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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco officials on Tuesday approved a task force that will study financial compensation, community programs and other ways to make reparations to the descendants of slaves, becoming the largest city to take such a step.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Board of Supervisors voted unanimously to appoint the 15-member African American Reparations Advisory Committee, including Black people who have been displaced from San Francisco, have been incarcerated or have experienced homelessness, among other criteria. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The appointments of this reparations advisory committee is an historical event, as I am unaware of any other legislated body in place to prioritize injustices and create a true reparations plan in a package for Black people,” said Board President Shamann Walton, who introduced the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the next two years, the committee will have to submit a final draft that, according to the legislation, should determine “the scope of and eligibility for a citywide reparations program … to make whole those who have been wronged or who continue to suffer harm from past wrongs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee will seek input from the Black community on ways to improve education, housing, violence prevention, workforce development and other areas. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco once had a thriving Black population. But gentrification and the high cost of living have pushed them out. Black San Franciscans now comprise 5% of the city’s population but 35% of its people experiencing homelessness. The average income for a Black household is $31,000, compared with $110,000 for white families, according to the mayor’s office. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has the opportunity to lead the way in addressing the harm that far too many African Americans families have experienced,” said Sheryl Davis, director of the city’s Human Rights Commission. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since last summer’s reckoning over racial injustice following George Floyd’s death, state lawmakers in California, Maryland, New Jersey, New York and Oregon — where Democrats control the legislatures — introduced or hoped to revive proposals to study the possibility. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But their efforts have mostly stalled. California is the only state to approve a commission to study reparations statewide and how they might work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, Evanston, Illinois, became one of the first U.S. cities to offer Black residents reparations. In Asheville, North Carolina, the city council voted unanimously last July in favor of reparations for Black residents that would take the form of helping businesses and providing housing and health care. Other local governments, including in Amherst, Massachusetts, Providence, Rhode Island, and Iowa City, Iowa, are considering whether or how to grant some form of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Voting rights advocates lobbed criticisms at the top elections official in Alameda County, and the county’s five-member board of supervisors, during a Tuesday hearing reviewing the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time since a series of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11851601/voting-issues-in-alameda-county-raise-questions-about-election-management\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">issues plagued the county in the administration\u003c/a> of the November election, Alameda County Registrar Tim Dupuis spoke publicly before the board to defend his office. He also detailed his plans to improve the voting process before the county is set to hold multiple elections later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But voting rights attorneys at the hearing expressed little confidence in the county’s elections leadership after an election in which ballots were inadvertently discarded, ballot language requirements were flouted and advocates struggled to communicate with the registrar’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am sorry to say that I have never felt that this office and its leadership meet the standards set by the elections officials around the rest of California,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/_jonathanstein?lang=en\">Jonathan Mehta Stein\u003c/a>, executive director of California Common Cause, told the board. “I felt this way before the devastating errors in the November 2020 elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More on Alameda County voting issues\" postID=\"news_11851601\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dupuis reminded supervisors that his office had to implement changes in the voting process amid the COVID-19 pandemic while facing historic levels of voter turnout. Only after a fiery public comment from Stein did supervisors vow to revisit the issue before future elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic hit right as we were finishing the [March 2020] primary, and to layer [high turnout] on top of it makes this one of the most historic November elections we’ve seen in this county,” said Dupuis. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Something of this scale always has opportunities for improvement.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Helen Hutchison, a board member and former president of \u003ca href=\"https://lwvc.org/about/people/helen-hutchison\">the League of Women Voters of California\u003c/a>, said Alameda was hardly alone among counties dealing with unique circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All elections officials in California were under the same pressures as Alameda County in this November election, but no other county had such a high number of reported problems,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election issues first cropped up when voting began in October. The county was late in setting up the majority of the 60 drop boxes it used to collect mail ballots, citing a delay from a vendor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voting rights advocates have been especially critical of the county’s failure to meet language access requirements for limited English proficient voters. By law, voting sites must display sample ballots in locally prevalent languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2014 estimate from The Greenlining Insitute found that Alameda County has more than 117,000 limited-English proficient citizens of voting age. Similar language access failures in the past have \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/cases-raising-claims-under-language-minority-provisions-voting-rights-act\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">landed the county under consent decrees\u003c/a> with the U.S. Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for the ACLU and Asian Americans Advancing Justice — Asian Law Caucus said that many voting sites in Alameda County did not post such sample ballots, \u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-alc.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Language-Access-November-2020-.pdf\">known as facsimile ballots\u003c/a>, or make them available in looseleaf form. And poll workers at some sites did not know about the sample ballot requirements, the attorneys say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dupuis said the county’s switch to countywide voting, in which voters can cast their ballot at any location rather than being assigned to a specific polling place, made the printing requirement “not practical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have had to print out at least 10,000 facsimile ballots for all 100 of our locations, which would be confusing to our voters [and] would also be difficult to manage,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates countered that the county could have at least posted a sample ballot for each language, which they only did after prodding from voting rights lawyers, or set up a designated area in the voting location with sample ballot information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registrar’s process for training poll workers was also questioned, specifically in an incident that voting rights advocates said led to the disenfranchisement of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11851601/voting-issues-in-alameda-county-raise-questions-about-election-management\">more than 100 voters who left a Mills College polling place with their ballot in hand\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than three days, poll workers at the site mistakenly told voters that the ballots they printed from touchscreen machines were receipts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know precisely how that came across,” said Dupuis, who said the county was able to track down and process 35 of the estimated 160 ballots taken home by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going forward, the registrar committed to adding signage, reminding voters that the printout is their ballot, along with a prompt on the touchscreen to deposit the printed ballot into a trolley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poll workers at the location said they were not properly trained and that the registrar’s office was not responsive to their requests for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is unacceptable,” said Claire Calderón, one of the Mills College poll workers at the site who spoke at Tuesday’s hearing. “We were volunteers with inadequate training who reached out repeatedly for help navigating brand new systems, and we were repeatedly dismissed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jonathan Mehta Stein, executive director, California Common Cause\"]‘I am sorry to say that I have never felt that this office and its leadership meet the standards set by the elections officials around the rest of California.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the presentation, supervisors were complimentary of Dupuis, and none of the supervisors questioned the registrar about the issues raised by advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m highly confident that you’re running a great program,” said Supervisor David Haubert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moments later, Mehta Stein, of California Common Cause, blasted the board during his public comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I cannot help but notice that none of the supervisors today used their opportunity after the presentation to address the Mills College situation or to speak up for disenfranchised constituents,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors Keith Carson and Nate Miley responded that the board’s Personnel, Administration and Legislation committee could consider further action before the county’s next election, a June 29 primary for the vacant 18th Assembly District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while they recommended forming a working group of county officials and voting rights advocates, no formal action was taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do take these matters very seriously,” said Miley. “This is the first time we’ve had public condemnation of this nature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county will also have to prepare for a potential runoff in the AD 18 race, along with a gubernatorial recall election and an Alameda County Employees’ Retirement Association election later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was pleasantly surprised by the turn that it took, the tone toward the end of the meeting,” said ACLU voting rights attorney Christina Fletes-Romo, in an interview after the hearing. “We want to have a collaborative relationship with this registrar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Voting rights advocates lobbed criticisms at the top elections official in Alameda County, and the county’s five-member board of supervisors, during a Tuesday hearing reviewing the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time since a series of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11851601/voting-issues-in-alameda-county-raise-questions-about-election-management\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">issues plagued the county in the administration\u003c/a> of the November election, Alameda County Registrar Tim Dupuis spoke publicly before the board to defend his office. He also detailed his plans to improve the voting process before the county is set to hold multiple elections later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But voting rights attorneys at the hearing expressed little confidence in the county’s elections leadership after an election in which ballots were inadvertently discarded, ballot language requirements were flouted and advocates struggled to communicate with the registrar’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am sorry to say that I have never felt that this office and its leadership meet the standards set by the elections officials around the rest of California,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/_jonathanstein?lang=en\">Jonathan Mehta Stein\u003c/a>, executive director of California Common Cause, told the board. “I felt this way before the devastating errors in the November 2020 elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dupuis reminded supervisors that his office had to implement changes in the voting process amid the COVID-19 pandemic while facing historic levels of voter turnout. Only after a fiery public comment from Stein did supervisors vow to revisit the issue before future elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic hit right as we were finishing the [March 2020] primary, and to layer [high turnout] on top of it makes this one of the most historic November elections we’ve seen in this county,” said Dupuis. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Something of this scale always has opportunities for improvement.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Helen Hutchison, a board member and former president of \u003ca href=\"https://lwvc.org/about/people/helen-hutchison\">the League of Women Voters of California\u003c/a>, said Alameda was hardly alone among counties dealing with unique circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All elections officials in California were under the same pressures as Alameda County in this November election, but no other county had such a high number of reported problems,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election issues first cropped up when voting began in October. The county was late in setting up the majority of the 60 drop boxes it used to collect mail ballots, citing a delay from a vendor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voting rights advocates have been especially critical of the county’s failure to meet language access requirements for limited English proficient voters. By law, voting sites must display sample ballots in locally prevalent languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2014 estimate from The Greenlining Insitute found that Alameda County has more than 117,000 limited-English proficient citizens of voting age. Similar language access failures in the past have \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/cases-raising-claims-under-language-minority-provisions-voting-rights-act\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">landed the county under consent decrees\u003c/a> with the U.S. Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for the ACLU and Asian Americans Advancing Justice — Asian Law Caucus said that many voting sites in Alameda County did not post such sample ballots, \u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-alc.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Language-Access-November-2020-.pdf\">known as facsimile ballots\u003c/a>, or make them available in looseleaf form. And poll workers at some sites did not know about the sample ballot requirements, the attorneys say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dupuis said the county’s switch to countywide voting, in which voters can cast their ballot at any location rather than being assigned to a specific polling place, made the printing requirement “not practical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have had to print out at least 10,000 facsimile ballots for all 100 of our locations, which would be confusing to our voters [and] would also be difficult to manage,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates countered that the county could have at least posted a sample ballot for each language, which they only did after prodding from voting rights lawyers, or set up a designated area in the voting location with sample ballot information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registrar’s process for training poll workers was also questioned, specifically in an incident that voting rights advocates said led to the disenfranchisement of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11851601/voting-issues-in-alameda-county-raise-questions-about-election-management\">more than 100 voters who left a Mills College polling place with their ballot in hand\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than three days, poll workers at the site mistakenly told voters that the ballots they printed from touchscreen machines were receipts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know precisely how that came across,” said Dupuis, who said the county was able to track down and process 35 of the estimated 160 ballots taken home by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going forward, the registrar committed to adding signage, reminding voters that the printout is their ballot, along with a prompt on the touchscreen to deposit the printed ballot into a trolley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poll workers at the location said they were not properly trained and that the registrar’s office was not responsive to their requests for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is unacceptable,” said Claire Calderón, one of the Mills College poll workers at the site who spoke at Tuesday’s hearing. “We were volunteers with inadequate training who reached out repeatedly for help navigating brand new systems, and we were repeatedly dismissed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the presentation, supervisors were complimentary of Dupuis, and none of the supervisors questioned the registrar about the issues raised by advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m highly confident that you’re running a great program,” said Supervisor David Haubert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moments later, Mehta Stein, of California Common Cause, blasted the board during his public comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I cannot help but notice that none of the supervisors today used their opportunity after the presentation to address the Mills College situation or to speak up for disenfranchised constituents,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors Keith Carson and Nate Miley responded that the board’s Personnel, Administration and Legislation committee could consider further action before the county’s next election, a June 29 primary for the vacant 18th Assembly District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while they recommended forming a working group of county officials and voting rights advocates, no formal action was taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do take these matters very seriously,” said Miley. “This is the first time we’ve had public condemnation of this nature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county will also have to prepare for a potential runoff in the AD 18 race, along with a gubernatorial recall election and an Alameda County Employees’ Retirement Association election later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was pleasantly surprised by the turn that it took, the tone toward the end of the meeting,” said ACLU voting rights attorney Christina Fletes-Romo, in an interview after the hearing. “We want to have a collaborative relationship with this registrar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Only days after a recall campaign aimed at Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870959/newsom-recall-campaign-officially-has-enough-valid-signatures-to-force-election\">passed its highest hurdle yet toward making the ballot\u003c/a>, California Democrats used their annual party convention to rally grassroots activists around fighting what many described as a Republican power grab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a prerecorded speech for the convention, held virtually, Newsom spent most of his three-minute remarks reminding Democrats of all the COVID-19 problems California inherited from the Trump administration and the steps he took to protect the state from the deadly pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Donald Trump did everything in his power to ignore the real realities of COVID-19, California,\" Newsom said. \"We took a completely different path, one paved by data, health and science.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who critics say in fact let politics, not data, drive his pandemic-related decisions to reopen the economy and schools, pushed back against his critics who he claimed are trying to reverse California's progressive policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"National Republicans and extreme right-wingers, they're not sitting back,\" he said. \"They're throwing everything they can at their recall power grab, all in hopes — all in hopes — of rolling back all the important progress we have made together. And we can't let them win. If we place our faith over fear, perseverance and optimism over hate and division, the power — it's in our hands.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom was followed by Vice President Harris, whose speech capped an afternoon of speakers by recalling how she and Newsom both were elected to offices in California in 2003, calling him \"our friend and governor.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I've seen firsthand what a leader he is and how he really does put his heart into his work on behalf of the people of California, and President Joe Biden and I support him 100%,\" Harris said, telling the convention that \"because of your hard work, we're going to keep Gov. Gavin Newsom in Sacramento and help Democrats everywhere win in 2022.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris, who never said the word \"Republican,\" touted the Biden administration's $2 trillion American Jobs Plan, stressing the importance of investing in access to affordable broadband, clean drinking water, clean energy and what she called \"the care infrastructure,\" which includes affordable child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11870960\" label=\"Recall history\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier Saturday, former Gov. Jerry Brown appeared in a short, folksy video shot at his ranch in Colusa County. Without mentioning Newsom, Brown said, \"Yeah, we got rid of Trump but we still got lots of problems.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom recall is expected to be one of the highest-profile political events in this off political year, and it's already attracting international media attention based in part on the entry of transgender reality TV star Caitlyn Jenner into the race to replace Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor is also using the recall to raise large sums of money to fight it. The campaigns for and against the recall are not subject to campaign contribution limits, and Newsom is taking full advantage of that, accepting donations as large as $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election, expected to occur later this year, likely in November, will be just the second time in state history that voters will determine whether a sitting governor should be booted out before a regularly scheduled election. Gov. Gray Davis, who lost his recall and was replaced by Arnold Schwarzenegger, was the first in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Caitlyn_Jenner/status/1387147498783916034?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Etweet\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants at the convention included the party's most active members, and conventions like this are considered one of the best ways to build momentum and excitement among party members. The lack of in-person interaction makes that goal a bit more elusive as caucuses gather in virtual chat rooms to chew over issues and organizing strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prerecorded speeches from House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Harris, Newsom and other party luminaries simply lacked the excitement of live speeches, with no standing ovations, chanting or unscripted moments. The only live reaction came from online viewers adding their comments in the chat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former California Democratic Party Chair John Burton, known for his obscenity-laden comments didn't disappoint, urging delegates to defeat the recall and \"teach Republicans that they can't fuck with us.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike past years' Democratic conventions, this one did not feature a controversial and divisive run for party chair. Recent chair races have led to bitter divisions between the party's most liberal members and those that hew more toward the center. Current chair Rusty Hicks, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11751703/california-democrats-elect-l-a-labor-leader-as-party-chair\">who took over the party in 2019\u003c/a> when the previous chair, Eric Bauman, resigned in a scandal, had solid support from labor and other key elements of the Democratic Party and did not face a serious challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He easily defeated former State Superintendent of Public Instruction Delaine Eastin by better than two to one to win another term as party chair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/scottshafer/status/1388628464975048707\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to focusing on the recall, speakers urged Democrats to get vaccinated, while also touting steps Newsom and the Legislature have taken to help small businesses and entrepreneurs struggling to stay afloat. Other touchstone issues included combating gun violence, climate change, hate crimes against the Asian community and racism within the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recorded videos sprinkled throughout the convention livestream included many featuring front-line workers, small business owners and others thanking Newsom for supporting them during the pandemic, an apparent effort to undermine Republican messages blaming Newsom for failure to lead during the health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California emerges from the pandemic — the state now has one of the very lowest COVID-19 rates in the nation — look for party activists and politicians to also emerge from Zoom and head to the streets for what is likely to be a very nasty recall campaign later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Holly McDede contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Only days after a recall campaign aimed at Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870959/newsom-recall-campaign-officially-has-enough-valid-signatures-to-force-election\">passed its highest hurdle yet toward making the ballot\u003c/a>, California Democrats used their annual party convention to rally grassroots activists around fighting what many described as a Republican power grab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a prerecorded speech for the convention, held virtually, Newsom spent most of his three-minute remarks reminding Democrats of all the COVID-19 problems California inherited from the Trump administration and the steps he took to protect the state from the deadly pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Donald Trump did everything in his power to ignore the real realities of COVID-19, California,\" Newsom said. \"We took a completely different path, one paved by data, health and science.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who critics say in fact let politics, not data, drive his pandemic-related decisions to reopen the economy and schools, pushed back against his critics who he claimed are trying to reverse California's progressive policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"National Republicans and extreme right-wingers, they're not sitting back,\" he said. \"They're throwing everything they can at their recall power grab, all in hopes — all in hopes — of rolling back all the important progress we have made together. And we can't let them win. If we place our faith over fear, perseverance and optimism over hate and division, the power — it's in our hands.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom was followed by Vice President Harris, whose speech capped an afternoon of speakers by recalling how she and Newsom both were elected to offices in California in 2003, calling him \"our friend and governor.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I've seen firsthand what a leader he is and how he really does put his heart into his work on behalf of the people of California, and President Joe Biden and I support him 100%,\" Harris said, telling the convention that \"because of your hard work, we're going to keep Gov. Gavin Newsom in Sacramento and help Democrats everywhere win in 2022.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris, who never said the word \"Republican,\" touted the Biden administration's $2 trillion American Jobs Plan, stressing the importance of investing in access to affordable broadband, clean drinking water, clean energy and what she called \"the care infrastructure,\" which includes affordable child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier Saturday, former Gov. Jerry Brown appeared in a short, folksy video shot at his ranch in Colusa County. Without mentioning Newsom, Brown said, \"Yeah, we got rid of Trump but we still got lots of problems.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom recall is expected to be one of the highest-profile political events in this off political year, and it's already attracting international media attention based in part on the entry of transgender reality TV star Caitlyn Jenner into the race to replace Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor is also using the recall to raise large sums of money to fight it. The campaigns for and against the recall are not subject to campaign contribution limits, and Newsom is taking full advantage of that, accepting donations as large as $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election, expected to occur later this year, likely in November, will be just the second time in state history that voters will determine whether a sitting governor should be booted out before a regularly scheduled election. Gov. Gray Davis, who lost his recall and was replaced by Arnold Schwarzenegger, was the first in 2003.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Participants at the convention included the party's most active members, and conventions like this are considered one of the best ways to build momentum and excitement among party members. The lack of in-person interaction makes that goal a bit more elusive as caucuses gather in virtual chat rooms to chew over issues and organizing strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prerecorded speeches from House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Harris, Newsom and other party luminaries simply lacked the excitement of live speeches, with no standing ovations, chanting or unscripted moments. The only live reaction came from online viewers adding their comments in the chat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former California Democratic Party Chair John Burton, known for his obscenity-laden comments didn't disappoint, urging delegates to defeat the recall and \"teach Republicans that they can't fuck with us.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike past years' Democratic conventions, this one did not feature a controversial and divisive run for party chair. Recent chair races have led to bitter divisions between the party's most liberal members and those that hew more toward the center. Current chair Rusty Hicks, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11751703/california-democrats-elect-l-a-labor-leader-as-party-chair\">who took over the party in 2019\u003c/a> when the previous chair, Eric Bauman, resigned in a scandal, had solid support from labor and other key elements of the Democratic Party and did not face a serious challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He easily defeated former State Superintendent of Public Instruction Delaine Eastin by better than two to one to win another term as party chair.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>In addition to focusing on the recall, speakers urged Democrats to get vaccinated, while also touting steps Newsom and the Legislature have taken to help small businesses and entrepreneurs struggling to stay afloat. Other touchstone issues included combating gun violence, climate change, hate crimes against the Asian community and racism within the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recorded videos sprinkled throughout the convention livestream included many featuring front-line workers, small business owners and others thanking Newsom for supporting them during the pandemic, an apparent effort to undermine Republican messages blaming Newsom for failure to lead during the health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California emerges from the pandemic — the state now has one of the very lowest COVID-19 rates in the nation — look for party activists and politicians to also emerge from Zoom and head to the streets for what is likely to be a very nasty recall campaign later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Holly McDede contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"storyMajorUpdateDate\">\u003cstrong>Updated April 28, 2021 at 11:30 PM ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>“America is on the move again,” President Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/28/989109808/biden-plans-to-tout-pandemic-achievements-make-case-for-huge-investments\">said in his first address to a joint session of Congress\u003c/a> Wednesday night, remarks given amid the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The speech came nearly 100 days into his presidency, and was delivered to a Capitol chamber with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/28/991441110/bidens-joint-address-to-congress-will-have-smaller-crowds-less-fanfare\">reduced occupancy\u003c/a>, as a result of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden used his address to make the case for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/28/991357190/white-house-proposes-massive-spending-on-children-and-families\">huge new investments\u003c/a> and tax reforms to overhaul the U.S. economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s video of the full address, and below that NPR reporters provided fact checks and analysis of Biden’s remarks:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/gjXdyZHcr1k\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/factchecks/20210428-sotu/child.html?initialWidth=763&childId=responsive-embed-20210428-sotu&parentTitle=Fact%20Check%3A%20President%20Biden%27s%20Address%20To%20Congress%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2021%2F04%2F28%2F989120226%2Fbidens-address-to-congress-annotated\" width=\"100%\" height=\"2000\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=President+Biden%27s+Address+To+Congress%2C+Annotated&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Biden is set to address a joint session of Congress for the first time on Wednesday night, on the eve of his 100th day in office. He’ll be delivering the address later into his term than most presidents have traditionally done so, giving him a bigger window to draw from as he looks to highlight early accomplishments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid the coronavirus pandemic, the speech will feel both familiar and unique all at once. Some traditions — like the president’s walk down the aisle of the House chamber — will be the same. But the president will also be masked as he enters what will be a noticeably less crowded, more socially distanced chamber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what you need to know ahead of Wednesday night’s speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What time is the address?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The speech is set to begin around 6 p.m. PT. You can listen to NPR’s simulcast of the event on NPR.org, on KQED.org, on the NPR One app or on your local NPR member station. \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/stations/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Find your station here.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR will also provide additional coverage and analysis of Biden’s address and the Republican response on NPR.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What will Biden talk about? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Biden made a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/26/990305593/100-days-how-biden-has-fared-so-far-on-his-promises\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">number of promises\u003c/a> ahead of the 100-day mark, from rolling out a vaccination plan to establishing the U.S. as an international leader on climate change. Wednesday’s speech will allow the president to reflect on his achievements — like pushing his signature $1.9 trillion \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/coronavirus-live-updates/2021/03/09/974841565/heres-whats-in-the-american-rescue-plan-as-it-heads-toward-final-passage\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">coronavirus relief package\u003c/a> through Congress and getting \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/21/989487650/biden-says-goal-of-200-million-covid-19-vaccinations-in-100-days-has-been-met\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">200 million\u003c/a> shots in arms in his first 100 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he may also take on more difficult subjects, including migration on the southern border, which has posed an early test for his administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden is expected to use the address as an opportunity to pitch \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/991357190\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">his newly unveiled American Families Plan\u003c/a>, which focuses on child care and education largely paid for by higher taxes on wealthy Americans. That’s in addition to his \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/08/985217680/with-his-legacy-in-mind-biden-seeks-u-s-transformation-with-infrastructure-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$2.3 trillion infrastructure proposal\u003c/a>, which has sparked \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/15/987229254/biden-infrastructure-push-highlights-economic-gender-gaps\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">debate\u003c/a> among lawmakers about what should be included under the infrastructure umbrella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a briefing Tuesday, White House press secretary Jen Psaki said the American Families Plan will be the major policy focus of the address. But she said Biden will also discuss immigration, gun safety, the pandemic and police reform. The speech will come just eight days after former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/trial-over-killing-of-george-floyd/2021/04/20/987777911/court-says-jury-has-reached-verdict-in-derek-chauvins-murder-trial\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">found guilty\u003c/a> on all counts for the death of George Floyd last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Biden] was in the Senate for 36 years. He also sat through eight [years] as the vice president, and he certainly recognizes the important opportunity that this offers,” Psaki said of the address.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How will this speech look different from past years’ speeches?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Traditionally, all members of Congress and their (often high-profile) guests gather in the House chamber. But with COVID-19 protocols in place, only a fraction of members will be in attendance, and they will be unable to bring guests. [aside tag=\"politics\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 200 people in all are expected at the speech, instead of the roughly 1,600 who typically attend. First lady Jill Biden will be in the audience, along with Vice President Harris and second gentleman Doug Emhoff. Chief Justice John Roberts will be the only Supreme Court justice in attendance, and while Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin and Secretary of State Antony Blinken will be there, most of the Cabinet will not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There will be no first lady’s box, which is typically filled with attendees invited by the president’s family. And given the scaled-back nature of the event, Psaki confirmed Tuesday that there will be no “designated survivor” for the address. (A designated survivor is an administration official who sits out a major presidential address in case of a disaster scenario.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another difference this year will be who is seated behind the president. Tradition calls for the vice president and the speaker of the House to appear behind the president when he addresses a joint session of Congress. This year, that will be Harris and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi — the first time two women will be in the frame. Biden will also be the first president to deliver the speech in front of a mask-wearing audience.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Who is delivering the Republican response? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tim Scott of South Carolina, the only Black Republican in the Senate, will \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/22/989993117/republican-sen-tim-scott-will-deliver-gop-response-to-biden-address\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">deliver\u003c/a> the Republican response. Scott has been central to negotiations in Congress around \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/trial-over-killing-of-george-floyd/2021/04/21/989500468/where-efforts-to-overhaul-policing-stand-in-congress-after-chauvin-verdict\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">policing legislation\u003c/a> and unveiled a plan last year that would reduce, though not ban, the use of chokeholds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We face serious challenges on multiple fronts, but I am as confident as I have ever been in the promise and potential of America,” Scott said in a statement. “I look forward to having an honest conversation with the American people and sharing Republicans’ optimistic vision for expanding opportunity and empowering working families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the response is often an opportunity to raise the speaker’s political profile, Scott has said he doesn’t plan to run for office again following his 2022 reelection race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Here%27s+What+You+Need+To+Know+Ahead+Of+Biden%27s+Address+To+A+Joint+Session+Of+Congress&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Biden is set to address a joint session of Congress for the first time on Wednesday night, on the eve of his 100th day in office. He’ll be delivering the address later into his term than most presidents have traditionally done so, giving him a bigger window to draw from as he looks to highlight early accomplishments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid the coronavirus pandemic, the speech will feel both familiar and unique all at once. Some traditions — like the president’s walk down the aisle of the House chamber — will be the same. But the president will also be masked as he enters what will be a noticeably less crowded, more socially distanced chamber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what you need to know ahead of Wednesday night’s speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What time is the address?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The speech is set to begin around 6 p.m. PT. You can listen to NPR’s simulcast of the event on NPR.org, on KQED.org, on the NPR One app or on your local NPR member station. \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/stations/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Find your station here.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR will also provide additional coverage and analysis of Biden’s address and the Republican response on NPR.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What will Biden talk about? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Biden made a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/26/990305593/100-days-how-biden-has-fared-so-far-on-his-promises\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">number of promises\u003c/a> ahead of the 100-day mark, from rolling out a vaccination plan to establishing the U.S. as an international leader on climate change. Wednesday’s speech will allow the president to reflect on his achievements — like pushing his signature $1.9 trillion \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/coronavirus-live-updates/2021/03/09/974841565/heres-whats-in-the-american-rescue-plan-as-it-heads-toward-final-passage\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">coronavirus relief package\u003c/a> through Congress and getting \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/21/989487650/biden-says-goal-of-200-million-covid-19-vaccinations-in-100-days-has-been-met\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">200 million\u003c/a> shots in arms in his first 100 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he may also take on more difficult subjects, including migration on the southern border, which has posed an early test for his administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden is expected to use the address as an opportunity to pitch \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/991357190\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">his newly unveiled American Families Plan\u003c/a>, which focuses on child care and education largely paid for by higher taxes on wealthy Americans. That’s in addition to his \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/08/985217680/with-his-legacy-in-mind-biden-seeks-u-s-transformation-with-infrastructure-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$2.3 trillion infrastructure proposal\u003c/a>, which has sparked \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/15/987229254/biden-infrastructure-push-highlights-economic-gender-gaps\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">debate\u003c/a> among lawmakers about what should be included under the infrastructure umbrella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a briefing Tuesday, White House press secretary Jen Psaki said the American Families Plan will be the major policy focus of the address. But she said Biden will also discuss immigration, gun safety, the pandemic and police reform. The speech will come just eight days after former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/trial-over-killing-of-george-floyd/2021/04/20/987777911/court-says-jury-has-reached-verdict-in-derek-chauvins-murder-trial\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">found guilty\u003c/a> on all counts for the death of George Floyd last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Biden] was in the Senate for 36 years. He also sat through eight [years] as the vice president, and he certainly recognizes the important opportunity that this offers,” Psaki said of the address.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How will this speech look different from past years’ speeches?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Traditionally, all members of Congress and their (often high-profile) guests gather in the House chamber. But with COVID-19 protocols in place, only a fraction of members will be in attendance, and they will be unable to bring guests. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 200 people in all are expected at the speech, instead of the roughly 1,600 who typically attend. First lady Jill Biden will be in the audience, along with Vice President Harris and second gentleman Doug Emhoff. Chief Justice John Roberts will be the only Supreme Court justice in attendance, and while Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin and Secretary of State Antony Blinken will be there, most of the Cabinet will not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There will be no first lady’s box, which is typically filled with attendees invited by the president’s family. And given the scaled-back nature of the event, Psaki confirmed Tuesday that there will be no “designated survivor” for the address. (A designated survivor is an administration official who sits out a major presidential address in case of a disaster scenario.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another difference this year will be who is seated behind the president. Tradition calls for the vice president and the speaker of the House to appear behind the president when he addresses a joint session of Congress. This year, that will be Harris and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi — the first time two women will be in the frame. Biden will also be the first president to deliver the speech in front of a mask-wearing audience.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Who is delivering the Republican response? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tim Scott of South Carolina, the only Black Republican in the Senate, will \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/22/989993117/republican-sen-tim-scott-will-deliver-gop-response-to-biden-address\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">deliver\u003c/a> the Republican response. Scott has been central to negotiations in Congress around \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/trial-over-killing-of-george-floyd/2021/04/21/989500468/where-efforts-to-overhaul-policing-stand-in-congress-after-chauvin-verdict\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">policing legislation\u003c/a> and unveiled a plan last year that would reduce, though not ban, the use of chokeholds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We face serious challenges on multiple fronts, but I am as confident as I have ever been in the promise and potential of America,” Scott said in a statement. “I look forward to having an honest conversation with the American people and sharing Republicans’ optimistic vision for expanding opportunity and empowering working families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the response is often an opportunity to raise the speaker’s political profile, Scott has said he doesn’t plan to run for office again following his 2022 reelection race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Here%27s+What+You+Need+To+Know+Ahead+Of+Biden%27s+Address+To+A+Joint+Session+Of+Congress&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "SF City Attorney Dennis Herrera Tapped to Take Over Scandal-Laden Public Utilities Commission That He Investigated",
"title": "SF City Attorney Dennis Herrera Tapped to Take Over Scandal-Laden Public Utilities Commission That He Investigated",
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"content": "\u003cp>Over the past year, San Francisco City Attorney Dennis Herrera has rooted out wrongdoing in an expansive, still unfolding city corruption scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Herrera has been tapped to lead one of the agencies at the center of that scandal — the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission — a move announced Monday by Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As head of the city's water and power agency, Herrera would be tasked with reducing San Francisco's dependency on PG&E, California's largest utility, which has itself drawn heavy scrutiny in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move would also leave an empty seat at the helm of the City Attorney's Office, leading to a potential power shuffle in city government. Those rumored to be vying for the seat include two sitting supervisors, the head of the local Democratic Party and a state assemblymember.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LondonBreed/status/1386728480360988674\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some of those rumored to be potential candidates denied a run outright, former city supervisors David Campos and Jane Kim, and current Assemblymember David Chiu, D-San Francisco, both responded to inquiries with statements that left the door open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If recommended by the SFPUC, Herrera would assume the general manager position previously held by Harlan Kelly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11849113/u-s-attorney-charges-san-francisco-department-head-with-fraud-in-connection-to-bribery-scheme\">who stepped down in November after being charged\u003c/a> by the U.S. attorney's office in the city's sprawling corruption scandal. Attorneys alleged Kelly accepted dinners and a lavish trip to China paid for by a city permitting agent — who has since pleaded guilty — in exchange for favorable treatment securing contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As head of the agency, Herrera told KQED he'd be ready to clean house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"san-francisco-corruption\"]\"There's obviously been a void of leadership at the Public Utilities Commission,\" he said. \"And the mayor and I, in the course of our discussions about the executive leadership of that agency, each came to the conclusion that putting the city's top watchdog in that position would do a great deal to help restore the legacy and the reputation of that agency and at the same time demonstrate our city's commitment to bringing affordable public power to San Francisco.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Breed said she's \"proud\" to nominate Herrera for the role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Dennis has been a great champion in San Francisco across a wide range of issues,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera was initially elected as city attorney in 2001, the first Latino to ever hold that office, and has been subsequently reelected five times. His office played a key role in the U.S. Supreme Court's landmark gay marriage equality case and staunchly defended San Francisco's status as a sanctuary city against relentless attacks by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it's Herrera's pivotal work investigating City Hall corruption that has some officials concerned about the prospect of him switching roles now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Matt Haney, who represents parts of the South of Market and Tenderloin neighborhoods, said he's worried Herrera is leaving the City Attorney's Office as the corruption investigation into Kelly and other city department heads continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Importantly, Haney noted, Herrera's successor would be appointed by Breed, who had strong political alliances with at least three officials deeply embroiled in the scandal, including Kelly, his wife Naomi Kelly — the former city administrator — and former Public Works Director Mohammed Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You're taking somebody who is leading a corruption investigation, moving them, and then having the executive branch, the mayor, which is the body that's under investigation, appointing the replacement,\" Haney said. \"I think that should be of concern to the residents of San Francisco who really want to make sure that we have effective, ethical government with integrity.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney added, \"I respect Dennis Herrera and think he's a strong leader.\" But he called the role change \"highly unusual.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors Catherine Stefani and Rafael Mandelman, who represent the Marina and Pacific Heights neighborhoods and the Castro, Noe Valley, and Mission neighborhoods, respectively, are also among the growing group rumored to be eyeing the city attorney job. Neither responded to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Campos, now the chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party, told KQED, \"I haven't decided but I'm seriously considering it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Jane Kim, she responded by text, \"Last I checked, we still have a city attorney!\" When asked if she would run when he leaves, she said, \"Let's chat then.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, who once worked in the City Attorney's Office under Herrera, is also rumored to be considering the seat, although he told KQED he was not interested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Chiu, meanwhile called Herrera a \"model of public service\" and an inspired choice to lead the SFPUC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about his interest in replacing Herrera, Chiu said, \"I haven't had time to give today's news the consideration it deserves.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, \"Throughout my career, I've always considered where I can best serve the city I love, and will continue to do that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the ongoing corruption probe, at least one figure who was prominently involved in it isn't too worried about any future city attorney throwing a wrench in the works. Dave Anderson, the former U.S. attorney who led the federal criminal probe into the scandal (as opposed to Herrera's office, which pursued a civil investigation), said he expected the investigation to continue unimpeded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would expect continuity in the public corruption investigation because there is continuity in the team that's actually driving the investigation forward day to day,\" he said, noting that other leading attorneys in Herrera's office who will remain in place even if he steps down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked for his response, Herrera sought to calm any fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taking a role at the SFPUC \"should actually alleviate people's concerns, that you have the city's top watchdog also going over to head the PUC,\" he said. \"If there's anybody that's going to send a message that unethical or illegal conduct is not going to be tolerated, and is going to show that they're willing to cooperate with investigations and further them, it's me, since I started this public corruption investigation myself.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Alex Emslie contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "As head of the city's utility agency, Herrera would be leading the same agency that his current office investigated as part of its sprawling city corruption probe.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Over the past year, San Francisco City Attorney Dennis Herrera has rooted out wrongdoing in an expansive, still unfolding city corruption scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Herrera has been tapped to lead one of the agencies at the center of that scandal — the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission — a move announced Monday by Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As head of the city's water and power agency, Herrera would be tasked with reducing San Francisco's dependency on PG&E, California's largest utility, which has itself drawn heavy scrutiny in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move would also leave an empty seat at the helm of the City Attorney's Office, leading to a potential power shuffle in city government. Those rumored to be vying for the seat include two sitting supervisors, the head of the local Democratic Party and a state assemblymember.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>While some of those rumored to be potential candidates denied a run outright, former city supervisors David Campos and Jane Kim, and current Assemblymember David Chiu, D-San Francisco, both responded to inquiries with statements that left the door open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If recommended by the SFPUC, Herrera would assume the general manager position previously held by Harlan Kelly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11849113/u-s-attorney-charges-san-francisco-department-head-with-fraud-in-connection-to-bribery-scheme\">who stepped down in November after being charged\u003c/a> by the U.S. attorney's office in the city's sprawling corruption scandal. Attorneys alleged Kelly accepted dinners and a lavish trip to China paid for by a city permitting agent — who has since pleaded guilty — in exchange for favorable treatment securing contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As head of the agency, Herrera told KQED he'd be ready to clean house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"There's obviously been a void of leadership at the Public Utilities Commission,\" he said. \"And the mayor and I, in the course of our discussions about the executive leadership of that agency, each came to the conclusion that putting the city's top watchdog in that position would do a great deal to help restore the legacy and the reputation of that agency and at the same time demonstrate our city's commitment to bringing affordable public power to San Francisco.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Breed said she's \"proud\" to nominate Herrera for the role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Dennis has been a great champion in San Francisco across a wide range of issues,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera was initially elected as city attorney in 2001, the first Latino to ever hold that office, and has been subsequently reelected five times. His office played a key role in the U.S. Supreme Court's landmark gay marriage equality case and staunchly defended San Francisco's status as a sanctuary city against relentless attacks by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it's Herrera's pivotal work investigating City Hall corruption that has some officials concerned about the prospect of him switching roles now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Matt Haney, who represents parts of the South of Market and Tenderloin neighborhoods, said he's worried Herrera is leaving the City Attorney's Office as the corruption investigation into Kelly and other city department heads continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Importantly, Haney noted, Herrera's successor would be appointed by Breed, who had strong political alliances with at least three officials deeply embroiled in the scandal, including Kelly, his wife Naomi Kelly — the former city administrator — and former Public Works Director Mohammed Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You're taking somebody who is leading a corruption investigation, moving them, and then having the executive branch, the mayor, which is the body that's under investigation, appointing the replacement,\" Haney said. \"I think that should be of concern to the residents of San Francisco who really want to make sure that we have effective, ethical government with integrity.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney added, \"I respect Dennis Herrera and think he's a strong leader.\" But he called the role change \"highly unusual.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors Catherine Stefani and Rafael Mandelman, who represent the Marina and Pacific Heights neighborhoods and the Castro, Noe Valley, and Mission neighborhoods, respectively, are also among the growing group rumored to be eyeing the city attorney job. Neither responded to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Campos, now the chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party, told KQED, \"I haven't decided but I'm seriously considering it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Jane Kim, she responded by text, \"Last I checked, we still have a city attorney!\" When asked if she would run when he leaves, she said, \"Let's chat then.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, who once worked in the City Attorney's Office under Herrera, is also rumored to be considering the seat, although he told KQED he was not interested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Chiu, meanwhile called Herrera a \"model of public service\" and an inspired choice to lead the SFPUC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about his interest in replacing Herrera, Chiu said, \"I haven't had time to give today's news the consideration it deserves.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, \"Throughout my career, I've always considered where I can best serve the city I love, and will continue to do that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the ongoing corruption probe, at least one figure who was prominently involved in it isn't too worried about any future city attorney throwing a wrench in the works. Dave Anderson, the former U.S. attorney who led the federal criminal probe into the scandal (as opposed to Herrera's office, which pursued a civil investigation), said he expected the investigation to continue unimpeded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would expect continuity in the public corruption investigation because there is continuity in the team that's actually driving the investigation forward day to day,\" he said, noting that other leading attorneys in Herrera's office who will remain in place even if he steps down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked for his response, Herrera sought to calm any fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taking a role at the SFPUC \"should actually alleviate people's concerns, that you have the city's top watchdog also going over to head the PUC,\" he said. \"If there's anybody that's going to send a message that unethical or illegal conduct is not going to be tolerated, and is going to show that they're willing to cooperate with investigations and further them, it's me, since I started this public corruption investigation myself.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Alex Emslie contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom Recall Campaign Officially Has Enough Valid Signatures to Force Election",
"title": "Newsom Recall Campaign Officially Has Enough Valid Signatures to Force Election",
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"content": "\u003cp>The campaign to recall Gov. Gavin Newsom from office has submitted enough valid signatures to force an election later this year, according to updated totals from county election officials released on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By clearing the threshold of 1,495,709 valid voter signatures, the campaign has set the stage for the political event of the year: just the second gubernatorial recall election in California history and a direct challenge to the Democratic leadership of the nation’s largest state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Today is not about the politicians, it's about the people and it's about democracy in action,\" said Randy Economy, senior adviser to the recall campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, counties reported 1,626,042 valid signatures in support of the recall election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This now triggers the next phase of the recall process, a 30-business-day period in which voters may submit written requests to county Registrars of Voters to remove their names from the recall petition,” said Secretary of State Shirley Weber in a statement. “A recall election will be held unless a sufficient number of signatures are withdrawn.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED analysis of the Secretary of State's data found strong support for the recall petition in the Gold Country counties of Amador, Calaveras and Tuolumne, where 18-19% of registered voters signed on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for the recall petition was among the lowest in the Bay Area counties of Marin (where 1.5% of registered voters signed the petition), San Francisco (1.8%), San Mateo (2.0%), Alameda (2.7%) and Santa Clara (4.7%).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the recall now heading to the ballot, opponents of Newsom will have to shape an argument for replacing him that can win over voters in deep blue California, where Newsom won 62% of the vote against Republican John Cox three years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The people of California were locked down by Gov. Newsom,\" Economy added. \"His constant demand to make this about him and his edicts and his way or the highway I think is the thing that actually was his demise.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just 40% of likely voters support recalling the governor, according to polling released last month by the Public Policy Institute of California, with 56% of likely voters opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Newsom’s job approval ratings have remained remarkably steady for more than a year in most polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This election will be about two different visions for California,\" said Juan Rodriguez, campaign manager for the campaign opposing the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Republican recall – backed by partisan, pro-Trump, and far-right forces – threatens our values as Californians and seeks to undo the important progress we’ve made under Gov. Newsom - fighting COVID, supporting families who are struggling, protecting our environment, common-sense gun safety laws. There’s simply too much at stake – we will win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite their confidence, Newsom and his political advisers acknowledge that any ballot challenge needs to be taken seriously — after all, the campaign to qualify an election also began as a long shot. In February 2020, former Yolo County Sheriff’s Deputy Orrin Heatlie filed a recall petition that criticized a litany of Newsom positions, from immigration and taxation to water policy and the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865133\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11865133\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-2048x1366.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man signs a petition as activists gather signatures in a recall effort against Gov. Gavin Newsom near Pasadena City Hall on Feb. 28, 2021. \u003ccite>(David McNew/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Newsom received national plaudits for his early handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, the push to remove the governor seemed destined to follow a handful of earlier recall attempts into obscurity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Nov. 6, a Sacramento Superior Court judge granted the recall campaign a four-month extension to collect signatures, moving the deadline to March 17 as California entered its worst months of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coincidentally, that night, Newsom attended a dinner at the upscale French Laundry restaurant in the Napa Valley, ignoring his own guidance to avoid gatherings with mixed households. The dinner, when revealed, combined with increased frustration over school and business closures, propelled a surge in voter signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More on the recall effort\" tag=\"newsom-recall\"]The milestone reached Monday by the recall campaign is an early step in the long process toward an election that will likely take place toward the end of 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials in all 58 counties have until the end of the month to finish processing signatures. More than 100,000 petitions are still awaiting review. Secretary of State Weber has now kicked off a required 30-day period for voters to withdraw their name from the recall petition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former state Senate President Pro Tem Don Perata has launched a political action committee to contact voters and convince them to remove their names, though the identity of petition signers is not publicly available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be a variety of different hunches, and some data, some science and a lot of probably prayers and late-night hours, that we can mail to a couple million people and ask them, 'Did you really know what you were doing?' ” Perata said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the withdrawal window ends, Weber will determine if enough signatures remain to proceed with the election. After that, the Department of Finance and state legislative committees will likely spend the remainder of the summer analyzing the election’s costs. That would leave Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis to set the election for 60 to 80 days later, likely in November or December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whenever the date is, all voters will be mailed a ballot just as they were for the November presidential election. That could drive up costs for county election officials in charge of putting on the election, said Kim Alexander, president of the California Voter Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The registrars are anticipating that it could cost as much as $400 million to conduct this special recall election later this year,\" she said. \"Given the cost of mailing everybody a ballot as well as providing in-person voting options, that seems about right.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the federal government picked up the tab for many of the voting services offered by California counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We don't see that money out there this time, for this election and yet those costs are going to continue to be high,\" added Alexander.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several Republicans have already announced their intention to run for governor, including former San Diego Mayor Kevin Faulconer, businessman Cox and a real wildcard — reality TV star Caitlyn Jenner, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870889/caitlyn-jenner-announces-run-for-california-governor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announced her candidacy\u003c/a> on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The campaign to recall Gov. Gavin Newsom from office has submitted enough valid signatures to force an election later this year, according to updated totals from county election officials released on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By clearing the threshold of 1,495,709 valid voter signatures, the campaign has set the stage for the political event of the year: just the second gubernatorial recall election in California history and a direct challenge to the Democratic leadership of the nation’s largest state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Today is not about the politicians, it's about the people and it's about democracy in action,\" said Randy Economy, senior adviser to the recall campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, counties reported 1,626,042 valid signatures in support of the recall election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This now triggers the next phase of the recall process, a 30-business-day period in which voters may submit written requests to county Registrars of Voters to remove their names from the recall petition,” said Secretary of State Shirley Weber in a statement. “A recall election will be held unless a sufficient number of signatures are withdrawn.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED analysis of the Secretary of State's data found strong support for the recall petition in the Gold Country counties of Amador, Calaveras and Tuolumne, where 18-19% of registered voters signed on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for the recall petition was among the lowest in the Bay Area counties of Marin (where 1.5% of registered voters signed the petition), San Francisco (1.8%), San Mateo (2.0%), Alameda (2.7%) and Santa Clara (4.7%).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the recall now heading to the ballot, opponents of Newsom will have to shape an argument for replacing him that can win over voters in deep blue California, where Newsom won 62% of the vote against Republican John Cox three years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The people of California were locked down by Gov. Newsom,\" Economy added. \"His constant demand to make this about him and his edicts and his way or the highway I think is the thing that actually was his demise.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just 40% of likely voters support recalling the governor, according to polling released last month by the Public Policy Institute of California, with 56% of likely voters opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Newsom’s job approval ratings have remained remarkably steady for more than a year in most polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This election will be about two different visions for California,\" said Juan Rodriguez, campaign manager for the campaign opposing the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Republican recall – backed by partisan, pro-Trump, and far-right forces – threatens our values as Californians and seeks to undo the important progress we’ve made under Gov. Newsom - fighting COVID, supporting families who are struggling, protecting our environment, common-sense gun safety laws. There’s simply too much at stake – we will win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite their confidence, Newsom and his political advisers acknowledge that any ballot challenge needs to be taken seriously — after all, the campaign to qualify an election also began as a long shot. In February 2020, former Yolo County Sheriff’s Deputy Orrin Heatlie filed a recall petition that criticized a litany of Newsom positions, from immigration and taxation to water policy and the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865133\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11865133\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-2048x1366.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231447209-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man signs a petition as activists gather signatures in a recall effort against Gov. Gavin Newsom near Pasadena City Hall on Feb. 28, 2021. \u003ccite>(David McNew/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Newsom received national plaudits for his early handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, the push to remove the governor seemed destined to follow a handful of earlier recall attempts into obscurity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Nov. 6, a Sacramento Superior Court judge granted the recall campaign a four-month extension to collect signatures, moving the deadline to March 17 as California entered its worst months of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coincidentally, that night, Newsom attended a dinner at the upscale French Laundry restaurant in the Napa Valley, ignoring his own guidance to avoid gatherings with mixed households. The dinner, when revealed, combined with increased frustration over school and business closures, propelled a surge in voter signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The milestone reached Monday by the recall campaign is an early step in the long process toward an election that will likely take place toward the end of 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials in all 58 counties have until the end of the month to finish processing signatures. More than 100,000 petitions are still awaiting review. Secretary of State Weber has now kicked off a required 30-day period for voters to withdraw their name from the recall petition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former state Senate President Pro Tem Don Perata has launched a political action committee to contact voters and convince them to remove their names, though the identity of petition signers is not publicly available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be a variety of different hunches, and some data, some science and a lot of probably prayers and late-night hours, that we can mail to a couple million people and ask them, 'Did you really know what you were doing?' ” Perata said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the withdrawal window ends, Weber will determine if enough signatures remain to proceed with the election. After that, the Department of Finance and state legislative committees will likely spend the remainder of the summer analyzing the election’s costs. That would leave Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis to set the election for 60 to 80 days later, likely in November or December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whenever the date is, all voters will be mailed a ballot just as they were for the November presidential election. That could drive up costs for county election officials in charge of putting on the election, said Kim Alexander, president of the California Voter Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The registrars are anticipating that it could cost as much as $400 million to conduct this special recall election later this year,\" she said. \"Given the cost of mailing everybody a ballot as well as providing in-person voting options, that seems about right.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the federal government picked up the tab for many of the voting services offered by California counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We don't see that money out there this time, for this election and yet those costs are going to continue to be high,\" added Alexander.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several Republicans have already announced their intention to run for governor, including former San Diego Mayor Kevin Faulconer, businessman Cox and a real wildcard — reality TV star Caitlyn Jenner, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870889/caitlyn-jenner-announces-run-for-california-governor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announced her candidacy\u003c/a> on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California, for decades a symbol of boundless growth and opportunity that attracted people from across the country and abroad, has seen its population growth stall and is losing a U.S. House of Representatives seat for the first time in its 170-year history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Census Bureau population data released Monday is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/26/983082132/census-to-release-1st-results-that-shift-electoral-college-house-seats\">used to determine how the nation’s 435 House seats are allocated\u003c/a>. California remains the most populous state by far with nearly 39.58 million people, but it is growing more slowly than other states and will see its House delegation drop from 53 to 52.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s population grew by about 2.3 million people since the 2010 Census, but has been nearly flat since 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly a remarkable result given the broader history of the state, which has been just almost relentless population growth,” said Eric McGhee, a senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California who studies political redistricting. “The state has just been booming almost since day one, so to have it be slowing down this much is really historically unprecedented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means influence will shift to faster-growing states such as Arizona, Florida and Texas, where business-friendly policies and lower costs of living have fueled high-octane growth over the past decade. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas gained two seats while Florida added one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas politicians have long sought to woo California residents and businesses. During the pandemic, companies like Oracle and Hewlett Packard Enterprise announced plans to relocate headquarters to from California to Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be gloating — political gloating — I can guarantee it,” said Sherry Bebitch Jeffe, a professor of public policy communication at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s loss of a House seat also means a possible dip in federal funding for Medi-Cal, the health insurance program for low-income people, as well as less money for highways, schools and a wide array of social services that are based on population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of seats in Congress is fixed at 435 and the Census Bureau uses a population-based formula to decide how many seats each state gets. That means if one state loses, another one gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More U.S. residents moving out of California than into the state is just one factor driving California’s slower growth, though demographers say more data is needed to understand who has left and why in recent years. In fact, California has lost more residents to other states than it gained for all but three of the past roughly 30 years, McGhee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those losses typically are offset by international immigration into the state, something that’s slowed in recent years, he said. Births also are declining while deaths are increasing, a phenomenon across the U.S. that’s more pronounced in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='census-2020']In a memo released by the state’s finance department shortly after the Census figures were announced, officials pointed to both natural and political developments as reasons why California’s overall population growth rate didn’t keep pace with the national rate over the last 10 years. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both California and the nation’s fertility rates fell over the last decade, but California’s fell at about twice the national rate, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This faster-than-national decline in fertility yielded 350,000 fewer children in California over this 10-year period,” the memo stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memo also pointed to the impact of Trump administration immigration policies on California’s net migration numbers. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Domestic flows out to other states were more than offset by international migrants,” the memo stated. “However, federal immigration policy decisions in the last half of the decade, accompanied and perhaps exacerbated by an officially pronounced federal view of immigration overall, slowed California’s migration-related growth.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specifically, state finance officials called out Trump administration reductions in H-1B visas and asylum applications, noting that asylum applications fell “from approximately 100,000 in 2016 to approximately 30,000 in 2019,” and saying California is historically home to 30% of the total national asylum population.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘It Will Be a Blip’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just because California’s growth has slowed doesn’t mean the state is in decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California tends to go through boom and bust cycles,” said Beth Jarosz, a senior research associate at the Population Reference Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The growth in recent years has been historically low. Since the last census, California’s population grew 6.1%, which ranked 24th nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bob Shrum, director of University of Southern California’s Dornsife Center for the Political Future, said he expects the overall impact of the loss of a congressional seat to be marginal, even on federal funding. That’s because California will still have far more seats than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will be a blip,” Shrum said. “It will be talked about by Republicans and (Gov.) Greg Abbott in Texas, but it won’t make any fundamental difference to the fortunes and future of the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the number of congressional seats is known, states can embark on the decennial process of redrawing congressional maps, known as redistricting. That process won’t start until late summer or fall because of a delay in releasing neighborhood-level population data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is among several states that use a commission to draw state legislative and congressional districts. Voters in 2008 created an independent Citizens Redistricting Commission that took the power to draw the lines away from the state Legislature. The group has already begun a months-long process of seeking community feedback and taking other input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has not yet decided if it will try to tweak the maps or start from scratch, said Sara Sadhwani, a member of the commission and assistant professor of politics at Pomona College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means, for now, it’s too soon to know how the lines will change and which incumbent politicians could lose their seats or find themselves fighting with colleagues to stay in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Mitchell, a redistricting consultant who owns Sacramento-based Redistricting Partners, said while losing a House seat isn’t great, California actually worked hard to limit its losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state spent $200 million on working with community-based organizations, and doing phone banking and texting, and, when it was appropriate, doing actual in-person outreach in communities to try to bolster the completion of census forms,” Mitchell said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We grew more than other states that actually gained congressional districts. Our 2 million population growth is just not the same 7.5% national rate of growth. And that’s why we’re losing a congressional district. But we’re still growing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from The Associated Press’s Kathleen Ronayne and KQED’s Katie Orr and David Marks.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California, for decades a symbol of boundless growth and opportunity that attracted people from across the country and abroad, has seen its population growth stall and is losing a U.S. House of Representatives seat for the first time in its 170-year history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Census Bureau population data released Monday is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/26/983082132/census-to-release-1st-results-that-shift-electoral-college-house-seats\">used to determine how the nation’s 435 House seats are allocated\u003c/a>. California remains the most populous state by far with nearly 39.58 million people, but it is growing more slowly than other states and will see its House delegation drop from 53 to 52.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s population grew by about 2.3 million people since the 2010 Census, but has been nearly flat since 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly a remarkable result given the broader history of the state, which has been just almost relentless population growth,” said Eric McGhee, a senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California who studies political redistricting. “The state has just been booming almost since day one, so to have it be slowing down this much is really historically unprecedented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means influence will shift to faster-growing states such as Arizona, Florida and Texas, where business-friendly policies and lower costs of living have fueled high-octane growth over the past decade. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas gained two seats while Florida added one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas politicians have long sought to woo California residents and businesses. During the pandemic, companies like Oracle and Hewlett Packard Enterprise announced plans to relocate headquarters to from California to Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be gloating — political gloating — I can guarantee it,” said Sherry Bebitch Jeffe, a professor of public policy communication at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s loss of a House seat also means a possible dip in federal funding for Medi-Cal, the health insurance program for low-income people, as well as less money for highways, schools and a wide array of social services that are based on population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of seats in Congress is fixed at 435 and the Census Bureau uses a population-based formula to decide how many seats each state gets. That means if one state loses, another one gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More U.S. residents moving out of California than into the state is just one factor driving California’s slower growth, though demographers say more data is needed to understand who has left and why in recent years. In fact, California has lost more residents to other states than it gained for all but three of the past roughly 30 years, McGhee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those losses typically are offset by international immigration into the state, something that’s slowed in recent years, he said. Births also are declining while deaths are increasing, a phenomenon across the U.S. that’s more pronounced in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a memo released by the state’s finance department shortly after the Census figures were announced, officials pointed to both natural and political developments as reasons why California’s overall population growth rate didn’t keep pace with the national rate over the last 10 years. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both California and the nation’s fertility rates fell over the last decade, but California’s fell at about twice the national rate, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This faster-than-national decline in fertility yielded 350,000 fewer children in California over this 10-year period,” the memo stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memo also pointed to the impact of Trump administration immigration policies on California’s net migration numbers. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Domestic flows out to other states were more than offset by international migrants,” the memo stated. “However, federal immigration policy decisions in the last half of the decade, accompanied and perhaps exacerbated by an officially pronounced federal view of immigration overall, slowed California’s migration-related growth.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specifically, state finance officials called out Trump administration reductions in H-1B visas and asylum applications, noting that asylum applications fell “from approximately 100,000 in 2016 to approximately 30,000 in 2019,” and saying California is historically home to 30% of the total national asylum population.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘It Will Be a Blip’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just because California’s growth has slowed doesn’t mean the state is in decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California tends to go through boom and bust cycles,” said Beth Jarosz, a senior research associate at the Population Reference Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The growth in recent years has been historically low. Since the last census, California’s population grew 6.1%, which ranked 24th nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bob Shrum, director of University of Southern California’s Dornsife Center for the Political Future, said he expects the overall impact of the loss of a congressional seat to be marginal, even on federal funding. That’s because California will still have far more seats than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will be a blip,” Shrum said. “It will be talked about by Republicans and (Gov.) Greg Abbott in Texas, but it won’t make any fundamental difference to the fortunes and future of the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the number of congressional seats is known, states can embark on the decennial process of redrawing congressional maps, known as redistricting. That process won’t start until late summer or fall because of a delay in releasing neighborhood-level population data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is among several states that use a commission to draw state legislative and congressional districts. Voters in 2008 created an independent Citizens Redistricting Commission that took the power to draw the lines away from the state Legislature. The group has already begun a months-long process of seeking community feedback and taking other input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has not yet decided if it will try to tweak the maps or start from scratch, said Sara Sadhwani, a member of the commission and assistant professor of politics at Pomona College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means, for now, it’s too soon to know how the lines will change and which incumbent politicians could lose their seats or find themselves fighting with colleagues to stay in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Mitchell, a redistricting consultant who owns Sacramento-based Redistricting Partners, said while losing a House seat isn’t great, California actually worked hard to limit its losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state spent $200 million on working with community-based organizations, and doing phone banking and texting, and, when it was appropriate, doing actual in-person outreach in communities to try to bolster the completion of census forms,” Mitchell said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We grew more than other states that actually gained congressional districts. Our 2 million population growth is just not the same 7.5% national rate of growth. And that’s why we’re losing a congressional district. But we’re still growing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from The Associated Press’s Kathleen Ronayne and KQED’s Katie Orr and David Marks.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With Gov. Gavin Newsom likely facing a recall election later this year, Democrats are hoping to learn from what some see as the hard lessons from 2003, when voters approved the recall of then-Gov. Gray Davis, replacing him with Republican Arnold Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lesson number one: Make sure no credible Democrat runs as an alternate to Newsom on the ballot. So far, California Democrats have solidly lined up against the recall, which Newsom framed as a “partisan power grab,” with none indicating any clear intention of running. That’s partly due to Newsom’s relative political strength and the likelihood that anger over the pandemic — which has helped fuel the effort — will be largely forgotten by the time voters cast ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2003, with Davis’ approval rating underwater and sinking fast, at least one Democrat saw the need – or opportunity – to run as a replacement candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, then-Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante said he “absolutely, 100%” would not run. But then he did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here to tell everyone to vote ‘No’ on the recall and ‘Yes’ on Bustamante,” he said at the time, before a bank of TV cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garry South was Davis’ campaign consultant at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To say ‘No’ on the recall, ‘Yes’ on Bustamante was oxymoronic to the average voter. People didn’t get what it meant. It was completely, utterly disingenuous,” South said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Bustamante recently told KQED, he was trying to be a kind of insurance policy for Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What tipped the scales was when Arnold announced,” said Bustamante, who is now a political consultant. “I decided to run in this race in order to protect the state against the kind of politics that I believe Arnold would bring to the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting back on that decision, Bustamante insisted it had nothing to do with the frosty relationship he had with Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But South says Bustamante’s decision to renege on his promise and run was pure political opportunism and calculation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>South claims that months earlier, Bustamante had quietly asked the California Attorney General’s Office if there would be a conflict with him, as lieutenant governor, running during the recall while also setting the date for the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So all of his protestations about, you know, getting dragged into this thing with a public draft, ‘Oh Cruz, you got to run, you got to run,’ is all a bunch of crap. He was plotting to do this from the very beginning,” South said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some Democrats fumed when Bustamante entered the race, GOP consultant Sean Walsh says the Schwarzenegger team had a very different reaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“High fives, low fives, toasts, tequila shots. Rum raisin ice cream: It was a party all the way around if you were a Republican,” Walsh recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"recall\"]Walsh believes that the entrance of a major Democrat into the replacement race completely reshuffled the recall deck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once Cruz Bustamante made that decision to get into the race, it was like the breaking of the dam,” Walsh said. “All bets were off [because if] a Democrat thinks that Gray Davis isn’t doing what he should be doing and he’s the lieutenant governor, well, my goodness then there is something to be had here. … And it opened up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Davis’ approval ratings were historically low – in the 20s. So beating the recall was always going to be a tough climb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But South says by jumping in, Bustamante caused even more problems for Davis. For one, it upended the message that the recall was a Republican plot, an effort to reverse results of an election that happened less than a year earlier. And some voters saw it as a kind of twofer — a way to replace the disliked Davis with the first Latino governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So Arnold was clearly our biggest problem, but Bustamante was a close second,” South said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bustamante — a Central Valley Democrat — had a hard time raising money and was no match for the star power of Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew what the consequences would be. If I lost, it may shorten my career. And I made the decision to run despite that,” Bustamante said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking back now, Bustamante describes his decision to run as “selfless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Frankly, I was taking one for the team,” he said, meaning the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But “the team” sure didn’t appreciate it. Not only was Davis recalled, but Bustamante finished with just 31% of the vote, far behind the winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years later, Bustamante — who was still lieutenant governor — ran for state insurance commissioner, losing to a novice Republican, Steve Poizner. That made him the last incumbent Democrat to lose a statewide election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if Bustamante had it to do over again, would he make the same choice?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all make decisions in life, and if you know what the outcome is going to be and you can you still make that decision, then I have no regrets,” Bustamante said. “So whatever came after that, is it good or bad? It just is. I’m very at peace with all of that. I have no regrets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Democrats like Garry South, Bustamante was a big reason Davis lost. Not surprisingly, Bustamante views things differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they were looking for someone to use as a scapegoat and they have for the last two decades said continuously that he lost because of my entering the race,” Bustamante said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s not alone. Fernando Guerra, a political science professor at Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles, says Davis’ loss was due to bigger factors than his lieutenant governor being in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Guerra thinks now it’s a mistake for Democrats to count on Newsom being popular enough to beat back the recall, which will likely be held in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happens if there are tremendous wildfires out of control and the state doesn’t respond appropriately? What happens if the scandal with the Employment [Development] Department continues and gets even worse? What happens if there is another French Laundry moment? Given his career? He’s very capable of doing that,” Guerra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By stopping Democrats from running, Guerra says, the party runs the risk of “handing the governorship to a Republican.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is political malpractice. The Democrats need to have a strategy and be prepared and coordinated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eighteen years later, Bustamante dismisses the current recall against Gov. Newsom and does not think it’s necessary for a Democrat to run. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This recall is improper and without merit,” he said, adding that unlike Davis, “I think, frankly, that Newsom is going to win handily.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Newsom’s advisers are circling the wagons to make sure no other Democrat jumps into the race while his campaign focuses its fire on Republican challengers, including the latest entrant, Caitlyn Jenner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at least one Democrat is rumored to be considering making a run — former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, who declined to comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With Gov. Gavin Newsom likely facing a recall election later this year, Democrats are hoping to learn from what some see as the hard lessons from 2003, when voters approved the recall of then-Gov. Gray Davis, replacing him with Republican Arnold Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lesson number one: Make sure no credible Democrat runs as an alternate to Newsom on the ballot. So far, California Democrats have solidly lined up against the recall, which Newsom framed as a “partisan power grab,” with none indicating any clear intention of running. That’s partly due to Newsom’s relative political strength and the likelihood that anger over the pandemic — which has helped fuel the effort — will be largely forgotten by the time voters cast ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2003, with Davis’ approval rating underwater and sinking fast, at least one Democrat saw the need – or opportunity – to run as a replacement candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, then-Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante said he “absolutely, 100%” would not run. But then he did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here to tell everyone to vote ‘No’ on the recall and ‘Yes’ on Bustamante,” he said at the time, before a bank of TV cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garry South was Davis’ campaign consultant at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To say ‘No’ on the recall, ‘Yes’ on Bustamante was oxymoronic to the average voter. People didn’t get what it meant. It was completely, utterly disingenuous,” South said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Bustamante recently told KQED, he was trying to be a kind of insurance policy for Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What tipped the scales was when Arnold announced,” said Bustamante, who is now a political consultant. “I decided to run in this race in order to protect the state against the kind of politics that I believe Arnold would bring to the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting back on that decision, Bustamante insisted it had nothing to do with the frosty relationship he had with Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But South says Bustamante’s decision to renege on his promise and run was pure political opportunism and calculation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>South claims that months earlier, Bustamante had quietly asked the California Attorney General’s Office if there would be a conflict with him, as lieutenant governor, running during the recall while also setting the date for the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So all of his protestations about, you know, getting dragged into this thing with a public draft, ‘Oh Cruz, you got to run, you got to run,’ is all a bunch of crap. He was plotting to do this from the very beginning,” South said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some Democrats fumed when Bustamante entered the race, GOP consultant Sean Walsh says the Schwarzenegger team had a very different reaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“High fives, low fives, toasts, tequila shots. Rum raisin ice cream: It was a party all the way around if you were a Republican,” Walsh recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Walsh believes that the entrance of a major Democrat into the replacement race completely reshuffled the recall deck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once Cruz Bustamante made that decision to get into the race, it was like the breaking of the dam,” Walsh said. “All bets were off [because if] a Democrat thinks that Gray Davis isn’t doing what he should be doing and he’s the lieutenant governor, well, my goodness then there is something to be had here. … And it opened up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Davis’ approval ratings were historically low – in the 20s. So beating the recall was always going to be a tough climb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But South says by jumping in, Bustamante caused even more problems for Davis. For one, it upended the message that the recall was a Republican plot, an effort to reverse results of an election that happened less than a year earlier. And some voters saw it as a kind of twofer — a way to replace the disliked Davis with the first Latino governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So Arnold was clearly our biggest problem, but Bustamante was a close second,” South said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bustamante — a Central Valley Democrat — had a hard time raising money and was no match for the star power of Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew what the consequences would be. If I lost, it may shorten my career. And I made the decision to run despite that,” Bustamante said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking back now, Bustamante describes his decision to run as “selfless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Frankly, I was taking one for the team,” he said, meaning the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But “the team” sure didn’t appreciate it. Not only was Davis recalled, but Bustamante finished with just 31% of the vote, far behind the winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years later, Bustamante — who was still lieutenant governor — ran for state insurance commissioner, losing to a novice Republican, Steve Poizner. That made him the last incumbent Democrat to lose a statewide election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if Bustamante had it to do over again, would he make the same choice?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all make decisions in life, and if you know what the outcome is going to be and you can you still make that decision, then I have no regrets,” Bustamante said. “So whatever came after that, is it good or bad? It just is. I’m very at peace with all of that. I have no regrets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Democrats like Garry South, Bustamante was a big reason Davis lost. Not surprisingly, Bustamante views things differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they were looking for someone to use as a scapegoat and they have for the last two decades said continuously that he lost because of my entering the race,” Bustamante said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s not alone. Fernando Guerra, a political science professor at Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles, says Davis’ loss was due to bigger factors than his lieutenant governor being in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Guerra thinks now it’s a mistake for Democrats to count on Newsom being popular enough to beat back the recall, which will likely be held in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happens if there are tremendous wildfires out of control and the state doesn’t respond appropriately? What happens if the scandal with the Employment [Development] Department continues and gets even worse? What happens if there is another French Laundry moment? Given his career? He’s very capable of doing that,” Guerra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By stopping Democrats from running, Guerra says, the party runs the risk of “handing the governorship to a Republican.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is political malpractice. The Democrats need to have a strategy and be prepared and coordinated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eighteen years later, Bustamante dismisses the current recall against Gov. Newsom and does not think it’s necessary for a Democrat to run. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This recall is improper and without merit,” he said, adding that unlike Davis, “I think, frankly, that Newsom is going to win handily.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Newsom’s advisers are circling the wagons to make sure no other Democrat jumps into the race while his campaign focuses its fire on Republican challengers, including the latest entrant, Caitlyn Jenner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state Legislature last week confirmed East Bay Assemblymember Rob Bonta as California’s new attorney general. His confirmation happened the same week former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin was convicted of murdering George Floyd. Bonta, the first Filipino American to take the position, has been a longtime supporter of more police accountability and takes over the AG role at a time when there’s momentum around police accountability in California and across the country. While there’s a lot of power in the AG position, there are also limits to the job. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mlagos\">Marisa Lagos\u003c/a>, KQED politics correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Episode transcript \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3vyGnT5\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC2304103711&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Subscribe to our newsletter \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfeiQTfCnzwvOkxyTf8kUNPHsaoishgMkbMpQ25W5UpHOn9bw/viewform\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">here\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Subscribe to \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/the-bay\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Bay\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to hear more local Bay Area stories like this one. New episodes are released Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a.m. Find The Bay on \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452?mt=2\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/4BIKBKIujizLHlIlBNaAqQ\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Spotify\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/the-bay\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stitcher\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, NPR One or via \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/KQED-The-Bay-Flash-Briefing/dp/B07H6YYV23\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Alexa\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"description": "The state Legislature last week confirmed East Bay Assemblymember Rob Bonta as California’s new attorney general. His confirmation happened the same week former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin was convicted of murdering George Floyd. Bonta, the first Filipino American to take the position, has been a longtime supporter of more police accountability and takes over the AG role at a time when there’s momentum around police accountability in California and across the country. While there’s a lot of power in the AG position, there are also limits to the job. Guest: Marisa Lagos, KQED politics correspondent Episode transcript here. Subscribe",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state Legislature last week confirmed East Bay Assemblymember Rob Bonta as California’s new attorney general. His confirmation happened the same week former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin was convicted of murdering George Floyd. Bonta, the first Filipino American to take the position, has been a longtime supporter of more police accountability and takes over the AG role at a time when there’s momentum around police accountability in California and across the country. While there’s a lot of power in the AG position, there are also limits to the job. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mlagos\">Marisa Lagos\u003c/a>, KQED politics correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Episode transcript \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3vyGnT5\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC2304103711&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Subscribe to our newsletter \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfeiQTfCnzwvOkxyTf8kUNPHsaoishgMkbMpQ25W5UpHOn9bw/viewform\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">here\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Will California Lawmakers Allow Distance Learning to Continue Next Year?",
"title": "Will California Lawmakers Allow Distance Learning to Continue Next Year?",
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"content": "\u003cp>California schools have moved to reopen at a lunch-line pace this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite billions of dollars funneled from the state Capitol, the share of districts offering full-time, in-person learning ranks among the lowest in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as more districts begin opening their doors, typically in a hybrid format, state lawmakers are turning their focus to next school year as part of the annual state budget process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And despite declarations from Gov. Gavin Newsom, state legislators, school officials and teachers unions that classroom instruction is the best form of education for most students, many of those involved in budget discussions say the state’s spending plan could once again allow for distance or hybrid learning in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That possibility is a reflection of the fact that the COVID-19 pandemic may have forever changed the way school is taught in the state. After more than a year of remote instruction, some families have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11869776/were-not-a-monolith-some-black-and-brown-parents-in-oakland-feel-conflicted-as-in-person-learning-returns\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">come to prefer that setup for their children.\u003c/a>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Kevin Gordon, president of Capitol Advisors\"]'What we're hearing very broadly from schools all across the state is that they do want to have some level of flexibility to continue to provide distance learning for some families.'[/pullquote]\"What we're hearing very broadly from schools all across the state is that they do want to have some level of flexibility to continue to provide distance learning for some families,\" said Kevin Gordon, president of Capitol Advisors, a lobbying firm representing hundreds of California school districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But any continuation of distance learning in the fall would also be a political risk for Newsom, who has been criticized for the slow pace of California's school reopening and will likely face a recall election toward the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And districts acknowledge the need for some limits on distance learning in the state budget, Gordon said, to ensure that the goal of full-time, in-person instruction is not diluted through local deliberations and negotiations with labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think there is a genuine fear and I think a legitimate fear that if the Legislature doesn't have some guardrails on a future distance learning strategy, that there are going to be different kinds of pressure that would water down the effort to get kids back into an in-person instruction approach,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That delicate balance has been elusive during this current school year. In June, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB98\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">signed a budget bill\u003c/a> that authorized distance learning and lowered the requirement for instructional minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California's coronavirus caseload waxed and waned over the last year, the budget ensured that decisions over whether to open classrooms would ultimately be left to local school boards, who frequently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11861466/sfusd-isnt-alone-escalating-pressures-facing-lawmakers-in-school-reopening-debate-across-bay-area\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">faced competing pressures\u003c/a> from parents and teachers unions, often resulting in gridlock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11863208/california-legislature-approves-plan-to-reopen-schools\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">billions in state incentive grants to reopen classrooms\u003c/a>, just 17% of California districts have so far returned to full in-person learning, \u003ca href=\"https://www.returntolearntracker.net/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the 10th-lowest mark among states in the U.S.\u003c/a>, according to data gathered by the American Enterprise Institute and the College Crisis Initiative of Davidson College earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Newsom and legislators must again decide whether to give districts such deference in the state's next spending plan, which the Legislature must pass before June 15 — although pieces of the budget can be adopted later in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A return to pre-pandemic rules would mean only students approved for independent study or those in non-classroom-based charter schools could enroll in distance learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's press office \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GovPressOffice/status/1383835528500445185\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tweeted this week\u003c/a> that the governor did not include an extension of this year's distance learning allowance in his initial 2021-2022 budget proposal unveiled in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GovPressOffice/status/1383835528500445185\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's up to the democratic process to confirm the Gov’s position, in spring budget negotiations w the Leg[islature],\" the tweet stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recently, Newsom has only gone so far as to say he expects a return to in-person instruction in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mandates are often not looked upon as favorably as you would like to think,\" he said earlier this month during a visit to a Santa Rosa elementary school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while some Democrats, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/education/article/Newsom-California-schools-should-fully-reopen-in-16101323.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">including state Sen. Scott Wiener, \u003c/a>D-San Francisco, have called for an end to distance learning in the fall, others are taking a wait-and-see approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"school-reopening\"]\"It’s our goal to take a hard look at the time we do the budget as to what the circumstances are of the pandemic at that point, and decide if there’s tweaks or changes that we want to make,\" said state Sen. John Laird, D-Santa Cruz, chair of the Senate's budget subcommittee on education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state's largest teachers union, the California Teachers Association, is also calling for legislators to preserve the option of distance learning in the budget and leave the final decision to local school districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It has to be a community-based decision where everyone comes together to decide on what's best for them,\" said E. Toby Boyd, the union's president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the recall campaign has made shuttered schools a key part of its attack on Newsom, key Republicans in the state Legislature share the CTA's desire for\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11863474/local-control-in-reopening-debate-puts-scrutiny-on-elected-school-boards\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> local control\u003c/a> over decisions to reopen in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think ultimately the healthiest way to proceed is to give the school districts the ability to make the choices that best meet the needs of their region or their district,\" said state Sen. Rosilicie Ochoa Bogh, R-Yucaipa, the lone Republican on the budget education subcommittee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We don't know what the health environment will be in the fall,\" she added. \"I think it's our responsibility to make sure that we have accommodations for families that can't or won't vaccinate.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For parent advocates pushing for a full return to classroom learning, the idea of local decision-making conjures up the prospect of repeating what happened this spring, when prolonged negotiations resulted in something less than a full return to the pre-pandemic school schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large Bay Area districts such as San Francisco, Oakland and Fremont have opted to pass up millions of dollars in state funding by not returning all elementary and some older students to class, a requirement of the incentive bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the state allows so much flexibility that it’s really up to the districts, then we’re going to see this huge variation with what children are actually able to access in terms of high-quality, in-person instruction,\" said Meredith Willa Dodson, co-founder of Decreasing the Distance, a school reopening advocacy group in San Francisco created during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodson said her group is scrambling to shift its lobbying efforts to the state Capitol before budget negotiations move into high gear after Newsom releases his revised budget in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since we’ve been around, we haven’t even approached thinking about state advocacy until the last few weeks,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"What we're hearing very broadly from schools all across the state is that they do want to have some level of flexibility to continue to provide distance learning for some families,\" said Kevin Gordon, president of Capitol Advisors, a lobbying firm representing hundreds of California school districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But any continuation of distance learning in the fall would also be a political risk for Newsom, who has been criticized for the slow pace of California's school reopening and will likely face a recall election toward the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And districts acknowledge the need for some limits on distance learning in the state budget, Gordon said, to ensure that the goal of full-time, in-person instruction is not diluted through local deliberations and negotiations with labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think there is a genuine fear and I think a legitimate fear that if the Legislature doesn't have some guardrails on a future distance learning strategy, that there are going to be different kinds of pressure that would water down the effort to get kids back into an in-person instruction approach,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That delicate balance has been elusive during this current school year. In June, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB98\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">signed a budget bill\u003c/a> that authorized distance learning and lowered the requirement for instructional minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California's coronavirus caseload waxed and waned over the last year, the budget ensured that decisions over whether to open classrooms would ultimately be left to local school boards, who frequently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11861466/sfusd-isnt-alone-escalating-pressures-facing-lawmakers-in-school-reopening-debate-across-bay-area\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">faced competing pressures\u003c/a> from parents and teachers unions, often resulting in gridlock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11863208/california-legislature-approves-plan-to-reopen-schools\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">billions in state incentive grants to reopen classrooms\u003c/a>, just 17% of California districts have so far returned to full in-person learning, \u003ca href=\"https://www.returntolearntracker.net/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the 10th-lowest mark among states in the U.S.\u003c/a>, according to data gathered by the American Enterprise Institute and the College Crisis Initiative of Davidson College earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Newsom and legislators must again decide whether to give districts such deference in the state's next spending plan, which the Legislature must pass before June 15 — although pieces of the budget can be adopted later in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A return to pre-pandemic rules would mean only students approved for independent study or those in non-classroom-based charter schools could enroll in distance learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's press office \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GovPressOffice/status/1383835528500445185\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tweeted this week\u003c/a> that the governor did not include an extension of this year's distance learning allowance in his initial 2021-2022 budget proposal unveiled in January.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\"It's up to the democratic process to confirm the Gov’s position, in spring budget negotiations w the Leg[islature],\" the tweet stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recently, Newsom has only gone so far as to say he expects a return to in-person instruction in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mandates are often not looked upon as favorably as you would like to think,\" he said earlier this month during a visit to a Santa Rosa elementary school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while some Democrats, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/education/article/Newsom-California-schools-should-fully-reopen-in-16101323.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">including state Sen. Scott Wiener, \u003c/a>D-San Francisco, have called for an end to distance learning in the fall, others are taking a wait-and-see approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"It’s our goal to take a hard look at the time we do the budget as to what the circumstances are of the pandemic at that point, and decide if there’s tweaks or changes that we want to make,\" said state Sen. John Laird, D-Santa Cruz, chair of the Senate's budget subcommittee on education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state's largest teachers union, the California Teachers Association, is also calling for legislators to preserve the option of distance learning in the budget and leave the final decision to local school districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It has to be a community-based decision where everyone comes together to decide on what's best for them,\" said E. Toby Boyd, the union's president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the recall campaign has made shuttered schools a key part of its attack on Newsom, key Republicans in the state Legislature share the CTA's desire for\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11863474/local-control-in-reopening-debate-puts-scrutiny-on-elected-school-boards\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> local control\u003c/a> over decisions to reopen in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think ultimately the healthiest way to proceed is to give the school districts the ability to make the choices that best meet the needs of their region or their district,\" said state Sen. Rosilicie Ochoa Bogh, R-Yucaipa, the lone Republican on the budget education subcommittee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We don't know what the health environment will be in the fall,\" she added. \"I think it's our responsibility to make sure that we have accommodations for families that can't or won't vaccinate.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For parent advocates pushing for a full return to classroom learning, the idea of local decision-making conjures up the prospect of repeating what happened this spring, when prolonged negotiations resulted in something less than a full return to the pre-pandemic school schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large Bay Area districts such as San Francisco, Oakland and Fremont have opted to pass up millions of dollars in state funding by not returning all elementary and some older students to class, a requirement of the incentive bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the state allows so much flexibility that it’s really up to the districts, then we’re going to see this huge variation with what children are actually able to access in terms of high-quality, in-person instruction,\" said Meredith Willa Dodson, co-founder of Decreasing the Distance, a school reopening advocacy group in San Francisco created during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodson said her group is scrambling to shift its lobbying efforts to the state Capitol before budget negotiations move into high gear after Newsom releases his revised budget in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since we’ve been around, we haven’t even approached thinking about state advocacy until the last few weeks,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 16
},
"link": "/podcasts/rightnowish",
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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},
"snap-judgment": {
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