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"content": "\u003cp>Even though most Bay Area high school students are not old enough to vote in this election, a number of them are still participating in the process as election workers at the polls — working long hours both during the early voting period and now on Election Day. To get the job, they all had to take a short online course and pass a test, and most make about $100 a day. KQED spoke with three students about why they chose to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Robert Steffani, Encinal High School in Alameda\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Steffani, 17, a senior at Encinal, is working as an election clerk at the Oakland Coliseum polling location, where he helps set up voting stations at the beginning of day and then monitors ballots as voters deliver them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How did you get involved?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Juliana Contreras, student at Arise High School in Oakland\"]‘I think it’s really important for you to vote right now because it could just make a really big impact. … That’s why I like working here.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some program came to the school and they kind of asked if we wanted to volunteer. And I saw the opportunity and I thought I should help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why did you decide to help?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mom also helped a lot with the elections, but due to COVID, she wasn’t able to. So I had the opportunity, so I did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Were you nervous?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mom went over it with me, so I was pretty comfortable and knew what I was supposed to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why do you think more youth are voting in this election?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of people didn’t vote last election. And I think now they know that it is very important to vote. So they’re just taking the opportunity now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What issues are most important to you this election?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Black Lives Matter movement is very important, especially in this community, where we’re at. I just think it’s nice that everyone’s, you know, being vocal and standing up now.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a student, I kind of just wanted to come out here and be present. I just think it is good because we can show people our age can be more mature and take this voting thing seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Juliana Contreras, Arise High School in East Oakland\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844894\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844894\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45660_006_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45660_006_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45660_006_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45660_006_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45660_006_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45660_006_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juliana Contreras, 16, is a poll clerk at the Oakland Coliseum, where she mainly checks in voters. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Contreras, 16, is also working as a clerk at the Oakland Coliseum polling place, setting up voting machines at the beginning of the day and checking in voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why did you get involved?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I mean, honestly, I’ve always been very social justice aware, and I wanted to make change. You know, I can’t really do much about everything that’s happening right now. And I know that a lot of people, they don’t vote because the lines are too long. And I was like, they need younger people so it works faster, you know? So I thought that was important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What sort of social justice issues are important to you? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arise is very social justice driven. I was also part of the \u003ca href=\"https://radicalmonarchs.org\">Radical Monarchs \u003c/a>[a project aimed at empowering young girls of color]. I was in the first group. So yeah, that’s like something really big that changed my mindset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Is your family political?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Me and my mom were very political and we’re very all about social justice and all that. My family is a little bit more different. Like, they have different opinions, their own political opinions. I mean, my mom may not agree, but like I mean, we’re family, so yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What do you think is motivating young people like yourself to step forward in new ways?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think it’s just history repeating itself. I think youth are like, wow, this is really happening again? You know, we’re the future. We can do something about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think it’s really important for you to vote right now because it could just make a really big impact. And even if you’re not doing it for yourself, this is affecting a lot of lives. And I just think it’s really important. That’s why I like working here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>With your long work hours here you are missing school, right?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m going to miss Monday and Tuesday. But I emailed my teachers. And they were like, no issue, because they know how important this is.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Frances Lebowitz, Berkeley High School\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844895\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844895\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45659_005_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45659_005_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45659_005_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45659_005_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45659_005_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45659_005_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frances Lebowitz, 16, is an election judge at a UC Berkeley polling site. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lebowitz, 16, is working as an election judge at the UC Berkeley Martin Luther King, Jr. Student Union polling place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Does being an election judge come with a lot of pressure?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a little bit stressful because, you know, you want to make sure that you are actually following the directions properly. I think just because of the gravity of the situation, I mean, there are all kinds of different laws that we have to follow and we’re just like normal people. And so I think knowing that there have been, you know, constitutional things and Supreme Court rulings [and] state laws and regulations that have directly affected the things that we have to do and the things that we cannot do is certainly intimidating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What does your job entail?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So there are these online voting machines and they’re sort of these long tablets that are attached to a privacy screen and a table. And every time someone uses one, we have a key card and we have to swipe it every time a voter goes in and out of the booth. …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So we actually have to look up and find their ballot when they get there and when they give us their card with their information on it. They will hand one of us their card and we will go into the computer and find the appropriate ballot. We’ll print the ballot for them. We will have to put it in order because the paper sheets come out of the printer in the wrong order. So we actually have to take it apart and put it back and give it to them in a privacy sleeve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What could cause a problem at a voting site?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"youth-vote\"]I think that the most common issue election workers are having right now is just stuff with the technology, because there are a lot of different things plugged in to a lot of other different things. And when you have a lot of people sort of moving around, moving in and out, some things can get messed up and you might not know why it’s not working. We actually did go through a scenario where we had to close our eyes and the employee actually unplugged different things and had us come back and we had to figure out what had happened. And so that was a scenario that we worked through. Of course, the other thing right now is about people not complying with the mask requirement. We actually do have to let people in to vote even if they are not wearing a mask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What if there’s a problem?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So they definitely aren’t just sending us out there and saying you guys can deal with it. There’s going to be a help desk set up in Alameda County where we can call them on Election Day and get better instructions. There’s a video chat feature so that if there’s a problem with the voting machines, we can actually just get direct instruction … so they can see what’s happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How did it feel to be inside the polling place over the weekend?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these times, you don’t really get to interact with many people. … Especially because of where my polling location is, we are seeing a lot of students and younger people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s been a lot of talk about young voters. And so it’s just really fantastic to see, you know, all those people really making an effort to vote. … It’s really amazing to see all these people taking the time out of their day to come to a polling location and vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s stood out to you the most from this experience so far?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of people don’t know about poll workers and how, you know, poll working actually exists. And, you know, I’ve been to polling locations before with my parents when they voted, but I didn’t really realize that people could actually do that and it was a job that community members can be involved in. And so I think it’s just sort of opened up my mind to a lot of [the] different opportunities there are to help in democracy. And it really isn’t just a very small set of people that can help. We can all do something.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some program came to the school and they kind of asked if we wanted to volunteer. And I saw the opportunity and I thought I should help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why did you decide to help?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mom also helped a lot with the elections, but due to COVID, she wasn’t able to. So I had the opportunity, so I did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Were you nervous?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mom went over it with me, so I was pretty comfortable and knew what I was supposed to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why do you think more youth are voting in this election?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of people didn’t vote last election. And I think now they know that it is very important to vote. So they’re just taking the opportunity now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What issues are most important to you this election?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Black Lives Matter movement is very important, especially in this community, where we’re at. I just think it’s nice that everyone’s, you know, being vocal and standing up now.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a student, I kind of just wanted to come out here and be present. I just think it is good because we can show people our age can be more mature and take this voting thing seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Juliana Contreras, Arise High School in East Oakland\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844894\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844894\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45660_006_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45660_006_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45660_006_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45660_006_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45660_006_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45660_006_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juliana Contreras, 16, is a poll clerk at the Oakland Coliseum, where she mainly checks in voters. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Contreras, 16, is also working as a clerk at the Oakland Coliseum polling place, setting up voting machines at the beginning of the day and checking in voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why did you get involved?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I mean, honestly, I’ve always been very social justice aware, and I wanted to make change. You know, I can’t really do much about everything that’s happening right now. And I know that a lot of people, they don’t vote because the lines are too long. And I was like, they need younger people so it works faster, you know? So I thought that was important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What sort of social justice issues are important to you? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arise is very social justice driven. I was also part of the \u003ca href=\"https://radicalmonarchs.org\">Radical Monarchs \u003c/a>[a project aimed at empowering young girls of color]. I was in the first group. So yeah, that’s like something really big that changed my mindset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Is your family political?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Me and my mom were very political and we’re very all about social justice and all that. My family is a little bit more different. Like, they have different opinions, their own political opinions. I mean, my mom may not agree, but like I mean, we’re family, so yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What do you think is motivating young people like yourself to step forward in new ways?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think it’s just history repeating itself. I think youth are like, wow, this is really happening again? You know, we’re the future. We can do something about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think it’s really important for you to vote right now because it could just make a really big impact. And even if you’re not doing it for yourself, this is affecting a lot of lives. And I just think it’s really important. That’s why I like working here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>With your long work hours here you are missing school, right?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m going to miss Monday and Tuesday. But I emailed my teachers. And they were like, no issue, because they know how important this is.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Frances Lebowitz, Berkeley High School\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844895\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844895\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45659_005_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45659_005_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45659_005_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45659_005_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45659_005_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45659_005_KQED_BerkOakland_StudentElectionWorkers_11012020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frances Lebowitz, 16, is an election judge at a UC Berkeley polling site. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lebowitz, 16, is working as an election judge at the UC Berkeley Martin Luther King, Jr. Student Union polling place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Does being an election judge come with a lot of pressure?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a little bit stressful because, you know, you want to make sure that you are actually following the directions properly. I think just because of the gravity of the situation, I mean, there are all kinds of different laws that we have to follow and we’re just like normal people. And so I think knowing that there have been, you know, constitutional things and Supreme Court rulings [and] state laws and regulations that have directly affected the things that we have to do and the things that we cannot do is certainly intimidating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What does your job entail?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So there are these online voting machines and they’re sort of these long tablets that are attached to a privacy screen and a table. And every time someone uses one, we have a key card and we have to swipe it every time a voter goes in and out of the booth. …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So we actually have to look up and find their ballot when they get there and when they give us their card with their information on it. They will hand one of us their card and we will go into the computer and find the appropriate ballot. We’ll print the ballot for them. We will have to put it in order because the paper sheets come out of the printer in the wrong order. So we actually have to take it apart and put it back and give it to them in a privacy sleeve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What could cause a problem at a voting site?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>I think that the most common issue election workers are having right now is just stuff with the technology, because there are a lot of different things plugged in to a lot of other different things. And when you have a lot of people sort of moving around, moving in and out, some things can get messed up and you might not know why it’s not working. We actually did go through a scenario where we had to close our eyes and the employee actually unplugged different things and had us come back and we had to figure out what had happened. And so that was a scenario that we worked through. Of course, the other thing right now is about people not complying with the mask requirement. We actually do have to let people in to vote even if they are not wearing a mask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What if there’s a problem?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So they definitely aren’t just sending us out there and saying you guys can deal with it. There’s going to be a help desk set up in Alameda County where we can call them on Election Day and get better instructions. There’s a video chat feature so that if there’s a problem with the voting machines, we can actually just get direct instruction … so they can see what’s happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How did it feel to be inside the polling place over the weekend?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these times, you don’t really get to interact with many people. … Especially because of where my polling location is, we are seeing a lot of students and younger people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s been a lot of talk about young voters. And so it’s just really fantastic to see, you know, all those people really making an effort to vote. … It’s really amazing to see all these people taking the time out of their day to come to a polling location and vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s stood out to you the most from this experience so far?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of people don’t know about poll workers and how, you know, poll working actually exists. And, you know, I’ve been to polling locations before with my parents when they voted, but I didn’t really realize that people could actually do that and it was a job that community members can be involved in. And so I think it’s just sort of opened up my mind to a lot of [the] different opportunities there are to help in democracy. And it really isn’t just a very small set of people that can help. We can all do something.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Misinformation on WeChat Attempts to Frighten Chinese Americans Out of Voting",
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"headTitle": "Misinformation on WeChat Attempts to Frighten Chinese Americans Out of Voting | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This article is co-published with \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/\">ProPublica\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least two dozen groups on the Chinese-owned social media app WeChat have been circulating misinformation that the U.S. Department of Homeland Security is “preparing to mobilize” the National Guard and “dispatch” the military to quell impending riots, apparently in an attempt to frighten Chinese Americans into staying home on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The misinformation, which takes the form of a photo of a flyer and is in both English and Chinese, also warns that the government plans to impose a national two-week quarantine and close all businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They will announce this as soon as they have troops in place to prevent looters and rioters,” it states. The flyer originally appeared on WeChat during the first surge of the pandemic, and it later spread to other social media. It recently resurfaced on WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure thousands of people have seen that. I’m sure that it’s pretty widespread,” said Shaw San Liu, executive director of the Chinese Progressive Association in San Francisco, which has been tracking the flyer and other misinformation on WeChat. “We’re really concerned about making sure we get some good counterinformation, facts out there so that people are not discouraged because this is the last stretch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Carly Liu, San Francisco\"]‘It makes us feel more scared … I do think if there were (people) who were going to vote in-person on Nov. 3, they may definitely be deterred from going out in person.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nahaku McFadden, a spokesperson for the National Guard, called the flyer “categorically false,” adding that DHS “does not have the authority to mobilize the National Guard,” which is under the control of state governors, and that “there is no discussion of a nationwide quarantine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ProPublica’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\">Electionland\u003c/a> project first received a tip about the flyer from a San Francisco resident whose elderly mother received it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mother is not proficient in English, but she read the Chinese part and started freaking out,” the woman, who gave her first name as Dora, said. “It is clearly to keep people from the polls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844969\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/CPA-Flyer-WeChat.jpg\" alt=\"flyer debunking disinformation on WeChat\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/CPA-Flyer-WeChat.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/CPA-Flyer-WeChat-160x240.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This flyer was created by the Chinese Progressive Association after reporting from KQED and ProPublica to combat misinformation in the Chinese community. \u003ccite>(Chinese Progressive Association)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although the Trump administration has tried to ban WeChat, a spate of recent misinformation on the app appears aimed at boosting the president’s reelection campaign by deterring Chinese Americans from voting Democratic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shameful democrats, truly shameful,” runs one frequently shared message, which KQED translated from Chinese. “Without our consent, they made everyone permanent mail in ballot voters. Also, some people’s political registration has been changed to ‘independent’ or ‘democrat.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another asserts that “90 percent of media is controlled by Democrats, 60 percent of college professors are left wing. That means America’s population, culture, wealth, media, and education are in the hands of Democrats. Trump and Republicans are in a very dangerous situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owned by Shenzhen-based Tencent Holdings Ltd, WeChat is among the world’s largest social media apps, boasting more than 1 billion active monthly users, mostly in China. Chinese Americans, who once used it primarily to communicate with family back home, have increasingly formed chat groups on the app for everything from sharing recipes to organizing rent strikes. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/how-chinese-language-media-u-s-are-debunking-wechat-coronavirus-n1156621\">During the pandemic\u003c/a> and the presidential campaign, dozens of groups have promulgated misinformation without it being flagged or removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Saturday night, WeChat had received no recent complaints regarding the flyer about the National Guard, though there may have been some when the image first circulated in late March and early April, a person familiar with WeChat’s policies said. Unlike Facebook and Twitter, which have started to crack down on false information, WeChat is almost entirely reliant on individual users to report misinformation, the person said. Users agree on signing up not to post “fraudulent, false, misleading or deceptive” information on the platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='election-explainers']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The person also said that, unlike some U.S.-based social media companies, WeChat has no specific relationship with the federal government to track or report misinformation. WeChat’s user base in this country is far smaller — “in the low single-digit millions” — than that of Facebook or Twitter. Asian Americans, many of whom reportedly use WeChat, make up 36% of San Francisco’s population. DHS officials said they were unaware of any efforts by WeChat or the federal government to partner to address election misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration wrote a series of rules \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834806/wechat-ban-and-sfs-chinatown-how-trumps-plan-could-hurt-housing-rights-campaigns\">that would have effectively banned downloads of WeChat\u003c/a> and the video-sharing app TikTok in the U.S. this fall. On Sept. 20, the day they were to go into effect, a federal judge stayed the ruling, giving WeChat a reprieve. The app can be downloaded for free with no restrictions in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS officials said that the FBI handles most investigations of domestic misinformation and election interference. The FBI declined to comment on whether it is investigating the flyer or on any other interactions with WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The FBI remains in close touch with all of our interagency partners and social media and technology companies to enable a quick exchange of threat information,” said Sutton Roach, a spokesperson for the bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Misinformation on WeChat is not a new phenomenon. A 2018 study by the Columbia Journalism Review found that political discourse on WeChat is “asymmetrically polarized” and “especially vulnerable to political misinformation” such as unfounded right-wing conspiracy theories. Most of this misinformation \u003ca href=\"https://www.cjr.org/tow_center/wechat-misinformation-china.php\">is spread in large chat rooms\u003c/a>, like the ones the Chinese Progressive Association has observed in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Shaw San Liu, Chinese Progressive Association\"]‘This conflation of racial justice and Black Lives Matters with riots as a white right-wing talking point, that is very much being brought into the Chinese right-wing analysis.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After similar reports of misinformation in Australia, WeChat blocked Australian users from seeing the content of problematic accounts flagged by the Australian government. WeChat worked with Austrian regulators to help ensure that information on official accounts – which require verification and payment by account owners – complied with local laws banning the dissemination of misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Stemming the Tide\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Without intervention from WeChat, responsibility for pushing back against misinformation has often fallen on younger members of Chinese American families, said Kitty Fong, a San Francisco resident and president of the Rose Pak Democratic Club.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One evening in October, the 32-year-old Fong walked into her family kitchen to get some water. Her mother was cooking spare ribs and rice, and over the simmering meat she turned to Fong to ask if she’d heard the rumor on WeChat that riots were coming on the heels of the election, and that families should stock up on food and other goods. The flyer warning about mobilizing the National Guard also encourages people to “stock up on whatever you need to make sure you have a two week supply of everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carly Liu, a San Francisco resident who lives in the South of Market neighborhood, said she thinks that misinformation on WeChat has swayed her community. The messages echo claims on right-wing websites that presidential candidate Joe Biden and his son Hunter are corrupt and being investigated, and that there’s a media cover-up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden “should be arrested and prosecuted for racketeering charges,” one WeChat message says. “This very serious case is ignored and censored by mainstream media.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such messages “actually convinced some people to vote for Trump because they weren’t sure they can trust Biden,” Liu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she is not a U.S. citizen, Liu helped her parents, who are in their 80s, to vote. But Liu has seen misinformation popping up on WeChat that gave her pause about going outside to help them cast their ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just Tuesday she saw a photo spreading on WeChat of a local Social Security office with boarded up windows, accompanied by the flyer warning of riots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes us feel more scared,” Liu said in Cantonese. “I do think if there were (people) who were going to vote in-person on Nov. 3, they may definitely be deterred from going out in person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11844284 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45228_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_VotingCenter_10052020-qut-1020x680.jpg']Shaw San Liu, from the Chinese Progressive Association, said that robberies publicized in Chinese media, racist insults on the rise amid the pandemic and physical attacks have led some in San Francisco’s Chinese American community to feel isolated and unsupported by the government and to be more receptive to right-wing extremism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So there is this very much deep-seated narrative that has been building in the community around the Chinese community being victimized. The Chinese community being attacked,” Liu said. That has fostered anti-homeless, anti-queer, anti-Black sentiment in the community, she added. “This conflation of racial justice and Black Lives Matters with riots as a white right-wing talking point, that is very much being brought into the Chinese right-wing analysis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After groups on WeChat first spread the flyer in late March, the National Guard stamped the flyer “FALSE” in a tweet. The hoax resurfaced again in the last few weeks, spurring fears of voter suppression. This past weekend, KQED showed the Guard’s tweet to the Chinese Progressive Association, which translated it into Chinese to warn the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Liu said she’s worried that the association can’t reach everyone who is exposed to the misinformation on WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we make interventions in the WeChat space?” Liu said. “How do we reach out to our community when they’re sometimes literally bombarded with messages that are untrue, misleading and confusing, causing fear and division?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced with the help of a tip reported through \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\">ProPublica’s Electionland project\u003c/a>. If you experience or witness a problem voting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\">please let us know\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jrodriguez\">Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/linshannonlin?lang=en\">Shannon Lin\u003c/a>, KQED \u003cbr> \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/people/jessica-huseman\">Jessica Huseman\u003c/a>, ProPublica",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This article is co-published with \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/\">ProPublica\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least two dozen groups on the Chinese-owned social media app WeChat have been circulating misinformation that the U.S. Department of Homeland Security is “preparing to mobilize” the National Guard and “dispatch” the military to quell impending riots, apparently in an attempt to frighten Chinese Americans into staying home on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The misinformation, which takes the form of a photo of a flyer and is in both English and Chinese, also warns that the government plans to impose a national two-week quarantine and close all businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They will announce this as soon as they have troops in place to prevent looters and rioters,” it states. The flyer originally appeared on WeChat during the first surge of the pandemic, and it later spread to other social media. It recently resurfaced on WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure thousands of people have seen that. I’m sure that it’s pretty widespread,” said Shaw San Liu, executive director of the Chinese Progressive Association in San Francisco, which has been tracking the flyer and other misinformation on WeChat. “We’re really concerned about making sure we get some good counterinformation, facts out there so that people are not discouraged because this is the last stretch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It makes us feel more scared … I do think if there were (people) who were going to vote in-person on Nov. 3, they may definitely be deterred from going out in person.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nahaku McFadden, a spokesperson for the National Guard, called the flyer “categorically false,” adding that DHS “does not have the authority to mobilize the National Guard,” which is under the control of state governors, and that “there is no discussion of a nationwide quarantine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ProPublica’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\">Electionland\u003c/a> project first received a tip about the flyer from a San Francisco resident whose elderly mother received it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mother is not proficient in English, but she read the Chinese part and started freaking out,” the woman, who gave her first name as Dora, said. “It is clearly to keep people from the polls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844969\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/CPA-Flyer-WeChat.jpg\" alt=\"flyer debunking disinformation on WeChat\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/CPA-Flyer-WeChat.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/CPA-Flyer-WeChat-160x240.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This flyer was created by the Chinese Progressive Association after reporting from KQED and ProPublica to combat misinformation in the Chinese community. \u003ccite>(Chinese Progressive Association)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although the Trump administration has tried to ban WeChat, a spate of recent misinformation on the app appears aimed at boosting the president’s reelection campaign by deterring Chinese Americans from voting Democratic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shameful democrats, truly shameful,” runs one frequently shared message, which KQED translated from Chinese. “Without our consent, they made everyone permanent mail in ballot voters. Also, some people’s political registration has been changed to ‘independent’ or ‘democrat.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another asserts that “90 percent of media is controlled by Democrats, 60 percent of college professors are left wing. That means America’s population, culture, wealth, media, and education are in the hands of Democrats. Trump and Republicans are in a very dangerous situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owned by Shenzhen-based Tencent Holdings Ltd, WeChat is among the world’s largest social media apps, boasting more than 1 billion active monthly users, mostly in China. Chinese Americans, who once used it primarily to communicate with family back home, have increasingly formed chat groups on the app for everything from sharing recipes to organizing rent strikes. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/how-chinese-language-media-u-s-are-debunking-wechat-coronavirus-n1156621\">During the pandemic\u003c/a> and the presidential campaign, dozens of groups have promulgated misinformation without it being flagged or removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Saturday night, WeChat had received no recent complaints regarding the flyer about the National Guard, though there may have been some when the image first circulated in late March and early April, a person familiar with WeChat’s policies said. Unlike Facebook and Twitter, which have started to crack down on false information, WeChat is almost entirely reliant on individual users to report misinformation, the person said. Users agree on signing up not to post “fraudulent, false, misleading or deceptive” information on the platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The person also said that, unlike some U.S.-based social media companies, WeChat has no specific relationship with the federal government to track or report misinformation. WeChat’s user base in this country is far smaller — “in the low single-digit millions” — than that of Facebook or Twitter. Asian Americans, many of whom reportedly use WeChat, make up 36% of San Francisco’s population. DHS officials said they were unaware of any efforts by WeChat or the federal government to partner to address election misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration wrote a series of rules \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834806/wechat-ban-and-sfs-chinatown-how-trumps-plan-could-hurt-housing-rights-campaigns\">that would have effectively banned downloads of WeChat\u003c/a> and the video-sharing app TikTok in the U.S. this fall. On Sept. 20, the day they were to go into effect, a federal judge stayed the ruling, giving WeChat a reprieve. The app can be downloaded for free with no restrictions in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS officials said that the FBI handles most investigations of domestic misinformation and election interference. The FBI declined to comment on whether it is investigating the flyer or on any other interactions with WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The FBI remains in close touch with all of our interagency partners and social media and technology companies to enable a quick exchange of threat information,” said Sutton Roach, a spokesperson for the bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Misinformation on WeChat is not a new phenomenon. A 2018 study by the Columbia Journalism Review found that political discourse on WeChat is “asymmetrically polarized” and “especially vulnerable to political misinformation” such as unfounded right-wing conspiracy theories. Most of this misinformation \u003ca href=\"https://www.cjr.org/tow_center/wechat-misinformation-china.php\">is spread in large chat rooms\u003c/a>, like the ones the Chinese Progressive Association has observed in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This conflation of racial justice and Black Lives Matters with riots as a white right-wing talking point, that is very much being brought into the Chinese right-wing analysis.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After similar reports of misinformation in Australia, WeChat blocked Australian users from seeing the content of problematic accounts flagged by the Australian government. WeChat worked with Austrian regulators to help ensure that information on official accounts – which require verification and payment by account owners – complied with local laws banning the dissemination of misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Stemming the Tide\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Without intervention from WeChat, responsibility for pushing back against misinformation has often fallen on younger members of Chinese American families, said Kitty Fong, a San Francisco resident and president of the Rose Pak Democratic Club.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One evening in October, the 32-year-old Fong walked into her family kitchen to get some water. Her mother was cooking spare ribs and rice, and over the simmering meat she turned to Fong to ask if she’d heard the rumor on WeChat that riots were coming on the heels of the election, and that families should stock up on food and other goods. The flyer warning about mobilizing the National Guard also encourages people to “stock up on whatever you need to make sure you have a two week supply of everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carly Liu, a San Francisco resident who lives in the South of Market neighborhood, said she thinks that misinformation on WeChat has swayed her community. The messages echo claims on right-wing websites that presidential candidate Joe Biden and his son Hunter are corrupt and being investigated, and that there’s a media cover-up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden “should be arrested and prosecuted for racketeering charges,” one WeChat message says. “This very serious case is ignored and censored by mainstream media.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such messages “actually convinced some people to vote for Trump because they weren’t sure they can trust Biden,” Liu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she is not a U.S. citizen, Liu helped her parents, who are in their 80s, to vote. But Liu has seen misinformation popping up on WeChat that gave her pause about going outside to help them cast their ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just Tuesday she saw a photo spreading on WeChat of a local Social Security office with boarded up windows, accompanied by the flyer warning of riots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes us feel more scared,” Liu said in Cantonese. “I do think if there were (people) who were going to vote in-person on Nov. 3, they may definitely be deterred from going out in person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Shaw San Liu, from the Chinese Progressive Association, said that robberies publicized in Chinese media, racist insults on the rise amid the pandemic and physical attacks have led some in San Francisco’s Chinese American community to feel isolated and unsupported by the government and to be more receptive to right-wing extremism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So there is this very much deep-seated narrative that has been building in the community around the Chinese community being victimized. The Chinese community being attacked,” Liu said. That has fostered anti-homeless, anti-queer, anti-Black sentiment in the community, she added. “This conflation of racial justice and Black Lives Matters with riots as a white right-wing talking point, that is very much being brought into the Chinese right-wing analysis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After groups on WeChat first spread the flyer in late March, the National Guard stamped the flyer “FALSE” in a tweet. The hoax resurfaced again in the last few weeks, spurring fears of voter suppression. This past weekend, KQED showed the Guard’s tweet to the Chinese Progressive Association, which translated it into Chinese to warn the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Liu said she’s worried that the association can’t reach everyone who is exposed to the misinformation on WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we make interventions in the WeChat space?” Liu said. “How do we reach out to our community when they’re sometimes literally bombarded with messages that are untrue, misleading and confusing, causing fear and division?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced with the help of a tip reported through \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\">ProPublica’s Electionland project\u003c/a>. If you experience or witness a problem voting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\">please let us know\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Among the dozen ballot measures facing California voters this year is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-20-crime-prosecutors-law-enforcement\">Proposition 20\u003c/a>, which seeks to roll back a series of criminal justice reforms passed over the last decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 20 would increase penalties on some theft and fraud crimes and require people convicted of some misdemeanors to submit their DNA to a state database. It would also add more than a dozen new crimes to the list of what’s considered “violent” in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You could call it a “tough-on-crime” measure, but proponents of it are avoiding that rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This initiative does not increase the prison population,” said Richard Temple, a political consultant for Proposition 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the way Californians talk — and think — about criminal justice has shifted dramatically in the past few decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Fernando Guerra, Loyola Marymount University political science professor\"]‘It used to be, even in California, that an effective campaign was to talk about law and order — that you were really, really for it as a Republican or that you weren’t against it as a Democrat.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1990s, California led the nation in passing a spate of strict sentencing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the harshest and most recognizable laws of that era was the 1994 three strikes law. The law put people in state prisons for decades after committing a third offense, even if it was a nonviolent crime. It passed with bipartisan support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be, even in California, that an effective campaign was to talk about law and order — that you were really, really for it as a Republican or that you weren’t against it as a Democrat,” said Fernando Guerra, a political science professor at Loyola Marymount University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the state packed its prisons and spending ballooned, however, public sentiment slowly began to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2011, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that prisons were so overcrowded that conditions inside were unconstitutional, the state finally acted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, lawmakers passed a bill mandating jail, instead of prison time, for most nonviolent crimes. Then in 2014, voters passed Proposition 47, decreasing penalties for drug use and petty theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, voters passed Proposition 57, letting thousands of prisoners qualify for early parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the changes were approved over the objections of law enforcement, who warned they’d lead to spikes in crime. Supporters of those measures say that never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re in the midst right now of monumental decline in crime here in California,” said Maureen Washburn, a policy analyst at the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice, which advocates for less incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2019, we actually reached the lowest level of crime in California in 50 years,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, those pushing a rollback of the reforms say there’s at least one area where crime has continued to climb: theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 20 consultant Temple said theft has increased by 30% since Proposition 47 passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 20 would make it easier to charge someone with felony theft and easier to send someone back to jail for violating their probation. And adding crimes such as domestic violence and rape of an unconscious person to the list of violent crimes would prevent thousands of prisoners from being considered for early parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Temple said it’s a simple concept: People who have committed violent crimes shouldn’t be eligible for early release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in this moment of racial reckoning and amid calls for more oversight of police and prisons, Temple and other Proposition 20 proponents are quick to contend that the measure won’t send any new people to prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s written there that no matter what your theft, nobody goes to prison for stealing in a store, for shoplifting,” he said. “They won’t go to prison. That’s in the initiative. It cannot happen, and it won’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technically, he’s right: Proposition 20 would likely send more people to county jails, not state prisons, while keeping some people in prison longer. However, for a ballot measure backed by prosecutors and police, the emphasis on keeping people out of prison is a noticeable shift away from “lock them up and throw away the key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Temple also says Proposition 20 would help people with drug and mental health problems that are falling through the cracks. Many critics of Proposition 47 have complained for years that after the measure passed, prosecutors and courts lost leverage to push people into treatment. That’s because without the threat of jail time, some offenders would just take a misdemeanor conviction instead of agreeing to participate in rehabilitation programs to avoid jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How is this taking care of them — by letting them over and over steal and not get treatment?” Temple said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"election 2020 coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerra said this shift in language reflects the evolution that the state has gone through — voters aren’t willing to simply take law enforcement’s word for it that harsher laws are necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You say ‘law and order’ now, people ask, ‘OK, what does that mean?’ ” Guerra said. “In California and many progressive states, we’re not going to accept the slogan ‘law and order’ without some meat on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Proposition 20 argue that despite the softer rhetoric from the other side, this is just the same playbook with a different script. They contend that the measure would likely undercut rehabilitation by redirecting money from community-based programs back to locking people up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now is the time to go further with reform. But what Prop. 20 does is seek to send us back,” said Lenore Anderson, who helped to write some of the reforms that Proposition 20 is seeking to roll back. “Prop. 20 is an effort to return California to its tough-on-crime, mass incarceration past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’ll be up to the voters to decide whether California has become too lenient, but Guerra said that if Proposition 20 passes, it will send an important message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly, there’s been tremendous momentum from the criminal justice proponents,” he said. But if Proposition 20 passes, Guerra said, it would indicate that voters think the reforms have gone too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 20 fails, it could be that the criminal justice reforms are here to stay.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Among the dozen ballot measures facing California voters this year is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-20-crime-prosecutors-law-enforcement\">Proposition 20\u003c/a>, which seeks to roll back a series of criminal justice reforms passed over the last decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 20 would increase penalties on some theft and fraud crimes and require people convicted of some misdemeanors to submit their DNA to a state database. It would also add more than a dozen new crimes to the list of what’s considered “violent” in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You could call it a “tough-on-crime” measure, but proponents of it are avoiding that rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This initiative does not increase the prison population,” said Richard Temple, a political consultant for Proposition 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the way Californians talk — and think — about criminal justice has shifted dramatically in the past few decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1990s, California led the nation in passing a spate of strict sentencing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the harshest and most recognizable laws of that era was the 1994 three strikes law. The law put people in state prisons for decades after committing a third offense, even if it was a nonviolent crime. It passed with bipartisan support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be, even in California, that an effective campaign was to talk about law and order — that you were really, really for it as a Republican or that you weren’t against it as a Democrat,” said Fernando Guerra, a political science professor at Loyola Marymount University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the state packed its prisons and spending ballooned, however, public sentiment slowly began to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2011, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that prisons were so overcrowded that conditions inside were unconstitutional, the state finally acted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, lawmakers passed a bill mandating jail, instead of prison time, for most nonviolent crimes. Then in 2014, voters passed Proposition 47, decreasing penalties for drug use and petty theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, voters passed Proposition 57, letting thousands of prisoners qualify for early parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the changes were approved over the objections of law enforcement, who warned they’d lead to spikes in crime. Supporters of those measures say that never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re in the midst right now of monumental decline in crime here in California,” said Maureen Washburn, a policy analyst at the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice, which advocates for less incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2019, we actually reached the lowest level of crime in California in 50 years,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, those pushing a rollback of the reforms say there’s at least one area where crime has continued to climb: theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 20 consultant Temple said theft has increased by 30% since Proposition 47 passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 20 would make it easier to charge someone with felony theft and easier to send someone back to jail for violating their probation. And adding crimes such as domestic violence and rape of an unconscious person to the list of violent crimes would prevent thousands of prisoners from being considered for early parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Temple said it’s a simple concept: People who have committed violent crimes shouldn’t be eligible for early release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in this moment of racial reckoning and amid calls for more oversight of police and prisons, Temple and other Proposition 20 proponents are quick to contend that the measure won’t send any new people to prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s written there that no matter what your theft, nobody goes to prison for stealing in a store, for shoplifting,” he said. “They won’t go to prison. That’s in the initiative. It cannot happen, and it won’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technically, he’s right: Proposition 20 would likely send more people to county jails, not state prisons, while keeping some people in prison longer. However, for a ballot measure backed by prosecutors and police, the emphasis on keeping people out of prison is a noticeable shift away from “lock them up and throw away the key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Temple also says Proposition 20 would help people with drug and mental health problems that are falling through the cracks. Many critics of Proposition 47 have complained for years that after the measure passed, prosecutors and courts lost leverage to push people into treatment. That’s because without the threat of jail time, some offenders would just take a misdemeanor conviction instead of agreeing to participate in rehabilitation programs to avoid jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How is this taking care of them — by letting them over and over steal and not get treatment?” Temple said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerra said this shift in language reflects the evolution that the state has gone through — voters aren’t willing to simply take law enforcement’s word for it that harsher laws are necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You say ‘law and order’ now, people ask, ‘OK, what does that mean?’ ” Guerra said. “In California and many progressive states, we’re not going to accept the slogan ‘law and order’ without some meat on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Proposition 20 argue that despite the softer rhetoric from the other side, this is just the same playbook with a different script. They contend that the measure would likely undercut rehabilitation by redirecting money from community-based programs back to locking people up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now is the time to go further with reform. But what Prop. 20 does is seek to send us back,” said Lenore Anderson, who helped to write some of the reforms that Proposition 20 is seeking to roll back. “Prop. 20 is an effort to return California to its tough-on-crime, mass incarceration past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’ll be up to the voters to decide whether California has become too lenient, but Guerra said that if Proposition 20 passes, it will send an important message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly, there’s been tremendous momentum from the criminal justice proponents,” he said. But if Proposition 20 passes, Guerra said, it would indicate that voters think the reforms have gone too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 20 fails, it could be that the criminal justice reforms are here to stay.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated on Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 1:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>UPDATE: The AP called the heavily contested state of Arizona for Joe Biden, adding 11 electoral votes and making him the first Democratic presidential nominee to win the state since Bill Clinton in 1996. \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/11/03/925838887/arizona-state-election-results-2020\">Read more from NPR, \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">find KQED’s election results here\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Original story:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arizona, home of conservative icon Barry Goldwater, has been a reliably red state in all but one presidential race since 1948 — but this year, Democrats are convinced they have a shot at carrying it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s prompted eager California Democrats to flood the zone — both literally and virtually — in the final days before this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Purnima Gaddam is one of them. Gaddam lives in Palo Alto. She’s a mom of two young kids, and she’s a nonprofit consultant. Like most working parents, she has a lot on her plate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But like many Democrats, she was also appalled by President Trump’s victory in 2016. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Suzy Loftus, San Francisco Democratic County Central Committee member\"]‘It’s a lot of my neighbors, moms on our PTA, on my kid’s soccer team, who all wanted to find a way to do something rather than sit around.’[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really made me feel like I needed to be more politically engaged in a very active way as opposed to just a theoretical way before,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, she decided to get involved. For her, the safest, easiest thing was text-banking persuadable voters in Arizona with help from the National Immigration Law Center. Even though it’s just texting, Gaddam said it was initially terrifying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say out of the first two hundred texts that I would send, a majority of them don’t respond or ask to be opted out,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then there are those voters who do engage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I spoke to one swing voter in Arizona that was really worried about the economy. And when I sent them different questions from the Biden/Harris website that had specific economic plans, that really made sense to the voter,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gaddam said she felt good after that specific exchange. “Maybe it wasn’t something that was coming through the media they were consuming,” she said. “We were able to have a real conversation about it. And he got information that he might not have seen otherwise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gaddam is not alone. Hundreds of Californians have signed up with groups like the National Immigration Law Center, which is contacting 130,000 “persuadable” voters in three battleground states — including more than 43,000 in Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/phone-banking-2-800x475.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"475\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/phone-banking-2-800x475.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/phone-banking-2-1020x606.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/phone-banking-2-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/phone-banking-2.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed speaks to volunteers phone banking for Arizona Democrats from California. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Suzy Loftus)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They’re targeting Arizona because polling showed the state’s large Latinx population, as well as nonpartisan women, were open to a pro-immigrant message. It’s a far cry from 2016, when Republicans, led by Donald Trump, were using immigration to drive up conservative turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other groups, like the climate change-focused Sunrise Movement, are helping bring people to Arizona to canvass in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With safety precautions in place, of course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very, very safe,” said Pat Reilly, a longtime Democratic strategist, based in the Bay Area, who spent part of last week canvassing in Maricopa County, Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"2020-election\" label=\"more election coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Arizona has actually become a model for other states in arranging a field program. They’ve got an epidemiologist that they’re working with. You need to go through a COVID-19 health training. You’ve got all the PPE gear. You feel very cared for,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reilly said she has been moved by how many of her fellow volunteers are young people, many of them people of color, who are getting politically involved for the first time this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re joined every day by an increasing number of volunteers, I must say, a huge number of them from California who are coming down, young Californians who are taking the time to really ensure that every vote counts,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These outside groups are not going to stop reaching out to voters until the polls close, said Archana Sahgal, director of the polling and outreach program that the National Immigrant Law Center created to help Democrats win key battleground states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that Arizona has captured a lot of the spotlight among Californians. And it’s understandable. It’s a neighboring state. It has one more electoral vote than Wisconsin does. And there’s the added appeal of flipping a red state to blue,” she said. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic leaders in California are also doing their part. Suzy Loftus serves on the San Francisco Democratic County Central Committee and helped host four separate “Women’s Wednesdays” phone banking parties. The parties were all held on Zoom, and were supported by \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfdemocrats.org/votebluesf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Vote Blue SF\u003c/a>, a partnership between the local Democratic party and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women’s Wednesdays have featured Democrats like Pelosi and San Francisco Mayor London Breed. But Loftus said she’s been most impressed by the everyday folks who made time in their lives to try to flip Arizona blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a lot of my neighbors, moms on our PTA, on my kid’s soccer team, who all wanted to find a way to do something rather than sit around,” Loftus said. “Since we are on the West Coast, we are doing this before we get dinner on the table. I have been amazed at how creative everyone is being, how people have been using and leveraging all the Democratic energy in San Francisco to send it where it’s needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loftus said the tone has shifted over these final weeks — now, most of the calls are aimed at making sure Democrats turn in their ballots, not trying to convince folks to vote for Biden or the Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate in Arizona, Mark Kelly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we win Arizona, so many people out here will be so proud,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated on Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 1:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>UPDATE: The AP called the heavily contested state of Arizona for Joe Biden, adding 11 electoral votes and making him the first Democratic presidential nominee to win the state since Bill Clinton in 1996. \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/11/03/925838887/arizona-state-election-results-2020\">Read more from NPR, \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">find KQED’s election results here\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Original story:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arizona, home of conservative icon Barry Goldwater, has been a reliably red state in all but one presidential race since 1948 — but this year, Democrats are convinced they have a shot at carrying it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s prompted eager California Democrats to flood the zone — both literally and virtually — in the final days before this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Purnima Gaddam is one of them. Gaddam lives in Palo Alto. She’s a mom of two young kids, and she’s a nonprofit consultant. Like most working parents, she has a lot on her plate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But like many Democrats, she was also appalled by President Trump’s victory in 2016. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really made me feel like I needed to be more politically engaged in a very active way as opposed to just a theoretical way before,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, she decided to get involved. For her, the safest, easiest thing was text-banking persuadable voters in Arizona with help from the National Immigration Law Center. Even though it’s just texting, Gaddam said it was initially terrifying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say out of the first two hundred texts that I would send, a majority of them don’t respond or ask to be opted out,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then there are those voters who do engage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I spoke to one swing voter in Arizona that was really worried about the economy. And when I sent them different questions from the Biden/Harris website that had specific economic plans, that really made sense to the voter,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gaddam said she felt good after that specific exchange. “Maybe it wasn’t something that was coming through the media they were consuming,” she said. “We were able to have a real conversation about it. And he got information that he might not have seen otherwise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gaddam is not alone. Hundreds of Californians have signed up with groups like the National Immigration Law Center, which is contacting 130,000 “persuadable” voters in three battleground states — including more than 43,000 in Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/phone-banking-2-800x475.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"475\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/phone-banking-2-800x475.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/phone-banking-2-1020x606.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/phone-banking-2-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/phone-banking-2.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed speaks to volunteers phone banking for Arizona Democrats from California. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Suzy Loftus)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They’re targeting Arizona because polling showed the state’s large Latinx population, as well as nonpartisan women, were open to a pro-immigrant message. It’s a far cry from 2016, when Republicans, led by Donald Trump, were using immigration to drive up conservative turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other groups, like the climate change-focused Sunrise Movement, are helping bring people to Arizona to canvass in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With safety precautions in place, of course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very, very safe,” said Pat Reilly, a longtime Democratic strategist, based in the Bay Area, who spent part of last week canvassing in Maricopa County, Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Arizona has actually become a model for other states in arranging a field program. They’ve got an epidemiologist that they’re working with. You need to go through a COVID-19 health training. You’ve got all the PPE gear. You feel very cared for,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reilly said she has been moved by how many of her fellow volunteers are young people, many of them people of color, who are getting politically involved for the first time this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re joined every day by an increasing number of volunteers, I must say, a huge number of them from California who are coming down, young Californians who are taking the time to really ensure that every vote counts,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These outside groups are not going to stop reaching out to voters until the polls close, said Archana Sahgal, director of the polling and outreach program that the National Immigrant Law Center created to help Democrats win key battleground states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that Arizona has captured a lot of the spotlight among Californians. And it’s understandable. It’s a neighboring state. It has one more electoral vote than Wisconsin does. And there’s the added appeal of flipping a red state to blue,” she said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic leaders in California are also doing their part. Suzy Loftus serves on the San Francisco Democratic County Central Committee and helped host four separate “Women’s Wednesdays” phone banking parties. The parties were all held on Zoom, and were supported by \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfdemocrats.org/votebluesf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Vote Blue SF\u003c/a>, a partnership between the local Democratic party and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women’s Wednesdays have featured Democrats like Pelosi and San Francisco Mayor London Breed. But Loftus said she’s been most impressed by the everyday folks who made time in their lives to try to flip Arizona blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a lot of my neighbors, moms on our PTA, on my kid’s soccer team, who all wanted to find a way to do something rather than sit around,” Loftus said. “Since we are on the West Coast, we are doing this before we get dinner on the table. I have been amazed at how creative everyone is being, how people have been using and leveraging all the Democratic energy in San Francisco to send it where it’s needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loftus said the tone has shifted over these final weeks — now, most of the calls are aimed at making sure Democrats turn in their ballots, not trying to convince folks to vote for Biden or the Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate in Arizona, Mark Kelly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we win Arizona, so many people out here will be so proud,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "'I Don't Want My Ballot Getting Lost': Voters Bring Mail-In Ballots to Polling Places",
"title": "'I Don't Want My Ballot Getting Lost': Voters Bring Mail-In Ballots to Polling Places",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Polling places opened to voters over the weekend in the Bay Area. W\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ith much at stake in this election, many voters said they just didn’t want to leave their ballot to chance. [aside postID=\"news_11841547\" \u003ci>label=\u003c/i>\"Did you make a Mistake?\"]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's too important ... especially this year,\" said Jeff Robinette with his wife Flo. They dropped their mail in ballots at the Richmond Civic Center voting location. \"With all the craziness going on right now, we wanted to make sure it was at an official, preferably a county or city, building,\" Robinette said. \"It's a beautiful day. We've done our civic duty and now we're going down to Point Richmond to have breakfast.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 22 million people are registered to vote in California, nearly 88% of all eligible adults. That’s the highest percentage heading into a general election in the past 80 years, according to the secretary of state’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845096\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11845096\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election workers (from left) Robert Steffani and Carolyn Jones collect mail-in ballots at the Coliseum official ballot dropoff location in Oakland on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Richmond voter Abraham Rodriguez was going to use a secured drop box outside the Richmond Civic Center, until he learned that at least 29 ballots dropped there on October 12 were still unaccounted for.\u003c/span> \"I came in to the actual in-person voting place to make sure my ballot was safely in there,\" Rodriguez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Dupuis, the Registrar of Voters for Alameda County said the county\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> had to turn volunteers away after thousands stepped forward to fill 1,500 election worker spots. Election workers wore face shields, plastic ponchos, masks and gloves and cleaned electronic voting touch screens between voters. Those with the roll of judges had to complete a two hour in-person course followed by a 90-minute online test to be approved.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11845097\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">At the Oakland Coliseum polling place, election judge Linda Zunas said she initially had concerns about volunteering because of COVID-19, but feels things are being run well. \"I was really relieved when I got assigned to the Coliseum because I know the Coliseum has good airflow, lots of space,\" Zunas said. \"We have a woman who has a compromised immune system working the drive-up drop boxes because she's thrilled she can be outside and still participate,\" she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One voter said as far as safety is concerned, voting felt no more dangerous than going to the grocery store. \u003c/span>This year, all California voters got a ballot in the mail, part of the state’s effort to encourage people to vote remotely and avoid spreading the coronavirus. As of Sunday, more than 9.4 million people have returned their ballot, accounting for nearly two-thirds of all votes Californians cast during the 2016 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That points to a potential record-high turnout as vote centers opened in advance of Election Day on Tuesday. The 14.6 million votes cast in 2016 was the most ever in a California election. The highest percentage of registered voters to cast ballots since 1910 was 88.38% in 1964.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature agreed to let counties offer fewer polling places this year, but only if they opened them earlier. But like most things in 2020, voting in person won’t be the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registrar for one Bay Area county is reporting that registered voters are returning their ballots early — and in large numbers. Napa County Registrar John Tuteur said that as of 5 p.m. Friday, the county's Registrar of Voters office has received and processed 46,869 ballots for Tuesday's presidential election. Tuteur added that this represents 55.4% of the overall turnout of the county's registered voters to date. \"I am pleased that voters are voting safely by using their vote by mail ballots and voting early to avoid congestion on Election Day,\" he said. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Krystal Bastyr, a Sacramento voter\"]'I wouldn’t mail it. I won’t even drop it in this box. I’m taking it inside,” she said. “Nobody is going to mess with my vote.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comparing the latest numbers for Tuesday's presidential election with the last presidential election in November 2016, only 33,117 registered voters returned their ballots at this point in the election cycle, which represented a 43 percent overall turnout. Tuteur added that when the 2016 election was certified, 82.3% of the county's registered voters had cast ballots. \"If this trend continues, we could approach a 90 percent final turnout which would be the highest turnout in the past 60 years,\" Tuteur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom cast his ballot on Thursday at the Golden 1 Center, home of the NBA’s Sacramento Kings. \"Suppress the virus. Not the vote,\" Newsom tweeted on October 30, adding that as of the day before over 9 million ballots had been cast in California, compared to over 4 million at the same time in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1322298145762471936\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the primary in March, Santa Barbara County opened 86 traditional polling places on Election Day. But this election, the county planned to have 35 consolidated polling places open on Saturday, three days ahead of Election Day. Registrar of Voters Joe Holland isn’t sure what to expect because, out of roughly 241,000 registered voters, more than 123,000 have already voted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really fundamentally changing the way America votes,” he said. “The old-fashioned way of voting is history, and it’s really exciting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who do vote in person will be greeted by poll workers who will follow behind them to clean the equipment after they use it. It’s likely to slow down the process and could create long lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844845\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Olivia Vong puts on her 'I Voted' sticker at the Chase Center official ballot dropoff location in San Francisco on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials are also worried about the potential for violence, given the tense political environment this year. Businesses in Beverly Hills and some San Francisco Bay Area counties are boarding up windows and coming up with emergency plans, the San Francisco Chronicle reported. A report by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project listed California as a “moderate risk” for election-related violence. [aside label=\"More 2020 Election Coverage\" tag=\"election-2020\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic has also changed how election workers count the ballots. In a normal year, observers from campaigns and advocacy groups will look over the shoulders of election workers as they count ballots on Election Night, often sharing tight spaces. That’s not possible during a pandemic, with public health orders requiring people to stay socially distant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento County, observers can still watch the county this year through the eyes of a robot, affectionately nicknamed “Clyde,” purchased with the help of grant funding. County spokeswoman Janna Haynes said Clyde looks like “a tablet riding a Segway,” with its camera projecting video onto a screen in the lobby for observers to monitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s pretty stealth,” Haynes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844846\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844846\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Voters drop off their mail-in ballots at the Chase Center official ballot dropoff location on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Republican President Donald Trump has routinely cast doubts about the integrity of mail-in voting, a message amplified by social media and conservative media outlets. California Republicans are working hard to boost turnout through other means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, the county GOP hosted a drive-thru ballot collection on Saturday, encouraging people to show up in costume to hand over their ballots to “trained collectors” who promise to deliver their ballots to the county elections office on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844849\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844849\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew Nelson (L) and Travis Strong (R) pose for a portrait after dropping off their mail-in ballots in costume at the Chase Center official drop-off location in San Francisco on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In some counties with closely contested U.S. House races — including Orange and Los Angeles — Republicans have set up their unofficial ballot drop boxes to assuage any fears of spooked GOP voters. Secretary of State Alex Padilla initially said those boxes were illegal and ordered them removed. Republicans refused, arguing they are collecting ballots as allowed under state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The talk is impacting some Democratic voters, including 50-year-old Krystal Bastyr, who drove her ballot to the Sacramento County elections office earlier this week to deliver it in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t mail it. I won’t even drop it in this box. I’m taking it inside,” she said. “Nobody is going to mess with my vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Julia McEvoy contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "More than 22 million people are registered to vote in California, nearly 88% of all eligible adults. That’s the highest percentage heading into a general election in the past 80 years, according to the secretary of state’s office.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Polling places opened to voters over the weekend in the Bay Area. W\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ith much at stake in this election, many voters said they just didn’t want to leave their ballot to chance. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's too important ... especially this year,\" said Jeff Robinette with his wife Flo. They dropped their mail in ballots at the Richmond Civic Center voting location. \"With all the craziness going on right now, we wanted to make sure it was at an official, preferably a county or city, building,\" Robinette said. \"It's a beautiful day. We've done our civic duty and now we're going down to Point Richmond to have breakfast.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 22 million people are registered to vote in California, nearly 88% of all eligible adults. That’s the highest percentage heading into a general election in the past 80 years, according to the secretary of state’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845096\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11845096\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election workers (from left) Robert Steffani and Carolyn Jones collect mail-in ballots at the Coliseum official ballot dropoff location in Oakland on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Richmond voter Abraham Rodriguez was going to use a secured drop box outside the Richmond Civic Center, until he learned that at least 29 ballots dropped there on October 12 were still unaccounted for.\u003c/span> \"I came in to the actual in-person voting place to make sure my ballot was safely in there,\" Rodriguez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Dupuis, the Registrar of Voters for Alameda County said the county\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> had to turn volunteers away after thousands stepped forward to fill 1,500 election worker spots. Election workers wore face shields, plastic ponchos, masks and gloves and cleaned electronic voting touch screens between voters. Those with the roll of judges had to complete a two hour in-person course followed by a 90-minute online test to be approved.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11845097\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">At the Oakland Coliseum polling place, election judge Linda Zunas said she initially had concerns about volunteering because of COVID-19, but feels things are being run well. \"I was really relieved when I got assigned to the Coliseum because I know the Coliseum has good airflow, lots of space,\" Zunas said. \"We have a woman who has a compromised immune system working the drive-up drop boxes because she's thrilled she can be outside and still participate,\" she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One voter said as far as safety is concerned, voting felt no more dangerous than going to the grocery store. \u003c/span>This year, all California voters got a ballot in the mail, part of the state’s effort to encourage people to vote remotely and avoid spreading the coronavirus. As of Sunday, more than 9.4 million people have returned their ballot, accounting for nearly two-thirds of all votes Californians cast during the 2016 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That points to a potential record-high turnout as vote centers opened in advance of Election Day on Tuesday. The 14.6 million votes cast in 2016 was the most ever in a California election. The highest percentage of registered voters to cast ballots since 1910 was 88.38% in 1964.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature agreed to let counties offer fewer polling places this year, but only if they opened them earlier. But like most things in 2020, voting in person won’t be the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registrar for one Bay Area county is reporting that registered voters are returning their ballots early — and in large numbers. Napa County Registrar John Tuteur said that as of 5 p.m. Friday, the county's Registrar of Voters office has received and processed 46,869 ballots for Tuesday's presidential election. Tuteur added that this represents 55.4% of the overall turnout of the county's registered voters to date. \"I am pleased that voters are voting safely by using their vote by mail ballots and voting early to avoid congestion on Election Day,\" he said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comparing the latest numbers for Tuesday's presidential election with the last presidential election in November 2016, only 33,117 registered voters returned their ballots at this point in the election cycle, which represented a 43 percent overall turnout. Tuteur added that when the 2016 election was certified, 82.3% of the county's registered voters had cast ballots. \"If this trend continues, we could approach a 90 percent final turnout which would be the highest turnout in the past 60 years,\" Tuteur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom cast his ballot on Thursday at the Golden 1 Center, home of the NBA’s Sacramento Kings. \"Suppress the virus. Not the vote,\" Newsom tweeted on October 30, adding that as of the day before over 9 million ballots had been cast in California, compared to over 4 million at the same time in 2016.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>For the primary in March, Santa Barbara County opened 86 traditional polling places on Election Day. But this election, the county planned to have 35 consolidated polling places open on Saturday, three days ahead of Election Day. Registrar of Voters Joe Holland isn’t sure what to expect because, out of roughly 241,000 registered voters, more than 123,000 have already voted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really fundamentally changing the way America votes,” he said. “The old-fashioned way of voting is history, and it’s really exciting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who do vote in person will be greeted by poll workers who will follow behind them to clean the equipment after they use it. It’s likely to slow down the process and could create long lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844845\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Olivia Vong puts on her 'I Voted' sticker at the Chase Center official ballot dropoff location in San Francisco on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials are also worried about the potential for violence, given the tense political environment this year. Businesses in Beverly Hills and some San Francisco Bay Area counties are boarding up windows and coming up with emergency plans, the San Francisco Chronicle reported. A report by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project listed California as a “moderate risk” for election-related violence. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic has also changed how election workers count the ballots. In a normal year, observers from campaigns and advocacy groups will look over the shoulders of election workers as they count ballots on Election Night, often sharing tight spaces. That’s not possible during a pandemic, with public health orders requiring people to stay socially distant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento County, observers can still watch the county this year through the eyes of a robot, affectionately nicknamed “Clyde,” purchased with the help of grant funding. County spokeswoman Janna Haynes said Clyde looks like “a tablet riding a Segway,” with its camera projecting video onto a screen in the lobby for observers to monitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s pretty stealth,” Haynes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844846\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844846\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Voters drop off their mail-in ballots at the Chase Center official ballot dropoff location on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Republican President Donald Trump has routinely cast doubts about the integrity of mail-in voting, a message amplified by social media and conservative media outlets. California Republicans are working hard to boost turnout through other means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, the county GOP hosted a drive-thru ballot collection on Saturday, encouraging people to show up in costume to hand over their ballots to “trained collectors” who promise to deliver their ballots to the county elections office on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844849\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844849\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew Nelson (L) and Travis Strong (R) pose for a portrait after dropping off their mail-in ballots in costume at the Chase Center official drop-off location in San Francisco on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In some counties with closely contested U.S. House races — including Orange and Los Angeles — Republicans have set up their unofficial ballot drop boxes to assuage any fears of spooked GOP voters. Secretary of State Alex Padilla initially said those boxes were illegal and ordered them removed. Republicans refused, arguing they are collecting ballots as allowed under state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The talk is impacting some Democratic voters, including 50-year-old Krystal Bastyr, who drove her ballot to the Sacramento County elections office earlier this week to deliver it in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t mail it. I won’t even drop it in this box. I’m taking it inside,” she said. “Nobody is going to mess with my vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Julia McEvoy contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On the home page of its website, New York City-based investment firm \u003ca href=\"https://www.blackstone.com/our-businesses/real-estate/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Blackstone\u003c/a> estimates the value of its global real estate portfolio at $329 billion. The portfolio includes valuable property in downtown San Francisco, such as 45 Fremont St., a 34-story office building a block from the city's new transit center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanninggis.org/pim/?tab=Property&search=3710019\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco assessor's office\u003c/a>, in 2017 the land at 45 Fremont was valued at $48.2 million and the structure was valued at $183.8 million — a total of $232 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11840409,news_11840670,news_11829012 label=\"Property Tax Battle\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017 Blackstone purchased 49% ownership in the property from insurance giant Metlife for $233 million, meaning the market value of the entire property at that time was roughly $475 million — more than double the assessed value. Shorenstein Properties maintained its 51% ownership share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason Blackstone purchased 49% is simple. Under California law, if ownership of 50% or more of a commercial property changes hands, it triggers a reassessment and property taxes based on the purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buying less than half the property allowed both Blackstone and Shorenstein to avoid what would have been a costly update to their tax bills for 45 Fremont. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the assessed 2017 value of $232 million a year, the city's tax assessment on 45 Fremont is $2.8 million. If the tax had been recalculated based on the $475 million market value, the tax bill split by Shorenstein and Blackstone would have risen to $5.5 million. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So by avoiding the 50% ownership trigger for reassessment, the owners save roughly $2.7 million a year in property taxes. Or put another way, San Francisco loses $2.7 million a year in taxes — and more than $8 million since that 2017 transaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that story is hardly unique. Dozens of properties in San Francisco alone, including iconic buildings like the Bank of America building on California Street, have escaped reassessment over the years by breaking up ownership into pieces totaling less than 50% of total value. The Trump Organization owns 30% of that property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 15 on the November ballot takes a run at what has often been called \"the third rail\" of California politics: The landmark tax-cutting measure Proposition 13, the 1978 measure that allows corporations to keep property taxes much lower than they would be otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office, if Prop. 15 passes it will generate between $6.5 billion and $11.5 billion dollars a year in new revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The steps commercial property owners take to avoid reassessment and keep property taxes low are all perfectly legal under Proposition 13. Former Assembly Speaker Willie Brown should know: He wrote the legislation implementing Prop. 13 after it passed. At the time, Brown chaired the Assembly Revenue and Tax Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown says now that the Legislature blew it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We should have said anytime there is a change in the ownership of the property through any means, that constitutes a transfer for reassessment purposes,\" Brown said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Legislature can do that. And that's where it ought to be done,\" said Brown, who opposes Prop. 15 and has received consulting fees from the \"No on 15\" campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 was sold to voters, who passed it overwhelmingly, as a way to help seniors on fixed incomes who were being priced out of their homes by ever-increasing property tax bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, promoted by political gadflies Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann, rolled back all existing property assessments to their 1976 levels while creating a statewide process for setting property taxes based on about 1.1% of that value. The annual increase going forward was then limited to 2% of that recalculated amount until a property was sold and reassessed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Legislature's implementation rules gave real estate owners and purchasers a path to ducking reassessment and higher property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the most notorious examples, high tech billionaire Michael Dell bought Santa Monica's luxury Fairmont Miramar Hotel in 2006. To avoid having the property reassessed, Dell divided ownership among three parties, including his wife, who got a 49% share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County sued Dell, saying the transaction should have triggered a reassessment. But a California Court of Appeals sided with Dell, keeping his tax bill based on a 1999 assessment, saving him a reported $1 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/assets/sites/242/docs/Updated_2019_Rev_Est_memo_Design_v5.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">study\u003c/a> by the USC Dornsife Program for Environmental and Regional Equity found that if Prop. 15 passes, Bay Area counties in particular would see the largest revenue gains, given current real estate values. The study found that San Francisco would see $733 million in additional property tax revenue starting in 2021-22, while Santa Clara County would gain $1.2 billion and Alameda County would get $652 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 calls for 60% of additional revenue would go to local government services, while 40% would go to schools. Polls show the measure close to the 50% needed for approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On the home page of its website, New York City-based investment firm \u003ca href=\"https://www.blackstone.com/our-businesses/real-estate/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Blackstone\u003c/a> estimates the value of its global real estate portfolio at $329 billion. The portfolio includes valuable property in downtown San Francisco, such as 45 Fremont St., a 34-story office building a block from the city's new transit center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanninggis.org/pim/?tab=Property&search=3710019\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco assessor's office\u003c/a>, in 2017 the land at 45 Fremont was valued at $48.2 million and the structure was valued at $183.8 million — a total of $232 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017 Blackstone purchased 49% ownership in the property from insurance giant Metlife for $233 million, meaning the market value of the entire property at that time was roughly $475 million — more than double the assessed value. Shorenstein Properties maintained its 51% ownership share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason Blackstone purchased 49% is simple. Under California law, if ownership of 50% or more of a commercial property changes hands, it triggers a reassessment and property taxes based on the purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buying less than half the property allowed both Blackstone and Shorenstein to avoid what would have been a costly update to their tax bills for 45 Fremont. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the assessed 2017 value of $232 million a year, the city's tax assessment on 45 Fremont is $2.8 million. If the tax had been recalculated based on the $475 million market value, the tax bill split by Shorenstein and Blackstone would have risen to $5.5 million. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So by avoiding the 50% ownership trigger for reassessment, the owners save roughly $2.7 million a year in property taxes. Or put another way, San Francisco loses $2.7 million a year in taxes — and more than $8 million since that 2017 transaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that story is hardly unique. Dozens of properties in San Francisco alone, including iconic buildings like the Bank of America building on California Street, have escaped reassessment over the years by breaking up ownership into pieces totaling less than 50% of total value. The Trump Organization owns 30% of that property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 15 on the November ballot takes a run at what has often been called \"the third rail\" of California politics: The landmark tax-cutting measure Proposition 13, the 1978 measure that allows corporations to keep property taxes much lower than they would be otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office, if Prop. 15 passes it will generate between $6.5 billion and $11.5 billion dollars a year in new revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The steps commercial property owners take to avoid reassessment and keep property taxes low are all perfectly legal under Proposition 13. Former Assembly Speaker Willie Brown should know: He wrote the legislation implementing Prop. 13 after it passed. At the time, Brown chaired the Assembly Revenue and Tax Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown says now that the Legislature blew it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We should have said anytime there is a change in the ownership of the property through any means, that constitutes a transfer for reassessment purposes,\" Brown said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Legislature can do that. And that's where it ought to be done,\" said Brown, who opposes Prop. 15 and has received consulting fees from the \"No on 15\" campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 was sold to voters, who passed it overwhelmingly, as a way to help seniors on fixed incomes who were being priced out of their homes by ever-increasing property tax bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, promoted by political gadflies Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann, rolled back all existing property assessments to their 1976 levels while creating a statewide process for setting property taxes based on about 1.1% of that value. The annual increase going forward was then limited to 2% of that recalculated amount until a property was sold and reassessed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Legislature's implementation rules gave real estate owners and purchasers a path to ducking reassessment and higher property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the most notorious examples, high tech billionaire Michael Dell bought Santa Monica's luxury Fairmont Miramar Hotel in 2006. To avoid having the property reassessed, Dell divided ownership among three parties, including his wife, who got a 49% share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County sued Dell, saying the transaction should have triggered a reassessment. But a California Court of Appeals sided with Dell, keeping his tax bill based on a 1999 assessment, saving him a reported $1 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/assets/sites/242/docs/Updated_2019_Rev_Est_memo_Design_v5.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">study\u003c/a> by the USC Dornsife Program for Environmental and Regional Equity found that if Prop. 15 passes, Bay Area counties in particular would see the largest revenue gains, given current real estate values. The study found that San Francisco would see $733 million in additional property tax revenue starting in 2021-22, while Santa Clara County would gain $1.2 billion and Alameda County would get $652 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 calls for 60% of additional revenue would go to local government services, while 40% would go to schools. Polls show the measure close to the 50% needed for approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Election 2020: Final Stretch, Voting Challenges, Prop 21\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With Election Day just five days away, the campaigns of President Trump and Democratic rival Joe Biden are making their closing pitches to the electorate in an election season upended by the pandemic. Roughly 80 million voters have already cast their ballots by mail as coronavirus cases spike throughout much of the U.S., including Wisconsin, Iowa and other electoral battlegrounds. Hundreds of lawsuits have been filed to challenge changes spurred by the public health crisis to how Americans are voting this year. This week, the Supreme Court gave conflicting decisions on accepting mail-in ballots that arrive after Nov. 3 in the swing states of Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and North Carolina. Meanwhile, in California, a poll released this week by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies surveyed opinions on the dozen statewide ballot measures, including Proposition 16, which would lift a ban on affirmative action, and Proposition 21, an effort to expand rent control in the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government senior editor \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>‘Lost in a Gallup’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We hear from W. Joseph Campbell, an academic and author of the new book “Lost in a Gallup,” which reveals the fraught history of polling in U.S. elections including, most notably, the 2016 presidential race, when seasoned pollsters and media outlets wrongly predicted a Hillary Clinton victory. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">W. Joseph Campbell, author, “Lost in a Gallup,” and professor, American University School of Communication\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dating and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A new national poll conducted by the Associated Press shows that 85% of registered voters describe Americans as being greatly divided in their values. As political partisanship has grown, studies also show the number of marriages between people in different political parties shrinking significantly. Popular dating sites such as Bumble, Tinder and Hinge allow users to prominently display their political beliefs and filter prospective dates according to political affiliation or stances such as allyship with Black Lives Matter, for example. But what happens when two young people with opposing political views meet for a first date, socially distanced, over Zoom? The podcast Dateable recently conducted this social experiment and learned how a political discussion can change perceptions between two people seeking romantic connection. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Krafchick, co-host, Dateable Podcast\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yue Xu, co-host, Dateable Podcast\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Pumpkin Patch Treat\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We end the show this week with the autumnal sights and sounds of a pumpkin patch — a beloved, seasonal ritual that evokes memories of russet leaves, a bracing breeze, kids clambering up towers of haystacks and scooping up plump gourds to take home and transform into spooky jack-o’-lanterns. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Election 2020: Final Stretch, Voting Challenges, Prop 21\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With Election Day just five days away, the campaigns of President Trump and Democratic rival Joe Biden are making their closing pitches to the electorate in an election season upended by the pandemic. Roughly 80 million voters have already cast their ballots by mail as coronavirus cases spike throughout much of the U.S., including Wisconsin, Iowa and other electoral battlegrounds. Hundreds of lawsuits have been filed to challenge changes spurred by the public health crisis to how Americans are voting this year. This week, the Supreme Court gave conflicting decisions on accepting mail-in ballots that arrive after Nov. 3 in the swing states of Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and North Carolina. Meanwhile, in California, a poll released this week by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies surveyed opinions on the dozen statewide ballot measures, including Proposition 16, which would lift a ban on affirmative action, and Proposition 21, an effort to expand rent control in the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government senior editor \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>‘Lost in a Gallup’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We hear from W. Joseph Campbell, an academic and author of the new book “Lost in a Gallup,” which reveals the fraught history of polling in U.S. elections including, most notably, the 2016 presidential race, when seasoned pollsters and media outlets wrongly predicted a Hillary Clinton victory. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">W. Joseph Campbell, author, “Lost in a Gallup,” and professor, American University School of Communication\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dating and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A new national poll conducted by the Associated Press shows that 85% of registered voters describe Americans as being greatly divided in their values. As political partisanship has grown, studies also show the number of marriages between people in different political parties shrinking significantly. Popular dating sites such as Bumble, Tinder and Hinge allow users to prominently display their political beliefs and filter prospective dates according to political affiliation or stances such as allyship with Black Lives Matter, for example. But what happens when two young people with opposing political views meet for a first date, socially distanced, over Zoom? The podcast Dateable recently conducted this social experiment and learned how a political discussion can change perceptions between two people seeking romantic connection. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Political action committees (PACs) spent more than $3 million on the city council race in Santa Clara, a city of roughly 130,000 people in the heart of Silicon Valley. That outlay of cash is raising eyebrows among voters — and even the candidates themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears that one is trying to gain some private benefit from [those donations] and put private interests ahead of the public interests,” said John Pelissero, a senior fellow at Santa Clara University’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.scu.edu/ethics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Markkula Center for Applied Ethics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money, most of it from Jed York, the owner of the San Francisco 49ers football team, highlights an ongoing conflict between the team and the Santa Clara City Council. York’s money is flowing to a block of city council candidates that largely come from outside of politics and are challenging incumbents or candidates backed by the current council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning in late September, York began donating money to a PAC founded by former Congressman Mike Honda, called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CEGFVR/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Citizens for Efficient Government and Full Voting Rights\u003c/a>. Independent expenditure documents show that York donated $250,000 on Sept. 30, $800,000 on Oct. 1, $300,000 on Oct. 6, $950,000 on Oct. 13 and $600,000 on Oct. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that money is going towards campaign mailers and television ads supporting four candidates: Suds Jain, Harbir Bhatia, Kevin Park and Anthony Becker. The PAC is also spending on ads attacking incumbent candidates Kathy Watanabe and Teresa O’Neill as well as Robert Mezzetti and Bob O’Keefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2014, York and the City Council have been at odds over the management of Levi’s Stadium, which was built for the 49ers to play in. The two parties have fought over a number of issues, including curfews for events held at the stadium, changes in management agreements, the payment of stadium employees and late rent payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these disagreements escalated, York has become increasingly involved in local politics. During the March elections, York started a PAC called No on C-Santa Clarans for Full Voting Rights, which worked towards defeating the local \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803793/santa-claras-measure-c-a-fight-over-dark-money-and-district-lines\">Measure C\u003c/a>, which would have condensed the city’s six voting districts into three. York donated $330,000 to defeat the measure, and it eventually failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall, with nearly $3 million in donations, York’s involvement has risen to a whole new scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>49ers spokesman Rahul Chandhok said the team wants to support candidates that represent diversity and will uphold voting rights in the city the football team calls home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park, who is running for a council seat in District 4, has raised about $16,000 on his own. Honda’s PAC — funded by York — spent more than $370,000 on mailers and ads supporting his run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"election 2020 coverage\" tag=\"election-2020\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park thinks that the candidates who are benefiting from York’s support are increasingly being grouped together in the minds of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re running individual campaigns,” said Park. “But people understand there is a fight between the incumbent-backed candidates and the independent candidates. It is a little bit of a battle of one team versus another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park said he was surprised to learn that York backed his campaign, especially since he was opposed to the football team’s moving to Santa Clara back in 2014. But over the past few years, Park has felt the city hasn’t cooperated with the 49ers and has failed to talk to them reasonably. He figures Jed York supports his run because he can be more understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 49ers are more willing to work with a group of people that opposes them but is willing to talk, as opposed to a group of people, like the current city council, that opposes them but doesn’t want to talk,” Park said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But O’Neill, the incumbent who is running against Park, is suspicious of York’s motives. She has been on the city council since 2007 and feels that the 49ers are a behemoth and that it requires skill, patience and skepticism to handle their complicated contract. She said that she has tried to cooperate and “play nice” with the football team, but got “steamrolled” in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m scared — not for myself — I will be fine,” O’Neill said. “But I’m scared for Santa Clara because I don’t think some of these people that are running, I don’t think they realize what they’re up against.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\" Jessica Levinson, Loyola Marymount Law School professor\"]‘The concern is that candidates are overly responsive to monied interests and if it doesn’t change the way they vote, [then] it might change the way they listen or talk.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s not alone in her skepticism. \u003ca href=\"https://scpoapac.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Santa Clara Police Association PAC\u003c/a> has spent a little more than $70,000 on a campaign supporting the incumbent and city council-backed candidates and opposing the political newcomers. In early October, the association created a \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/d9BiyOFwPrw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">satirical video\u003c/a> mocking York’s expenditures on his candidates of choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhatia is running for the District 1 seat and, like Park, was confused by York’s support. She is nervous of what voters will think of all this money backing her campaign and resents the idea that she is bought and paid for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe all the PACs just should have stayed out,” Bhatia said. “We had such a great grassroots campaign. It’s not like we waited until [the 49ers] got involved. We’ve been working our butts off for the last five months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhatia said she wishes that money had gone towards building affordable housing in the city or towards education. Before York started donating millions to support her run, she felt she was able to discuss the issues that face her city with voters. Now, she said, all anyone wants to talk about is the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson said that voters and candidates can only speculate about the true motivations of donors who give large sums of money towards political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think there’s anything inherently evil about spending large sums of independent expenditures,” Levinson said. “I think it raises a whole host of questions about the influence of money in politics and the best way to run elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levinson pointed out that since the Supreme Court’s ruling in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/1017/when-money-became-speech-the-rise-of-the-super-pac\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Citizens United \u003c/a>case, independent expenditures, or money spent by a political organization without guidance from candidates, are considered a form of free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of [York’s] goal of diversifying the city council, I think most people would view that as a laudable goal, and we can ask ourselves whether the ends justify the means,” she said. “The concern is that candidates are overly responsive to monied interests and if it doesn’t change the way they vote, [then] it might change the way they listen or talk.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Political action committees (PACs) spent more than $3 million on the city council race in Santa Clara, a city of roughly 130,000 people in the heart of Silicon Valley. That outlay of cash is raising eyebrows among voters — and even the candidates themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears that one is trying to gain some private benefit from [those donations] and put private interests ahead of the public interests,” said John Pelissero, a senior fellow at Santa Clara University’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.scu.edu/ethics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Markkula Center for Applied Ethics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money, most of it from Jed York, the owner of the San Francisco 49ers football team, highlights an ongoing conflict between the team and the Santa Clara City Council. York’s money is flowing to a block of city council candidates that largely come from outside of politics and are challenging incumbents or candidates backed by the current council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning in late September, York began donating money to a PAC founded by former Congressman Mike Honda, called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CEGFVR/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Citizens for Efficient Government and Full Voting Rights\u003c/a>. Independent expenditure documents show that York donated $250,000 on Sept. 30, $800,000 on Oct. 1, $300,000 on Oct. 6, $950,000 on Oct. 13 and $600,000 on Oct. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that money is going towards campaign mailers and television ads supporting four candidates: Suds Jain, Harbir Bhatia, Kevin Park and Anthony Becker. The PAC is also spending on ads attacking incumbent candidates Kathy Watanabe and Teresa O’Neill as well as Robert Mezzetti and Bob O’Keefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2014, York and the City Council have been at odds over the management of Levi’s Stadium, which was built for the 49ers to play in. The two parties have fought over a number of issues, including curfews for events held at the stadium, changes in management agreements, the payment of stadium employees and late rent payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these disagreements escalated, York has become increasingly involved in local politics. During the March elections, York started a PAC called No on C-Santa Clarans for Full Voting Rights, which worked towards defeating the local \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803793/santa-claras-measure-c-a-fight-over-dark-money-and-district-lines\">Measure C\u003c/a>, which would have condensed the city’s six voting districts into three. York donated $330,000 to defeat the measure, and it eventually failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall, with nearly $3 million in donations, York’s involvement has risen to a whole new scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>49ers spokesman Rahul Chandhok said the team wants to support candidates that represent diversity and will uphold voting rights in the city the football team calls home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park, who is running for a council seat in District 4, has raised about $16,000 on his own. Honda’s PAC — funded by York — spent more than $370,000 on mailers and ads supporting his run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park thinks that the candidates who are benefiting from York’s support are increasingly being grouped together in the minds of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re running individual campaigns,” said Park. “But people understand there is a fight between the incumbent-backed candidates and the independent candidates. It is a little bit of a battle of one team versus another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park said he was surprised to learn that York backed his campaign, especially since he was opposed to the football team’s moving to Santa Clara back in 2014. But over the past few years, Park has felt the city hasn’t cooperated with the 49ers and has failed to talk to them reasonably. He figures Jed York supports his run because he can be more understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 49ers are more willing to work with a group of people that opposes them but is willing to talk, as opposed to a group of people, like the current city council, that opposes them but doesn’t want to talk,” Park said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But O’Neill, the incumbent who is running against Park, is suspicious of York’s motives. She has been on the city council since 2007 and feels that the 49ers are a behemoth and that it requires skill, patience and skepticism to handle their complicated contract. She said that she has tried to cooperate and “play nice” with the football team, but got “steamrolled” in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m scared — not for myself — I will be fine,” O’Neill said. “But I’m scared for Santa Clara because I don’t think some of these people that are running, I don’t think they realize what they’re up against.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The concern is that candidates are overly responsive to monied interests and if it doesn’t change the way they vote, [then] it might change the way they listen or talk.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s not alone in her skepticism. \u003ca href=\"https://scpoapac.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Santa Clara Police Association PAC\u003c/a> has spent a little more than $70,000 on a campaign supporting the incumbent and city council-backed candidates and opposing the political newcomers. In early October, the association created a \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/d9BiyOFwPrw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">satirical video\u003c/a> mocking York’s expenditures on his candidates of choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhatia is running for the District 1 seat and, like Park, was confused by York’s support. She is nervous of what voters will think of all this money backing her campaign and resents the idea that she is bought and paid for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe all the PACs just should have stayed out,” Bhatia said. “We had such a great grassroots campaign. It’s not like we waited until [the 49ers] got involved. We’ve been working our butts off for the last five months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhatia said she wishes that money had gone towards building affordable housing in the city or towards education. Before York started donating millions to support her run, she felt she was able to discuss the issues that face her city with voters. Now, she said, all anyone wants to talk about is the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson said that voters and candidates can only speculate about the true motivations of donors who give large sums of money towards political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think there’s anything inherently evil about spending large sums of independent expenditures,” Levinson said. “I think it raises a whole host of questions about the influence of money in politics and the best way to run elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levinson pointed out that since the Supreme Court’s ruling in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/1017/when-money-became-speech-the-rise-of-the-super-pac\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Citizens United \u003c/a>case, independent expenditures, or money spent by a political organization without guidance from candidates, are considered a form of free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of [York’s] goal of diversifying the city council, I think most people would view that as a laudable goal, and we can ask ourselves whether the ends justify the means,” she said. “The concern is that candidates are overly responsive to monied interests and if it doesn’t change the way they vote, [then] it might change the way they listen or talk.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "When to Expect Election Results in the Bay Area",
"headTitle": "When to Expect Election Results in the Bay Area | KQED",
"content": "\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">See KQED’s election results as they come in\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>With every registered voter in the state having received a mail-in ballot this year, Californians participated in early voting at record levels. Going into Election Day, the electorate reached a milestone by returning more than 11.8 million mail-in ballots — more than 50% of all ballots issued — \u003ca href=\"https://admin.cdn.sos.ca.gov/press-releases/2020/ballot-return-updates/11.2/VBMStatistics-November2020General-updated.pdf\">according to the most recent data\u003c/a> from the California Secretary of State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, participation has been even higher, with seven of the region’s nine counties surpassing the 60% mark of mail-in ballots returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Does Early Voting Mean for Getting Results on Election Night and Beyond?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Election officials are expecting to make a splash with the first tallies announced on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will release a very significant number of votes right after 8 p.m.” said Scott Konopasek, Contra Costa County’s assistant registrar of voters.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=news_11844284,news_11841547,news_11841059]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most counties, the initial tallies released on Tuesday night encompass \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841201/you-mailed-your-ballot-where-does-it-go-and-when-is-it-counted\">vote-by-mail ballots received before Election Day\u003c/a> — with some counties adding in-person votes. The increase in early mail voting could make those early counts more accurately reflect the \u003cem>whole\u003c/em> electorate and continue a shift away from early votes representing more conservative voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How Long Will the Vote Counting Take?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The explosion of early voting may beef up the initial vote counts released in the Bay Area, but election officials say a few factors will dictate how long the entire vote count will take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california\">ballots mailed by Election Day can still be counted\u003c/a>, as long as they are postmarked by Nov. 3 and received by county elections officials by Nov. 20. (Pro tip: if you are returning your mail ballot close to Election Day, use a county drop box to avoid having your ballot \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california\">miss the last USPS collection\u003c/a> on Nov. 3.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/same-day-reg\">Same Day Voter Registration\u003c/a> (also known as conditional registration) rules allow voters to show up at a voting location and register on Election Day, while casting a provisional ballot that will be further checked by election workers.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=news_11839465,news_11840343,news_11841201]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of provisional votes cast is usually a good indicator of how many ballots are left to count after Election Day, said John Gardner, Solano County’s assistant registrar of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That usually tells us how long we’ll need to go,” Gardner said. “Prior to Election Day, it’s really hard to say.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deadline to certify the results of the election is Dec. 3. Throughout November, election workers will process late-arriving ballots and work with voters to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#signature\">address any mismatched signatures on ballot envelopes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It typically takes us close to the certification deadline,” said Lynda Roberts, Marin County registrar of voters. “I anticipate we’ll be counting the whole month of November.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The Results Say 100% of Precincts Are Reporting. What Does That Mean? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the past, “precincts reporting” was a good measurement of the vote counting process. But California’s shift to vote by mail and changes to many counties’ in-person voting systems have changed that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With voting spread out over a longer time period, an initial declaration of “100% precincts” reporting could simply mean that at least \u003cem>some \u003c/em>votes have been reported from every precinct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just means we have results from all precincts,” said Konopasek, from Contra Costa County. “Our first report should show 100% of precincts reporting because we should have at least some votes from every precinct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many counties don’t include vote-by-mail ballots in their precinct count, so vote counts could be unveiled on Tuesday night with no precincts shown reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Precincts reporting” can basically be ignored in counties that have abandoned the precinct polling place model entirely in favor of county-wide vote centers. That list already included Napa, San Mateo and Santa Clara counties. This election, Alameda and Sonoma counties are also allowing voters to cast a ballot at any voting location in the county, instead of an assigned precinct polling place. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841059/how-to-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location#find\">More details on each county’s in-person voting rules and changes this year.\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these five counties, “precincts reporting” “doesn’t carry the same significance as it does in counties with precinct-based polling places,” said Eric Kurhi, communications officer with Santa Clara County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844549\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844549\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45375_017_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45375_017_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45375_017_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45375_017_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45375_017_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45375_017_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An election employee works in the mail cleaning section, which includes arranging the ballots with their barcodes facing in one direction, at the San Mateo County Elections Office on Oct. 21, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>If a Result Is Clear, Do Election Officials Declare a Winner? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Election officials are in the business of vote counting, not calling races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only time I call a race is when I certify an election,” said John Arntz, director of San Francisco’s Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In our coverage of national and state races, KQED relies on the race calls of The Associated Press, which are based on data analyses that include vote counts as well as polling research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials, on the other hand, are only concerned with processing and counting ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>But What if a Candidate Concedes? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A candidate’s concession or declaration of victory also has no bearing on the steadfast vote-counting being done by election officials.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"John Arntz, director of San Francisco's Department of Elections\"]‘The only time I call a race is when I certify an election.’[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arntz brought up the recent example of March’s presidential primary, in which Democratic candidates Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar dropped out of the race shortly before voters went to the polls — but after hundreds of thousands of Californians had already cast ballots for the two contenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as the county was concerned, we were still counting their votes,” Arntz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What Happens to the Ballots After They Are Counted? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just because your ballot has been counted does not mean it’s on the fast track to the paper shredder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law requires election officials to hold on to polling place ballots and paper copies, along with vote-by-mail ballots and envelopes, for 22 months after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those counted ballots are traditionally used in the state-mandated election audit — a manual tally in which election workers hand count all the votes in 1% of precincts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The paper ballot is the official record,” said Gardner, in Solano County. “If there’s ever a court case, we go back to that paper record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>When Does a Recount of Votes Occur?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Unlike 21 other states, California does not have a law triggering automatic recounts in the result of a close race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, an individual citizen has to request a recount within five days of the election’s certification. And they have to pay for the entire recount process, up front.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Tuteur, Napa County registrar of voters, said his county charges $500 a day for a recount. But he’s learned that a pre-emptive explanation typically lessens the chance that he’ll spend the holiday season (re)counting votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any close race, I call the candidates and explain our procedures of a manual tally,” said Tuteur. “After that, they have full confidence in the accuracy of what we’re reporting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "What kind of vote counts might be released on Election Day? Who calls races? And what does 'precincts reporting' really mean this year? We have answers.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">See KQED’s election results as they come in\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>With every registered voter in the state having received a mail-in ballot this year, Californians participated in early voting at record levels. Going into Election Day, the electorate reached a milestone by returning more than 11.8 million mail-in ballots — more than 50% of all ballots issued — \u003ca href=\"https://admin.cdn.sos.ca.gov/press-releases/2020/ballot-return-updates/11.2/VBMStatistics-November2020General-updated.pdf\">according to the most recent data\u003c/a> from the California Secretary of State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, participation has been even higher, with seven of the region’s nine counties surpassing the 60% mark of mail-in ballots returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Does Early Voting Mean for Getting Results on Election Night and Beyond?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Election officials are expecting to make a splash with the first tallies announced on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will release a very significant number of votes right after 8 p.m.” said Scott Konopasek, Contra Costa County’s assistant registrar of voters.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most counties, the initial tallies released on Tuesday night encompass \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841201/you-mailed-your-ballot-where-does-it-go-and-when-is-it-counted\">vote-by-mail ballots received before Election Day\u003c/a> — with some counties adding in-person votes. The increase in early mail voting could make those early counts more accurately reflect the \u003cem>whole\u003c/em> electorate and continue a shift away from early votes representing more conservative voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How Long Will the Vote Counting Take?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The explosion of early voting may beef up the initial vote counts released in the Bay Area, but election officials say a few factors will dictate how long the entire vote count will take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california\">ballots mailed by Election Day can still be counted\u003c/a>, as long as they are postmarked by Nov. 3 and received by county elections officials by Nov. 20. (Pro tip: if you are returning your mail ballot close to Election Day, use a county drop box to avoid having your ballot \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california\">miss the last USPS collection\u003c/a> on Nov. 3.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/same-day-reg\">Same Day Voter Registration\u003c/a> (also known as conditional registration) rules allow voters to show up at a voting location and register on Election Day, while casting a provisional ballot that will be further checked by election workers.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of provisional votes cast is usually a good indicator of how many ballots are left to count after Election Day, said John Gardner, Solano County’s assistant registrar of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That usually tells us how long we’ll need to go,” Gardner said. “Prior to Election Day, it’s really hard to say.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deadline to certify the results of the election is Dec. 3. Throughout November, election workers will process late-arriving ballots and work with voters to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#signature\">address any mismatched signatures on ballot envelopes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It typically takes us close to the certification deadline,” said Lynda Roberts, Marin County registrar of voters. “I anticipate we’ll be counting the whole month of November.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The Results Say 100% of Precincts Are Reporting. What Does That Mean? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the past, “precincts reporting” was a good measurement of the vote counting process. But California’s shift to vote by mail and changes to many counties’ in-person voting systems have changed that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With voting spread out over a longer time period, an initial declaration of “100% precincts” reporting could simply mean that at least \u003cem>some \u003c/em>votes have been reported from every precinct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just means we have results from all precincts,” said Konopasek, from Contra Costa County. “Our first report should show 100% of precincts reporting because we should have at least some votes from every precinct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many counties don’t include vote-by-mail ballots in their precinct count, so vote counts could be unveiled on Tuesday night with no precincts shown reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Precincts reporting” can basically be ignored in counties that have abandoned the precinct polling place model entirely in favor of county-wide vote centers. That list already included Napa, San Mateo and Santa Clara counties. This election, Alameda and Sonoma counties are also allowing voters to cast a ballot at any voting location in the county, instead of an assigned precinct polling place. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841059/how-to-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location#find\">More details on each county’s in-person voting rules and changes this year.\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these five counties, “precincts reporting” “doesn’t carry the same significance as it does in counties with precinct-based polling places,” said Eric Kurhi, communications officer with Santa Clara County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844549\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844549\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45375_017_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45375_017_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45375_017_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45375_017_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45375_017_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45375_017_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An election employee works in the mail cleaning section, which includes arranging the ballots with their barcodes facing in one direction, at the San Mateo County Elections Office on Oct. 21, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>If a Result Is Clear, Do Election Officials Declare a Winner? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Election officials are in the business of vote counting, not calling races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only time I call a race is when I certify an election,” said John Arntz, director of San Francisco’s Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In our coverage of national and state races, KQED relies on the race calls of The Associated Press, which are based on data analyses that include vote counts as well as polling research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials, on the other hand, are only concerned with processing and counting ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>But What if a Candidate Concedes? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A candidate’s concession or declaration of victory also has no bearing on the steadfast vote-counting being done by election officials.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arntz brought up the recent example of March’s presidential primary, in which Democratic candidates Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar dropped out of the race shortly before voters went to the polls — but after hundreds of thousands of Californians had already cast ballots for the two contenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as the county was concerned, we were still counting their votes,” Arntz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What Happens to the Ballots After They Are Counted? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just because your ballot has been counted does not mean it’s on the fast track to the paper shredder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law requires election officials to hold on to polling place ballots and paper copies, along with vote-by-mail ballots and envelopes, for 22 months after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those counted ballots are traditionally used in the state-mandated election audit — a manual tally in which election workers hand count all the votes in 1% of precincts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The paper ballot is the official record,” said Gardner, in Solano County. “If there’s ever a court case, we go back to that paper record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>When Does a Recount of Votes Occur?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Unlike 21 other states, California does not have a law triggering automatic recounts in the result of a close race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, an individual citizen has to request a recount within five days of the election’s certification. And they have to pay for the entire recount process, up front.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Tuteur, Napa County registrar of voters, said his county charges $500 a day for a recount. But he’s learned that a pre-emptive explanation typically lessens the chance that he’ll spend the holiday season (re)counting votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any close race, I call the candidates and explain our procedures of a manual tally,” said Tuteur. “After that, they have full confidence in the accuracy of what we’re reporting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration’s family separation policy was marked by “reckless incompetence and intentional cruelty,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/20400755/the_trump_administration_family_separation_policy_trauma_destruction_and_chaos.pdf\">report\u003c/a> released Thursday by the U.S. House Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new report, released as the result of a 21-month investigation, shows that the administration’s plan to separate families at the U.S.-Mexico border began much earlier than many knew: within weeks of President Trump’s inauguration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an outrageous, shameful chapter in America’s history,” said Rep. Zoe Lofgren, D-San Jose, who serves on the Judiciary Committee and chairs the House Immigration Subcommittee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rep. Zoe Lofgren\"]‘Either it was an intentional human rights abuse or it was [done] with such a reckless disregard that it might as well have been an intentional human rights abuse.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also found that while a formal process of separations didn’t start until the summer of 2017, that spring saw a spike in family separations. The percentage of children in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) as a result of family separation jumped from 0.3% in November 2016 to 2.6% in March 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While much of the report details information that has been widespread in the more than three years since separations began, it highlights the lack of communication between agencies under the Department of Homeland Security; particularly U.S. Customs and Border Protection, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and ORR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One example of this disorganization happened in July 2018, according to the report, after U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw in San Diego ordered the youngest group of separated children to be reunified with their parents. On July 16, 2018, “37 ‘tender age’ children were approved for reunification with their parents at an ICE detention facility.” But, after waiting eight hours at the facility, “ICE still had not processed any of the parents.” ORR officials then took the children back to the buses, where they waited until late in the evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1802px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844497\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1802\" height=\"758\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM.png 1802w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-800x337.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-1020x429.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-160x67.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-1536x646.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1802px) 100vw, 1802px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to the report, inconsistent guidance — as displayed here — made the separation process “chaotic and even more cruel than necessary.” \u003ccite>(House Judiciary Committee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lofgren said she was struck by the widespread knowledge of the program and the complicity of people within the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the way from the secretary of Homeland Security to the attorney general to the head of the Border Patrol: They knew that they were taking these children away and they lacked the capacity to track them with their parents or to ever reunite them,” Lofgren said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, court documents detailed that lawyers and advocates were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843100/parents-of-545-children-separated-at-u-s-mexico-border-still-cant-be-found\">unable to find the parents of hundreds of children\u003c/a> who’d been separated in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the committee’s report, during that initial five-month pilot program in El Paso, Texas, where many of those 545 families were separated, Trump administration officials “discovered that the government was unable to track separated family members in a way that allowed for later reunification of children with their parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And, knowing that, they went ahead and took thousands of children away from their parents anyway,” Lofgren said. “Either it was an intentional human rights abuse or it was [done] with such a reckless disregard that it might as well have been an intentional human rights abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='family-separation']This week, a group of doctors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843880/us-treatment-of-migrant-children-falls-under-un-definition-of-torture-doctors-say\">published a paper in the medical journal Pediatrics\u003c/a> alleging that the federal government’s treatment of separated families amounts to torture under international law. Lofgren said she agrees with that assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Children were taken from their parents without even being told what was going on. They never had a chance to even say goodbye to their parents. They were traumatized and removed to remote locations. Really there’s no excuse for it, and it really is torture in some cases,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to redress the policy of family separation, and numerous other issues at the border, Lofgren said she’s working on a comprehensive rewrite of the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/laws-and-policy/legislation/immigration-and-nationality-act\">Immigration and Nationality Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The act hasn’t really been rewritten in its entirety since 1965, and it doesn’t well-serve the United States at this point,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren plans to release the new version before the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also found that while a formal process of separations didn’t start until the summer of 2017, that spring saw a spike in family separations. The percentage of children in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) as a result of family separation jumped from 0.3% in November 2016 to 2.6% in March 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While much of the report details information that has been widespread in the more than three years since separations began, it highlights the lack of communication between agencies under the Department of Homeland Security; particularly U.S. Customs and Border Protection, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and ORR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One example of this disorganization happened in July 2018, according to the report, after U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw in San Diego ordered the youngest group of separated children to be reunified with their parents. On July 16, 2018, “37 ‘tender age’ children were approved for reunification with their parents at an ICE detention facility.” But, after waiting eight hours at the facility, “ICE still had not processed any of the parents.” ORR officials then took the children back to the buses, where they waited until late in the evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1802px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844497\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1802\" height=\"758\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM.png 1802w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-800x337.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-1020x429.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-160x67.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-1536x646.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1802px) 100vw, 1802px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to the report, inconsistent guidance — as displayed here — made the separation process “chaotic and even more cruel than necessary.” \u003ccite>(House Judiciary Committee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lofgren said she was struck by the widespread knowledge of the program and the complicity of people within the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the way from the secretary of Homeland Security to the attorney general to the head of the Border Patrol: They knew that they were taking these children away and they lacked the capacity to track them with their parents or to ever reunite them,” Lofgren said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, court documents detailed that lawyers and advocates were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843100/parents-of-545-children-separated-at-u-s-mexico-border-still-cant-be-found\">unable to find the parents of hundreds of children\u003c/a> who’d been separated in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#action\">\u003cstrong>Action to take if you see voter suppression\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#tip\">\u003cstrong>How to report a tip to Electionland from ProPublica\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot to feel anxious about in the run-up to Election Day on Nov. 3, not least because of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But you might be feeling particularly concerned about reports of lines around the block in Georgia, militia groups threatening to patrol polling centers and ongoing misinformation being spread about the validity of the election itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These reports are all examples of the forms that voter suppression can take. But what \u003cem>is\u003c/em> voter suppression? And what can you do if you see it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We spoke to experts at the American Civil Liberties Union and the Brennan Center for Justice on how to spot voter suppression, what you can do if you see it and your rights within the polling booth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>These responses have been edited for clarity and brevity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What is Voter Suppression, and What Can it Look Like? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Angélica Salceda, Democracy and Civic Engagement Director, ACLU\u003c/strong>: Voter suppression is really an effort to prevent people from voting in order to manipulate an outcome of an election. So the targets have historically been Black, Latinx, Indigenous and young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside postID=news_11841547,news_11841059,news_11839465]\u003c/span>Voter suppression can be systemic — in other words, embedded within our laws. Or it can come in the form of voter intimidation, to intimidate people from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We know that tactics in our past history have included poll taxes, literacy tests and outright violence throughout the US. We now see the purging of people from voter rolls, the questioning of voters about their citizenship and eligibility. We’ve heard of robocalls threatening people that if they vote, their private information will be made available to law enforcement, and states putting arbitrary deadlines for the counting of absentee ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What Does Voter Suppression Look Like in California?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Raúl Macías, Counsel in the Democracy Program, Brennan Center for Justice: \u003c/strong>This year, something that we’re seeing a lot of in terms of California is —especially from the president — an effort to undermine confidence in our system. That is a form of voter suppression: the constant undermining of confidence in our elections, and especially our vote-by-mail system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These unfounded allegations that … millions of people who are ineligible to vote are voting in California. These kinds of lies that are spread are voter suppression, because [they’re] trying to undermine confidence that our system is safe and secure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside postID=news_11840343,news_11841201]\u003c/span>This kind of misinformation about fraud in our system is an effort to discourage voters from participating because they might think that it doesn’t matter, because the system is allegedly “rigged.” And that’s simply not true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Salceda:\u003c/strong> In California, you have two forms of voter suppression — and the most common involve laws and policies that can create barriers to people to vote. For example in California, there’s a law that prohibits people who have completed their prison sentences from voting [until the completion of their parole term] and that has resulted in stripping 50,000 people from the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s also overt intimidation. So that can be individuals intentionally blocking access to drive up to a ballot box, for example. And we’ve heard of instances of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"action\">\u003c/a>What Can You Do if You See Voter Suppression in California?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Salceda: \u003c/strong>We’re telling people to contact their local poll workers or county elections officials to flag any irregularities, including voter intimidation, that they might see or experience at polling locations or ballot boxes. We know that in many instances these issues can be resolved by the local elections officials, so it’s \u003cem>really\u003c/em> important to flag those irregularities to those who are working the vote centers. And we have heard of examples of election officials rectifying the issues, or finding different solutions to ensure that voters are able to cast their ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right']\u003c/span>Think you’re witnessing voter suppression?\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Tell a poll worker or election official in person\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Call the Election Protection hotline at 866-OUR-VOTE\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>There’s also a nationwide hotline of attorneys who have been trained and are available for any questions or to flag any issues. Voters can call the [nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://866ourvote.org/\">Election Protection coalition\u003c/a>] at 866-OUR-VOTE, which will connect them with that network of attorneys who will be monitoring the elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Macías: \u003c/strong> It’s also important to understand that elections officials [are] reading what voters are reading, too — and they’re making preparations. They’re training their poll workers in de-escalation tactics, and making sure that they’re coordinating with with law enforcement as necessary, in case they need to be deployed there. They’re monitoring what’s being said, and making sure that they’re prepared in case there is intimidation or attempted intimidation of voters. So I think elections officials seem well prepared for this.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Rights Do I Have at My Polling Center?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Salceda: \u003c/strong>There’s both state and federal laws that make it very clear that that prohibits voter intimidation. So if someone is behaving in a way that seems forceful, intimidating, threatening, violent or coercive at or near a voting location or drop-box, that’s the type of issue that should be reported to a local elections official who will hopefully be able to resolve the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California also, for example, peace officers in uniform are prohibited from being at a voting center \u003cem>unless\u003c/em> they are there to vote themselves, or if it’s to address an issue [see above.] That law really stemmed from incidents that happened in California in the 1980s, where some candidates used to hire security guards to stand at the vote center. So that is prohibited in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so if there’s any instances of that, or even individuals who are pretending to be security guards or uniformed police officers, those are the types of incidents and incidents that should be reported immediately to local elections officials, who can then try to resolve the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Macías: \u003c/strong>[To address] other reports you’re hearing where it seems that that, potentially, militias or armed observers are going out to polling places: in California, specifically, carrying any kind of weapon in the vicinity of a polling place is illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters are being made to feel uncomfortable, they should report it to the poll worker staff right away. Voters should know that nobody except a poll worker can ever challenge their eligibility to vote. And so if that’s happening, or they feel people are asking them questions about their eligibility who are \u003cem>not\u003c/em> poll workers, that’s something they can also report to the poll workers on site. Or they can call 866-OUR-VOTE for assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are laws that protect [voters] from any kind of discrimination based on their example, based on their race or their national origin or their primary language. None of those should be reasons that they face intimidation or face questions about their eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"tip\">\u003c/a>Report a Tip to Electionland\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED is partnering with \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/\">ProPublica\u003c/a> on their \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland\">Electionland\u003c/a> project, which means we’ll \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">be on the lookout for any problems that prevent people from voting — such as mail ballot delivery problems, changed voting locations, long lines, registration problems, purged voter rolls, broken machines and voter intimidation. You can help us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To let us know how your voting experience goes, here’s how to sign up and get in touch:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SMS: Text the word VOTE, VOTA (for Spanish) or 投票 (for Chinese) to 81380 (standard text message rates apply). \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">WhatsApp: Send the word VOTE, VOTA (for Spanish) or 投票 (for Chinese) to 1-850-909-8683. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Facebook Messenger: Go to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://m.me/electionland\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">m.me/electionland\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Complete \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://propublica.forms.fm/electionland-2020-tips\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">this form\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to share your election experience with us so KQED can investigate.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#action\">\u003cstrong>Action to take if you see voter suppression\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#tip\">\u003cstrong>How to report a tip to Electionland from ProPublica\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot to feel anxious about in the run-up to Election Day on Nov. 3, not least because of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But you might be feeling particularly concerned about reports of lines around the block in Georgia, militia groups threatening to patrol polling centers and ongoing misinformation being spread about the validity of the election itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These reports are all examples of the forms that voter suppression can take. But what \u003cem>is\u003c/em> voter suppression? And what can you do if you see it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We spoke to experts at the American Civil Liberties Union and the Brennan Center for Justice on how to spot voter suppression, what you can do if you see it and your rights within the polling booth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>These responses have been edited for clarity and brevity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What is Voter Suppression, and What Can it Look Like? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Angélica Salceda, Democracy and Civic Engagement Director, ACLU\u003c/strong>: Voter suppression is really an effort to prevent people from voting in order to manipulate an outcome of an election. So the targets have historically been Black, Latinx, Indigenous and young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>Voter suppression can be systemic — in other words, embedded within our laws. Or it can come in the form of voter intimidation, to intimidate people from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We know that tactics in our past history have included poll taxes, literacy tests and outright violence throughout the US. We now see the purging of people from voter rolls, the questioning of voters about their citizenship and eligibility. We’ve heard of robocalls threatening people that if they vote, their private information will be made available to law enforcement, and states putting arbitrary deadlines for the counting of absentee ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What Does Voter Suppression Look Like in California?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Raúl Macías, Counsel in the Democracy Program, Brennan Center for Justice: \u003c/strong>This year, something that we’re seeing a lot of in terms of California is —especially from the president — an effort to undermine confidence in our system. That is a form of voter suppression: the constant undermining of confidence in our elections, and especially our vote-by-mail system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These unfounded allegations that … millions of people who are ineligible to vote are voting in California. These kinds of lies that are spread are voter suppression, because [they’re] trying to undermine confidence that our system is safe and secure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>This kind of misinformation about fraud in our system is an effort to discourage voters from participating because they might think that it doesn’t matter, because the system is allegedly “rigged.” And that’s simply not true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Salceda:\u003c/strong> In California, you have two forms of voter suppression — and the most common involve laws and policies that can create barriers to people to vote. For example in California, there’s a law that prohibits people who have completed their prison sentences from voting [until the completion of their parole term] and that has resulted in stripping 50,000 people from the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s also overt intimidation. So that can be individuals intentionally blocking access to drive up to a ballot box, for example. And we’ve heard of instances of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"action\">\u003c/a>What Can You Do if You See Voter Suppression in California?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Salceda: \u003c/strong>We’re telling people to contact their local poll workers or county elections officials to flag any irregularities, including voter intimidation, that they might see or experience at polling locations or ballot boxes. We know that in many instances these issues can be resolved by the local elections officials, so it’s \u003cem>really\u003c/em> important to flag those irregularities to those who are working the vote centers. And we have heard of examples of election officials rectifying the issues, or finding different solutions to ensure that voters are able to cast their ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003c/span>Think you’re witnessing voter suppression?\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Tell a poll worker or election official in person\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Call the Election Protection hotline at 866-OUR-VOTE\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>There’s also a nationwide hotline of attorneys who have been trained and are available for any questions or to flag any issues. Voters can call the [nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://866ourvote.org/\">Election Protection coalition\u003c/a>] at 866-OUR-VOTE, which will connect them with that network of attorneys who will be monitoring the elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Macías: \u003c/strong> It’s also important to understand that elections officials [are] reading what voters are reading, too — and they’re making preparations. They’re training their poll workers in de-escalation tactics, and making sure that they’re coordinating with with law enforcement as necessary, in case they need to be deployed there. They’re monitoring what’s being said, and making sure that they’re prepared in case there is intimidation or attempted intimidation of voters. So I think elections officials seem well prepared for this.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Rights Do I Have at My Polling Center?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Salceda: \u003c/strong>There’s both state and federal laws that make it very clear that that prohibits voter intimidation. So if someone is behaving in a way that seems forceful, intimidating, threatening, violent or coercive at or near a voting location or drop-box, that’s the type of issue that should be reported to a local elections official who will hopefully be able to resolve the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California also, for example, peace officers in uniform are prohibited from being at a voting center \u003cem>unless\u003c/em> they are there to vote themselves, or if it’s to address an issue [see above.] That law really stemmed from incidents that happened in California in the 1980s, where some candidates used to hire security guards to stand at the vote center. So that is prohibited in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so if there’s any instances of that, or even individuals who are pretending to be security guards or uniformed police officers, those are the types of incidents and incidents that should be reported immediately to local elections officials, who can then try to resolve the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Macías: \u003c/strong>[To address] other reports you’re hearing where it seems that that, potentially, militias or armed observers are going out to polling places: in California, specifically, carrying any kind of weapon in the vicinity of a polling place is illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters are being made to feel uncomfortable, they should report it to the poll worker staff right away. Voters should know that nobody except a poll worker can ever challenge their eligibility to vote. And so if that’s happening, or they feel people are asking them questions about their eligibility who are \u003cem>not\u003c/em> poll workers, that’s something they can also report to the poll workers on site. Or they can call 866-OUR-VOTE for assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are laws that protect [voters] from any kind of discrimination based on their example, based on their race or their national origin or their primary language. None of those should be reasons that they face intimidation or face questions about their eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"tip\">\u003c/a>Report a Tip to Electionland\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED is partnering with \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/\">ProPublica\u003c/a> on their \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland\">Electionland\u003c/a> project, which means we’ll \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">be on the lookout for any problems that prevent people from voting — such as mail ballot delivery problems, changed voting locations, long lines, registration problems, purged voter rolls, broken machines and voter intimidation. You can help us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To let us know how your voting experience goes, here’s how to sign up and get in touch:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SMS: Text the word VOTE, VOTA (for Spanish) or 投票 (for Chinese) to 81380 (standard text message rates apply). \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">WhatsApp: Send the word VOTE, VOTA (for Spanish) or 投票 (for Chinese) to 1-850-909-8683. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Facebook Messenger: Go to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://m.me/electionland\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">m.me/electionland\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Complete \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://propublica.forms.fm/electionland-2020-tips\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">this form\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to share your election experience with us so KQED can investigate.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Contra Costa County election officials have confirmed that ballots deposited into a drop box located at Richmond City Hall on Oct. 12 have gone missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Konopasek, Contra Costa’s assistant registrar of voters, said Thursday that county officials do not know why “dozens, max” of ballots that were placed in the drop box at Richmond City Hall cannot be accounted for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said a two-person team from his office collected 84 ballots from that drop box on Oct. 12, a pick-up that happens six days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Scott Konopasek, assistant registrar of voters for Contra Costa County\"]‘I suspect there’s some sort of handling error, but we don’t know where that is.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are aware of reports by dozens of voters, and claims on social media, that they deposited their ballot into the Richmond City Hall drop box on Oct. 12 and the county has not been able to confirm receipt of the ballot,” Konopasek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the ballots could have been improperly processed and are not showing up as having been received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that happened and we don’t know why it happened … but we’re making sure the voters get to vote,” Konopasek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office found about 40 of those voters through “sleuthing” phone numbers and Nextdoor social media posts, he said. Those voters were able to take advantage of various ways to recast their ballots. “We’ve re-mailed ballots to most of them, and then others we’ve told how to vote in person between now and Election Day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Konopasek said he does not know if all the voters whose ballots may have disappeared from that drop box on Oct. 12 know their ballot went missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Contra Costa County Elections Department has 37 drop boxes stationed throughout the county; the Richmond City Hall box is one of three in that city. Nearly 150,000 ballots had been returned from those drop boxes as of Thursday morning, Konopasek said, who stressed that this one Richmond box is the only one with which problems have arisen. About 370,000 total ballots have been returned in Contra Costa County so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just think that [it] feeds into whole narrative of discrediting our election processes in the country,” he said. “Yeah something happened, something that shouldn’t happen, but you can’t extrapolate that to the whole system being corrupt or broken or that there’s any kind of systemic problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An internal investigation turned up no evidence of physical tampering with the drop box, Konopasek said, nor evidence of nefarious actions by elections workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suspect there’s some sort of handling error, but we don’t know where that is,” said Konopasek, who said the investigation will continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11835370,news_11841059,news_11841201 label='Voting Resources']But there’s a “glass half full” element to this, as Konopasek put it. It’s thanks to an online ballot-tracking tool the county is using for the first time that voters could see there was a problem in the first place. The missing ballots were also cast early enough for those problems to be discovered, and for those voters to be offered a second opportunity to cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said discussions have already taken place about installing electronic surveillance covering the drop boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County voters who want to verify receipt of their ballot can \u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us/\">use the county’s “Track My Vote by Mail” feature\u003c/a> or call the Elections Department at (925) 335-7800.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said the 150,000 drop box ballots are among 370,000 overall ballots returned by Contra Costa voters as of Thursday morning — representing 52% of the county’s registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters in Contra Costa are voting early, and are paying attention to what’s going on,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bay City News and KQED’s Tara Siler contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are aware of reports by dozens of voters, and claims on social media, that they deposited their ballot into the Richmond City Hall drop box on Oct. 12 and the county has not been able to confirm receipt of the ballot,” Konopasek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the ballots could have been improperly processed and are not showing up as having been received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that happened and we don’t know why it happened … but we’re making sure the voters get to vote,” Konopasek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office found about 40 of those voters through “sleuthing” phone numbers and Nextdoor social media posts, he said. Those voters were able to take advantage of various ways to recast their ballots. “We’ve re-mailed ballots to most of them, and then others we’ve told how to vote in person between now and Election Day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Konopasek said he does not know if all the voters whose ballots may have disappeared from that drop box on Oct. 12 know their ballot went missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Contra Costa County Elections Department has 37 drop boxes stationed throughout the county; the Richmond City Hall box is one of three in that city. Nearly 150,000 ballots had been returned from those drop boxes as of Thursday morning, Konopasek said, who stressed that this one Richmond box is the only one with which problems have arisen. About 370,000 total ballots have been returned in Contra Costa County so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just think that [it] feeds into whole narrative of discrediting our election processes in the country,” he said. “Yeah something happened, something that shouldn’t happen, but you can’t extrapolate that to the whole system being corrupt or broken or that there’s any kind of systemic problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An internal investigation turned up no evidence of physical tampering with the drop box, Konopasek said, nor evidence of nefarious actions by elections workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suspect there’s some sort of handling error, but we don’t know where that is,” said Konopasek, who said the investigation will continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But there’s a “glass half full” element to this, as Konopasek put it. It’s thanks to an online ballot-tracking tool the county is using for the first time that voters could see there was a problem in the first place. The missing ballots were also cast early enough for those problems to be discovered, and for those voters to be offered a second opportunity to cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said discussions have already taken place about installing electronic surveillance covering the drop boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County voters who want to verify receipt of their ballot can \u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us/\">use the county’s “Track My Vote by Mail” feature\u003c/a> or call the Elections Department at (925) 335-7800.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said the 150,000 drop box ballots are among 370,000 overall ballots returned by Contra Costa voters as of Thursday morning — representing 52% of the county’s registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters in Contra Costa are voting early, and are paying attention to what’s going on,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bay City News and KQED’s Tara Siler contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"onourwatch": {
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
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