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"disqusTitle": "California Will 'Fight Like Hell' to Protect Abortion Rights If Roe V. Wade Overturned, Newsom Says",
"title": "California Will 'Fight Like Hell' to Protect Abortion Rights If Roe V. Wade Overturned, Newsom Says",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Update Friday, June 24: The decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization was announced on June 24, overturning Roe v. Wade and eliminating the constitutional right to an abortion.\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>California guarantees the right to abortion in statute and the state constitution. Our state’s abortion laws are the strongest in the United States. Both officials and abortion providers have made it very clear that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917111/even-without-roe-v-wade-abortion-is-still-legal-in-california-heres-what-you-need-to-know\">abortion access in California will not change\u003c/a> because of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision. \u003ca class=\"c-link\" tabindex=\"-1\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Read more about the overturning of Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Original story continues:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California will not sit back. We are going to fight like hell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1521299313808216064\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s initial response\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/02/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-00029473\">Politico’s explosive Monday-night publication\u003c/a> of a draft \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/f/?id=00000180-874f-dd36-a38c-c74f98520000\">U.S. Supreme Court majority opinion\u003c/a> that suggests justices are poised to strike down Roe v. Wade, the landmark 1973 ruling that guaranteed the federal constitutional right to an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours later, Newsom and the Democratic leaders of the state Legislature announced plans to introduce an amendment “\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/05/02/following-draft-scotus-opinion-legislative-leaders-and-governor-newsom-announce-constitutional-amendment-to-enshrine-the-right-to-choose-in-california/\">to enshrine the right to choose in our state constitution\u003c/a> so that there is no doubt as to the right to abortion in this state.” For the amendment to be incorporated into the constitution, it would need to be passed by two-thirds of lawmakers in both the Assembly and Senate and approved by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California will not stand idly by as women across America are stripped of their rights, and the progress so many have fought for gets erased,” said Newsom and Senate President Pro Tempore Toni G. Atkins (D-San Diego) and Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon (D-Lakewood) in a statement. “We know we can’t trust the Supreme Court to protect reproductive rights, so California will build a firewall around this right in our state constitution. Women will remain protected here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politico acknowledged the draft opinion has many caveats: It represents only the opinion of Justice Samuel Alito, who wrote the draft for the majority. It’s far from final — the draft was written in February, and the court isn’t expected to issue a final ruling until June or July. And vote breakdowns can change: Although four other Republican-appointed justices reportedly voted to back Alito in private conferences while three Democratic-appointed justices are working on dissents and Chief Justice John Roberts remains undecided, that lineup could shift in the final opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The draft ruling — the first to be released in the court’s modern history while a case is still pending — could supercharge an election season that’s getting into full swing with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/\">the June 7 primary\u003c/a> just a month away, raising the stakes in already competitive seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5K6DnQwAsRQ\">first campaign video of 2022\u003c/a>, released Monday, Newsom strolls through a redwood forest while pledging to “always lead the California way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One prong of that plan: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/12/california-abortion-newsom/\">Making California a “sanctuary”\u003c/a> for out-of-state patients seeking abortion, including by helping cover the cost of the procedure, transportation, lodging, child care, food and lost wages. At the local level, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/health/article/Santa-Clara-seeks-funding-for-out-of-state-17141880.php\">two Santa Clara County supervisors are seeking $3 million\u003c/a> to help out-of-state women access abortion care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade could result in 26 states immediately banning or severely limiting abortions — making California the closest no-ban state within driving distance for as many as 1.4 million women, a nearly 3,000% increase from current levels, \u003ca href=\"https://states.guttmacher.org/#california\">according to abortion-rights supporter Guttmacher Institute\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No state does more to protect abortion access, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/\">as CalMatters’ Kristen Hwang reports in this comprehensive explainer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11912134 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/GettyImages-1145542990-1020x680.jpg']And it’s seeking to go even further. California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912134/we-fill-the-gaps-california-preps-to-be-a-haven-for-abortion-rights\">clinics that provide abortions are building new facilities closer to transit hubs\u003c/a> and training more staff. And a package of 13 abortion-rights bills moving through the Legislature would expand the number of providers, provide financial assistance to people traveling to California to terminate their pregnancies, and legally protect the doctors who treat them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of those bills have \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ProChoiceCA/status/1520119180959256576?s=20&t=eH8nDyLAafxLb9XW_NiLpw\">cleared their first legislative hurdle\u003c/a>, though some faced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/04/abortion-rights-covid-protests/\">intense opposition from anti-abortion rights protesters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the news sank in Monday night, some prominent California Republicans slammed the leak — California Republican National Committee member Harmeet Dhillon deemed it “\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/pnjaban/status/1521322833695023104\">terrorism against the Court and against our nation\u003c/a>” — while Democrats promised to defend abortion rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time for Congress to get off the sidelines,” said U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla. “We must protect the fundamental right to choose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jodi Hicks, president and CEO of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California, vowed to continue serving Californians and those traveling to California from states that have enacted abortion restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the nightmare scenario we in the reproductive health, rights, and justice space have been sounding the alarm about,” Hicks said. “To Californians, and people who may seek care here due to hostile bans in their home state, know this: Planned Parenthood health centers across California will remain open.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "With a leaked draft opinion showing the US Supreme Court poised to overturn Roe v. Wade, Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders vow to strengthen abortion rights in California.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Update Friday, June 24: The decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization was announced on June 24, overturning Roe v. Wade and eliminating the constitutional right to an abortion.\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>California guarantees the right to abortion in statute and the state constitution. Our state’s abortion laws are the strongest in the United States. Both officials and abortion providers have made it very clear that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917111/even-without-roe-v-wade-abortion-is-still-legal-in-california-heres-what-you-need-to-know\">abortion access in California will not change\u003c/a> because of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision. \u003ca class=\"c-link\" tabindex=\"-1\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Read more about the overturning of Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Original story continues:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California will not sit back. We are going to fight like hell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1521299313808216064\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s initial response\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/02/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-00029473\">Politico’s explosive Monday-night publication\u003c/a> of a draft \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/f/?id=00000180-874f-dd36-a38c-c74f98520000\">U.S. Supreme Court majority opinion\u003c/a> that suggests justices are poised to strike down Roe v. Wade, the landmark 1973 ruling that guaranteed the federal constitutional right to an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours later, Newsom and the Democratic leaders of the state Legislature announced plans to introduce an amendment “\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/05/02/following-draft-scotus-opinion-legislative-leaders-and-governor-newsom-announce-constitutional-amendment-to-enshrine-the-right-to-choose-in-california/\">to enshrine the right to choose in our state constitution\u003c/a> so that there is no doubt as to the right to abortion in this state.” For the amendment to be incorporated into the constitution, it would need to be passed by two-thirds of lawmakers in both the Assembly and Senate and approved by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California will not stand idly by as women across America are stripped of their rights, and the progress so many have fought for gets erased,” said Newsom and Senate President Pro Tempore Toni G. Atkins (D-San Diego) and Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon (D-Lakewood) in a statement. “We know we can’t trust the Supreme Court to protect reproductive rights, so California will build a firewall around this right in our state constitution. Women will remain protected here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politico acknowledged the draft opinion has many caveats: It represents only the opinion of Justice Samuel Alito, who wrote the draft for the majority. It’s far from final — the draft was written in February, and the court isn’t expected to issue a final ruling until June or July. And vote breakdowns can change: Although four other Republican-appointed justices reportedly voted to back Alito in private conferences while three Democratic-appointed justices are working on dissents and Chief Justice John Roberts remains undecided, that lineup could shift in the final opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The draft ruling — the first to be released in the court’s modern history while a case is still pending — could supercharge an election season that’s getting into full swing with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/\">the June 7 primary\u003c/a> just a month away, raising the stakes in already competitive seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5K6DnQwAsRQ\">first campaign video of 2022\u003c/a>, released Monday, Newsom strolls through a redwood forest while pledging to “always lead the California way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One prong of that plan: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/12/california-abortion-newsom/\">Making California a “sanctuary”\u003c/a> for out-of-state patients seeking abortion, including by helping cover the cost of the procedure, transportation, lodging, child care, food and lost wages. At the local level, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/health/article/Santa-Clara-seeks-funding-for-out-of-state-17141880.php\">two Santa Clara County supervisors are seeking $3 million\u003c/a> to help out-of-state women access abortion care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade could result in 26 states immediately banning or severely limiting abortions — making California the closest no-ban state within driving distance for as many as 1.4 million women, a nearly 3,000% increase from current levels, \u003ca href=\"https://states.guttmacher.org/#california\">according to abortion-rights supporter Guttmacher Institute\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No state does more to protect abortion access, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/\">as CalMatters’ Kristen Hwang reports in this comprehensive explainer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And it’s seeking to go even further. California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912134/we-fill-the-gaps-california-preps-to-be-a-haven-for-abortion-rights\">clinics that provide abortions are building new facilities closer to transit hubs\u003c/a> and training more staff. And a package of 13 abortion-rights bills moving through the Legislature would expand the number of providers, provide financial assistance to people traveling to California to terminate their pregnancies, and legally protect the doctors who treat them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of those bills have \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ProChoiceCA/status/1520119180959256576?s=20&t=eH8nDyLAafxLb9XW_NiLpw\">cleared their first legislative hurdle\u003c/a>, though some faced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/04/abortion-rights-covid-protests/\">intense opposition from anti-abortion rights protesters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the news sank in Monday night, some prominent California Republicans slammed the leak — California Republican National Committee member Harmeet Dhillon deemed it “\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/pnjaban/status/1521322833695023104\">terrorism against the Court and against our nation\u003c/a>” — while Democrats promised to defend abortion rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time for Congress to get off the sidelines,” said U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla. “We must protect the fundamental right to choose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jodi Hicks, president and CEO of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California, vowed to continue serving Californians and those traveling to California from states that have enacted abortion restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the nightmare scenario we in the reproductive health, rights, and justice space have been sounding the alarm about,” Hicks said. “To Californians, and people who may seek care here due to hostile bans in their home state, know this: Planned Parenthood health centers across California will remain open.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Activists Helped Create the Bay Area's Most Diverse Congressional District. Now They're Probably Getting John Garamendi",
"title": "Activists Helped Create the Bay Area's Most Diverse Congressional District. Now They're Probably Getting John Garamendi",
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"content": "\u003cp>Taylor Sims, vice president of Pittsburg Unified School District’s board of trustees, stood on a stage at Pittsburg High School earlier this month for more than an hour, greeting a procession of students who were being awarded for academic achievement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a lot of handshakes,” quipped an onlooking teacher, as pockets of cheers broke out from students reacting to the announcement of names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students who streamed across the stage reflect the growing Black, Latino and Asian population in the outer reaches of the Bay Area, marking a decades-long trend of gentrification pushing families from cities like San Francisco and Oakland to suburbs like Pittsburg and Antioch.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Taylor Sims, vice president, Pittsburg Unified School District Board of Trustees\"]'I think it's a great opportunity for a person of color who's from the community to run and actually be the voice of the community.'[/pullquote]Sitting on the southern shore of Suisun Bay, Pittsburg was anchored for generations by a U.S. Steel mill that’s set to close next year. According to figures from the U.S. Census Bureau, the vast majority of city residents are people of color. “It’s a very diverse but very much a bubble community,” said Sims, who is Black. “Everybody knows everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sims said the issues Pittsburg faces aren’t limited to that community: Residents across the industrial suburbs and cities of Contra Costa and Solano counties struggle to find affordable housing, good jobs and clean air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Richmond, the refineries, the pollution, the debris, it blows this way to Pittsburg, and so we actually have a really high asthma rate for our students,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a bid to get representation in Washington that would be acutely attuned to these challenges, Sims and other local activists pushed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.wedrawthelinesca.org/\">California Citizens Redistricting Commission\u003c/a> last year to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11895983/the-redistricting-draft-maps-are-here-this-is-how-they-could-change-politics-in-the-bay-area\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">draw a new congressional district enveloping the region\u003c/a> — a move that would concentrate the voting power of these diverse communities into one seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission agreed, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899971/following-a-tumultuous-redistricting-process-california-unveils-new-electoral-maps\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the state’s new congressional map, approved in December\u003c/a>, grouped cities, including Vallejo, Fairfield, Richmond, Pittsburg and part of Antioch — many of which have been located in separate districts — into the new 8th Congressional District. It's the most racially and ethnically diverse district both in the Bay Area and statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912528\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11912528\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/CD8-copy-800x671.jpg\" alt=\"A map of Congressional District 8\" width=\"800\" height=\"671\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/CD8-copy-800x671.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/CD8-copy-160x134.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/CD8-copy.jpg 1015w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map of the newly drawn Congressional District 8, which includes parts of Contra Costa and Solano counties. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the California Citizens Redistricting Commission)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new congressional district is the only one in California in which white, Latino, Black and Asian residents each account for at least 15% of the citizen voting-age population, according to data from the 2019 American Community Survey.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was ecstatic — it was something that we really, really fought for,” said Sims, who worked with the civic engagement coalition Lift Up Contra Costa to advocate for the new district. “I think it’s a great opportunity for a person of color who’s from the community to run and actually be the voice of the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this shining example of the redistricting commission’s ability to uplift community input has been followed by a textbook case of political machinations. The day the commission approved the new 8th District, John Garamendi, a 77-year-old white congressmember who lives in the Sacramento County town of Walnut Grove, outside the district, announced he would run for the seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi's previous district had been divided into multiple seats, and unlike in the state Legislature, members of Congress are not required to live in the districts they represent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Immediately you see that juxtaposition of, like, 'Oh, yeah, we have this diverse area, but look who's running,'\" said Kimi Lee, executive director of Bay Rising, another civic engagement group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said the development in the 8th District is a manifestation of the long-term underrepresentation of residents of color in local government, resulting from the high costs of running for office and a lack of leadership training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2020 collaborative study by Bay Rising and PolicyLink, a research institute focused on advancing economic and social equity, found that while 60% of Bay Area residents are people of color, they only account for \u003ca href=\"https://bayrising.org/2021/09/22/everyone-wins-when-our-elected-officials-reflect-the-diversity-of-the-region/\">34% of the region's top elected officials\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a diverse pool of candidates in local government, \"you’re not going to have a diverse pool at the congressional level,” said Lee. “Even though we have this opportunity now with a more diverse district, it will take years to actually get people in the pipeline to be able then to run.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lack of local competition is playing to the advantage of Garamendi, who enters the June primary with an enormous edge over his opponents in name recognition, endorsements and cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is just the fact that John Garamendi doesn’t live in this district,” said Danny Espinoza, campaign director for Lift Up Contra Costa. “I think in order to build trust with your constituents, to build trust with your community, they want you to feel like you’re part of that community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi countered that his decades of experience in Congress and state government will give the district’s needs instant priority in the nation’s Capitol — regardless of where he makes his home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Living in it is not important,” said Garamendi, who is seeking to extend his nearly 50-year career in public service. “Knowing it and knowing how to represent it — in the district as well as here in Washington — is what’s critical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912360\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11912360 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55588_IMG_4070-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A smiling woman standing in a large room.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55588_IMG_4070-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55588_IMG_4070-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55588_IMG_4070-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55588_IMG_4070-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55588_IMG_4070-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Taylor Sims, vice president of Pittsburg Unified School District’s board of trustees, said the new district offers 'a great opportunity for a person of color who’s from the community to run.' \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the last decade, the cities of the new 8th District were placed in House districts with whiter and wealthier communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo, Benicia and Martinez currently sit in a district with Wine Country communities represented by Congressmember Mike Thompson from Napa. Richmond and San Pablo, meanwhile, are paired with the suburbs of Lamorinda and the Tri-Valley in a seat held by Congressmember Mark DeSaulnier of Concord. Fairfield and Suisun City currently are represented by Garamendi, in a district that stretches north to rural Glenn and Yuba counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The communities that are in Antioch, Pittsburg, Vallejo, Fairfield, Suisun [City], Richmond, they all look similar,” said Espinoza. “And they all have similar — I’d say vibes — but really they have similar sets of struggles as far as public transportation, lack of quality jobs in those specific cities, access to affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Espinoza points to the region’s five oil refineries, all of which will be included in the new district. The facilities and their operations have large impacts on the local economy and public health, but can seem a world away from the tasting rooms of Sonoma or the corporate headquarters of San Ramon.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"redistricting\"]“Part of our thinking was pairing these communities that all share more similar policy issues that one elected could really try to address,” said Kristin Nimmers, who organized community involvement in the line-drawing process with the California Black Census and Redistricting Hub.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11895368/drawing-new-political-maps-for-the-bay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first step toward shaping the district\u003c/a> was establishing a “community of interest” among the various cities. Groups like Black Women Organized for Political Action (BWOPA) scoured census data and business records and heard resident testimony to find where Black, Latino and Filipino residents were living, shopping and worshiping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks in Richmond would come to Vallejo to go to church. There's a fish shop here in Vallejo — you see people from Richmond coming to purchase fish here,” said Latressa Wilson Alford, vice president of BWOPA’s Solano-Napa chapter. “Then also you see people from Vallejo going to Pittsburg, taking their kids to participate in events in Pittsburg.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked at all that information and we began to see that, well, this is the community,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The findings and recommended district lines then were presented to the state’s redistricting commission, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11894003/booming-asian-population-could-gain-bigger-influence-in-new-bay-area-voter-maps\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">which met last year to draw the new districts\u003c/a> that will be in place for the coming decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most states, political maps are approved by the state Legislature, which allows the ruling party to draw districts to the advantage of incumbents. But in California, starting with the 2011 redistricting process, an independent group is tasked with drawing the lines irrespective of current representatives or political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most of the Bay Area’s congressional map will remain similar to the version approved 10 years ago, the 8th District is markedly different: By grouping together pieces of different districts, the seat drawn by the commission was left with no clear incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Dec. 20, as the commission gave final sign-off to the maps, Garamendi \u003ca href=\"https://www.garamendi.org/news/congressman-garamendi-announces-re-election-campaign\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">announced that he would be “running for re-election”\u003c/span>\u003c/a> in the 8th District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912361\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11912361 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55589_IMG_4063-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A young man with a goatee smiles as he stands outside.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55589_IMG_4063-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55589_IMG_4063-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55589_IMG_4063-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55589_IMG_4063-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55589_IMG_4063-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Danny Espinoza, a campaign director for Lift Up Contra Costa, believes it's problematic that Garamendi lives outside the district he's likely to represent. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A similar political shake-up on the heels of redistricting helped launch Garamendi's own political career in 1974. New political lines for that year's election convinced the assemblymember representing Garamendi’s home county of Calaveras to run in a new district — leaving a seat up for grabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was open territory, it had no incumbent,” remembered Pat Johnston, Garamendi’s first campaign manager, in a 2002 interview for the California Oral History Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that election, Douglas Carter, a sitting assemblymember from San Joaquin County, was “district shopping” and made a run for the seat. But Garamendi prevailed, appealing to rural voters with his rancher roots, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0bJq3lTLxEE\">which he would tout throughout his career\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The brochure when you opened it had a picture of John on a cattle ranch and it said, ‘Born on a cattle ranch, schooled at Harvard,’” Johnson recalled. “The yin and the yang. The smart cowboy, not too big for his britches but a lot bigger talent than you might expect to send to Sacramento.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The victory set in motion a career that has included 16 years in the state Legislature, stints as lieutenant governor and insurance commissioner (twice), and more than a decade in Congress.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Danny Espinoza, campaign director, Lift Up Contra Costa\"]'The communities that are in Antioch, Pittsburg, Vallejo, Fairfield, Suisun [City], Richmond, they all look similar. And they all have similar — I'd say vibes — but really they have similar sets of struggles.'[/pullquote]Garamendi first won election to the House in a 2009 special election in a district that stretched from Livermore to just outside his home in the Sacramento Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When district lines change, Garamendi said he finds ways to use his experience and seniority on behalf of a new set of constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the last redistricting [in 2011], I was sent up the river, sent to one of the largest agricultural districts in the entire nation,” he said. “So what do you do? You reach out to the community, you understand the issues of the community you work [in], in that case with agriculture, individual farmers and organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And we’ll do the same [now] … and then my job is to represent those and to make sure to address the issues in the community,” he added, pointing to the tens of millions of dollars for Bay Area schools and roads in the American Rescue Plan and the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, both of which he voted for last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about his agenda for the new district, Garamendi said he already has a plan to bring jobs to Vallejo by making the former Mare Island Naval Shipyard a hub for the repair of U.S. Navy combat vessels. Garamendi \u003ca href=\"https://napavalleyregister.com/news/state-and-regional/john-garamendi-announces-13-million-investment-at-mare-island-dry-dock/article_dab94aaf-47b0-54b1-94e6-7a44e3983925.html\">traveled there last month\u003c/a> to tout the private investments in the shipyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s about 2,000 jobs if that comes together, and there’s every reason that it would come together because as chairman of the [House Armed Services] Readiness Subcommittee, I know that the U.S. Navy does not have adequate shipyards on the West Coast to take care of its fleets of ships,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayors of Antioch, Fairfield and Vallejo, along with dozens of local elected officials across the district, have endorsed Garamendi, who enters the primary with $1.4 million in his campaign account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi also will have the backing of the state's Democratic Party, which granted him a fast-tracked endorsement as an incumbent, despite the fact that just 20% of registered voters in the new district are Garamendi’s current constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“John Garamendi is an incumbent candidate for Congress. Just like Josh Harder,” said Shery Yang, party communications director, in an email, pointing to another Democrat running as an incumbent in a district with mostly new voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912362\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11912362 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55590_IMG_4071-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in a headscarf sits at an outdoor cafe.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55590_IMG_4071-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55590_IMG_4071-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55590_IMG_4071-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55590_IMG_4071-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55590_IMG_4071-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cheryl Sudduth of El Sobrante, a member of the West County Wastewater District Board of Directors, is one of five District 8 candidates on the June primary ballot. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For some, the anticipated marriage of the 8th District’s newly empowered communities and Garamendi’s Capitol connections is a union worth celebrating, at least for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see the diversity and the breakup [of the new district], I am thrilled for the people that advocated and did the hard work,” said K. Patrice Williams, a Fairfield resident and CEO of the community outreach firm Empower Solano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called this moment “a pause” for candidates of color in the district “to get ready.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is ready to run an effective campaign where they can be elected?” asked Williams. “I think that happens in a moment in time. And it will probably be soon, but I don’t think that it’s this term. This term I am very satisfied with John Garamendi being in that seat and representing all of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jovanka Beckles, an Alameda-Contra Costa Transit District board director, said Garamendi’s early announcement to run deterred the entry of high-profile candidates that an open seat in the Bay Area, particularly one with no term limits, typically invites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people are intimidated by the fact that, you know, he’s claiming to be an incumbent,” said Beckles, a former Richmond City Council member. “We know that it is a lot more challenging running against an incumbent as opposed to running in an open seat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi’s strongest challenge was expected to come from Richmond City Councilmember Demnlus Johnson who, at 25, finished as the top vote-getter in the 2018 citywide race. In February, Johnson launched a campaign for the House seat \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IfdMzxd1HRU&t=3s\">with a splashy video\u003c/a> and the hashtag #IAmDistrict8. But election officials in Contra Costa and Solano counties said Johnson failed to submit the 40 voter signatures that are required for his name to appear on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves Democrats Christopher Riley, a high school math teacher in the East Bay; \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11663957/east-bay-assembly-candidate-asks-who-gets-to-define-experience\">Cheryl Sudduth\u003c/a>, a director at the West County Wastewater District; Edwin Rutsch, the founder of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11660708/assembly-candidates-get-radical-in-empathy-workshop\">Center for Building a Culture of Empathy\u003c/a>; and Rudy Recile, a Republican small business owner, on the June primary ballot with Garamendi. The top two finishers regardless of party will face off in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates facing Garamendi — none of whom has anywhere near the resources or name recognition he has — are likely to convey a similar message: that his years of experience in Congress can’t match their lived experience in the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When that Chevron refinery goes off, I shelter in place, too. When I talk about needing a hospital in West County, it’s because I live there,” said Sudduth, who lives in El Sobrante. “You mean to tell me that out of 760,000 people in this district that no one is capable of representing us?”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The newly redrawn 8th Congressional District in California groups a number of economically and racially diverse cities, including Vallejo, Fairfield, Richmond, Pittsburg and parts of Antioch. But the person most likely to represent it is a white, 77-year-old political insider who doesn't actually live there.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Taylor Sims, vice president of Pittsburg Unified School District’s board of trustees, stood on a stage at Pittsburg High School earlier this month for more than an hour, greeting a procession of students who were being awarded for academic achievement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a lot of handshakes,” quipped an onlooking teacher, as pockets of cheers broke out from students reacting to the announcement of names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students who streamed across the stage reflect the growing Black, Latino and Asian population in the outer reaches of the Bay Area, marking a decades-long trend of gentrification pushing families from cities like San Francisco and Oakland to suburbs like Pittsburg and Antioch.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sitting on the southern shore of Suisun Bay, Pittsburg was anchored for generations by a U.S. Steel mill that’s set to close next year. According to figures from the U.S. Census Bureau, the vast majority of city residents are people of color. “It’s a very diverse but very much a bubble community,” said Sims, who is Black. “Everybody knows everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sims said the issues Pittsburg faces aren’t limited to that community: Residents across the industrial suburbs and cities of Contra Costa and Solano counties struggle to find affordable housing, good jobs and clean air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Richmond, the refineries, the pollution, the debris, it blows this way to Pittsburg, and so we actually have a really high asthma rate for our students,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a bid to get representation in Washington that would be acutely attuned to these challenges, Sims and other local activists pushed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.wedrawthelinesca.org/\">California Citizens Redistricting Commission\u003c/a> last year to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11895983/the-redistricting-draft-maps-are-here-this-is-how-they-could-change-politics-in-the-bay-area\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">draw a new congressional district enveloping the region\u003c/a> — a move that would concentrate the voting power of these diverse communities into one seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission agreed, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899971/following-a-tumultuous-redistricting-process-california-unveils-new-electoral-maps\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the state’s new congressional map, approved in December\u003c/a>, grouped cities, including Vallejo, Fairfield, Richmond, Pittsburg and part of Antioch — many of which have been located in separate districts — into the new 8th Congressional District. It's the most racially and ethnically diverse district both in the Bay Area and statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912528\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11912528\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/CD8-copy-800x671.jpg\" alt=\"A map of Congressional District 8\" width=\"800\" height=\"671\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/CD8-copy-800x671.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/CD8-copy-160x134.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/CD8-copy.jpg 1015w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map of the newly drawn Congressional District 8, which includes parts of Contra Costa and Solano counties. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the California Citizens Redistricting Commission)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new congressional district is the only one in California in which white, Latino, Black and Asian residents each account for at least 15% of the citizen voting-age population, according to data from the 2019 American Community Survey.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was ecstatic — it was something that we really, really fought for,” said Sims, who worked with the civic engagement coalition Lift Up Contra Costa to advocate for the new district. “I think it’s a great opportunity for a person of color who’s from the community to run and actually be the voice of the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this shining example of the redistricting commission’s ability to uplift community input has been followed by a textbook case of political machinations. The day the commission approved the new 8th District, John Garamendi, a 77-year-old white congressmember who lives in the Sacramento County town of Walnut Grove, outside the district, announced he would run for the seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi's previous district had been divided into multiple seats, and unlike in the state Legislature, members of Congress are not required to live in the districts they represent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Immediately you see that juxtaposition of, like, 'Oh, yeah, we have this diverse area, but look who's running,'\" said Kimi Lee, executive director of Bay Rising, another civic engagement group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said the development in the 8th District is a manifestation of the long-term underrepresentation of residents of color in local government, resulting from the high costs of running for office and a lack of leadership training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2020 collaborative study by Bay Rising and PolicyLink, a research institute focused on advancing economic and social equity, found that while 60% of Bay Area residents are people of color, they only account for \u003ca href=\"https://bayrising.org/2021/09/22/everyone-wins-when-our-elected-officials-reflect-the-diversity-of-the-region/\">34% of the region's top elected officials\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a diverse pool of candidates in local government, \"you’re not going to have a diverse pool at the congressional level,” said Lee. “Even though we have this opportunity now with a more diverse district, it will take years to actually get people in the pipeline to be able then to run.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lack of local competition is playing to the advantage of Garamendi, who enters the June primary with an enormous edge over his opponents in name recognition, endorsements and cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is just the fact that John Garamendi doesn’t live in this district,” said Danny Espinoza, campaign director for Lift Up Contra Costa. “I think in order to build trust with your constituents, to build trust with your community, they want you to feel like you’re part of that community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi countered that his decades of experience in Congress and state government will give the district’s needs instant priority in the nation’s Capitol — regardless of where he makes his home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Living in it is not important,” said Garamendi, who is seeking to extend his nearly 50-year career in public service. “Knowing it and knowing how to represent it — in the district as well as here in Washington — is what’s critical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912360\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11912360 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55588_IMG_4070-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A smiling woman standing in a large room.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55588_IMG_4070-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55588_IMG_4070-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55588_IMG_4070-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55588_IMG_4070-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55588_IMG_4070-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Taylor Sims, vice president of Pittsburg Unified School District’s board of trustees, said the new district offers 'a great opportunity for a person of color who’s from the community to run.' \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the last decade, the cities of the new 8th District were placed in House districts with whiter and wealthier communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo, Benicia and Martinez currently sit in a district with Wine Country communities represented by Congressmember Mike Thompson from Napa. Richmond and San Pablo, meanwhile, are paired with the suburbs of Lamorinda and the Tri-Valley in a seat held by Congressmember Mark DeSaulnier of Concord. Fairfield and Suisun City currently are represented by Garamendi, in a district that stretches north to rural Glenn and Yuba counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The communities that are in Antioch, Pittsburg, Vallejo, Fairfield, Suisun [City], Richmond, they all look similar,” said Espinoza. “And they all have similar — I’d say vibes — but really they have similar sets of struggles as far as public transportation, lack of quality jobs in those specific cities, access to affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Espinoza points to the region’s five oil refineries, all of which will be included in the new district. The facilities and their operations have large impacts on the local economy and public health, but can seem a world away from the tasting rooms of Sonoma or the corporate headquarters of San Ramon.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Part of our thinking was pairing these communities that all share more similar policy issues that one elected could really try to address,” said Kristin Nimmers, who organized community involvement in the line-drawing process with the California Black Census and Redistricting Hub.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11895368/drawing-new-political-maps-for-the-bay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first step toward shaping the district\u003c/a> was establishing a “community of interest” among the various cities. Groups like Black Women Organized for Political Action (BWOPA) scoured census data and business records and heard resident testimony to find where Black, Latino and Filipino residents were living, shopping and worshiping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks in Richmond would come to Vallejo to go to church. There's a fish shop here in Vallejo — you see people from Richmond coming to purchase fish here,” said Latressa Wilson Alford, vice president of BWOPA’s Solano-Napa chapter. “Then also you see people from Vallejo going to Pittsburg, taking their kids to participate in events in Pittsburg.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked at all that information and we began to see that, well, this is the community,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The findings and recommended district lines then were presented to the state’s redistricting commission, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11894003/booming-asian-population-could-gain-bigger-influence-in-new-bay-area-voter-maps\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">which met last year to draw the new districts\u003c/a> that will be in place for the coming decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most states, political maps are approved by the state Legislature, which allows the ruling party to draw districts to the advantage of incumbents. But in California, starting with the 2011 redistricting process, an independent group is tasked with drawing the lines irrespective of current representatives or political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most of the Bay Area’s congressional map will remain similar to the version approved 10 years ago, the 8th District is markedly different: By grouping together pieces of different districts, the seat drawn by the commission was left with no clear incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Dec. 20, as the commission gave final sign-off to the maps, Garamendi \u003ca href=\"https://www.garamendi.org/news/congressman-garamendi-announces-re-election-campaign\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">announced that he would be “running for re-election”\u003c/span>\u003c/a> in the 8th District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912361\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11912361 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55589_IMG_4063-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A young man with a goatee smiles as he stands outside.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55589_IMG_4063-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55589_IMG_4063-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55589_IMG_4063-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55589_IMG_4063-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55589_IMG_4063-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Danny Espinoza, a campaign director for Lift Up Contra Costa, believes it's problematic that Garamendi lives outside the district he's likely to represent. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A similar political shake-up on the heels of redistricting helped launch Garamendi's own political career in 1974. New political lines for that year's election convinced the assemblymember representing Garamendi’s home county of Calaveras to run in a new district — leaving a seat up for grabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was open territory, it had no incumbent,” remembered Pat Johnston, Garamendi’s first campaign manager, in a 2002 interview for the California Oral History Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that election, Douglas Carter, a sitting assemblymember from San Joaquin County, was “district shopping” and made a run for the seat. But Garamendi prevailed, appealing to rural voters with his rancher roots, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0bJq3lTLxEE\">which he would tout throughout his career\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The brochure when you opened it had a picture of John on a cattle ranch and it said, ‘Born on a cattle ranch, schooled at Harvard,’” Johnson recalled. “The yin and the yang. The smart cowboy, not too big for his britches but a lot bigger talent than you might expect to send to Sacramento.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The victory set in motion a career that has included 16 years in the state Legislature, stints as lieutenant governor and insurance commissioner (twice), and more than a decade in Congress.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'The communities that are in Antioch, Pittsburg, Vallejo, Fairfield, Suisun [City], Richmond, they all look similar. And they all have similar — I'd say vibes — but really they have similar sets of struggles.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Garamendi first won election to the House in a 2009 special election in a district that stretched from Livermore to just outside his home in the Sacramento Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When district lines change, Garamendi said he finds ways to use his experience and seniority on behalf of a new set of constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the last redistricting [in 2011], I was sent up the river, sent to one of the largest agricultural districts in the entire nation,” he said. “So what do you do? You reach out to the community, you understand the issues of the community you work [in], in that case with agriculture, individual farmers and organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And we’ll do the same [now] … and then my job is to represent those and to make sure to address the issues in the community,” he added, pointing to the tens of millions of dollars for Bay Area schools and roads in the American Rescue Plan and the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, both of which he voted for last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about his agenda for the new district, Garamendi said he already has a plan to bring jobs to Vallejo by making the former Mare Island Naval Shipyard a hub for the repair of U.S. Navy combat vessels. Garamendi \u003ca href=\"https://napavalleyregister.com/news/state-and-regional/john-garamendi-announces-13-million-investment-at-mare-island-dry-dock/article_dab94aaf-47b0-54b1-94e6-7a44e3983925.html\">traveled there last month\u003c/a> to tout the private investments in the shipyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s about 2,000 jobs if that comes together, and there’s every reason that it would come together because as chairman of the [House Armed Services] Readiness Subcommittee, I know that the U.S. Navy does not have adequate shipyards on the West Coast to take care of its fleets of ships,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayors of Antioch, Fairfield and Vallejo, along with dozens of local elected officials across the district, have endorsed Garamendi, who enters the primary with $1.4 million in his campaign account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi also will have the backing of the state's Democratic Party, which granted him a fast-tracked endorsement as an incumbent, despite the fact that just 20% of registered voters in the new district are Garamendi’s current constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“John Garamendi is an incumbent candidate for Congress. Just like Josh Harder,” said Shery Yang, party communications director, in an email, pointing to another Democrat running as an incumbent in a district with mostly new voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912362\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11912362 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55590_IMG_4071-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in a headscarf sits at an outdoor cafe.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55590_IMG_4071-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55590_IMG_4071-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55590_IMG_4071-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55590_IMG_4071-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55590_IMG_4071-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cheryl Sudduth of El Sobrante, a member of the West County Wastewater District Board of Directors, is one of five District 8 candidates on the June primary ballot. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For some, the anticipated marriage of the 8th District’s newly empowered communities and Garamendi’s Capitol connections is a union worth celebrating, at least for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see the diversity and the breakup [of the new district], I am thrilled for the people that advocated and did the hard work,” said K. Patrice Williams, a Fairfield resident and CEO of the community outreach firm Empower Solano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called this moment “a pause” for candidates of color in the district “to get ready.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is ready to run an effective campaign where they can be elected?” asked Williams. “I think that happens in a moment in time. And it will probably be soon, but I don’t think that it’s this term. This term I am very satisfied with John Garamendi being in that seat and representing all of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jovanka Beckles, an Alameda-Contra Costa Transit District board director, said Garamendi’s early announcement to run deterred the entry of high-profile candidates that an open seat in the Bay Area, particularly one with no term limits, typically invites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people are intimidated by the fact that, you know, he’s claiming to be an incumbent,” said Beckles, a former Richmond City Council member. “We know that it is a lot more challenging running against an incumbent as opposed to running in an open seat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi’s strongest challenge was expected to come from Richmond City Councilmember Demnlus Johnson who, at 25, finished as the top vote-getter in the 2018 citywide race. In February, Johnson launched a campaign for the House seat \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IfdMzxd1HRU&t=3s\">with a splashy video\u003c/a> and the hashtag #IAmDistrict8. But election officials in Contra Costa and Solano counties said Johnson failed to submit the 40 voter signatures that are required for his name to appear on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves Democrats Christopher Riley, a high school math teacher in the East Bay; \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11663957/east-bay-assembly-candidate-asks-who-gets-to-define-experience\">Cheryl Sudduth\u003c/a>, a director at the West County Wastewater District; Edwin Rutsch, the founder of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11660708/assembly-candidates-get-radical-in-empathy-workshop\">Center for Building a Culture of Empathy\u003c/a>; and Rudy Recile, a Republican small business owner, on the June primary ballot with Garamendi. The top two finishers regardless of party will face off in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates facing Garamendi — none of whom has anywhere near the resources or name recognition he has — are likely to convey a similar message: that his years of experience in Congress can’t match their lived experience in the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When that Chevron refinery goes off, I shelter in place, too. When I talk about needing a hospital in West County, it’s because I live there,” said Sudduth, who lives in El Sobrante. “You mean to tell me that out of 760,000 people in this district that no one is capable of representing us?”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Decisive Victory for Haney Over Campos in SF Assembly Runoff",
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"headTitle": "Decisive Victory for Haney Over Campos in SF Assembly Runoff | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It didn’t take long: San Francisco Supervisor Matt Haney declared victory early Tuesday night in a special state Assembly election against former supervisor David Campos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race to represent the eastern side of the city was decisive early on, with Haney leading over Campos by 27 points, or roughly 16,000 votes. Haney maintained that lead throughout the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This coalition that we pulled together is one that I think we haven’t seen before in San Francisco,” Haney told KQED at Victory Hall and Parlor during his election night party. “Working people, labor unions, housing advocates, people from neighborhoods all across the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of the latest count at 10:02 p.m. Tuesday night, Haney led with 63% of the vote, over Campos’s 36%.[aside postID=\"news_11908113\" hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/campos-haney3-1020x661.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney’s legislative aide Honey Mahogany said the election’s wide margins made sense for a reason many may not widely know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supervisor Haney is actually the drag daughter of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13835007/juanita-more-beloved-drag-mother-is-queering-san-francisco-politics\">Juanita MORE!\u003c/a>. And Juanita MORE! named Supervisor Haney ‘Victoria Landslide,'” Mahogany said. “I think tonight’s results reflect on how accurate that name is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos conceded in a speech to his supporters at El Rio bar in the Mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not sure what the numbers will look like in the end, but it doesn’t seem like we’re going to be able to win this race,” he said. He told his supporters his campaign was a “fight for the soul of San Francisco,” because the city must be “a place that welcomes all people,” including poor and working-class San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Campos said, “Big money has figured out how to win elections … and that’s what happened here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos declined an interview with KQED following his concession speech. His spokesperson would not comment on whether Campos would run in the next election for Assembly District 17, against Haney, which is set for June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The runoff for Assembly District 17 follows February’s general election in which both candidates bested the original pack of four, but neither managed to gain the requisite majority to win — with Haney ahead of Campos by less than 1 percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thea Selby, one of those four candidates, spoke to KQED at Campos’s El Rio election night party and reflected on the low voter turnout in April’s race. The message that there was another election failed to reach many voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody knew this [election] was happening, and I find that to be so sad. This is a really important election,” she said. “I was the first person to vote in person at my precinct today. It was a full hour, hour-and-a-half into when people could vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911628\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11911628\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-58-1.jpg\" alt=\"Matt Haney from the waist up in a white button up shirt, left, puts his arm around his mother, a woman with long blonde hair, with purple lights in the background. Both are smiling.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-58-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-58-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-58-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-58-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-58-1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matt Haney puts his arm around his mother at his election night party at Victory Hall and Parlor on election night, Tuesday, April 19, 2022. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although mail-in ballots for Tuesday’s contest were issued last month, early voting participation was quite low, with just 21% of eligible voters returning their ballots as of April 19, \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/\">according to the SF Department of Elections\u003c/a>. John Arntz, director of the Department of Elections, told KQED the count would continue after Election Day to allow for late ballots. But the first ballot count Tuesday night would encompass nearly all the mailed ballots before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Election Day, turnout ticked up to 23% of total eligible voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That low turnout defied an avalanche of spending: Independent spending on the race topped $1.7 million from PACs supporting Haney and pushing against Campos. Campos and Haney’s direct campaign spending has been mostly even, with each spending roughly $700,000 between January and April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Haney made a point of saying he was running a campaign with a more positive tone than Campos’s campaign, the independent campaigns took the more negative road for him. One PAC opposing Campos, funded principally by the California Association of Realtors, \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2022/04/12/new-mailers-from-pro-haney-pac-attack-campos-for-working-for-chesa-boudin/\">sent mailers to voters claiming\u003c/a> “we’re suffering with Chesa Boudin and David Campos in charge,” and that Campos and Boudin have “left victims of domestic violence behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Democratic candidates are self-billed progressives who have promised to represent the interests of renters both in San Francisco and across the state. Haney’s victory Tuesday will see him serve the term David Chiu left when he stepped down in October to become San Francisco city attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GuyMarzorati/status/1516630691890360321\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite an often contentious campaign, Haney and Campos largely aligned on most statewide issues, from supporting Gov. Gavin Newsom’s proposed CARE Court, which would compel services for some mentally ill people who refuse care, and are opposed to bringing back to voters Proposition 47, a criminal justice reform that’s come under increased scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the first ballots were counted, Assemblymember Phil Ting said he was excited to see another progressive San Franciscan colleague in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"Medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Honey Mahogany, legislative aide to Supervisor Matt Haney\"]‘Supervisor Haney is actually the drag daughter of Juanita MORE!. And Juanita MORE! named Supervisor Haney ‘Victoria Landslide.’ And I think tonight’s results reflect on how accurate that name is.’[/pullquote]“San Francisco members aren’t just progressive members, they’re leaders,” Ting said. “They push issues no one else in the state does. We’re lucky to have amazing constituents who expect us to try new things and challenge other parts of the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many San Francisco voters, however, housing has become a dividing line between the two candidates. In a bid to drive down the city’s sky-high rents, Haney has consistently advocated for an increase in overall housing construction, while Campos has pushed to prioritize affordable developments over anything else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911625\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11911625\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-57-1.jpg\" alt=\"David Campos as seen from the waist up, hands outstretched, in a suit, speaking to supporters in front of a mural in a bar.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-57-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-57-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-57-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-57-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-57-1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Francisco Supervisor David Campos delivers a concession speech to his supporters at the El Rio bar on election night, April 19, 2022. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That split is evident in the number of new homes that were approved each year in the districts that Haney and Campos represented during their tenure as city supervisors. In Haney’s District 6 — encompassing the Tenderloin, South of Market, slices of downtown and Treasure Island — that’s amounted to some 2,255 new homes each year during his roughly three years on the board, according to “\u003ca href=\"https://nimby.report/haney\">The NIMBY Report\u003c/a>,” a site by a UC Berkeley professor that tracks the housing performance of San Francisco leaders. By contrast, just 157 homes were approved annually in District 9 — including the Mission, Bernal Heights and Portola neighborhoods — which Campos represented for more than eight years, through 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney touted his housing bonafides in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910246/sf-candidates-for-state-assembly-defend-their-records-on-kqed-newsroom\">an interview with Scott Shafer on KQED’s Newsroom\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I fought for tenants’ rights and delivered. We extended eviction protections. I authored the law to every tenant in San Francisco, and my position on tenants’ rights has not changed,” he said. “I’ve also been consistently pro-housing, building more housing in my district than any other, including a lot more affordable and supportive housing. And that’s a big reason why I’m running. [Campos has] been against housing, so yes, his position has been consistent. It’s been consistent against housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/NpD6PhPUnng?t=358\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selby said the Yes in My Back Yard movement was successful at shifting the conversation in San Francisco, and the state, to the idea that more housing has to be built to bring rental prices down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, progressives understand, and I don’t think it’s just the YIMBY’s, that in our country we haven’t built enough housing for a long, long time. Now we have progressives who are well aware we have to build housing, and lots of it, for all different levels of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832823\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11832823\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/fullsizeoutput_15b3-800x533-1.jpeg\" alt=\"Honey Mahogany smiles while looking out a window.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/fullsizeoutput_15b3-800x533-1.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/fullsizeoutput_15b3-800x533-1-160x107.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Honey Mahogany poses for a photo in San Francisco, in 2017. \u003ccite>(Audrey Garces/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two candidates’ legislative records also revealed other notable differences. As a supervisor, Campos wrote more legislation geared toward aiding marginalized groups of people like immigrants and the LGBTQ+ community and focused his efforts to a greater extent on citywide measures, including an ordinance that plugged a loophole in San Francisco’s universal health care law requiring more employer participation. Haney, meanwhile, focused more energy on the specific neighborhoods he represented, including efforts to address drug use and crime in the Tenderloin.[aside postID=\"news_11909759\" hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/camposhaney-3-1020x661.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before taking citywide office, Haney served on the San Francisco Board of Education, where he championed a restorative justice process as an alternative to suspensions for students. As a supervisor, he chaired the board’s Budget and Finance committee, helping to craft the city’s nearly $12 billion budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among Haney’s key pieces of legislation is \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mental-health-sf-legislation-approved-unanimously-board-supervisors\">Mental Health SF\u003c/a>, first introduced in 2019 to overhaul the city’s mental health care system. That effort included the creation of a Mental Health Service Center and additional mental health services for unhoused residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his tenure as supervisor, Haney has pushed for government ethics reforms — including passage of a ballot measure to split up the Public Works department —\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899657/mohammed-nuru-to-plead-guilty-in-city-hall-corruption-probe\"> in the wake of a City Hall corruption scandal that led to the ouster of five department heads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite his win Tuesday, Haney will be up for election again in June. Speaking to KQED before the results of the election, Susan McEntire, political director for the Assembly Democrats, said they would back whoever ultimately wins the seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are excited to be adding back to our caucus to be getting to full strength at 60 members. This is one step closer,” she said, adding, “Once you’re a member of the Democratic caucus, we are always backing our incumbents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Mayor London Breed will soon be able to appoint a successor to Haney on the Board of Supervisors. Mahogany, Haney’s legislative aide, is a long-rumored successor of his Board of Supervisors seat representing District 6\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about her future as a potential next supervisor, she told KQED, “I will say that I have been working in supervisor Haney’s office since the beginning, and I think that we’ve done some incredible work, and yet I think that there is still more work to be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “I just hope that I can continue delivering for the residents of District 6 and also rebuild San Francisco after this pandemic. There’s a lot of people that are looking for some hope, and I think that hope is right around the corner. And I’m happy to be a part of the solution there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "SF Supervisor Matt Haney declared victory Tuesday night over David Campos, with more than 60% of the vote, ending a protracted, often contentious race to represent much of San Francisco's east side in the state Assembly.",
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"title": "Decisive Victory for Haney Over Campos in SF Assembly Runoff | KQED",
"description": "SF Supervisor Matt Haney declared victory Tuesday night over David Campos, with more than 60% of the vote, ending a protracted, often contentious race to represent much of San Francisco's east side in the state Assembly.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It didn’t take long: San Francisco Supervisor Matt Haney declared victory early Tuesday night in a special state Assembly election against former supervisor David Campos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race to represent the eastern side of the city was decisive early on, with Haney leading over Campos by 27 points, or roughly 16,000 votes. Haney maintained that lead throughout the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This coalition that we pulled together is one that I think we haven’t seen before in San Francisco,” Haney told KQED at Victory Hall and Parlor during his election night party. “Working people, labor unions, housing advocates, people from neighborhoods all across the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of the latest count at 10:02 p.m. Tuesday night, Haney led with 63% of the vote, over Campos’s 36%.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney’s legislative aide Honey Mahogany said the election’s wide margins made sense for a reason many may not widely know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supervisor Haney is actually the drag daughter of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13835007/juanita-more-beloved-drag-mother-is-queering-san-francisco-politics\">Juanita MORE!\u003c/a>. And Juanita MORE! named Supervisor Haney ‘Victoria Landslide,'” Mahogany said. “I think tonight’s results reflect on how accurate that name is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos conceded in a speech to his supporters at El Rio bar in the Mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not sure what the numbers will look like in the end, but it doesn’t seem like we’re going to be able to win this race,” he said. He told his supporters his campaign was a “fight for the soul of San Francisco,” because the city must be “a place that welcomes all people,” including poor and working-class San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Campos said, “Big money has figured out how to win elections … and that’s what happened here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos declined an interview with KQED following his concession speech. His spokesperson would not comment on whether Campos would run in the next election for Assembly District 17, against Haney, which is set for June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The runoff for Assembly District 17 follows February’s general election in which both candidates bested the original pack of four, but neither managed to gain the requisite majority to win — with Haney ahead of Campos by less than 1 percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thea Selby, one of those four candidates, spoke to KQED at Campos’s El Rio election night party and reflected on the low voter turnout in April’s race. The message that there was another election failed to reach many voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody knew this [election] was happening, and I find that to be so sad. This is a really important election,” she said. “I was the first person to vote in person at my precinct today. It was a full hour, hour-and-a-half into when people could vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911628\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11911628\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-58-1.jpg\" alt=\"Matt Haney from the waist up in a white button up shirt, left, puts his arm around his mother, a woman with long blonde hair, with purple lights in the background. Both are smiling.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-58-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-58-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-58-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-58-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-58-1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matt Haney puts his arm around his mother at his election night party at Victory Hall and Parlor on election night, Tuesday, April 19, 2022. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although mail-in ballots for Tuesday’s contest were issued last month, early voting participation was quite low, with just 21% of eligible voters returning their ballots as of April 19, \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/\">according to the SF Department of Elections\u003c/a>. John Arntz, director of the Department of Elections, told KQED the count would continue after Election Day to allow for late ballots. But the first ballot count Tuesday night would encompass nearly all the mailed ballots before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Election Day, turnout ticked up to 23% of total eligible voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That low turnout defied an avalanche of spending: Independent spending on the race topped $1.7 million from PACs supporting Haney and pushing against Campos. Campos and Haney’s direct campaign spending has been mostly even, with each spending roughly $700,000 between January and April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Haney made a point of saying he was running a campaign with a more positive tone than Campos’s campaign, the independent campaigns took the more negative road for him. One PAC opposing Campos, funded principally by the California Association of Realtors, \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2022/04/12/new-mailers-from-pro-haney-pac-attack-campos-for-working-for-chesa-boudin/\">sent mailers to voters claiming\u003c/a> “we’re suffering with Chesa Boudin and David Campos in charge,” and that Campos and Boudin have “left victims of domestic violence behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Democratic candidates are self-billed progressives who have promised to represent the interests of renters both in San Francisco and across the state. Haney’s victory Tuesday will see him serve the term David Chiu left when he stepped down in October to become San Francisco city attorney.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Despite an often contentious campaign, Haney and Campos largely aligned on most statewide issues, from supporting Gov. Gavin Newsom’s proposed CARE Court, which would compel services for some mentally ill people who refuse care, and are opposed to bringing back to voters Proposition 47, a criminal justice reform that’s come under increased scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the first ballots were counted, Assemblymember Phil Ting said he was excited to see another progressive San Franciscan colleague in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Supervisor Haney is actually the drag daughter of Juanita MORE!. And Juanita MORE! named Supervisor Haney ‘Victoria Landslide.’ And I think tonight’s results reflect on how accurate that name is.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“San Francisco members aren’t just progressive members, they’re leaders,” Ting said. “They push issues no one else in the state does. We’re lucky to have amazing constituents who expect us to try new things and challenge other parts of the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many San Francisco voters, however, housing has become a dividing line between the two candidates. In a bid to drive down the city’s sky-high rents, Haney has consistently advocated for an increase in overall housing construction, while Campos has pushed to prioritize affordable developments over anything else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911625\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11911625\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-57-1.jpg\" alt=\"David Campos as seen from the waist up, hands outstretched, in a suit, speaking to supporters in front of a mural in a bar.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-57-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-57-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-57-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-57-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/Image-from-iOS-57-1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Francisco Supervisor David Campos delivers a concession speech to his supporters at the El Rio bar on election night, April 19, 2022. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That split is evident in the number of new homes that were approved each year in the districts that Haney and Campos represented during their tenure as city supervisors. In Haney’s District 6 — encompassing the Tenderloin, South of Market, slices of downtown and Treasure Island — that’s amounted to some 2,255 new homes each year during his roughly three years on the board, according to “\u003ca href=\"https://nimby.report/haney\">The NIMBY Report\u003c/a>,” a site by a UC Berkeley professor that tracks the housing performance of San Francisco leaders. By contrast, just 157 homes were approved annually in District 9 — including the Mission, Bernal Heights and Portola neighborhoods — which Campos represented for more than eight years, through 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney touted his housing bonafides in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910246/sf-candidates-for-state-assembly-defend-their-records-on-kqed-newsroom\">an interview with Scott Shafer on KQED’s Newsroom\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I fought for tenants’ rights and delivered. We extended eviction protections. I authored the law to every tenant in San Francisco, and my position on tenants’ rights has not changed,” he said. “I’ve also been consistently pro-housing, building more housing in my district than any other, including a lot more affordable and supportive housing. And that’s a big reason why I’m running. [Campos has] been against housing, so yes, his position has been consistent. It’s been consistent against housing.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/NpD6PhPUnng'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/NpD6PhPUnng'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selby said the Yes in My Back Yard movement was successful at shifting the conversation in San Francisco, and the state, to the idea that more housing has to be built to bring rental prices down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, progressives understand, and I don’t think it’s just the YIMBY’s, that in our country we haven’t built enough housing for a long, long time. Now we have progressives who are well aware we have to build housing, and lots of it, for all different levels of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832823\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11832823\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/fullsizeoutput_15b3-800x533-1.jpeg\" alt=\"Honey Mahogany smiles while looking out a window.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/fullsizeoutput_15b3-800x533-1.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/fullsizeoutput_15b3-800x533-1-160x107.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Honey Mahogany poses for a photo in San Francisco, in 2017. \u003ccite>(Audrey Garces/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two candidates’ legislative records also revealed other notable differences. As a supervisor, Campos wrote more legislation geared toward aiding marginalized groups of people like immigrants and the LGBTQ+ community and focused his efforts to a greater extent on citywide measures, including an ordinance that plugged a loophole in San Francisco’s universal health care law requiring more employer participation. Haney, meanwhile, focused more energy on the specific neighborhoods he represented, including efforts to address drug use and crime in the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before taking citywide office, Haney served on the San Francisco Board of Education, where he championed a restorative justice process as an alternative to suspensions for students. As a supervisor, he chaired the board’s Budget and Finance committee, helping to craft the city’s nearly $12 billion budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among Haney’s key pieces of legislation is \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mental-health-sf-legislation-approved-unanimously-board-supervisors\">Mental Health SF\u003c/a>, first introduced in 2019 to overhaul the city’s mental health care system. That effort included the creation of a Mental Health Service Center and additional mental health services for unhoused residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his tenure as supervisor, Haney has pushed for government ethics reforms — including passage of a ballot measure to split up the Public Works department —\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899657/mohammed-nuru-to-plead-guilty-in-city-hall-corruption-probe\"> in the wake of a City Hall corruption scandal that led to the ouster of five department heads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite his win Tuesday, Haney will be up for election again in June. Speaking to KQED before the results of the election, Susan McEntire, political director for the Assembly Democrats, said they would back whoever ultimately wins the seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are excited to be adding back to our caucus to be getting to full strength at 60 members. This is one step closer,” she said, adding, “Once you’re a member of the Democratic caucus, we are always backing our incumbents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Mayor London Breed will soon be able to appoint a successor to Haney on the Board of Supervisors. Mahogany, Haney’s legislative aide, is a long-rumored successor of his Board of Supervisors seat representing District 6\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about her future as a potential next supervisor, she told KQED, “I will say that I have been working in supervisor Haney’s office since the beginning, and I think that we’ve done some incredible work, and yet I think that there is still more work to be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “I just hope that I can continue delivering for the residents of District 6 and also rebuild San Francisco after this pandemic. There’s a lot of people that are looking for some hope, and I think that hope is right around the corner. And I’m happy to be a part of the solution there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Residents of some of San Francisco’s most popular and troubled neighborhoods are electing a new state Assembly member in a special runoff race Tuesday between two Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The runoff is being held because neither Matt Haney nor David Campos received more than 50% of the vote in February’s special election. Haney, a current San Francisco supervisor, beat Campos, a former supervisor, by less than a percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly District 17 covers the eastern half of San Francisco and includes tourist-heavy neighborhoods such as Chinatown, Haight-Ashbury, downtown and the Mission. It also includes the Tenderloin, which in recent months has been the focus of a city-sanctioned effort to reduce homelessness, drug dealing, open-air drug use and fentanyl overdoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates are on the progressive end of the Democratic Party.[aside postID=\"news_11909759,news_11910077,news_11908113\" label=\"Related Posts\"]Since February, Haney has received the endorsement of third-place candidate Bilal Mahmood, and Campos has received the backing of fourth-place candidate Thea Selby. The mayor has endorsed Haney and, if Haney wins, would pick his replacement on the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s winner will have to run again in the statewide June primary and November general elections to keep the seat for another two-year term, meaning residents of the district could vote on the race up to four separate times this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seat became vacant last year after David Chiu resigned to become San Francisco’s city attorney, a job that became available when Mayor London Breed appointed then-City Attorney Dennis Herrera to head the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission after Harlan Kelly resigned in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly left after federal prosecutors charged him with fraud for allegedly accepting bribes from a permit expediter in exchange for insider information. Kelly is fighting the charge and is just one of several San Francisco city officials and contractors ensnared in a public corruption scandal involving former Public Works Director Mohammed Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Residents of some of San Francisco’s most popular and troubled neighborhoods are electing a new state Assembly member in a special runoff race Tuesday between two Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The runoff is being held because neither Matt Haney nor David Campos received more than 50% of the vote in February’s special election. Haney, a current San Francisco supervisor, beat Campos, a former supervisor, by less than a percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly District 17 covers the eastern half of San Francisco and includes tourist-heavy neighborhoods such as Chinatown, Haight-Ashbury, downtown and the Mission. It also includes the Tenderloin, which in recent months has been the focus of a city-sanctioned effort to reduce homelessness, drug dealing, open-air drug use and fentanyl overdoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates are on the progressive end of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Since February, Haney has received the endorsement of third-place candidate Bilal Mahmood, and Campos has received the backing of fourth-place candidate Thea Selby. The mayor has endorsed Haney and, if Haney wins, would pick his replacement on the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s winner will have to run again in the statewide June primary and November general elections to keep the seat for another two-year term, meaning residents of the district could vote on the race up to four separate times this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seat became vacant last year after David Chiu resigned to become San Francisco’s city attorney, a job that became available when Mayor London Breed appointed then-City Attorney Dennis Herrera to head the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission after Harlan Kelly resigned in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly left after federal prosecutors charged him with fraud for allegedly accepting bribes from a permit expediter in exchange for insider information. Kelly is fighting the charge and is just one of several San Francisco city officials and contractors ensnared in a public corruption scandal involving former Public Works Director Mohammed Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'Damning and Disturbing': SFPD Officer Suspended for Illegally Searching Man Who Parked in a Red Zone",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco police officer was suspended in February for violating a man’s Fourth Amendment rights in 2019, newly released internal police accountability documents show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That finding of misconduct, which was appealed by SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez, was upheld in February, paving the way for its release under Senate Bill 16, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890615/newsom-signs-law-to-strip-badges-from-bad-officers\">an expanded police transparency law that opens up records of false arrests and illegal searches, \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905492/a-police-officer-used-the-n-word-on-duty-new-law-reveals-he-got-a-pay-cut-is-that-enough\">discrimination and excessive use of force by police officers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first documents released by the city to KQED this week under the new law shed light on one of the most complex and robust police accountability systems in the state. The city’s police department and the independent department that investigates civilian complaints both are overseen by the San Francisco Police Commission, which found that “the basic values that we as a society hold dear” were at stake in the case.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the documents also raise a question: Why were concerns about the officer’s credibility never addressed?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On January 24, 2019, around 11 a.m., Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber pulled up to the curb in front of a sandwich shop in the Inner Sunset to grab a Philly cheesesteak for lunch. He parked in a red zone with his tail end blocking a fire hydrant. Shiheiber put his hazards on and headed toward the shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that moment, an SFPD cruiser pulled up and two officers jumped out. Officer Hernandez and a female officer named Jacqueline Hernandez, no relation, approached the then-30-year-old and turned on their body cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o_ZB0YdyRqg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Above, SFPD officer bodycam footage shows the 2019 incident between Officer Brett Hernandez and Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber, over his stopped vehicle. (Courtesy of the San Francisco Department of Police Accountability)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re detained, buddy,” Hernandez told Shiheiber in the footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For what? Why are you guys just bothering me?” Shiheiber asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers said his car was illegally parked, and Shiheiber argued with them briefly about whether or not he was “stopped” or “parked,” but said he’d move his car. They told Shiheiber he could not move his car because he was being detained, and Hernandez began to pull on his blue latex gloves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s my ID, and that’s all that I’m giving you,” Shiheiber said, passing the officer his identification. “You have no right to touch me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, I do,” Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber continued to insist that the officers did not have the right to touch him, even as they forcibly grabbed him, took him to the ground and handcuffed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was scared,” Shiheiber said in a recent interview. “You have no options. If my fight-and-flight instinct kicks in, and I try to defend myself, they’re going to say I’m resisting. And if I don’t try to defend myself, I don’t know what this guy’s going to do.”[aside tag=\"police\" label=\"Related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers ultimately released Shiheiber with a citation. Shiheiber said his shirt was torn, his face and side were scraped up and his hip hurt from where an officer held him down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided it was time that I needed to take action,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, Shiheiber walked into the police station at 850 Bryant Street and told the desk officer he wanted to “file an assault charge” against a police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t do that here,” she told him, Shiheiber, now 33, recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She directed him to the Third Street police station. There an officer told him to go back to Bryant Street. Finally, Shiheiber said a Black female officer whispered to him where he needed to go: the \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/departments/department-police-accountability/about\">Department of Police Accountability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An SFPD spokesperson declined to comment for this story, saying in an email, “Because this involves a personnel disciplinary matter, we are unable to provide public comments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez’s lawyer Christopher Shea said the discipline his client later received was “unwarranted” and that an internal investigation into the incident by the department found “he acted within his discretion and committed no misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, unlike most police accountability systems across the state, which rely on officers inside the department to investigate civilian complaints, San Francisco also has an investigative body entirely independent of the police department. The DPA receives complaints from people like Shiheiber, investigates and makes findings, which it passes along to the police chief or, in more serious cases, the San Francisco Police Commission for disposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we recommend that an officer be sustained for misconduct and we recommend less than 10 days’ suspension, the chief can say yes or no,” explained Stephanie Wargo-Wilson, the DPA attorney who handled Shiheiber’s complaint. “If we recommend an 11-day suspension or more, then that case is eligible to go to the police commission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Commission also is unusual in that it has the authority to discipline officers. Most civilian oversight bodies can recommend disciplinary action, but only the chief or the sheriff have the power to impose it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11911265\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-800x511.jpeg\" alt=\"Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber, 33, filed a complaint with the Department of Police Accountability against SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez on January 24, 2019. Hernandez was suspending for violating his Fourth Amendment rights.\" width=\"800\" height=\"511\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-800x511.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-1020x652.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-160x102.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-1536x981.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-2048x1308.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-1920x1227.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber, 33, filed a complaint with the Department of Police Accountability against SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez on Jan. 24, 2019. Hernandez was suspending for violating his Fourth Amendment rights. \u003ccite>(Sukey Lewis/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber said he was “treated very respectfully” at the DPA. Investigators took photos of his injuries, listened to his story, and opened a case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November of 2019, the DPA sent its findings to Police Chief Bill Scott.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Brett Hernandez escalated a parking violation to an intrusive detention, pat search, and take down that caused [redacted] pain. He could have just as easily left a ticket on the car,” the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DPA also found that Hernandez violated Shiheiber’s Fourth Amendment rights, which protect the public from unreasonable searches and seizures. Investigators also did not find Hernandez’s justification for the search believable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez told the DPA and police commission investigators that Shiheiber “was constantly” reaching into his pockets and that his baggy clothing “can conceal weapons.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber\"]‘I was scared … You have no options. If my fight-and-flight instinct kicks in, and I try to defend myself, they’re going to say I’m resisting. And if I don’t try to defend myself, I don’t know what this guy’s going to do.’[/pullquote]“The fact that he was walking away, failing to comply with commands, being verbally aggressive towards us, it’s my training and experience that that is an indicator that somebody might have weapons on their persons and for the safety of myself and my partner, fear of our safety I conducted a pat search,” he said, according to a recording of the interview released by the DPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the report pointed out that, during the exchange, the only time Shiheiber reached into his pocket was when he gave the officers his identification, which can be seen on body camera footage. He does not act violent in any way, and there are no visible bulges that would indicate a weapon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Brett Hernandez used buzzwords in place of facts — ‘totality of circumstances,’ ‘aggressive,’ and ‘officer safety’ are words often used in place of hard facts,” the report found. Shiheiber, according to the report, “failed the attitude test. He deigned to argue with police officers and assert his Fourth Amendment rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez also told investigators that Shiheiber tried to flee from officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is simply not true – once it was clear that the police were detaining [redacted] he made no attempt to ‘flee,’” the report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a stunning finding because a police officer’s credibility is at the heart of their ability to do their jobs — to write police reports and provide sworn testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a police officer with credibility issues is called to testify in a criminal case, the district attorney also is required to notify the defendant in that case, according to the Supreme Court ruling Brady v. Maryland. To meet this obligation, Rachel Marshall, director of communications and policy adviser for the San Francisco DA, said in an email that the SFPD has formally agreed it will proactively notify prosecutors “when they learn that one of their members has potential Brady materials in their personnel file.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall wrote that her office is “not aware of this incident and are unaware of any cases impacted by it.” She said recent police transparency laws SB 16 and SB 1421 have helped prosecutors comply with Brady.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Hernandez was never formally accused of dishonesty and no finding of dishonesty was suggested during this process,” Shea wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DPA did not charge Hernandez with dishonesty, according to the documents. Wargo-Wilson said she could not comment on the reasons for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Commission suspended Hernandez for 10 days with another five days that would be imposed if Hernandez violated policy again, and it ordered him to get more training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its conclusion, the commission found video of the incident “damning and disturbing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [redacted] can be mistreated this way by the police under the circumstances of this case, then anyone on the street may be subject to a pat search on flimsy grounds,” the DPA’s report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case involves poor policing that resulted in a violation of [redacted’s] rights, but the potential damage of police misconduct such as that of Officer Hernandez implicates the community as a whole, not just [redacted].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The documents released this week do not definitively indicate whether Chief Scott agreed with the DPA’s findings, and his spokesperson said he declined to comment on the case. But the documents show that Hernandez’s attorney told the police commission that \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21615236-production-0045-19-part-b#document/p183/a2096777\">the chief disagreed with the DPA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The plight of Officer Hernandez is an example of the overreach and lack of knowledge regarding the law by the Police Commission and the Department of Police Accountability,” Shea wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez appealed his discipline, but on Feb. 1, 2022, an administrative law judge with the city’s Office of Administrative Hearings ruled the discipline would stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber said he didn’t know about the officer’s suspension until KQED contacted him for an interview. He said he’s gratified by the findings of the DPA and the commission, but questioned why Hernandez was still on the force at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police are supposed to be held to a higher standard,” he said. “They’re not supposed to be above the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber also filed a civil lawsuit against the city, which is ongoing. He said police officers do have a difficult and dangerous job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I was a police officer, I wouldn’t make my job harder and go mess with people that didn’t warrant my attention,” he said. “‘Cause there’s actual things out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to include comment from SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez’s attorney Christopher Shea.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21615236-production-0045-19-part-b#document/p183/a2096776\" height=\"800\" width=\"100%\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Above, read \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21615236-production-0045-19-part-b#document/p183/a2096776\">the full transcript of Officer Brett Hernandez’s administrative hearing\u003c/a>, hosted on DocumentCloud.\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "'Damning and Disturbing': SFPD Officer Suspended for Illegally Searching Man Who Parked in a Red Zone | KQED",
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"subhead": "The San Francisco Police Commission found video of Officer Brett Hernandez's encounter with a resident 'damning and disturbing.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco police officer was suspended in February for violating a man’s Fourth Amendment rights in 2019, newly released internal police accountability documents show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That finding of misconduct, which was appealed by SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez, was upheld in February, paving the way for its release under Senate Bill 16, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890615/newsom-signs-law-to-strip-badges-from-bad-officers\">an expanded police transparency law that opens up records of false arrests and illegal searches, \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905492/a-police-officer-used-the-n-word-on-duty-new-law-reveals-he-got-a-pay-cut-is-that-enough\">discrimination and excessive use of force by police officers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first documents released by the city to KQED this week under the new law shed light on one of the most complex and robust police accountability systems in the state. The city’s police department and the independent department that investigates civilian complaints both are overseen by the San Francisco Police Commission, which found that “the basic values that we as a society hold dear” were at stake in the case.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the documents also raise a question: Why were concerns about the officer’s credibility never addressed?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On January 24, 2019, around 11 a.m., Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber pulled up to the curb in front of a sandwich shop in the Inner Sunset to grab a Philly cheesesteak for lunch. He parked in a red zone with his tail end blocking a fire hydrant. Shiheiber put his hazards on and headed toward the shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that moment, an SFPD cruiser pulled up and two officers jumped out. Officer Hernandez and a female officer named Jacqueline Hernandez, no relation, approached the then-30-year-old and turned on their body cameras.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/o_ZB0YdyRqg'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/o_ZB0YdyRqg'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Above, SFPD officer bodycam footage shows the 2019 incident between Officer Brett Hernandez and Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber, over his stopped vehicle. (Courtesy of the San Francisco Department of Police Accountability)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re detained, buddy,” Hernandez told Shiheiber in the footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For what? Why are you guys just bothering me?” Shiheiber asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers said his car was illegally parked, and Shiheiber argued with them briefly about whether or not he was “stopped” or “parked,” but said he’d move his car. They told Shiheiber he could not move his car because he was being detained, and Hernandez began to pull on his blue latex gloves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s my ID, and that’s all that I’m giving you,” Shiheiber said, passing the officer his identification. “You have no right to touch me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, I do,” Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber continued to insist that the officers did not have the right to touch him, even as they forcibly grabbed him, took him to the ground and handcuffed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was scared,” Shiheiber said in a recent interview. “You have no options. If my fight-and-flight instinct kicks in, and I try to defend myself, they’re going to say I’m resisting. And if I don’t try to defend myself, I don’t know what this guy’s going to do.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers ultimately released Shiheiber with a citation. Shiheiber said his shirt was torn, his face and side were scraped up and his hip hurt from where an officer held him down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided it was time that I needed to take action,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, Shiheiber walked into the police station at 850 Bryant Street and told the desk officer he wanted to “file an assault charge” against a police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t do that here,” she told him, Shiheiber, now 33, recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She directed him to the Third Street police station. There an officer told him to go back to Bryant Street. Finally, Shiheiber said a Black female officer whispered to him where he needed to go: the \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/departments/department-police-accountability/about\">Department of Police Accountability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An SFPD spokesperson declined to comment for this story, saying in an email, “Because this involves a personnel disciplinary matter, we are unable to provide public comments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez’s lawyer Christopher Shea said the discipline his client later received was “unwarranted” and that an internal investigation into the incident by the department found “he acted within his discretion and committed no misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, unlike most police accountability systems across the state, which rely on officers inside the department to investigate civilian complaints, San Francisco also has an investigative body entirely independent of the police department. The DPA receives complaints from people like Shiheiber, investigates and makes findings, which it passes along to the police chief or, in more serious cases, the San Francisco Police Commission for disposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we recommend that an officer be sustained for misconduct and we recommend less than 10 days’ suspension, the chief can say yes or no,” explained Stephanie Wargo-Wilson, the DPA attorney who handled Shiheiber’s complaint. “If we recommend an 11-day suspension or more, then that case is eligible to go to the police commission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Commission also is unusual in that it has the authority to discipline officers. Most civilian oversight bodies can recommend disciplinary action, but only the chief or the sheriff have the power to impose it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11911265\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-800x511.jpeg\" alt=\"Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber, 33, filed a complaint with the Department of Police Accountability against SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez on January 24, 2019. Hernandez was suspending for violating his Fourth Amendment rights.\" width=\"800\" height=\"511\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-800x511.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-1020x652.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-160x102.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-1536x981.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-2048x1308.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-1920x1227.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber, 33, filed a complaint with the Department of Police Accountability against SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez on Jan. 24, 2019. Hernandez was suspending for violating his Fourth Amendment rights. \u003ccite>(Sukey Lewis/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber said he was “treated very respectfully” at the DPA. Investigators took photos of his injuries, listened to his story, and opened a case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November of 2019, the DPA sent its findings to Police Chief Bill Scott.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Brett Hernandez escalated a parking violation to an intrusive detention, pat search, and take down that caused [redacted] pain. He could have just as easily left a ticket on the car,” the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DPA also found that Hernandez violated Shiheiber’s Fourth Amendment rights, which protect the public from unreasonable searches and seizures. Investigators also did not find Hernandez’s justification for the search believable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez told the DPA and police commission investigators that Shiheiber “was constantly” reaching into his pockets and that his baggy clothing “can conceal weapons.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I was scared … You have no options. If my fight-and-flight instinct kicks in, and I try to defend myself, they’re going to say I’m resisting. And if I don’t try to defend myself, I don’t know what this guy’s going to do.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The fact that he was walking away, failing to comply with commands, being verbally aggressive towards us, it’s my training and experience that that is an indicator that somebody might have weapons on their persons and for the safety of myself and my partner, fear of our safety I conducted a pat search,” he said, according to a recording of the interview released by the DPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the report pointed out that, during the exchange, the only time Shiheiber reached into his pocket was when he gave the officers his identification, which can be seen on body camera footage. He does not act violent in any way, and there are no visible bulges that would indicate a weapon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Brett Hernandez used buzzwords in place of facts — ‘totality of circumstances,’ ‘aggressive,’ and ‘officer safety’ are words often used in place of hard facts,” the report found. Shiheiber, according to the report, “failed the attitude test. He deigned to argue with police officers and assert his Fourth Amendment rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez also told investigators that Shiheiber tried to flee from officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is simply not true – once it was clear that the police were detaining [redacted] he made no attempt to ‘flee,’” the report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a stunning finding because a police officer’s credibility is at the heart of their ability to do their jobs — to write police reports and provide sworn testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a police officer with credibility issues is called to testify in a criminal case, the district attorney also is required to notify the defendant in that case, according to the Supreme Court ruling Brady v. Maryland. To meet this obligation, Rachel Marshall, director of communications and policy adviser for the San Francisco DA, said in an email that the SFPD has formally agreed it will proactively notify prosecutors “when they learn that one of their members has potential Brady materials in their personnel file.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall wrote that her office is “not aware of this incident and are unaware of any cases impacted by it.” She said recent police transparency laws SB 16 and SB 1421 have helped prosecutors comply with Brady.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Hernandez was never formally accused of dishonesty and no finding of dishonesty was suggested during this process,” Shea wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DPA did not charge Hernandez with dishonesty, according to the documents. Wargo-Wilson said she could not comment on the reasons for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Commission suspended Hernandez for 10 days with another five days that would be imposed if Hernandez violated policy again, and it ordered him to get more training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its conclusion, the commission found video of the incident “damning and disturbing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [redacted] can be mistreated this way by the police under the circumstances of this case, then anyone on the street may be subject to a pat search on flimsy grounds,” the DPA’s report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case involves poor policing that resulted in a violation of [redacted’s] rights, but the potential damage of police misconduct such as that of Officer Hernandez implicates the community as a whole, not just [redacted].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The documents released this week do not definitively indicate whether Chief Scott agreed with the DPA’s findings, and his spokesperson said he declined to comment on the case. But the documents show that Hernandez’s attorney told the police commission that \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21615236-production-0045-19-part-b#document/p183/a2096777\">the chief disagreed with the DPA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The plight of Officer Hernandez is an example of the overreach and lack of knowledge regarding the law by the Police Commission and the Department of Police Accountability,” Shea wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez appealed his discipline, but on Feb. 1, 2022, an administrative law judge with the city’s Office of Administrative Hearings ruled the discipline would stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber said he didn’t know about the officer’s suspension until KQED contacted him for an interview. He said he’s gratified by the findings of the DPA and the commission, but questioned why Hernandez was still on the force at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police are supposed to be held to a higher standard,” he said. “They’re not supposed to be above the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber also filed a civil lawsuit against the city, which is ongoing. He said police officers do have a difficult and dangerous job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I was a police officer, I wouldn’t make my job harder and go mess with people that didn’t warrant my attention,” he said. “‘Cause there’s actual things out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to include comment from SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez’s attorney Christopher Shea.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21615236-production-0045-19-part-b#document/p183/a2096776\" height=\"800\" width=\"100%\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Above, read \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21615236-production-0045-19-part-b#document/p183/a2096776\">the full transcript of Officer Brett Hernandez’s administrative hearing\u003c/a>, hosted on DocumentCloud.\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "sf-candidates-for-state-assembly-defend-their-records-on-kqed-newsroom",
"title": "SF Candidates for State Assembly Defend Their Records on KQED Newsroom",
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"headTitle": "SF Candidates for State Assembly Defend Their Records on KQED Newsroom | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Those living on the east side of San Francisco already are casting their ballots to elect a new Assemblymember to replace David Chiu, who became the new city attorney. The choice can be a tough one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates David Campos and Matt Haney both have cast themselves as progressive Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908113/despite-heated-campaign-campos-and-haney-aligned-on-key-legislation\">and support similar measures statewide\u003c/a>. Both enjoyed progressive support during their time on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Both tout their records on addressing homelessness and on building affordable housing.[aside postID=\"news_11908113\" hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/campos-haney3-1020x661.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a voter, finding the distinctions between the candidates can be like divining the differences between brands of laundry detergent — aren’t they all basically the same?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/scottshafer\"> Scott Shafer\u003c/a>, filling in for host \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/pclemens\">Priya David Clemens\u003c/a>, brought the Assembly candidates to last Friday’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/kqednewsroom\">KQED Newsroom\u003c/a> to help dig into their records. Campos addressed his controversial Mission moratorium effort to halt all housing construction in the Mission District, and Haney answered calls that he doesn’t roll up his sleeves and burn the midnight oil as a legislator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates also touted their own leadership styles and how they would pass difficult statewide legislation that has failed previously, including statewide single-payer health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Time is short for voters — the last day to vote in this runoff election is April 19, and ballots already are hitting mailboxes. Neither candidate garnered enough votes in a February election to become the clear choice, but this runoff election will decide who goes to Sacramento to represent San Francisco in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This conversation has been edited for length and clarity. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SCOTT SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>I think in many ways on many issues, the two of you agree there are different shades of where you land on single-payer. You both support it. But let’s talk about that. There was a bill, AB 1400, by Assemblymember Ash Kalra down in the South Bay \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11903440/single-payer-health-care-faces-uphill-battle-in-state-legislature\">to move forward with single-payer health care\u003c/a>. It didn’t even come up for a vote in the committee that it was in.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Would you, if you had been on that committee or if that had been your bill, would you have forced a vote? Would you have forced the members to vote even though you knew you didn’t have the votes? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>CAMPOS\u003c/strong>: Let me say I respect [Assemblymember] Ash Kalra, I think that he should be commended for the work that he has done, but I respectfully and strongly disagree with his decision to not have a vote. And I think that illustrates the problem, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That in some respects, that decision was driven by the fact that maybe they didn’t want to put their colleagues on the spot, the very colleagues that promised to their constituents that they would vote for Medicare for All. You have politicians running for office that say the right things, but take money from the people that are against the very things they’re promising. And when they get elected, you know what happens? They vote for their pockets, not for the people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Ash_Kalra/status/1488327145113874436\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>So if you were to go up to Sacramento, Matt, are you saying, “I’ll get it done, I will get single-payer done”? And how? Why you? This has been voted on up in Sacramento for about 20 years. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>HANEY\u003c/b>: Well, Ash Kalra is the author of the bill, he’s been the biggest champion for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902591/why-do-so-many-doctors-oppose-single-payer-health-care\">Medicare for All\u003c/a>, and he’s given me his sole endorsement. He believes that I can go up and support him and make sure we get it done next time. I also have the support of the California Nurses Association, who sponsored the bill. And so the reality is that we need to build a broad-based movement all up and down our state and take on the big interests and get this done. We need single-payer. The reality is, we cannot rely on a health care system that relies on profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We can build the coalition that can actually move this. And that’s why the author of the bill wants me up there as his partner to actually get this done next time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER:\u003c/b>\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>I want to ask you both to address what critics say about you, and we’ll start with you, David. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You know, a lot of people say, you know, smart guy, good guy. Too ideological, not practical enough, alienates people by not compromising enough. They mentioned single-payer, blaming Sacramento politicians for not getting it passed. Those are the people you’re going to have to work with if you go up there. So how do you address that criticism that you’re more interested in the ideology of things than the practical side of how things work? \u003c/strong>[aside postID=\"news_11909759\" hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/camposhaney-3-1020x661.jpg']\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: Well, I address it by pointing to the things that I accomplished in San Francisco, not only closing the loophole to, meant to make health care universal in San Francisco, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/green-public-power-for-san-francisco-clears-major-hurdle/\">passing CleanPowerSF, 100% renewable energy\u003c/a>, passing the legacy business program, protecting our sanctuary policy, things that require supermajorities of the Legislature here in the city that passed because of me. I think the reason why someone like Toni Atkins, who is the president pro tem of the state Senate, is supporting me, is because she has seen my ability to bring people together. The fact that you try to be collegial and work with people doesn’t mean that you stand, that you don’t stand on principle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>Matt Haney, critics of you might say that you’re more of a show horse. Not so much of a workhorse, as David Campos points out. I don’t know if any of your colleagues on the Board of Supervisors are endorsing you. Six are endorsing him. You’re quick to put out a press release, quick to go to a press conference. Maybe not so quick to roll up your sleeves and get hard work done. What’s your response to that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>HANEY\u003c/b>: Well, you know, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909759/haney-campos-laws\">there’s been analyses of this even done by KQED\u003c/a> that show that I authored and passed more legislation than all but one of my colleagues. I’ve been very effective on the Board of Supervisors in delivering. Passed some of the biggest, most landmark policies over the last number of years, including co-authoring Mental Health [Association of] SF guaranteeing a right to mental health care in our city, building more housing in my district by far than any other, delivering the big and the small things. Creating a new Department of Sanitation, bringing in hundreds of millions of dollars in new funding for affordable housing. These are results. I represent a very tough district and I have delivered on these big issues. And the reality is I have the support of three of my colleagues plus me. So I have four and he has six. So it’s not that big of a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER:\u003c/b>\u003cstrong> Let’s move to another issue. A big one for this district is rent, rent control, renters’ rights. Just yesterday, the Legislature passed a bill that would extend renter protections through June 30. It was going to expire today for those who had already applied for rent help. But it also undermined local moratoriums on evictions in San Francisco and in Los Angeles. [State Senator] Scott Wiener and [Assemblymember] Phil Ting, two of the representatives from San Francisco, both voted against it. They were two of the very few. How would you have voted on that bill?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Scott_Wiener/status/1508553969777328135\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: I would have followed the lead of these two representatives. I think Scott Wiener and Phil Ting are right. I think that we need to protect renters. And I think the reason why Phil Ting is endorsing me in this campaign is because he knows my commitment. And to renters in this race, there is a very clear choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER:\u003c/b> \u003cstrong>Matt, I know you’re backed by the YIMBYs [Yes in My Backyard], you’re backed by the builders as well, some of those unions. But how would you have voted on that bill? \u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">Would you have done what David just said [you would do] and just not voted no?\u003c/b>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>HANEY\u003c/b>: I would not have supported that. I would have voted no. I’m the only renter in this race. If you look at Sacramento and you look at representation, about half of households in California, more than half in San Francisco are renters. Yet less than 2%, there are only two out of 120 of our legislators are renters. I would be the third. I live in rent-controlled housing. I’ve defended people in court who are facing evictions. I’ve been a strong champion for and passed just-cause eviction protections for renters here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: Well, the reality is that if you look at Supervisor Haney’s record, it has changed. You know, the amount Haney of a year ago had, that record had all these pro-tenant organizations supporting him. We supported him for supervisor. And what happened is that the moment he decided to run for Assembly, those positions change. He became the person who ran against a YIMBY candidate to now becoming the NIMBY candidate. And what changed, quite frankly, and the voters can decide for themselves, a lot of money has been going to his campaign. Hundreds of thousands of dollars from realtors, from developers, and that position has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>HANEY\u003c/b>: I’ve been a tenant champion my entire career, defended people in court. I’ve done that repeatedly. I fought for tenants’ rights and delivered. We extended eviction protections. I authored the law to every tenant in San Francisco and my position on tenants’ rights has not changed. I’ve been consistent. I’ve also been consistently pro-housing, building more housing in my district than any other, including a lot more affordable and supportive housing. And that’s a big reason why I’m running. He’s been against housing, so yes, his position has been consistent. It’s been consistent against housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>Let me just ask a specific question about that, because when you [David Campos] were on the Board of Supervisors, you promoted \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10736006/s-f-proposition-i-missions-future-central-issue-in-moratorium-vote\">a moratorium on building in the Mission District\u003c/a>, one of the neighborhoods you represented. And that was a time we needed more housing. So looking back on that, was that the right thing to do?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: Well, as I’ve indicated, you know, I supported that in response to community concerns for the same reason, by the way, then-Supervisor London Breed at the time supported it. And it’s interesting because, again, I’ve said no. That I’ve learned from that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what’s interesting here, right, is that Supervisor Haney is attacking me for that very position, even though he himself took that position. But I want to be very clear about housing. The fact that I have said that I am for affordable housing does not make me anti-housing. What the YIMBYs want is to simply give a blank check to developers and to let them build whatever they want. And those of us who want to keep working people and middle-income people in San Francisco are simply saying, yes, we should build all kinds of housing, but we must build housing that is actually affordable for the teachers, for the people who clean our houses, who work at our coffee shops. That’s what I believe. Being for affordable housing, being against simply giving developers a blank check, it’s not against housing, it’s pro-affordable housing. There’s a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: Q\u003c/b>\u003cstrong>uick response.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>HANEY\u003c/b>: I’ll put my track record in building affordable housing up against his any day. We are building thousands and thousand of units of affordable housing in my district. Many more than he did during his time. And the reality is we need housing of all types. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/Why-did-S-F-supervisors-vote-against-a-project-16569809.php\">Projects like the 469 Stevenson Project\u003c/a>, 24% affordable, thousand-plus union jobs, 500 units of housing near transit. We need projects like that. I was for it. He was against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER\u003c/b>: \u003cstrong>A lot of issues around homelessness, as we know in the city. You made a proposal to have these safe injection sites in every county. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: Absolutely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>How are you going to convince somebody in, you know, Trinity County or any other red county, Shasta County, to put in an injection site?\u003c/strong>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"matt-haney\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: Well, I think that’s the point is being able to work with people, and some of the measures that I passed successfully, whether it’s protecting universal health care, the sanctuary policy, we worked with, with communities in the different districts to convince those representatives that doing that was in the right. What’s in the interest of their constituents. What I’m saying is that San Francisco, in many respects, has carried too much of the burden when it comes to homelessness and that other jurisdictions need to step in. And that’s why I think that it is fair for us to ask other jurisdictions to do the same now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>HANEY\u003c/b>: Every city and county across the state has to do their share, and they’re not right now. They need to have a plan of how many shelter beds they’re going to have, supportive housing they’re going to build, and there has to be an actual plan for accountability and consequences if they didn’t do or don’t do their part. We can’t solve homelessness just in San Francisco or just in one neighborhood of San Francisco. It’s going to take shared responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s true on things like safe injection sites, which I authored the legislation to actually create a process to open those and we finally have a site in my district. But it can’t just be in the Tenderloin. It has to be throughout our city and it has to be around the state. If people are going to take responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>What would accountability look like if a county isn’t building enough housing?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: I think there has to be funding connected to doing the right thing,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>Are saying that you would cut off funding if they don’t meet certain criteria? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: Absolutely. I think that’s, that should be on the table. I think that it’s not just the state. You should also provide incentives, financial incentives, and I have the record showing how to get it done. I opened the first navigation center of anyone in the city. I proposed the first injection site, and in Santa Clara County I helped to build thousands of units of supportive housing to deal with homelessness in that county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The last day to vote in the Assembly runoff election is April 19, and ballots are already hitting mailboxes. Neither David Campos nor Matt Haney garnered enough votes in a February election to become the clear choice, leading to the runoff.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Those living on the east side of San Francisco already are casting their ballots to elect a new Assemblymember to replace David Chiu, who became the new city attorney. The choice can be a tough one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates David Campos and Matt Haney both have cast themselves as progressive Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908113/despite-heated-campaign-campos-and-haney-aligned-on-key-legislation\">and support similar measures statewide\u003c/a>. Both enjoyed progressive support during their time on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Both tout their records on addressing homelessness and on building affordable housing.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a voter, finding the distinctions between the candidates can be like divining the differences between brands of laundry detergent — aren’t they all basically the same?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/scottshafer\"> Scott Shafer\u003c/a>, filling in for host \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/pclemens\">Priya David Clemens\u003c/a>, brought the Assembly candidates to last Friday’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/kqednewsroom\">KQED Newsroom\u003c/a> to help dig into their records. Campos addressed his controversial Mission moratorium effort to halt all housing construction in the Mission District, and Haney answered calls that he doesn’t roll up his sleeves and burn the midnight oil as a legislator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates also touted their own leadership styles and how they would pass difficult statewide legislation that has failed previously, including statewide single-payer health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Time is short for voters — the last day to vote in this runoff election is April 19, and ballots already are hitting mailboxes. Neither candidate garnered enough votes in a February election to become the clear choice, but this runoff election will decide who goes to Sacramento to represent San Francisco in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This conversation has been edited for length and clarity. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SCOTT SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>I think in many ways on many issues, the two of you agree there are different shades of where you land on single-payer. You both support it. But let’s talk about that. There was a bill, AB 1400, by Assemblymember Ash Kalra down in the South Bay \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11903440/single-payer-health-care-faces-uphill-battle-in-state-legislature\">to move forward with single-payer health care\u003c/a>. It didn’t even come up for a vote in the committee that it was in.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Would you, if you had been on that committee or if that had been your bill, would you have forced a vote? Would you have forced the members to vote even though you knew you didn’t have the votes? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>CAMPOS\u003c/strong>: Let me say I respect [Assemblymember] Ash Kalra, I think that he should be commended for the work that he has done, but I respectfully and strongly disagree with his decision to not have a vote. And I think that illustrates the problem, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That in some respects, that decision was driven by the fact that maybe they didn’t want to put their colleagues on the spot, the very colleagues that promised to their constituents that they would vote for Medicare for All. You have politicians running for office that say the right things, but take money from the people that are against the very things they’re promising. And when they get elected, you know what happens? They vote for their pockets, not for the people.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>So if you were to go up to Sacramento, Matt, are you saying, “I’ll get it done, I will get single-payer done”? And how? Why you? This has been voted on up in Sacramento for about 20 years. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>HANEY\u003c/b>: Well, Ash Kalra is the author of the bill, he’s been the biggest champion for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902591/why-do-so-many-doctors-oppose-single-payer-health-care\">Medicare for All\u003c/a>, and he’s given me his sole endorsement. He believes that I can go up and support him and make sure we get it done next time. I also have the support of the California Nurses Association, who sponsored the bill. And so the reality is that we need to build a broad-based movement all up and down our state and take on the big interests and get this done. We need single-payer. The reality is, we cannot rely on a health care system that relies on profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We can build the coalition that can actually move this. And that’s why the author of the bill wants me up there as his partner to actually get this done next time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER:\u003c/b>\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>I want to ask you both to address what critics say about you, and we’ll start with you, David. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You know, a lot of people say, you know, smart guy, good guy. Too ideological, not practical enough, alienates people by not compromising enough. They mentioned single-payer, blaming Sacramento politicians for not getting it passed. Those are the people you’re going to have to work with if you go up there. So how do you address that criticism that you’re more interested in the ideology of things than the practical side of how things work? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: Well, I address it by pointing to the things that I accomplished in San Francisco, not only closing the loophole to, meant to make health care universal in San Francisco, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/green-public-power-for-san-francisco-clears-major-hurdle/\">passing CleanPowerSF, 100% renewable energy\u003c/a>, passing the legacy business program, protecting our sanctuary policy, things that require supermajorities of the Legislature here in the city that passed because of me. I think the reason why someone like Toni Atkins, who is the president pro tem of the state Senate, is supporting me, is because she has seen my ability to bring people together. The fact that you try to be collegial and work with people doesn’t mean that you stand, that you don’t stand on principle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>Matt Haney, critics of you might say that you’re more of a show horse. Not so much of a workhorse, as David Campos points out. I don’t know if any of your colleagues on the Board of Supervisors are endorsing you. Six are endorsing him. You’re quick to put out a press release, quick to go to a press conference. Maybe not so quick to roll up your sleeves and get hard work done. What’s your response to that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>HANEY\u003c/b>: Well, you know, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909759/haney-campos-laws\">there’s been analyses of this even done by KQED\u003c/a> that show that I authored and passed more legislation than all but one of my colleagues. I’ve been very effective on the Board of Supervisors in delivering. Passed some of the biggest, most landmark policies over the last number of years, including co-authoring Mental Health [Association of] SF guaranteeing a right to mental health care in our city, building more housing in my district by far than any other, delivering the big and the small things. Creating a new Department of Sanitation, bringing in hundreds of millions of dollars in new funding for affordable housing. These are results. I represent a very tough district and I have delivered on these big issues. And the reality is I have the support of three of my colleagues plus me. So I have four and he has six. So it’s not that big of a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER:\u003c/b>\u003cstrong> Let’s move to another issue. A big one for this district is rent, rent control, renters’ rights. Just yesterday, the Legislature passed a bill that would extend renter protections through June 30. It was going to expire today for those who had already applied for rent help. But it also undermined local moratoriums on evictions in San Francisco and in Los Angeles. [State Senator] Scott Wiener and [Assemblymember] Phil Ting, two of the representatives from San Francisco, both voted against it. They were two of the very few. How would you have voted on that bill?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: I would have followed the lead of these two representatives. I think Scott Wiener and Phil Ting are right. I think that we need to protect renters. And I think the reason why Phil Ting is endorsing me in this campaign is because he knows my commitment. And to renters in this race, there is a very clear choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER:\u003c/b> \u003cstrong>Matt, I know you’re backed by the YIMBYs [Yes in My Backyard], you’re backed by the builders as well, some of those unions. But how would you have voted on that bill? \u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">Would you have done what David just said [you would do] and just not voted no?\u003c/b>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>HANEY\u003c/b>: I would not have supported that. I would have voted no. I’m the only renter in this race. If you look at Sacramento and you look at representation, about half of households in California, more than half in San Francisco are renters. Yet less than 2%, there are only two out of 120 of our legislators are renters. I would be the third. I live in rent-controlled housing. I’ve defended people in court who are facing evictions. I’ve been a strong champion for and passed just-cause eviction protections for renters here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: Well, the reality is that if you look at Supervisor Haney’s record, it has changed. You know, the amount Haney of a year ago had, that record had all these pro-tenant organizations supporting him. We supported him for supervisor. And what happened is that the moment he decided to run for Assembly, those positions change. He became the person who ran against a YIMBY candidate to now becoming the NIMBY candidate. And what changed, quite frankly, and the voters can decide for themselves, a lot of money has been going to his campaign. Hundreds of thousands of dollars from realtors, from developers, and that position has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>HANEY\u003c/b>: I’ve been a tenant champion my entire career, defended people in court. I’ve done that repeatedly. I fought for tenants’ rights and delivered. We extended eviction protections. I authored the law to every tenant in San Francisco and my position on tenants’ rights has not changed. I’ve been consistent. I’ve also been consistently pro-housing, building more housing in my district than any other, including a lot more affordable and supportive housing. And that’s a big reason why I’m running. He’s been against housing, so yes, his position has been consistent. It’s been consistent against housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>Let me just ask a specific question about that, because when you [David Campos] were on the Board of Supervisors, you promoted \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10736006/s-f-proposition-i-missions-future-central-issue-in-moratorium-vote\">a moratorium on building in the Mission District\u003c/a>, one of the neighborhoods you represented. And that was a time we needed more housing. So looking back on that, was that the right thing to do?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: Well, as I’ve indicated, you know, I supported that in response to community concerns for the same reason, by the way, then-Supervisor London Breed at the time supported it. And it’s interesting because, again, I’ve said no. That I’ve learned from that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what’s interesting here, right, is that Supervisor Haney is attacking me for that very position, even though he himself took that position. But I want to be very clear about housing. The fact that I have said that I am for affordable housing does not make me anti-housing. What the YIMBYs want is to simply give a blank check to developers and to let them build whatever they want. And those of us who want to keep working people and middle-income people in San Francisco are simply saying, yes, we should build all kinds of housing, but we must build housing that is actually affordable for the teachers, for the people who clean our houses, who work at our coffee shops. That’s what I believe. Being for affordable housing, being against simply giving developers a blank check, it’s not against housing, it’s pro-affordable housing. There’s a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: Q\u003c/b>\u003cstrong>uick response.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>HANEY\u003c/b>: I’ll put my track record in building affordable housing up against his any day. We are building thousands and thousand of units of affordable housing in my district. Many more than he did during his time. And the reality is we need housing of all types. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/Why-did-S-F-supervisors-vote-against-a-project-16569809.php\">Projects like the 469 Stevenson Project\u003c/a>, 24% affordable, thousand-plus union jobs, 500 units of housing near transit. We need projects like that. I was for it. He was against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER\u003c/b>: \u003cstrong>A lot of issues around homelessness, as we know in the city. You made a proposal to have these safe injection sites in every county. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: Absolutely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>How are you going to convince somebody in, you know, Trinity County or any other red county, Shasta County, to put in an injection site?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: Well, I think that’s the point is being able to work with people, and some of the measures that I passed successfully, whether it’s protecting universal health care, the sanctuary policy, we worked with, with communities in the different districts to convince those representatives that doing that was in the right. What’s in the interest of their constituents. What I’m saying is that San Francisco, in many respects, has carried too much of the burden when it comes to homelessness and that other jurisdictions need to step in. And that’s why I think that it is fair for us to ask other jurisdictions to do the same now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>HANEY\u003c/b>: Every city and county across the state has to do their share, and they’re not right now. They need to have a plan of how many shelter beds they’re going to have, supportive housing they’re going to build, and there has to be an actual plan for accountability and consequences if they didn’t do or don’t do their part. We can’t solve homelessness just in San Francisco or just in one neighborhood of San Francisco. It’s going to take shared responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s true on things like safe injection sites, which I authored the legislation to actually create a process to open those and we finally have a site in my district. But it can’t just be in the Tenderloin. It has to be throughout our city and it has to be around the state. If people are going to take responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>What would accountability look like if a county isn’t building enough housing?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: I think there has to be funding connected to doing the right thing,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SHAFER: \u003c/b>\u003cstrong>Are saying that you would cut off funding if they don’t meet certain criteria? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CAMPOS\u003c/b>: Absolutely. I think that’s, that should be on the table. I think that it’s not just the state. You should also provide incentives, financial incentives, and I have the record showing how to get it done. I opened the first navigation center of anyone in the city. I proposed the first injection site, and in Santa Clara County I helped to build thousands of units of supportive housing to deal with homelessness in that county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "'Why Can't We Have the Same Rights?': Farmworkers Ask Newsom to Sign Bill Allowing Union Voting by Mail",
"title": "'Why Can't We Have the Same Rights?': Farmworkers Ask Newsom to Sign Bill Allowing Union Voting by Mail",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Thursday — César Chávez Day — a group of about 50 farmworkers, advocates and community members gathered in Fresno to march in honor of the late labor leader and to once again ask Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would make it easier for farmworkers to vote in union elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Farmworkers are asking what could be more important than meeting with farmworkers on César Chávez Day,” said Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns for the United Farm Workers, in a recent interview with The Bee. On Wednesday, Newsom’s office confirmed that he and his family were on vacation in Central and South America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march was part of a series of events organized by the UFW and its foundation in 13 rural and urban California cities — including San Francisco, San Jose and Berkeley — in which farmworkers gathered to raise awareness about the Agricultural Labor Relations Voting Choice Act, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2183\">AB 2183\u003c/a>, a bill that would give farmworkers the option to vote by mail in union elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those marching in Fresno on Thursday were San Joaquin Valley elected officials: Santos Garcia, the mayor of Madera; and Jose Sigala, a councilmember from Tulare currently running for state Assembly for the 33rd District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here to lend support to this legislation,” said Sigala. “Hopefully, the governor sees not only this action but the action across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910131 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man and a woman in focus amid other demonstrators, slightly blurred, wear red facemasks reading 'Cesar Chavez' in black with the black UFW phoenix symbol, and hold signs black-and-white signs reading 'Support Farm Workers: I'm ready to march for the governor's signature.'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Augustin and Elvia Ramirez listen to speakers on Cesar Chavez Street in San Francisco on March 31, 2022, during a demonstration in support of a bill to allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The coordinated marches took place less than a year after the \u003ca href=\"https://account.sacbee.com/paywall/subscriber-only?resume=254452908&intcid=ab_archive\">UFW organized a march to the French Laundry\u003c/a> — a reference to the pricey meal Newsom had with lobbyists as he asked other Californians to avoid mixed groups and indoor settings during the coronavirus pandemic — after Newsom vetoed an initial version of the bill, AB 616, last September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lourdes Cardenas, farmworker and union member from Fresno\"]'[Newsom] asked for votes by mail. That's why he's still in office. Why can't we have the same rights?'[/pullquote]Labor leaders, Assemblymembers and farmworkers say they are hopeful that the governor will sign the legislation into law this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope it passes,” said Anthony Arano, a Fresno-area resident who came out to support the march. “Latinos need to be heard. We’re part of this country, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legislators 'hopeful' governor will sign bill\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assemblymember Mark Stone, a Democrat from Santa Cruz, authored AB 616, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article257348102.html\">a bill that would allow California farmworkers to vote for a union by mail\u003c/a> instead of in-person secret ballot elections conducted on a grower’s property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworker advocates said farmworkers feel intimidated during union elections, which, under the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Act, currently take place directly on growers’ property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is “pretty straightforward,” said Strater. “It’s to extend to farmworkers a more modernized, flexible choice when it comes to how they vote under union elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently other nonagricultural unions covered by the National Labor Relations Act — the federal labor law that excludes farmworkers and domestic workers — already have alternative voting options during a union election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture grower associations opposed the bill, and the California Chamber of Commerce included the legislation on its “job killer” list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they had been trying to meet with Newsom for months to discuss the bill prior to his veto and called the veto hypocritical since the governor was able to avoid recall in part due to the vote-by-mail option during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He asked for votes by mail. That’s why he’s still in office,” said Lourdes Cardenas, a farmworker and union member from Fresno during Thursday’s march. “Why can’t we have the same rights?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators are confident that the bill will be signed this time around and have garnered even more support for the proposed legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that the Legislature finds very important. We have a lot of co-authors. We’ve generated a lot of interest among legislators,” said Stone in an interview with The Bee on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910134\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910134 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Chesa Boudin, a white man with a trim beard and trim haircut with a receding hairline, wears a dark suit, light blue shirt, and blue tie, with a star-shaped lapel pin, and smiles slightly as he holds a sign reading 'Support Farm Workers: I'm ready to march for the governor's signature.' He walks alongside a man wearing a bright orange vest, a ball cap, and sunglasses who is also smiling. Many people around the two are smiling (and others are masked), and a man behind Boudin holds up a cellphone horizontally, as if he might be filming or photographing the DA.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin (wearing tie) joins a demonstration in support of a bill to allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections on César Chávez Day on March 31, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fifty legislators have co-signed this year’s version of the voting rights bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very hopeful that what we put on the governor’s desk this year, he’ll sign,” Stone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would allow farmworkers to vote either in an all-mail election or a more traditional polling-place type of election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stone’s office and the UFW, who are co-sponsors of the bill, say they have been working with Newsom’s office on the suggested changes he detailed in his veto letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will the bill spur renewed UFW organizing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Strater said she hopes that the legislation will spur more union election activity, critics of the union aren’t as confident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='farmworkers']William Gould, an outspoken critic of the union who has served on state and federal labor relations boards, told The Bee in January that nobody is organizing the farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if this bill is reintroduced, I doubt that that’s going to change appreciably,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Agricultural Labor Relations Board received only one request for union representation, from a cannabis farm in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strater said that “with organizing work, there are no shortcuts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 2183 will “certainly empower” workers to come together, form committees, and organize themselves, said Strater, and it will “level the playing field between the workers and their employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Strater said, the new bill will show farmworkers that the “final hurdle” of a union election vote “is not going to be so impossibly high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Melissa Montalvo is a reporter with The Fresno Bee and a Report for America corps member. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/the-california-divide/\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Farmworkers and their supporters marched in 13 California cities Thursday, asking Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would make voting easier in union elections.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Thursday — César Chávez Day — a group of about 50 farmworkers, advocates and community members gathered in Fresno to march in honor of the late labor leader and to once again ask Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would make it easier for farmworkers to vote in union elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Farmworkers are asking what could be more important than meeting with farmworkers on César Chávez Day,” said Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns for the United Farm Workers, in a recent interview with The Bee. On Wednesday, Newsom’s office confirmed that he and his family were on vacation in Central and South America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march was part of a series of events organized by the UFW and its foundation in 13 rural and urban California cities — including San Francisco, San Jose and Berkeley — in which farmworkers gathered to raise awareness about the Agricultural Labor Relations Voting Choice Act, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2183\">AB 2183\u003c/a>, a bill that would give farmworkers the option to vote by mail in union elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those marching in Fresno on Thursday were San Joaquin Valley elected officials: Santos Garcia, the mayor of Madera; and Jose Sigala, a councilmember from Tulare currently running for state Assembly for the 33rd District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here to lend support to this legislation,” said Sigala. “Hopefully, the governor sees not only this action but the action across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910131 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man and a woman in focus amid other demonstrators, slightly blurred, wear red facemasks reading 'Cesar Chavez' in black with the black UFW phoenix symbol, and hold signs black-and-white signs reading 'Support Farm Workers: I'm ready to march for the governor's signature.'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Augustin and Elvia Ramirez listen to speakers on Cesar Chavez Street in San Francisco on March 31, 2022, during a demonstration in support of a bill to allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The coordinated marches took place less than a year after the \u003ca href=\"https://account.sacbee.com/paywall/subscriber-only?resume=254452908&intcid=ab_archive\">UFW organized a march to the French Laundry\u003c/a> — a reference to the pricey meal Newsom had with lobbyists as he asked other Californians to avoid mixed groups and indoor settings during the coronavirus pandemic — after Newsom vetoed an initial version of the bill, AB 616, last September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'[Newsom] asked for votes by mail. That's why he's still in office. Why can't we have the same rights?'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Labor leaders, Assemblymembers and farmworkers say they are hopeful that the governor will sign the legislation into law this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope it passes,” said Anthony Arano, a Fresno-area resident who came out to support the march. “Latinos need to be heard. We’re part of this country, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legislators 'hopeful' governor will sign bill\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assemblymember Mark Stone, a Democrat from Santa Cruz, authored AB 616, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article257348102.html\">a bill that would allow California farmworkers to vote for a union by mail\u003c/a> instead of in-person secret ballot elections conducted on a grower’s property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworker advocates said farmworkers feel intimidated during union elections, which, under the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Act, currently take place directly on growers’ property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is “pretty straightforward,” said Strater. “It’s to extend to farmworkers a more modernized, flexible choice when it comes to how they vote under union elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently other nonagricultural unions covered by the National Labor Relations Act — the federal labor law that excludes farmworkers and domestic workers — already have alternative voting options during a union election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture grower associations opposed the bill, and the California Chamber of Commerce included the legislation on its “job killer” list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they had been trying to meet with Newsom for months to discuss the bill prior to his veto and called the veto hypocritical since the governor was able to avoid recall in part due to the vote-by-mail option during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He asked for votes by mail. That’s why he’s still in office,” said Lourdes Cardenas, a farmworker and union member from Fresno during Thursday’s march. “Why can’t we have the same rights?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators are confident that the bill will be signed this time around and have garnered even more support for the proposed legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that the Legislature finds very important. We have a lot of co-authors. We’ve generated a lot of interest among legislators,” said Stone in an interview with The Bee on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910134\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910134 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Chesa Boudin, a white man with a trim beard and trim haircut with a receding hairline, wears a dark suit, light blue shirt, and blue tie, with a star-shaped lapel pin, and smiles slightly as he holds a sign reading 'Support Farm Workers: I'm ready to march for the governor's signature.' He walks alongside a man wearing a bright orange vest, a ball cap, and sunglasses who is also smiling. Many people around the two are smiling (and others are masked), and a man behind Boudin holds up a cellphone horizontally, as if he might be filming or photographing the DA.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin (wearing tie) joins a demonstration in support of a bill to allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections on César Chávez Day on March 31, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fifty legislators have co-signed this year’s version of the voting rights bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very hopeful that what we put on the governor’s desk this year, he’ll sign,” Stone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would allow farmworkers to vote either in an all-mail election or a more traditional polling-place type of election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stone’s office and the UFW, who are co-sponsors of the bill, say they have been working with Newsom’s office on the suggested changes he detailed in his veto letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will the bill spur renewed UFW organizing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Strater said she hopes that the legislation will spur more union election activity, critics of the union aren’t as confident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>William Gould, an outspoken critic of the union who has served on state and federal labor relations boards, told The Bee in January that nobody is organizing the farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if this bill is reintroduced, I doubt that that’s going to change appreciably,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Agricultural Labor Relations Board received only one request for union representation, from a cannabis farm in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strater said that “with organizing work, there are no shortcuts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 2183 will “certainly empower” workers to come together, form committees, and organize themselves, said Strater, and it will “level the playing field between the workers and their employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Strater said, the new bill will show farmworkers that the “final hurdle” of a union election vote “is not going to be so impossibly high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Melissa Montalvo is a reporter with The Fresno Bee and a Report for America corps member. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/the-california-divide/\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "We Reviewed Every Law Campos and Haney Wrote as SF Supervisors to Help You Vote in the State Assembly Runoff",
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"headTitle": "We Reviewed Every Law Campos and Haney Wrote as SF Supervisors to Help You Vote in the State Assembly Runoff | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Candidates running for elected office are known for making rosy promises, giving grandiose speeches, and singing soothing songs of better days to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while that already makes choosing whom to vote for difficult, the race to represent San Francisco in Assembly District 17 (the city’s east side) between former Supervisor David Campos and current SF Supervisor Matt Haney can be even tougher to parse. That’s because finding the daylight between the two Democrats, on the issues, can be like searching for a clean sidewalk downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To wit: It ain’t happenin’.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, gentlepeople, as \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/9vQaVIoEjOM\">a wise group\u003c/a> once said, don’t believe the hype. Instead of looking at what they’ve promised, look at what they’ve done. We’ll even help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11908113\" hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/campos-haney3-1020x661.jpg']KQED has read every law these two lawmakers stamped their names on, or co-sponsored, while serving on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Yes, all of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may serve as a window into their futures, as one of the key jobs of members of the state Assembly is writing laws. The scale of whom those laws affect is just wider by, you know, some 39 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help get a handle on their political futures, here are some top-line findings on their political pasts: While the legislators make similar public statements, and support similar causes, you can find significant differences in their \u003cem>approaches. \u003c/em>They both agree there’s a housing crisis, for instance, but wrote entirely different sets of laws to help ease it. And while both have focused extensively on public health, their specific aims have been notably different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, lastly — with caveats — one other big takeaway: Campos tended to focus more on citywide legislation, whereas Haney’s legislative portfolio is more of an even mix, with ordinances sometimes centered on the specific neighborhoods he has represented, instead of San Francisco writ large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s not much time left: The special election to fill the Assembly seat vacated by now-SF City Attorney David Chiu is April 19. And if you’re asking yourself, “Didn’t I vote for one of these guys already?” \u003cem>— \u003c/em>you very well might have. Campos, Haney, Bilal Mahmood and Thea Selby all were listed as candidates for the Assembly seat on the city’s Feb. 15 ballot. But because \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/election-results-sf-assembly/\">no one got a majority\u003c/a>, a special election was called between the top two vote-getters — Campos and Haney. Vote-by-mail ballots were sent out just last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to help you with that vote, here’s more on what we found.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How much work did they actually do in office? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To answer that, we first just straight-up counted all the proposed laws the two candidates wrote or sponsored. One major caveat: Campos spent eight years on the Board of Supervisors, versus Haney’s three.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910113\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910113\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg\" alt=\"A breakdown of the number of laws written by assembly candidates David Campos and Matt Haney.\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: San Francisco Legislative Research Center. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ordinances are legislation that becomes law, often drafted by the City Attorney’s Office at the direction of a supervisor, who becomes its “sponsor,” in wonk-speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resolutions, by contrast, are policy statements to express approval or disapproval, that are introduced at Board of Supervisors meetings and voted on. For instance, an April 2021 resolution sponsored by Haney put the city on record “urging support of eliminating the United States Senate filibuster.” A January 2010 resolution by Campos recognized “the grand re-opening of the Bernal Heights Branch Library and commending the San Francisco Public Library and its team for their hard work and commitment to San Francisco and its residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors vote on it, and — presto, change-o — it becomes a statement of record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, hearings are meetings of the board, convened by one or more supervisors, to seek information or opinions on a topic of interest, wherein a representative of a city department may be asked to answer specific questions. Often these are a way to shine light on an issue for public understanding, or to establish a certain baseline of facts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San Francisco Supervisor Jane Kim, Haney’s predecessor, hasn’t endorsed either candidate, but has long considered both of them allies and friends. We asked Kim to offer her own analysis on the two candidates’ lawmaking histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hearing these numbers for the first time, I would say that both Supervisor Haney and former Supervisor David Campos are both very active supervisors legislatively,” said Kim, who now runs the California Working Families Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noting that both candidates often wrote ordinances directly influenced by the hearings they called — rather than prompting one hearing after another without a clear goal in sight — Kim also suggested looking at those two tallies in tandem to gauge their productiveness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos, for instance, held a hearing in 2015 to look into fire code inspections of apartment buildings\u003ca href=\"https://sanfrancisco.cbslocal.com/2016/07/21/string-of-mission-district-fires-prompts-push-for-safer-buildings-tenant-protections/\"> after a string of fires in the Mission\u003c/a>, a neighborhood he represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2016, Campos had introduced an ordinance requiring owners of buildings with three or more dwelling units to comply with annual fire alarm testing and inspection requirements every two years, and upgrade existing fire alarm systems, among other changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney, meanwhile, called a hearing in 2019 to \u003ca href=\"https://beyondchron.org/supes-hold-hearing-on-tenderloin-drug-dealing/\">look into open-air drug dealing in the Tenderloin\u003c/a>, a longtime problem there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By September 2019, he had convened a street-level drug-dealing task force to develop recommendations for further action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that it contributed to the urgency that led to the [Tenderloin] state of emergency and some of the solutions that have been deployed,” Haney said of the task force’s findings. One of those recommendations led to the presence of \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-announces-mid-market-vibrancy-and-safety-plan\">nonprofit Urban Alchemy’s unarmed ambassadors\u003c/a>, Haney said, who patrol the neighborhood to provide increased safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Which laws did the two candidates work on? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We categorized Campos and Haney’s legislative histories based on subject area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Every law Matt Haney wrote or sponsored on the SF Board of Supervisors\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-sI01t\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/sI01t/9/\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some laws were aimed at spurring housing development or tackling the homelessness crisis, or were inclusion-related laws aimed at helping a specific group, like the LGBTQ community or people of color. Other laws were intended to help specific businesses in each supervisor’s district, or a particular neighborhood, like when Haney created a local dog park in Mission Bay. The “reform” category includes new government ethics laws, improved access to voting, or cleaned-up errors in city code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Categorizing laws is more art than science — for instance, a public health law may specifically aim to help homeless people, so is it a health care law, or a homelessness law? We mostly focused on \u003cem>who \u003c/em>the law aimed to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910114\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910114\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg\" alt=\"A graphic showing percentages of laws passed by assembly candidates David Campos and Matt Haney broken down by category.\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: San Francisco Legislative Research Center. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Reading their legislative histories, one top-line observation jumps out: The majority of laws Campos sponsored were citywide in scope, as opposed to targeting only his neighborhood. Haney, by contrast, has introduced more neighborhood-focused legislation. That differentiation could signal how they’d legislate in the Assembly, although, as Kim noted, it may also be circumstantial, given the open-air drug dealing, overdose deaths, poverty and homelessness that Haney has tried to address in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, Kim said, supervisors in the beginnings of their careers tend to focus more on the neighborhoods and districts that helped them get elected. But, “as they log on more years, they become more citywide in perspective,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Campos attributed his dearth of neighborhood-facing legislation on an inclination to develop citywide solutions to issues he identified in his own district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Navigation centers that help unhoused people with extended stays and connections to services are one example, he said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10773847/as-s-f-s-homeless-crisis-grows-one-supervisor-wants-to-expand-new-approach-to-housing\">He helped get the first navigation center built in the Mission District, which he represented.\u003c/a> Along with other supervisors, Campos then sponsored legislation to expand navigation center construction in other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we realized after the navigation center had been open was that no one else was opening navigation centers in their district, that ours was the only one,” Campos said. “That’s an example of something that was neighborhood-specific that then grew into a larger city issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said he has focused more on his district because the South of Market and Tenderloin neighborhoods have “a lot of huge challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he trumpeted some of his own citywide laws, including placing on the 2020 ballot \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_B,_Public_Works_Commission_and_Sanitation_and_Streets_Commission_Charter_Amendment_(November_2020)\">Proposition B\u003c/a>, which split San Francisco’s embattled Public Works Department into two separate departments, one of which now focuses solely on sanitation and streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Housing: same issue, different approaches\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Assembly candidates tackled housing from noticeably different angles during their times on the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the whole, Campos tended to concentrate on protecting existing housing, while Haney has focused more on enabling new housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of this is situational: Haney’s district includes South of Market and part of downtown, two neighborhoods that encompass much of the city’s development. By contrast, Campos’s district includes the Mission, a hotbed of tenant advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Every law David Campos wrote/sponsored on SF Board of Supervisors\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ZKLpa\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ZKLpa/11/\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at these two candidates side by side, they’re not going to differentiate a lot on their positions around tenant protections, but a voter may decide that one candidate just has a greater wealth of experience in regards to the technical aspects, or just experience working on tenant-protection legislation,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, Campos authored an ordinance to provide Rent Board hearings for tenants who allege landlord harassment. He also sponsored eight additional tenant-protection-related ordinances, including fire protections, relocation payments to evicted tenants, tenant buyout agreements, and no-fault eviction protections for families with children under 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Haney in 2019 wrote legislation extending some eviction protections to units constructed after 1979, his main legislative focus was promoting construction of housing. For instance, in June 2019, he sponsored an ordinance approving a development agreement between San Francisco and KR Flower Mart LLC, for the development of an approximately 6.5-acre office and retail site located at Fifth and Brannon streets that was expected to generate $166 million in community fees, with $54 million earmarked for affordable housing. That development is ongoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney also sponsored neighborhood redevelopment plans intended to spur housing and office construction and increase a jobs/housing linkage fee to fund new affordable housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/MattHaneySF/status/1503765849634598914\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some of these plans were started by other lawmakers, and were years in the making before his time in office, they still stand in stark contrast to his opponent’s record, including Campos’s proposed “Mission moratorium,” a controversial 2015 ordinance to halt housing construction in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos told KQED he was largely responding to the wishes of his community at the time, when headlines often trumpeted high-profile evictions, and the issue of gentrification in the Mission District was on the tips of many tongues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the city’s politics have shifted ever-so-slightly in recent years to more strongly favor building dense construction — and amid that backdrop, Campos said he now supports building more housing than he did while serving as supervisor. But it should always be affordable housing, he added, as opposed to “luxury housing,” a term some use to refer to market-rate construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos said he would not repeat or replicate the Mission moratorium in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this business, you learn from your mistakes,” Campos said. “It’s actually something that came from the community. They actually collected signatures and brought it forward. And I think that in the end, you know, supporting it was a mistake. And if I had to do it over again, I wouldn’t do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The health care divide\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As supervisors, both also focused extensively on health policy, but in different areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’s landmark health-related legislation sought to plug a loophole in Healthy San Francisco, the landmark law authored in 2006 by his predecessor, Tom Ammiano, that offered universal health coverage to city residents. But while one provision in the bill asked for companies to establish health care accounts to disburse money for employees, it also had a loophole that allowed the companies to get away with never giving the money away at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’s legislation prevented companies from getting out of funding their employee health care accounts. “David was the cavalry,” said Ammiano, who in addition to his role as supervisor also served in the Assembly, and is supporting Campos. “He came to the rescue of Healthy San Francisco and closed a loophole, and now Healthy San Francisco is still healthy, especially given the COVID crisis. That politically, personally, morally meant a lot to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos also authored health-related ordinances to establish a Medical Cannabis Task Force, and to require the city to create a plan for equitable distribution of health care services, among other legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/DavidCamposSF/status/1494851925291855875\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Haney’s health-related legislation illustrates his timing as a leader during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney had only been a supervisor for a year when the pandemic struck. Immediately, many citywide priorities were dropped as legislators and department heads came to grips with the invisible threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By March 2022, Haney had sponsored 10 COVID-19 emergency ordinances, the majority of which were extensions of two emergency laws. One requires grocery and drug stores, restaurants, and on-demand delivery service employers to provide health and scheduling protections to their employees during the pandemic. He also required the city to provide toilets and handwashing facilities within 1,000 feet of any tent encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were some areas where I didn’t feel like our response as a city was robust enough, whether that was protecting essential workers, providing for bathrooms or handwashing,” Haney said. “There’s still clearly areas where I needed to legislate to get people off the streets, to protect workers, to provide bathroom access.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, whom you decide to support may come down to a single issue. But, Kim advised, as you browse the lists of laws each candidate has written or sponsored, think about which laws you consider most vital and whom you would want to represent you based on their experience writing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s possible,” she said, “that the person with the greater experience in that legislative work will have a leg up the day they take their office in Sacramento.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In the heated race for state Assembly, David Campos and Matt Haney appear to be very closely aligned on many big issues. But their legislative records as San Francisco supervisors suggest deeper contrasts.",
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"title": "We Reviewed Every Law Campos and Haney Wrote as SF Supervisors to Help You Vote in the State Assembly Runoff | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Candidates running for elected office are known for making rosy promises, giving grandiose speeches, and singing soothing songs of better days to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while that already makes choosing whom to vote for difficult, the race to represent San Francisco in Assembly District 17 (the city’s east side) between former Supervisor David Campos and current SF Supervisor Matt Haney can be even tougher to parse. That’s because finding the daylight between the two Democrats, on the issues, can be like searching for a clean sidewalk downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To wit: It ain’t happenin’.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, gentlepeople, as \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/9vQaVIoEjOM\">a wise group\u003c/a> once said, don’t believe the hype. Instead of looking at what they’ve promised, look at what they’ve done. We’ll even help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>KQED has read every law these two lawmakers stamped their names on, or co-sponsored, while serving on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Yes, all of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may serve as a window into their futures, as one of the key jobs of members of the state Assembly is writing laws. The scale of whom those laws affect is just wider by, you know, some 39 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help get a handle on their political futures, here are some top-line findings on their political pasts: While the legislators make similar public statements, and support similar causes, you can find significant differences in their \u003cem>approaches. \u003c/em>They both agree there’s a housing crisis, for instance, but wrote entirely different sets of laws to help ease it. And while both have focused extensively on public health, their specific aims have been notably different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, lastly — with caveats — one other big takeaway: Campos tended to focus more on citywide legislation, whereas Haney’s legislative portfolio is more of an even mix, with ordinances sometimes centered on the specific neighborhoods he has represented, instead of San Francisco writ large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s not much time left: The special election to fill the Assembly seat vacated by now-SF City Attorney David Chiu is April 19. And if you’re asking yourself, “Didn’t I vote for one of these guys already?” \u003cem>— \u003c/em>you very well might have. Campos, Haney, Bilal Mahmood and Thea Selby all were listed as candidates for the Assembly seat on the city’s Feb. 15 ballot. But because \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/election-results-sf-assembly/\">no one got a majority\u003c/a>, a special election was called between the top two vote-getters — Campos and Haney. Vote-by-mail ballots were sent out just last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to help you with that vote, here’s more on what we found.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How much work did they actually do in office? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To answer that, we first just straight-up counted all the proposed laws the two candidates wrote or sponsored. One major caveat: Campos spent eight years on the Board of Supervisors, versus Haney’s three.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910113\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910113\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg\" alt=\"A breakdown of the number of laws written by assembly candidates David Campos and Matt Haney.\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: San Francisco Legislative Research Center. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ordinances are legislation that becomes law, often drafted by the City Attorney’s Office at the direction of a supervisor, who becomes its “sponsor,” in wonk-speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resolutions, by contrast, are policy statements to express approval or disapproval, that are introduced at Board of Supervisors meetings and voted on. For instance, an April 2021 resolution sponsored by Haney put the city on record “urging support of eliminating the United States Senate filibuster.” A January 2010 resolution by Campos recognized “the grand re-opening of the Bernal Heights Branch Library and commending the San Francisco Public Library and its team for their hard work and commitment to San Francisco and its residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors vote on it, and — presto, change-o — it becomes a statement of record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, hearings are meetings of the board, convened by one or more supervisors, to seek information or opinions on a topic of interest, wherein a representative of a city department may be asked to answer specific questions. Often these are a way to shine light on an issue for public understanding, or to establish a certain baseline of facts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San Francisco Supervisor Jane Kim, Haney’s predecessor, hasn’t endorsed either candidate, but has long considered both of them allies and friends. We asked Kim to offer her own analysis on the two candidates’ lawmaking histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hearing these numbers for the first time, I would say that both Supervisor Haney and former Supervisor David Campos are both very active supervisors legislatively,” said Kim, who now runs the California Working Families Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noting that both candidates often wrote ordinances directly influenced by the hearings they called — rather than prompting one hearing after another without a clear goal in sight — Kim also suggested looking at those two tallies in tandem to gauge their productiveness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos, for instance, held a hearing in 2015 to look into fire code inspections of apartment buildings\u003ca href=\"https://sanfrancisco.cbslocal.com/2016/07/21/string-of-mission-district-fires-prompts-push-for-safer-buildings-tenant-protections/\"> after a string of fires in the Mission\u003c/a>, a neighborhood he represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2016, Campos had introduced an ordinance requiring owners of buildings with three or more dwelling units to comply with annual fire alarm testing and inspection requirements every two years, and upgrade existing fire alarm systems, among other changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney, meanwhile, called a hearing in 2019 to \u003ca href=\"https://beyondchron.org/supes-hold-hearing-on-tenderloin-drug-dealing/\">look into open-air drug dealing in the Tenderloin\u003c/a>, a longtime problem there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By September 2019, he had convened a street-level drug-dealing task force to develop recommendations for further action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that it contributed to the urgency that led to the [Tenderloin] state of emergency and some of the solutions that have been deployed,” Haney said of the task force’s findings. One of those recommendations led to the presence of \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-announces-mid-market-vibrancy-and-safety-plan\">nonprofit Urban Alchemy’s unarmed ambassadors\u003c/a>, Haney said, who patrol the neighborhood to provide increased safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Which laws did the two candidates work on? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We categorized Campos and Haney’s legislative histories based on subject area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Every law Matt Haney wrote or sponsored on the SF Board of Supervisors\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-sI01t\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/sI01t/9/\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some laws were aimed at spurring housing development or tackling the homelessness crisis, or were inclusion-related laws aimed at helping a specific group, like the LGBTQ community or people of color. Other laws were intended to help specific businesses in each supervisor’s district, or a particular neighborhood, like when Haney created a local dog park in Mission Bay. The “reform” category includes new government ethics laws, improved access to voting, or cleaned-up errors in city code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Categorizing laws is more art than science — for instance, a public health law may specifically aim to help homeless people, so is it a health care law, or a homelessness law? We mostly focused on \u003cem>who \u003c/em>the law aimed to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910114\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910114\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg\" alt=\"A graphic showing percentages of laws passed by assembly candidates David Campos and Matt Haney broken down by category.\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: San Francisco Legislative Research Center. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Reading their legislative histories, one top-line observation jumps out: The majority of laws Campos sponsored were citywide in scope, as opposed to targeting only his neighborhood. Haney, by contrast, has introduced more neighborhood-focused legislation. That differentiation could signal how they’d legislate in the Assembly, although, as Kim noted, it may also be circumstantial, given the open-air drug dealing, overdose deaths, poverty and homelessness that Haney has tried to address in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, Kim said, supervisors in the beginnings of their careers tend to focus more on the neighborhoods and districts that helped them get elected. But, “as they log on more years, they become more citywide in perspective,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Campos attributed his dearth of neighborhood-facing legislation on an inclination to develop citywide solutions to issues he identified in his own district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Navigation centers that help unhoused people with extended stays and connections to services are one example, he said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10773847/as-s-f-s-homeless-crisis-grows-one-supervisor-wants-to-expand-new-approach-to-housing\">He helped get the first navigation center built in the Mission District, which he represented.\u003c/a> Along with other supervisors, Campos then sponsored legislation to expand navigation center construction in other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we realized after the navigation center had been open was that no one else was opening navigation centers in their district, that ours was the only one,” Campos said. “That’s an example of something that was neighborhood-specific that then grew into a larger city issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said he has focused more on his district because the South of Market and Tenderloin neighborhoods have “a lot of huge challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he trumpeted some of his own citywide laws, including placing on the 2020 ballot \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_B,_Public_Works_Commission_and_Sanitation_and_Streets_Commission_Charter_Amendment_(November_2020)\">Proposition B\u003c/a>, which split San Francisco’s embattled Public Works Department into two separate departments, one of which now focuses solely on sanitation and streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Housing: same issue, different approaches\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Assembly candidates tackled housing from noticeably different angles during their times on the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the whole, Campos tended to concentrate on protecting existing housing, while Haney has focused more on enabling new housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of this is situational: Haney’s district includes South of Market and part of downtown, two neighborhoods that encompass much of the city’s development. By contrast, Campos’s district includes the Mission, a hotbed of tenant advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Every law David Campos wrote/sponsored on SF Board of Supervisors\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ZKLpa\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ZKLpa/11/\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at these two candidates side by side, they’re not going to differentiate a lot on their positions around tenant protections, but a voter may decide that one candidate just has a greater wealth of experience in regards to the technical aspects, or just experience working on tenant-protection legislation,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, Campos authored an ordinance to provide Rent Board hearings for tenants who allege landlord harassment. He also sponsored eight additional tenant-protection-related ordinances, including fire protections, relocation payments to evicted tenants, tenant buyout agreements, and no-fault eviction protections for families with children under 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Haney in 2019 wrote legislation extending some eviction protections to units constructed after 1979, his main legislative focus was promoting construction of housing. For instance, in June 2019, he sponsored an ordinance approving a development agreement between San Francisco and KR Flower Mart LLC, for the development of an approximately 6.5-acre office and retail site located at Fifth and Brannon streets that was expected to generate $166 million in community fees, with $54 million earmarked for affordable housing. That development is ongoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney also sponsored neighborhood redevelopment plans intended to spur housing and office construction and increase a jobs/housing linkage fee to fund new affordable housing development.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>While some of these plans were started by other lawmakers, and were years in the making before his time in office, they still stand in stark contrast to his opponent’s record, including Campos’s proposed “Mission moratorium,” a controversial 2015 ordinance to halt housing construction in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos told KQED he was largely responding to the wishes of his community at the time, when headlines often trumpeted high-profile evictions, and the issue of gentrification in the Mission District was on the tips of many tongues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the city’s politics have shifted ever-so-slightly in recent years to more strongly favor building dense construction — and amid that backdrop, Campos said he now supports building more housing than he did while serving as supervisor. But it should always be affordable housing, he added, as opposed to “luxury housing,” a term some use to refer to market-rate construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos said he would not repeat or replicate the Mission moratorium in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this business, you learn from your mistakes,” Campos said. “It’s actually something that came from the community. They actually collected signatures and brought it forward. And I think that in the end, you know, supporting it was a mistake. And if I had to do it over again, I wouldn’t do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The health care divide\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As supervisors, both also focused extensively on health policy, but in different areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’s landmark health-related legislation sought to plug a loophole in Healthy San Francisco, the landmark law authored in 2006 by his predecessor, Tom Ammiano, that offered universal health coverage to city residents. But while one provision in the bill asked for companies to establish health care accounts to disburse money for employees, it also had a loophole that allowed the companies to get away with never giving the money away at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’s legislation prevented companies from getting out of funding their employee health care accounts. “David was the cavalry,” said Ammiano, who in addition to his role as supervisor also served in the Assembly, and is supporting Campos. “He came to the rescue of Healthy San Francisco and closed a loophole, and now Healthy San Francisco is still healthy, especially given the COVID crisis. That politically, personally, morally meant a lot to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos also authored health-related ordinances to establish a Medical Cannabis Task Force, and to require the city to create a plan for equitable distribution of health care services, among other legislation.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Haney’s health-related legislation illustrates his timing as a leader during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney had only been a supervisor for a year when the pandemic struck. Immediately, many citywide priorities were dropped as legislators and department heads came to grips with the invisible threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By March 2022, Haney had sponsored 10 COVID-19 emergency ordinances, the majority of which were extensions of two emergency laws. One requires grocery and drug stores, restaurants, and on-demand delivery service employers to provide health and scheduling protections to their employees during the pandemic. He also required the city to provide toilets and handwashing facilities within 1,000 feet of any tent encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were some areas where I didn’t feel like our response as a city was robust enough, whether that was protecting essential workers, providing for bathrooms or handwashing,” Haney said. “There’s still clearly areas where I needed to legislate to get people off the streets, to protect workers, to provide bathroom access.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, whom you decide to support may come down to a single issue. But, Kim advised, as you browse the lists of laws each candidate has written or sponsored, think about which laws you consider most vital and whom you would want to represent you based on their experience writing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s possible,” she said, “that the person with the greater experience in that legislative work will have a leg up the day they take their office in Sacramento.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'It Seeks to Diminish Us': San Francisco LGBTQ Groups Protest City's Redistricting Plans",
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"content": "\u003cp>A coalition of San Francisco LGBTQ organizations rallied Wednesday to protest the city’s current redistricting plans, which they say will sever neighborhood ties between longstanding transgender and queer communities and dilute those communities’ political power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, the city’s nine-member Redistricting Task Force approved moving forward with a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=57159538a9a3422a9d22ef75d66565b6\">draft map\u003c/a> that would move the Tenderloin from District 6 to a newly redrawn District 5, separating the Tenderloin from the South of Market area and enjoining it with the Western Addition neighborhood. The task force is set to approve the new district map in mid-April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the proposed map say the move could displace some of the city’s most marginalized residents, split the political power of LGBTQ residents in those areas, and disconnect the Transgender District — the world’s first and only transgender cultural district — from the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District in nearby SoMa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jupiter Peraza, director of social justice and empowerment initiatives, Transgender District\"]‘Without proper representation, we run the risk of being overlooked in the decision-making process that molds the future of our communities.’[/pullquote]The coalition — including leaders from the Transgender District, the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District, the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club and the Tenderloin People’s Congress — called for the Tenderloin neighborhood and SOMA to be kept together in the same district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The redistricting task force continues to ignore overwhelming testimony from community members to keep the Tenderloin and SOMA together in District 6,” said Jupiter Peraza, director of social justice and empowerment initiatives at the Transgender District, at Wednesday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need comprehensive district boundaries to ensure vulnerable communities are represented adequately. Without proper representation, we run the risk of being overlooked in the decision-making process that molds the future of our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edward Wright, president of the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, said the task force must listen to queer and trans residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are here today because we have not been heard, and it’s critical that the task force knows as they move forward in this process that they cannot divide the LGBTQ community,” Wright said at Wednesday’s event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That potential separation would furthermore divide the Transgender District, which is again the first recognized transgender cultural district anywhere in the world, from the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District, which is also the first of it’s kind recognized anywhere in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11909996\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Black and brown people stand listening with stern faces as a pride flag is held in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Staff members of the Transgender District listen to speakers outside the site of the Compton’s Cafeteria riot, San Francisco, March 30, 2022, during a press conference calling for the Transgender and Leather and LGBTQ districts in the Tenderloin and Western SOMA to remain in District 6. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The press event took place at the site of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/11838357/in-66-on-one-hot-august-night-trans-women-fought-for-their-rights\">Compton’s Cafeteria riot\u003c/a>, a historic area for queer history and the LGBTQ civil rights movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compton’s Cafeteria served as a meeting place for drag queens, trans women, sex workers and other marginalized individuals in the 1960s. In August 1966, a riot occurred in response to police harassment against the trans community. After the riot, local LGBTQ advocacy gained a stronger foothold, and more support services for the community were established.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=arts_11838357 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/2/2016/07/Drag-demonstrationCOVER-1180x664.jpg']“The Tenderloin represents one of the last vestiges of housing affordability, socioeconomic and racial diversity, trans and queer cultural heritage, and a dense concentration of legacy businesses that have been long-lasting community centers for all of San Francisco,” said Peraza in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Keeping the Tenderloin and SoMa together in District 6 is an urgent and imperative matter — one that if not defended, could displace vulnerable communities that are already fleeing San Francisco at alarming rates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11899971,news_11898480,news_11898329\" label=\"Related Posts\"]“The redistricting task force was knowingly drawing an imaginary line through the middle of our community, dividing us in half,” said Curtis Bradford, co-chair of the Tenderloin People’s Congress during Wednesday’s press conference. “It seeks to diminish us, it seeks to do harm to our community, it seeks to silence our voices. We can’t let the city break up our community, diminish our voice at a time like now when we need it so much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers invited their supporters to attend the next task force meeting this Saturday morning. The final plan is due April 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Juan Carlos Lara and Spencer Whitney, and from Bay City News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A coalition of San Francisco LGBTQ organizations rallied Wednesday to protest the city’s current redistricting plans, which they say will sever neighborhood ties between longstanding transgender and queer communities and dilute those communities’ political power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, the city’s nine-member Redistricting Task Force approved moving forward with a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=57159538a9a3422a9d22ef75d66565b6\">draft map\u003c/a> that would move the Tenderloin from District 6 to a newly redrawn District 5, separating the Tenderloin from the South of Market area and enjoining it with the Western Addition neighborhood. The task force is set to approve the new district map in mid-April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the proposed map say the move could displace some of the city’s most marginalized residents, split the political power of LGBTQ residents in those areas, and disconnect the Transgender District — the world’s first and only transgender cultural district — from the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District in nearby SoMa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The coalition — including leaders from the Transgender District, the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District, the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club and the Tenderloin People’s Congress — called for the Tenderloin neighborhood and SOMA to be kept together in the same district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The redistricting task force continues to ignore overwhelming testimony from community members to keep the Tenderloin and SOMA together in District 6,” said Jupiter Peraza, director of social justice and empowerment initiatives at the Transgender District, at Wednesday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need comprehensive district boundaries to ensure vulnerable communities are represented adequately. Without proper representation, we run the risk of being overlooked in the decision-making process that molds the future of our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edward Wright, president of the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, said the task force must listen to queer and trans residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are here today because we have not been heard, and it’s critical that the task force knows as they move forward in this process that they cannot divide the LGBTQ community,” Wright said at Wednesday’s event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That potential separation would furthermore divide the Transgender District, which is again the first recognized transgender cultural district anywhere in the world, from the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District, which is also the first of it’s kind recognized anywhere in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11909996\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Black and brown people stand listening with stern faces as a pride flag is held in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Staff members of the Transgender District listen to speakers outside the site of the Compton’s Cafeteria riot, San Francisco, March 30, 2022, during a press conference calling for the Transgender and Leather and LGBTQ districts in the Tenderloin and Western SOMA to remain in District 6. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The press event took place at the site of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/11838357/in-66-on-one-hot-august-night-trans-women-fought-for-their-rights\">Compton’s Cafeteria riot\u003c/a>, a historic area for queer history and the LGBTQ civil rights movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compton’s Cafeteria served as a meeting place for drag queens, trans women, sex workers and other marginalized individuals in the 1960s. In August 1966, a riot occurred in response to police harassment against the trans community. After the riot, local LGBTQ advocacy gained a stronger foothold, and more support services for the community were established.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The Tenderloin represents one of the last vestiges of housing affordability, socioeconomic and racial diversity, trans and queer cultural heritage, and a dense concentration of legacy businesses that have been long-lasting community centers for all of San Francisco,” said Peraza in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Keeping the Tenderloin and SoMa together in District 6 is an urgent and imperative matter — one that if not defended, could displace vulnerable communities that are already fleeing San Francisco at alarming rates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The redistricting task force was knowingly drawing an imaginary line through the middle of our community, dividing us in half,” said Curtis Bradford, co-chair of the Tenderloin People’s Congress during Wednesday’s press conference. “It seeks to diminish us, it seeks to do harm to our community, it seeks to silence our voices. We can’t let the city break up our community, diminish our voice at a time like now when we need it so much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers invited their supporters to attend the next task force meeting this Saturday morning. The final plan is due April 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Juan Carlos Lara and Spencer Whitney, and from Bay City News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "police-associations-are-dropping-big-cash-into-state-races-these-are-the-candidates-getting-the-most",
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"content": "\u003cp>Amid \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/02/california-crime-homelessness/\">rising concerns about crime and recent criminal justice reforms\u003c/a>, California’s law enforcement groups are spending big this year in several high-profile races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far in the 2022 election cycle, these groups have contributed more than $1 million to campaigns for the state Legislature and several statewide offices, slightly less than the $1.2 million contributed at the same point in 2020 and significantly more than the roughly $305,000 in 2018, according to a CalMatters analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, nearly $1 out of every $6 donated by law enforcement groups has gone into the attorney general’s race, specifically to Sacramento County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://annemarieforag.com/\">Anne Marie Schubert\u003c/a>. The $176,900 in cop cash given to Schubert is about 10% of her total contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is a Republican turned independent who is the preferred pick of these groups looking to unseat Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://robbonta.com/\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a>, a Democrat who was appointed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11909524\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]Schubert is endorsed by one of the largest contributors: the \u003ca href=\"https://porac.org/\">Peace Officers Research Association of California\u003c/a>, an advocacy and lobbying group. The organization has given Schubert $16,200, the maximum allowed for the June 7 primary, while none of her opponents has reported any law enforcement contributions so far — not Bonta, who has raised $6.4 million so far, and not Republican challengers \u003ca href=\"https://www.nathanhochman.com/\">Nathan Hochman\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://ericearlyforca.com/\">Eric Early\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the first time since at least 1999 the organization has not contributed to the coffers of the incumbent in the attorney general’s race, according to secretary of state records. The Peace Officers Research Association sees it differently. Brian Marvel, president of the association, told CalMatters that “PORAC doesn’t consider there to be an incumbent in this race” because Bonta was appointed, not elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other major sources of law enforcement cash are unions: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thecahp.org/\">California Association of Highway Patrolmen\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.lapd.com/\">Los Angeles Police Protective League\u003c/a>. The CHP union has contributed $112,800 in 38 races so far, with $11,000 going to Schubert’s campaign — its first donation to a candidate for attorney general since 2007. The protective league has donated $146,600 in 25 races so far, but nothing to Schubert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the attorney general is the state’s top law enforcement officer, agencies can be directly affected by decisions, including investigations of police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta and Schubert have different priorities for what they would do in office. Though both their campaigns discuss gun violence and prosecuting polluters, Bonta’s website highlights “fighting hate and protecting civil rights” and Schubert’s promises to “aggressively [prosecute] violent criminals.” Both candidates support the law Bonta wrote while he was a legislator that \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ois-incidents\">directs the attorney general’s office to investigate when law enforcement officers kill unarmed civilians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general’s race isn’t the only statewide election where law enforcement groups are giving money. For the primary, \u003ca href=\"https://fppc.ca.gov/learn/campaign-rules/state-contribution-limits.html\">they are limited to giving $16,200 for statewide offices\u003c/a> — other than governor ($32,400) — and $9,700 for legislative races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fionama.com/\">Fiona Ma\u003c/a>, who is running for reelection as state treasurer, has received the second most so far. Why do law enforcement officers care who’s treasurer? The treasurer can affect their pensions as a board member of the California Public Employees’ Retirement System.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11908113\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/campos-haney3-1020x661.jpg\"]Ma’s campaign has taken in $55,200, with $47,100 coming from two of the three big police groups: the Peace Officers Research Association and the Los Angeles Police Protective League. Ma’s relationship with law enforcement unions isn’t new. According to campaign finance watchdog OpenSecrets, \u003ca href=\"https://www.followthemoney.org/entity-details?eid=1403023\">the Peace Officers Research Association is the fifth-largest contributor to Ma over her career\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far in the 2022 election, law enforcement groups have also placed bets in 42 of the 80 Assembly races and in seven of the 20 state Senate campaigns, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/12/california-redistricting-final-maps/\">after redistricting dramatically changed many of the legislative districts\u003c/a> and after a rash of resignations and decisions not to seek reelection created open seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Phillip Chen, a Republican who is running in the 59th district near Los Angeles, has raised the most from law enforcement groups of all legislative candidates, $47,400 so far, even though he’s unopposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/03/california-democrats-progressives/\">accepting cop cash might be a contentious issue within the California Democratic Party\u003c/a>, some Democratic candidates for Assembly aren’t shy. Assemblymember James Ramos from Rancho Cucamonga has taken $37,200, while his foe in the 45th district, Republican Joe Martinez, has received no cop money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris of Laguna Beach has raised $27,100, while her opponent, Republican Assemblymember Steven Choi, hasn’t taken any cop cash as they compete to represent the new 73rd district around Irvine. And Democratic Assemblymember Evan Low of Cupertino has received $26,900, while his opponents in the 26th district, Democrat Long Jiao and Republican Tim Gorsulowsky, haven’t reported any law enforcement contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Politics Coverage' tag='gavin-newsom']In the state Senate, the top four recipients of law enforcement money also are Democrats, including three sitting senators: Tom Umberg from Garden Grove, who got $26,200; Bob Archuleta from Pico Rivera, who took $22,700; and Anna Caballero from Salinas, who accepted $16,700.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrat Angelique Ashby, a Sacramento City Council member, is one of the few top recipients of law enforcement money who isn’t already in the Legislature. She has taken $14,900, while Democrat Dave Jones — her most prominent opponent, a former legislator and state insurance commissioner — hasn’t reported any contributions from law enforcement. The fifth-largest recipient so far is Republican Sen. Brian Jones of El Cajon, who has pulled in $6,000 in his campaign for the 40th district, while his opponents have reported no police donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement unions invested about $2.7 million during the 2019-20 election cycle and more than $2.1 million in 2021 when Newsom faced a recall. With $1 million already contributed more than two months before the June 7 primary, it’s possible law enforcement groups will be even more generous in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Amid \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/02/california-crime-homelessness/\">rising concerns about crime and recent criminal justice reforms\u003c/a>, California’s law enforcement groups are spending big this year in several high-profile races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far in the 2022 election cycle, these groups have contributed more than $1 million to campaigns for the state Legislature and several statewide offices, slightly less than the $1.2 million contributed at the same point in 2020 and significantly more than the roughly $305,000 in 2018, according to a CalMatters analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, nearly $1 out of every $6 donated by law enforcement groups has gone into the attorney general’s race, specifically to Sacramento County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://annemarieforag.com/\">Anne Marie Schubert\u003c/a>. The $176,900 in cop cash given to Schubert is about 10% of her total contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is a Republican turned independent who is the preferred pick of these groups looking to unseat Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://robbonta.com/\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a>, a Democrat who was appointed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Schubert is endorsed by one of the largest contributors: the \u003ca href=\"https://porac.org/\">Peace Officers Research Association of California\u003c/a>, an advocacy and lobbying group. The organization has given Schubert $16,200, the maximum allowed for the June 7 primary, while none of her opponents has reported any law enforcement contributions so far — not Bonta, who has raised $6.4 million so far, and not Republican challengers \u003ca href=\"https://www.nathanhochman.com/\">Nathan Hochman\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://ericearlyforca.com/\">Eric Early\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the first time since at least 1999 the organization has not contributed to the coffers of the incumbent in the attorney general’s race, according to secretary of state records. The Peace Officers Research Association sees it differently. Brian Marvel, president of the association, told CalMatters that “PORAC doesn’t consider there to be an incumbent in this race” because Bonta was appointed, not elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other major sources of law enforcement cash are unions: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thecahp.org/\">California Association of Highway Patrolmen\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.lapd.com/\">Los Angeles Police Protective League\u003c/a>. The CHP union has contributed $112,800 in 38 races so far, with $11,000 going to Schubert’s campaign — its first donation to a candidate for attorney general since 2007. The protective league has donated $146,600 in 25 races so far, but nothing to Schubert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the attorney general is the state’s top law enforcement officer, agencies can be directly affected by decisions, including investigations of police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta and Schubert have different priorities for what they would do in office. Though both their campaigns discuss gun violence and prosecuting polluters, Bonta’s website highlights “fighting hate and protecting civil rights” and Schubert’s promises to “aggressively [prosecute] violent criminals.” Both candidates support the law Bonta wrote while he was a legislator that \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ois-incidents\">directs the attorney general’s office to investigate when law enforcement officers kill unarmed civilians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general’s race isn’t the only statewide election where law enforcement groups are giving money. For the primary, \u003ca href=\"https://fppc.ca.gov/learn/campaign-rules/state-contribution-limits.html\">they are limited to giving $16,200 for statewide offices\u003c/a> — other than governor ($32,400) — and $9,700 for legislative races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fionama.com/\">Fiona Ma\u003c/a>, who is running for reelection as state treasurer, has received the second most so far. Why do law enforcement officers care who’s treasurer? The treasurer can affect their pensions as a board member of the California Public Employees’ Retirement System.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ma’s campaign has taken in $55,200, with $47,100 coming from two of the three big police groups: the Peace Officers Research Association and the Los Angeles Police Protective League. Ma’s relationship with law enforcement unions isn’t new. According to campaign finance watchdog OpenSecrets, \u003ca href=\"https://www.followthemoney.org/entity-details?eid=1403023\">the Peace Officers Research Association is the fifth-largest contributor to Ma over her career\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far in the 2022 election, law enforcement groups have also placed bets in 42 of the 80 Assembly races and in seven of the 20 state Senate campaigns, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/12/california-redistricting-final-maps/\">after redistricting dramatically changed many of the legislative districts\u003c/a> and after a rash of resignations and decisions not to seek reelection created open seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Phillip Chen, a Republican who is running in the 59th district near Los Angeles, has raised the most from law enforcement groups of all legislative candidates, $47,400 so far, even though he’s unopposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/03/california-democrats-progressives/\">accepting cop cash might be a contentious issue within the California Democratic Party\u003c/a>, some Democratic candidates for Assembly aren’t shy. Assemblymember James Ramos from Rancho Cucamonga has taken $37,200, while his foe in the 45th district, Republican Joe Martinez, has received no cop money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris of Laguna Beach has raised $27,100, while her opponent, Republican Assemblymember Steven Choi, hasn’t taken any cop cash as they compete to represent the new 73rd district around Irvine. And Democratic Assemblymember Evan Low of Cupertino has received $26,900, while his opponents in the 26th district, Democrat Long Jiao and Republican Tim Gorsulowsky, haven’t reported any law enforcement contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the state Senate, the top four recipients of law enforcement money also are Democrats, including three sitting senators: Tom Umberg from Garden Grove, who got $26,200; Bob Archuleta from Pico Rivera, who took $22,700; and Anna Caballero from Salinas, who accepted $16,700.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrat Angelique Ashby, a Sacramento City Council member, is one of the few top recipients of law enforcement money who isn’t already in the Legislature. She has taken $14,900, while Democrat Dave Jones — her most prominent opponent, a former legislator and state insurance commissioner — hasn’t reported any contributions from law enforcement. The fifth-largest recipient so far is Republican Sen. Brian Jones of El Cajon, who has pulled in $6,000 in his campaign for the 40th district, while his opponents have reported no police donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement unions invested about $2.7 million during the 2019-20 election cycle and more than $2.1 million in 2021 when Newsom faced a recall. With $1 million already contributed more than two months before the June 7 primary, it’s possible law enforcement groups will be even more generous in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Before she made her first run for office in 2010, Lori Wilson was preparing for life in the pulpit: She was licensed and ordained, and thought she would eventually pastor a church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she jumped into a different calling: a career in local government, serving as a city councilmember and now mayor of Suisun City, in Solano County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still, you know, it’s serving people,” Wilson said. “It’s really genuinely caring for people because you can’t serve and make decisions, policy ordinances, legislation without caring about people.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lori Wilson, mayor, Suisun City\"]‘When we look at the policies coming out of the state, if we want to see better ones, if we want to see ones that affirm everyone in the state — and we are a diverse state — then we need diverse voices there.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Wilson is running unopposed for California’s 11th Assembly District in an April 5 special election to replace Democrat Jim Frazier, who resigned from the Legislature in December, citing a desire to pursue new job opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s one of four elections taking place that day across the state, the result of a flurry of lawmakers leaving office before their terms were up. For counties, the vacancy elections can add big costs and draw low voter interest. But others see the turnover in the Legislature as a priceless opportunity to bring more diverse leaders to Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we look at the policies coming out of the state, if we want to see better ones, if we want to see ones that affirm everyone in the state — and we are a diverse state — then we need diverse voices there,” said Wilson, the first Black woman to serve as mayor in Solano County history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The combination of new political districts taking effect this year and looming term limits for many lawmakers in 2024 has led dozens of California legislators to pass on seeking reelection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some, like former Assemblymembers Frazier, Lorena Gonzalez and Autumn Burke, abruptly resigned, triggering the April 5 special elections. Voters in the Central Valley’s 22nd Congressional District also will head to the polls that day, to pick a replacement for former Congressmember Devin Nunes, who stepped down from office in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three outgoing Assemblymembers quickly endorsed potential successors, and Democratic political consultant Andrew Acosta said voters are unlikely to show much interest in who takes the seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have to imagine not a ton of people are paying attention to a special election Assembly race, with everything that’s going on from … Ukraine to March Madness,” said Acosta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Contra Costa County, where voters along Highway 4 will cast ballots in the election to replace Frazier, election officials are projecting turnout at around 35% of registered voters. That’s in line with most special legislative elections over the last two years, despite the state’s new practice of sending every registered voter a ballot in the mail by default.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even in a sleepy election, the cost for counties can add up: The 11th Assembly District vote will cost Contra Costa $1 million, said Tommy Gong, deputy county clerk-recorder, although half the cost will be covered by leftover money granted by the state for last year’s gubernatorial recall election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, during these type of legislative vacancy elections, pretty much the respective counties bear the cost of the election,” said Gong. Due to the nature of special elections, local governments do not plan for them in their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The off-cycle elections also caught many political hopefuls off guard and led some candidates to launch campaigns without sufficient preparation, said Bill Wong, former political adviser to the Assembly Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They ended up running for office because it’s going to be an opportunity that they can’t miss out on,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908513/bill-wong-on-an-aapi-prop-187-moment-and-the-state-of-the-democrats-supermajority\">Wong told KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a>. “But they’re also, when I talk to a lot of candidates, they were not really ready for what it meant to be running from city council to an Assembly race.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11908113,news_11908825\"]\u003cbr>\nThe high-cost, low-profile scramble of many special elections has led some to question whether the state should devise a new way to handle legislative vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ideally, voters and lawmakers would embrace a new system to reduce the frequency of special elections,” the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2021-12-13/there-is-such-a-thing-as-too-many-elections\">Los Angeles Times editorial board wrote\u003c/a> in December. “That could be accomplished by extending the time an office can remain vacant, or allowing a legislative seat to be filled by appointment, as half the states do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But others see the upcoming votes as an opportunity to make California’s Legislature better reflect the people it represents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melanie Ramil, executive director of Emerge California, viewed the special elections as a chance to further her organization’s mission to recruit and train Democratic women to run for office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that this was coming,” said Ramil. “The combination of redistricting, retirement and term limits — we have been anticipating this for years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heading into this year, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/elections-california-special-elections-legislature-san-francisco-b7526e2aec3125af2fcea91e1278a2f8\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">roughly a third of state legislators\u003c/a> were women. Ramil sees the flood of open seats as an opening to change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think what we’re seeing with the Great Resignation taking place in the Capitol is that it’s really our great opportunity,” Ramil said, “one, to close the gender gap that we’ve seen in the Legislature, and two, to give California the opportunity to be led by those who reflect their communities that look like us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramil said Emerge has trained over 800 women over the years to run for elected office in California, including Lori Wilson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Suisun City mayor has been in city government for more than a decade, worked as a finance director for two homebuilding companies, and oversees regional air quality policy on the local air district’s board of directors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had been a local leader now for 12 years,” Wilson said. “And it’s like, if people like me don’t run, who will?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Before she made her first run for office in 2010, Lori Wilson was preparing for life in the pulpit: She was licensed and ordained, and thought she would eventually pastor a church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she jumped into a different calling: a career in local government, serving as a city councilmember and now mayor of Suisun City, in Solano County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still, you know, it’s serving people,” Wilson said. “It’s really genuinely caring for people because you can’t serve and make decisions, policy ordinances, legislation without caring about people.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Wilson is running unopposed for California’s 11th Assembly District in an April 5 special election to replace Democrat Jim Frazier, who resigned from the Legislature in December, citing a desire to pursue new job opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s one of four elections taking place that day across the state, the result of a flurry of lawmakers leaving office before their terms were up. For counties, the vacancy elections can add big costs and draw low voter interest. But others see the turnover in the Legislature as a priceless opportunity to bring more diverse leaders to Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we look at the policies coming out of the state, if we want to see better ones, if we want to see ones that affirm everyone in the state — and we are a diverse state — then we need diverse voices there,” said Wilson, the first Black woman to serve as mayor in Solano County history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The combination of new political districts taking effect this year and looming term limits for many lawmakers in 2024 has led dozens of California legislators to pass on seeking reelection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some, like former Assemblymembers Frazier, Lorena Gonzalez and Autumn Burke, abruptly resigned, triggering the April 5 special elections. Voters in the Central Valley’s 22nd Congressional District also will head to the polls that day, to pick a replacement for former Congressmember Devin Nunes, who stepped down from office in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three outgoing Assemblymembers quickly endorsed potential successors, and Democratic political consultant Andrew Acosta said voters are unlikely to show much interest in who takes the seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have to imagine not a ton of people are paying attention to a special election Assembly race, with everything that’s going on from … Ukraine to March Madness,” said Acosta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Contra Costa County, where voters along Highway 4 will cast ballots in the election to replace Frazier, election officials are projecting turnout at around 35% of registered voters. That’s in line with most special legislative elections over the last two years, despite the state’s new practice of sending every registered voter a ballot in the mail by default.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even in a sleepy election, the cost for counties can add up: The 11th Assembly District vote will cost Contra Costa $1 million, said Tommy Gong, deputy county clerk-recorder, although half the cost will be covered by leftover money granted by the state for last year’s gubernatorial recall election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, during these type of legislative vacancy elections, pretty much the respective counties bear the cost of the election,” said Gong. Due to the nature of special elections, local governments do not plan for them in their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The off-cycle elections also caught many political hopefuls off guard and led some candidates to launch campaigns without sufficient preparation, said Bill Wong, former political adviser to the Assembly Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They ended up running for office because it’s going to be an opportunity that they can’t miss out on,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908513/bill-wong-on-an-aapi-prop-187-moment-and-the-state-of-the-democrats-supermajority\">Wong told KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a>. “But they’re also, when I talk to a lot of candidates, they were not really ready for what it meant to be running from city council to an Assembly race.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nThe high-cost, low-profile scramble of many special elections has led some to question whether the state should devise a new way to handle legislative vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ideally, voters and lawmakers would embrace a new system to reduce the frequency of special elections,” the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2021-12-13/there-is-such-a-thing-as-too-many-elections\">Los Angeles Times editorial board wrote\u003c/a> in December. “That could be accomplished by extending the time an office can remain vacant, or allowing a legislative seat to be filled by appointment, as half the states do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But others see the upcoming votes as an opportunity to make California’s Legislature better reflect the people it represents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melanie Ramil, executive director of Emerge California, viewed the special elections as a chance to further her organization’s mission to recruit and train Democratic women to run for office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that this was coming,” said Ramil. “The combination of redistricting, retirement and term limits — we have been anticipating this for years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heading into this year, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/elections-california-special-elections-legislature-san-francisco-b7526e2aec3125af2fcea91e1278a2f8\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">roughly a third of state legislators\u003c/a> were women. Ramil sees the flood of open seats as an opening to change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think what we’re seeing with the Great Resignation taking place in the Capitol is that it’s really our great opportunity,” Ramil said, “one, to close the gender gap that we’ve seen in the Legislature, and two, to give California the opportunity to be led by those who reflect their communities that look like us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramil said Emerge has trained over 800 women over the years to run for elected office in California, including Lori Wilson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Suisun City mayor has been in city government for more than a decade, worked as a finance director for two homebuilding companies, and oversees regional air quality policy on the local air district’s board of directors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had been a local leader now for 12 years,” Wilson said. “And it’s like, if people like me don’t run, who will?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/26099305-72af-4542-9dde-ac1807fe36d5/kqed-s-the-california-report",
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},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
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