003c/a>. It’s been a symbiotic relationship: doctors come here to get top-notch training, and U.S. hospitals get access to the brightest minds in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The teaching programs want to have the best people. … because they know that the public deserves having the best people caring for them,” said Dr. William Pinsky, the head of the\u003ca href=\"https://www.ecfmg.org/\"> Educational Commission For Foreign Medical Graduates\u003c/a>, which helps vet foreign doctors for residencies in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinsky’s group also helps foreign doctors navigate the U.S. immigration system. That’s been even harder than usual this year, because the coronavirus disrupted most visa processing at U.S. consulates and embassies overseas. Pinsky credits the State Department for ensuring that most of these international doctors were still able to get to the U.S. in time to start their residencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They understand the importance of having these international physicians come here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic shuttered immigration offices inside the U.S as well, creating enormous challenges for international doctors already working here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The uncertainty has been really stressful the last couple of months,” said Dr. Chandana Kamireddy, a native of India who was living in Ohio with her husband and their 20 month old child when the pandemic hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was actually on the front line taking care of COVID patients as an attending physician at my hospital where I was working,” Kamireddy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamireddy was supposed to move to Tennessee to start a fellowship in oncology this month. In order to change jobs, Kamireddy needed to get a different visa. But the offices U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, which would typically handle visa changes, were closed to the public. And time was running out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then Kamireddy heard from other foreign doctors on Facebook that the U.S. consulate in Mexico was open for visa interviews. So she got on a plane to Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not here as a tourist,” she said in an interview from her hotel room in Mexico City. “I’m just taking a chance right now, like traveling outside of the country and then trying to get my visa as soon as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamireddy did get her visa. A few days later, the White House announced its \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/06/20/881245867/trump-expected-to-suspend-h-1b-other-visas-until-end-of-year\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new proclamation limiting foreign guests workers and immigrants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That proclamation exempted the visa program used by doctors coming here for residency training. But immigration lawyers say it’s unclear if international specialists and doctors who have completed their training will be able to get H-1B visas under the new restrictions unless they are treating patients with COVID, or are involved in research on the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s it’s like to be treating American patients at a time when the Trump administration is doubling down on its immigration crackdown?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamireddy said it was difficult for her family – and the hospital in Tennessee, where she’s starting her fellowship today. “It was stressful for them as well, because they didn’t know if I was going to be starting on time or not,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From his new home in Texas, Ali also said he doesn’t believe that the president speaks for all Americans. Ali says his hospital is glad to have him, and he’s eager to get to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do still have a lot of hope,” Ali said, “because the view of one person does not, at least for me, color the view of the people that I get to meet and interact with everyday, like the patients and my co-workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=International+Doctors+Start+Residencies+At+U.S.+Hospitals+Amid+COVID-19+Surge&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dr. Basim Ali graduated at the top of his medical school class in Pakistan and landed a residency at a renowned teaching hospital in Texas, where he’ll be on the front lines of one of the worst COVID-19 outbreaks in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s obviously some degree of anxiety about what that’s going to be like,” Ali said by phone from Karachi before coming here. “But there’s also this understanding that this is what we signed up for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 4,000 foreign-born doctors officially begin their residencies at hospitals across the United States on July 1. They’ll confront two historic challenges: the COVID-19 pandemic and some of the most restrictive immigration policies this nation has seen in decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House has blamed foreigners for the virus, and closed the borders to all kinds of immigrants. President Trump has referred to coronavirus as “foreign” and called it “kung flu” at his rallies. And last week, his administration suspended green cards and visas for many foreign guest workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, of course, it might be disheartening for some to hear statements like that — that they’re not welcome,” Ali said. “But right now as far as I’m concerned, they do not affect me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, new Trump administration restrictions on immigration do not affect Ali and other incoming residents. The administration exempted health care workers from the new restrictions announced last week — as long as they’re needed for the coronavirus response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says it’s trying to put American workers first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time of double-digit unemployment, the president is seeking to ensure that Americans aren’t facing what domestically feels like unfair competition,” said Ken Cuccinelli, a top immigration official at the Department of Homeland Security, during a call with reporters this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when it comes to health care, the U.S. depends on foreign labor. Almost \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/immigrant-health-care-workers-united-states\">30% of doctors are immigrants\u003c/a>. It’s been a symbiotic relationship: doctors come here to get top-notch training, and U.S. hospitals get access to the brightest minds in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The teaching programs want to have the best people. … because they know that the public deserves having the best people caring for them,” said Dr. William Pinsky, the head of the\u003ca href=\"https://www.ecfmg.org/\"> Educational Commission For Foreign Medical Graduates\u003c/a>, which helps vet foreign doctors for residencies in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinsky’s group also helps foreign doctors navigate the U.S. immigration system. That’s been even harder than usual this year, because the coronavirus disrupted most visa processing at U.S. consulates and embassies overseas. Pinsky credits the State Department for ensuring that most of these international doctors were still able to get to the U.S. in time to start their residencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They understand the importance of having these international physicians come here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic shuttered immigration offices inside the U.S as well, creating enormous challenges for international doctors already working here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The uncertainty has been really stressful the last couple of months,” said Dr. Chandana Kamireddy, a native of India who was living in Ohio with her husband and their 20 month old child when the pandemic hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was actually on the front line taking care of COVID patients as an attending physician at my hospital where I was working,” Kamireddy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamireddy was supposed to move to Tennessee to start a fellowship in oncology this month. In order to change jobs, Kamireddy needed to get a different visa. But the offices U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, which would typically handle visa changes, were closed to the public. And time was running out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then Kamireddy heard from other foreign doctors on Facebook that the U.S. consulate in Mexico was open for visa interviews. So she got on a plane to Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not here as a tourist,” she said in an interview from her hotel room in Mexico City. “I’m just taking a chance right now, like traveling outside of the country and then trying to get my visa as soon as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamireddy did get her visa. A few days later, the White House announced its \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/06/20/881245867/trump-expected-to-suspend-h-1b-other-visas-until-end-of-year\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new proclamation limiting foreign guests workers and immigrants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That proclamation exempted the visa program used by doctors coming here for residency training. But immigration lawyers say it’s unclear if international specialists and doctors who have completed their training will be able to get H-1B visas under the new restrictions unless they are treating patients with COVID, or are involved in research on the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s it’s like to be treating American patients at a time when the Trump administration is doubling down on its immigration crackdown?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamireddy said it was difficult for her family – and the hospital in Tennessee, where she’s starting her fellowship today. “It was stressful for them as well, because they didn’t know if I was going to be starting on time or not,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From his new home in Texas, Ali also said he doesn’t believe that the president speaks for all Americans. Ali says his hospital is glad to have him, and he’s eager to get to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do still have a lot of hope,” Ali said, “because the view of one person does not, at least for me, color the view of the people that I get to meet and interact with everyday, like the patients and my co-workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=International+Doctors+Start+Residencies+At+U.S.+Hospitals+Amid+COVID-19+Surge&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "cambodian-refugee-leaves-san-quentin-with-covid-19-but-avoids-ice-detention",
"title": "Cambodian Refugee Leaves San Quentin With COVID-19 But Avoids ICE Detention",
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"content": "\u003cp>Chanthon Bun, a Cambodian refugee, was released from San Quentin State Prison Wednesday to two unexpected discoveries: he was not turned over to immigration officials for deportation, as he had feared, but he was infected with COVID-19, along with more than 1,000 others at San Quentin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bun, 41, was greeted at the prison gates in Marin County by friends and supporters who helped secure his release. According to Bun’s lawyer, Anoop Prasad with San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-alc.org\">Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a> Bun served 23 years for an armed robbery committed when he was 18. Friends took Bun to get a coronavirus test, since the disease has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826530/incarceration-should-not-mean-a-death-sentence-advocates-want-a-plan-to-stop-covid-19-spread-in-san-quentin\">swept through San Quentin\u003c/a> in recent weeks, and Bun tested positive. By Wednesday night, he had spiked a fever, Prasad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11827397\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11827397\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/7599343071984525152-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/7599343071984525152-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/7599343071984525152-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/7599343071984525152-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/7599343071984525152-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/7599343071984525152.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Faith leaders hold a sunrise vigil outside San Quentin State Prison Wednesday, calling for Chanthon Bun to be released, rather than transferred to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anoop Prasad)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many expected Bun to be handed into the custody of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), but he was allowed to walk free. An ICE agent had visited Bun last Friday and told him he would be picked up when prison officials processed him for release, according to Prasad. Bun is a lawful permanent resident of the U.S. but because he has a felony conviction, ICE is able to place him in deportation proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a miracle that I got released and it’s a blessing,” said Bun Thursday speaking by phone from a residence attached to a Bay Area church, where he is self-quarantining. “Pandemic or not, I’d rather be released out here than to be handed over to ICE,” he said. Testing positive for COVID-19, Bun knew his situation would have gotten worse had he been transferred to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a small child, Bun and his family fled Cambodia during the Khmer Rouge genocide of the 1970s, made it to a Thai refugee camp and were eventually resettled by the U.S. government in Los Angeles. Growing up in a traumatized community with no mental health care, Bun, like other young refugees, wound up abusing alcohol and joining a gang, as he described in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/post/coming-terms-his-trauma-one-man-reflects-war-torn-childhood#stream/0\">episode\u003c/a> of the KALW Radio series “Uncuffed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said it’s unclear whether someone in the state prison system or Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office intervened on Bun’s behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re incredibly grateful that he is home and able to receive medical care in a safe environment,” Prasad said. “He’s immunocompromised, with a rare blood disorder, and may not have survived ICE custody — and may have also possibly infected other people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it is the policy of the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) to cooperate with ICE, it’s not required by state or federal law, Prasad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have long been pressing CDCR and the governor to halt the policy, particularly in light of California’s sanctuary law. Those calls have become more urgent in recent months as the coronavirus began \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11823564/as-covid-19-surges-through-prisons-guards-and-inmates-sue\">raging through both the state prison system and ICE detention centers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the ACLU sued California officials to stop transferring immigrants to ICE during the pandemic, but on May 13, the California Supreme Court ruled 6-1 that the transfers could continue. One week earlier, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816707/man-dies-of-covid-19-in-san-diego-ice-detention-center-lawyers-say\">first person died in ICE custody\u003c/a>, at San Diego’s Otay Mesa Detention Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bun’s release came the same day that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827142/lawmakers-want-stronger-covid-19-protections-in-california-prisons\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state lawmakers questioned CDCR\u003c/a> Secretary Ralph Diaz about the policy. At a hearing of the state Senate Public Safety Committee Wednesday in Sacramento, Sen. Scott Weiner said the transfers risk spreading the virus further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we transfer to ICE, we are sending people who may be medically vulnerable themselves to private prison ICE detention facilities,” Weiner said. Adding that they believe that one in three detainees has COVID-19. “These are COVID hot spots,” he said, “we need to stop transferring people in the custody of our state prisons to ICE detention facilities … immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz replied that state prison officials do not transport inmates to ICE. But he said when immigration authorities place a detainer on an immigrant in prison, CDCR does inform ICE of the release date, just as officials do with any other law enforcement agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If an individual has served their term … and there is a hold or a warrant by ICE as a pickup, they’re picked up by ICE, just like any other law enforcement agency who may have a hold on an individual to take into their custody for their reasons,” he said, adding that if there’s a hold, they will continue to enforce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office did not return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland-based immigration law clinic \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a> found that more than a third of the 159 immigrants in ICE custody in Northern California who were assisted by legal aid groups between March 1 and May 23 had been transferred to ICE from California prisons. And Prasad said roughly 10% of all state prison inmates are subject to an ICE detainer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bun was originally sentenced to 49 years for his part in an armed robbery, in which no one was hurt, Prasad said. A 2015 law allows inmates who had committed crimes in their youth and served at least 15 years to apply for early parole. In February, after a lengthy process to prove he had turned his life around, Gov. Newsom granted Bun parole, Prasad said. [aside tag=\"coronavirus\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hanging over Bun’s release, however, was the threat that he could be locked up in an ICE facility and eventually deported. Bun said he spent his final days at San Quentin readying himself for that possibility and the risk of catching COVID-19 in ICE detention —not realizing he was already infected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I scrounged up extra masks that I could find in there, extra cleaner and sanitizer. I had a whole care package for myself with my medications and stuff,” Bun said. “I was ready to somehow battle COVID in ICE because I knew that once I got to ICE, either I protect myself or get sick in there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He paused, then added, “I was actually contemplating writing a last letter to my family … letting them know I’m proud of them and I got to see them grow. Leaving them with words of joy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that he’s free, he won’t have to write that letter.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Chanthon Bun, a Cambodian refugee, was released from San Quentin State Prison Wednesday to two unexpected discoveries: he was not turned over to immigration officials for deportation, as he had feared, but he was infected with COVID-19, along with more than 1,000 others at San Quentin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bun, 41, was greeted at the prison gates in Marin County by friends and supporters who helped secure his release. According to Bun’s lawyer, Anoop Prasad with San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-alc.org\">Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a> Bun served 23 years for an armed robbery committed when he was 18. Friends took Bun to get a coronavirus test, since the disease has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826530/incarceration-should-not-mean-a-death-sentence-advocates-want-a-plan-to-stop-covid-19-spread-in-san-quentin\">swept through San Quentin\u003c/a> in recent weeks, and Bun tested positive. By Wednesday night, he had spiked a fever, Prasad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11827397\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11827397\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/7599343071984525152-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/7599343071984525152-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/7599343071984525152-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/7599343071984525152-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/7599343071984525152-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/7599343071984525152.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Faith leaders hold a sunrise vigil outside San Quentin State Prison Wednesday, calling for Chanthon Bun to be released, rather than transferred to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anoop Prasad)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many expected Bun to be handed into the custody of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), but he was allowed to walk free. An ICE agent had visited Bun last Friday and told him he would be picked up when prison officials processed him for release, according to Prasad. Bun is a lawful permanent resident of the U.S. but because he has a felony conviction, ICE is able to place him in deportation proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a miracle that I got released and it’s a blessing,” said Bun Thursday speaking by phone from a residence attached to a Bay Area church, where he is self-quarantining. “Pandemic or not, I’d rather be released out here than to be handed over to ICE,” he said. Testing positive for COVID-19, Bun knew his situation would have gotten worse had he been transferred to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a small child, Bun and his family fled Cambodia during the Khmer Rouge genocide of the 1970s, made it to a Thai refugee camp and were eventually resettled by the U.S. government in Los Angeles. Growing up in a traumatized community with no mental health care, Bun, like other young refugees, wound up abusing alcohol and joining a gang, as he described in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/post/coming-terms-his-trauma-one-man-reflects-war-torn-childhood#stream/0\">episode\u003c/a> of the KALW Radio series “Uncuffed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said it’s unclear whether someone in the state prison system or Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office intervened on Bun’s behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re incredibly grateful that he is home and able to receive medical care in a safe environment,” Prasad said. “He’s immunocompromised, with a rare blood disorder, and may not have survived ICE custody — and may have also possibly infected other people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it is the policy of the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) to cooperate with ICE, it’s not required by state or federal law, Prasad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have long been pressing CDCR and the governor to halt the policy, particularly in light of California’s sanctuary law. Those calls have become more urgent in recent months as the coronavirus began \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11823564/as-covid-19-surges-through-prisons-guards-and-inmates-sue\">raging through both the state prison system and ICE detention centers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the ACLU sued California officials to stop transferring immigrants to ICE during the pandemic, but on May 13, the California Supreme Court ruled 6-1 that the transfers could continue. One week earlier, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816707/man-dies-of-covid-19-in-san-diego-ice-detention-center-lawyers-say\">first person died in ICE custody\u003c/a>, at San Diego’s Otay Mesa Detention Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bun’s release came the same day that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827142/lawmakers-want-stronger-covid-19-protections-in-california-prisons\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state lawmakers questioned CDCR\u003c/a> Secretary Ralph Diaz about the policy. At a hearing of the state Senate Public Safety Committee Wednesday in Sacramento, Sen. Scott Weiner said the transfers risk spreading the virus further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we transfer to ICE, we are sending people who may be medically vulnerable themselves to private prison ICE detention facilities,” Weiner said. Adding that they believe that one in three detainees has COVID-19. “These are COVID hot spots,” he said, “we need to stop transferring people in the custody of our state prisons to ICE detention facilities … immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz replied that state prison officials do not transport inmates to ICE. But he said when immigration authorities place a detainer on an immigrant in prison, CDCR does inform ICE of the release date, just as officials do with any other law enforcement agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If an individual has served their term … and there is a hold or a warrant by ICE as a pickup, they’re picked up by ICE, just like any other law enforcement agency who may have a hold on an individual to take into their custody for their reasons,” he said, adding that if there’s a hold, they will continue to enforce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office did not return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland-based immigration law clinic \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a> found that more than a third of the 159 immigrants in ICE custody in Northern California who were assisted by legal aid groups between March 1 and May 23 had been transferred to ICE from California prisons. And Prasad said roughly 10% of all state prison inmates are subject to an ICE detainer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bun was originally sentenced to 49 years for his part in an armed robbery, in which no one was hurt, Prasad said. A 2015 law allows inmates who had committed crimes in their youth and served at least 15 years to apply for early parole. In February, after a lengthy process to prove he had turned his life around, Gov. Newsom granted Bun parole, Prasad said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hanging over Bun’s release, however, was the threat that he could be locked up in an ICE facility and eventually deported. Bun said he spent his final days at San Quentin readying himself for that possibility and the risk of catching COVID-19 in ICE detention —not realizing he was already infected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I scrounged up extra masks that I could find in there, extra cleaner and sanitizer. I had a whole care package for myself with my medications and stuff,” Bun said. “I was ready to somehow battle COVID in ICE because I knew that once I got to ICE, either I protect myself or get sick in there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He paused, then added, “I was actually contemplating writing a last letter to my family … letting them know I’m proud of them and I got to see them grow. Leaving them with words of joy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In mid-March, Karla Monterroso flew home from a hiking trip in Zion National Park through the Las Vegas airport. Four days later she began to develop a bad, dry cough. Her lungs felt sticky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fevers that persisted for the next nine weeks grew so high — 100.4, 101.2, 101.7, 102.3 — that on the worst night, she was in the shower on all fours, ice cold water running down her back, willing her temperature to go down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That night I had written down in a journal, letters to everyone I’m close to, the things I wanted them to know in case I died,” she remembers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came a new batch of symptoms in the second month, headaches and shooting pains in her legs and abdomen that made her worry she could be at risk for the blood clots and strokes that other COVID-19 patients in their thirties were starting to report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Karla Monterroso']‘You spend so much of the process not believing yourself, and then to not be believed when you go in? It’s really hard to be questioned in that way.’[/pullquote]But still, she wasn’t sure if she should go to the hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As women of color, you get questioned a lot about your emotions and the truth of your physical state. You get called an exaggerator a lot throughout the course of your life,” said Monterroso, who is Latina. “So there was this weird, ‘I don’t want to go and use resources for nothing’ feeling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took four friends to convince her that she needed to call 911.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what happened in the emergency room at Alameda Hospital only confirmed her worst fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The disrespect and abuse she experienced at the hands of medical professionals confirmed for her that the reason people of color are being disproportionately impacted by the coronavirus is not just because they’re more likely to have front-line jobs that expose them to it and the underlying conditions that make COVID-19 worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is certainly part of it, but the other part is the lack of value people see in our lives,” Monterroso wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/karlitaliliana/status/1260761818558984195\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a Twitter thread\u003c/a> detailing her experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/karlitaliliana/status/1260761818558984195\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research shows how \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/stateofhealth/54909/doctors-struggle-with-unconscious-bias-same-as-police\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">doctors’ unconscious bias\u003c/a> affects the care people receive, with Latino and Black patients being less likely to receive \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1448154/#r3\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">pain medications\u003c/a> or get referred for \u003ca href=\"https://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJM199902253400806#t=articleResults\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">advanced care\u003c/a> than white patients with the same complaints or symptoms, and more likely to die in childbirth from preventable complications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At nearly every turn during her emergency room visit, Monterroso said providers dismissed her symptoms and concerns. Her low blood pressure? That’s a false reading. Her cycling oxygen levels? The machine’s wrong. The shooting pains in her leg? Probably just a cyst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The doctor came in and said, ‘I don’t think that much is happening here. I think we can send you home,’” Monterroso recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was feeling woozy and having trouble communicating, so she had a friend and her friend’s cousin, a cardiac nurse, on the phone to help. They started asking questions: What about Karla’s accelerated heart rate? Her low oxygen levels? Her lips are blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The doctor walked out of the room. He refused to care for Monterroso while her friends were on the phone, she said, and when he came back, the only thing he wanted to talk about was Monterroso’s tone and her friends’ tone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The implication was that we were insubordinate,” Monterroso says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told the doctor she didn’t want to talk about her tone. She wanted to talk about her health care. She was worried about possible blood clots in her leg and she asked for a CT scan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, you know, the CT scan is radiation right next to your breast tissue. Do you want to get breast cancer?” Monterroso recalls the doctor saying to her. “I only feel comfortable giving you that test if you say that you’re fine getting breast cancer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterroso thought to herself, “Swallow it up, Karla. You need to be well.” And so she said to the doctor: “I’m fine getting breast cancer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He never ordered the test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11826930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11826930\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Black-Health-Matters-800x600.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A vehicle parked in Oakland during the first weeks of the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests \u003ccite>(Courtesy of April Dembosky)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Monterroso asked for a different doctor, for a hospital advocate. No and no, she was told. She began to worry for her safety, for her life. She wanted to get out of there. Her friends, all calling every medical professional they knew to confirm that this treatment was not right, came to pick her up and drove her to UCSF. The team there gave her an EKG, a chest x-ray and a CT scan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the nurses came in and she was like, ‘I heard about your ordeal. I just want you to know that I believe you. And we are not going let you go until we know that you are safe to go,’” Monterroso said. “And I started bawling. Because that’s all you want, is to be believed. You spend so much of the process not believing yourself, and then to not be believed when you go in? It’s really hard to be questioned in that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda Health System did not respond to multiple requests for comment. Monterroso filed a grievance with the hospital and they invited her to come talk to their staff and residents, but she declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She believes her experience is an example of why people of color are faring so badly in the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because when we go and seek care, if we are advocating for ourselves, we can be treated as insubordinate,” she says. “And if we are not advocating for ourselves, we can be treated as invisible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Unconscious Bias in Health Care\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Experts say this happens routinely, and regardless of the doctor’s intentions or race. Monterroso’s doctor was not white, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research shows that every doctor, every human being, has biases they’re not aware of, says Dr. Rene Salazar, assistant dean for diversity at the University of Texas at Austin medical school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"coronavirus\" label=\"more coronavirus coverage\"]“Do I question a white man in a suit who’s coming in looking like he’s a professional when he asks for pain meds versus a black man?” Salazar says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unconscious bias most often surfaces in high stress environments, like emergency rooms — where doctors are under tremendous pressure and have to make quick, high stakes decisions. Add in a deadly new virus, where the science is changing by the day, and things can spiral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just so much uncertainty,” he says. “When there is this uncertainty, there always is a level of opportunity for bias to make its way in and have an impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar used to teach at UCSF where he helped \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/stateofhealth/56311/ucsf-doctors-students-confront-their-own-unconscious-bias\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">develop unconscious bias training\u003c/a> for medical and pharmacy students. While dozens of medical schools are following suit, he says it’s not as common for hospitals. Even after a negative patient encounter like Karla’s is raised to supervisors, the intervention is usually weak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do I tell my clinician, ‘Well, the patient thinks you’re racist?’” Salazar says. “It’s a hard conversation: ‘I gotta be careful, I don’t want to say the race word because I’m going to push some buttons here.’ So it just starts to become really complicated.” [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Data-based Approach\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At Kaiser Permanente, Dr. Ronald Copeland, chief of equity, inclusion and diversity, says he remembers doctors also resisting these conversations in the early days. Suggestions of training in cultural sensitivity or unconscious bias were met with a backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was viewed almost from a punishment standpoint. ‘Doc, your patients of this persuasion don’t like you and you’ve got to do something about it.’ It’s like, you’re a bad doctor, and so your punishment is you have to go get training,” Copeland says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Kaiser’s approach is rooted in data from patient surveys, the questionnaires patients are often asked to fill out after a doctor’s visit. While they don’t ask patients directly if they think their doctor was racist, they do ask if they felt respected, if the communication was good and if they were satisfied with the experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser then breaks this data down by demographics, to see if maybe a doctor gets good scores on respect and empathy from white patients, but not Black patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you see a pattern evolving around a certain group and it’s a persistent pattern, then that tells you there’s something that from a cultural, from an ethnicity, from a gender, something that group has in common, that you’re not addressing,” Copeland says. “Then the real work starts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When doctors are presented with the data from their patients and the science on unconscious bias, they’re less likely to resist it or deny it, Copeland says. At Kaiser, they’ve reframed the goal of training around delivering better quality care and getting better patient outcomes, so doctors want to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks don’t flinch about it,” he said. “They’re eager to learn more about it, particularly about how you mitigate it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Karla Monterroso']‘If I don’t say what’s happening, then people with much less resources are going to come into this experience and they’re going to die.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Still Unwell\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s been more than three months since Karla first got sick, and she’s still not feeling well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her heart rate continues to spike and she can’t walk across her apartment without getting winded. She decided recently to leave the Bay Area and move to LA so she could be closer to her family for her recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She declined Alameda Hospital’s invitation to speak to their staff about her experience, concluding it wasn’t her responsibility to fix the system that abused her. But she wants the broader health care system to take responsibility for the bias perpetuated in hospitals and clinics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She acknowledges that Alameda Hospital is public, and it doesn’t have the kind of resources that Kaiser and UCSF do. A recent audit warned that Alameda Health System was on the brink of insolvency. But still, Monterroso is the CEO of \u003ca href=\"http://www.code2040.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Code2040\u003c/a>, a racial equity nonprofit, and she says even for her it took an army of friends and activists fighting for her just to be heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ninety percent of the people that are going to come through that hospital are not going to have what I have to fight that,” she says. “And if I don’t say what’s happening, then people with much less resources are going to come into this experience and they’re going to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But still, she wasn’t sure if she should go to the hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As women of color, you get questioned a lot about your emotions and the truth of your physical state. You get called an exaggerator a lot throughout the course of your life,” said Monterroso, who is Latina. “So there was this weird, ‘I don’t want to go and use resources for nothing’ feeling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took four friends to convince her that she needed to call 911.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what happened in the emergency room at Alameda Hospital only confirmed her worst fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The disrespect and abuse she experienced at the hands of medical professionals confirmed for her that the reason people of color are being disproportionately impacted by the coronavirus is not just because they’re more likely to have front-line jobs that expose them to it and the underlying conditions that make COVID-19 worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is certainly part of it, but the other part is the lack of value people see in our lives,” Monterroso wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/karlitaliliana/status/1260761818558984195\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a Twitter thread\u003c/a> detailing her experience.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Research shows how \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/stateofhealth/54909/doctors-struggle-with-unconscious-bias-same-as-police\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">doctors’ unconscious bias\u003c/a> affects the care people receive, with Latino and Black patients being less likely to receive \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1448154/#r3\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">pain medications\u003c/a> or get referred for \u003ca href=\"https://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJM199902253400806#t=articleResults\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">advanced care\u003c/a> than white patients with the same complaints or symptoms, and more likely to die in childbirth from preventable complications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At nearly every turn during her emergency room visit, Monterroso said providers dismissed her symptoms and concerns. Her low blood pressure? That’s a false reading. Her cycling oxygen levels? The machine’s wrong. The shooting pains in her leg? Probably just a cyst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The doctor came in and said, ‘I don’t think that much is happening here. I think we can send you home,’” Monterroso recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was feeling woozy and having trouble communicating, so she had a friend and her friend’s cousin, a cardiac nurse, on the phone to help. They started asking questions: What about Karla’s accelerated heart rate? Her low oxygen levels? Her lips are blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The doctor walked out of the room. He refused to care for Monterroso while her friends were on the phone, she said, and when he came back, the only thing he wanted to talk about was Monterroso’s tone and her friends’ tone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The implication was that we were insubordinate,” Monterroso says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told the doctor she didn’t want to talk about her tone. She wanted to talk about her health care. She was worried about possible blood clots in her leg and she asked for a CT scan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, you know, the CT scan is radiation right next to your breast tissue. Do you want to get breast cancer?” Monterroso recalls the doctor saying to her. “I only feel comfortable giving you that test if you say that you’re fine getting breast cancer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterroso thought to herself, “Swallow it up, Karla. You need to be well.” And so she said to the doctor: “I’m fine getting breast cancer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He never ordered the test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11826930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11826930\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Black-Health-Matters-800x600.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A vehicle parked in Oakland during the first weeks of the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests \u003ccite>(Courtesy of April Dembosky)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Monterroso asked for a different doctor, for a hospital advocate. No and no, she was told. She began to worry for her safety, for her life. She wanted to get out of there. Her friends, all calling every medical professional they knew to confirm that this treatment was not right, came to pick her up and drove her to UCSF. The team there gave her an EKG, a chest x-ray and a CT scan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the nurses came in and she was like, ‘I heard about your ordeal. I just want you to know that I believe you. And we are not going let you go until we know that you are safe to go,’” Monterroso said. “And I started bawling. Because that’s all you want, is to be believed. You spend so much of the process not believing yourself, and then to not be believed when you go in? It’s really hard to be questioned in that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda Health System did not respond to multiple requests for comment. Monterroso filed a grievance with the hospital and they invited her to come talk to their staff and residents, but she declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She believes her experience is an example of why people of color are faring so badly in the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because when we go and seek care, if we are advocating for ourselves, we can be treated as insubordinate,” she says. “And if we are not advocating for ourselves, we can be treated as invisible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Unconscious Bias in Health Care\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Experts say this happens routinely, and regardless of the doctor’s intentions or race. Monterroso’s doctor was not white, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research shows that every doctor, every human being, has biases they’re not aware of, says Dr. Rene Salazar, assistant dean for diversity at the University of Texas at Austin medical school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Do I question a white man in a suit who’s coming in looking like he’s a professional when he asks for pain meds versus a black man?” Salazar says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unconscious bias most often surfaces in high stress environments, like emergency rooms — where doctors are under tremendous pressure and have to make quick, high stakes decisions. Add in a deadly new virus, where the science is changing by the day, and things can spiral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just so much uncertainty,” he says. “When there is this uncertainty, there always is a level of opportunity for bias to make its way in and have an impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar used to teach at UCSF where he helped \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/stateofhealth/56311/ucsf-doctors-students-confront-their-own-unconscious-bias\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">develop unconscious bias training\u003c/a> for medical and pharmacy students. While dozens of medical schools are following suit, he says it’s not as common for hospitals. Even after a negative patient encounter like Karla’s is raised to supervisors, the intervention is usually weak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do I tell my clinician, ‘Well, the patient thinks you’re racist?’” Salazar says. “It’s a hard conversation: ‘I gotta be careful, I don’t want to say the race word because I’m going to push some buttons here.’ So it just starts to become really complicated.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Still Unwell\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s been more than three months since Karla first got sick, and she’s still not feeling well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her heart rate continues to spike and she can’t walk across her apartment without getting winded. She decided recently to leave the Bay Area and move to LA so she could be closer to her family for her recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She declined Alameda Hospital’s invitation to speak to their staff about her experience, concluding it wasn’t her responsibility to fix the system that abused her. But she wants the broader health care system to take responsibility for the bias perpetuated in hospitals and clinics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She acknowledges that Alameda Hospital is public, and it doesn’t have the kind of resources that Kaiser and UCSF do. A recent audit warned that Alameda Health System was on the brink of insolvency. But still, Monterroso is the CEO of \u003ca href=\"http://www.code2040.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Code2040\u003c/a>, a racial equity nonprofit, and she says even for her it took an army of friends and activists fighting for her just to be heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ninety percent of the people that are going to come through that hospital are not going to have what I have to fight that,” she says. “And if I don’t say what’s happening, then people with much less resources are going to come into this experience and they’re going to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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