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"content": "\u003cp>Amid fanfare in March, California officials celebrated the launch of a multimillion-dollar contract with Verily — Google’s health-focused sister company — that they said would vastly expand COVID-19 testing among the state’s impoverished and underserved communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But seven months later, San Francisco and Alameda counties — two of the state’s most populous — have severed ties with the company’s testing sites amid concerns about patients’ data privacy and complaints that funding intended to boost testing in low-income Black and Latino neighborhoods instead was benefiting higher-income residents in other communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Alameda are among at least 28 counties, including Los Angeles, where California has paid Verily to boost testing capacity through contracts collectively worth $55 million, according to a spokesperson for the California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services. About half of them have received COVID-19 tests through six mobile units that travel among rural areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11818312 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/HaywardCoronavirusTesting-1020x664.jpg']Gov. Gavin Newsom has heralded the investment as a game changer in addressing persistent inequities in access to COVID-19 testing across the state that tend to fall along lines of ethnicity and income. The goal, he said in April, touting six new Verily testing sites, was to “make sure we’re truly testing California broadly defined, not just parts of California and those that somehow have the privilege of getting ahead of the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet the roadblocks for getting underrepresented populations to use the program soon became apparent to Alameda County officials. \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/10/Letter-to-Dr.-Ghaly-on-Testing-Platform.pdf\">In a June letter\u003c/a> to California Secretary of Health Mark Ghaly, Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf and other members of the county’s COVID-19 Racial Disparities Task Force raised numerous concerns about the Verily protocols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among their complaints: People signing up for a test through Verily had to do so online, using an existing or newly created Gmail account; the sign-ups were offered only in English or Spanish; and participants were asked to provide sensitive personal information, including their home address and whether they were managing chronic health conditions such as diabetes, obesity or congestive heart failure, which could expose their data to third-party use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is critical in this crisis that we continue to build trust between government and healthcare providers and vulnerable communities,” the task force members wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Verily had two sites in Alameda County, and one was shuttered by May. The second, located at an Oakland church, closed in August and is set to reopen using a different testing vendor. Alameda County testing director Dr. Jocelyn Freeman Garrick said that while the Verily sites helped the county reach testing goals in terms of raw numbers, they were phased out because of long wait times of a week or more for results, and because the tests were not reaching the residents in greatest need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Verily does not manufacture the COVID-19 tests used at its California sites. It contracts with major corporations such as Quest Diagnostics and Thermo Fisher Scientific to provide the test kits and perform the lab work. What Verily provides is a digital platform where people are screened for symptoms, schedule testing appointments at participating sites and check back for test results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote citation=\"Dr. Noha Aboelata, CEO of Roots Community Health Center\" size=\"medium\" align=\"right\"]‘Corporations that are not really invested in the community come helicoptering in, bearing gifts, but what they’re taking away is much more valuable.’[/pullquote]Dr. Noha Aboelata is CEO of Roots Community Health Center, an East Oakland clinic that serves mostly African Americans and is one of the original Verily sites in Oakland. Her experience with Verily is best described as a tale of two lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Aboelata worked with Verily to establish a walk-up site at her clinic, rather than the drive-thru model the company typically uses. There would be two lines: one for people who scheduled their appointments through Verily’s online portal; and a second for people who had not preregistered with Verily. Roots would staff both lines, and Verily would supply test kits and personal protective equipment including masks, which were “like gold” at the time, Aboelata said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Problems emerged almost immediately, she said. People were suspicious of the requirement that they sign up with a Gmail account, and the request for personal information, such as health status and risk factors. “You don’t necessarily want to share that with Google,” Aboelata said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there was the language in the privacy policy that allows for sharing data with third parties. “That always is going to raise suspicion and concern in our community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The people who ended up in the Verily-registered line, she said, tended to be white and to come from wealthier ZIP codes outside East Oakland. And because Verily never changed the website language describing Roots as a drive-thru site, many were angry at having to walk up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had people coming from all over the Bay Area who were frustrated that they had to park in Oakland, where they had probably never been and didn’t seem to want to be,” she said. “They were creating quite a scene, and some were saying, ‘I want to talk to the manager.’” She had to ask a few people to leave. “One of them was saying, ‘This is so Oakland, and I hope you all get the virus.’ It was pretty awful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Roots line for clients who did not register through Verily, on the other hand, was made up mostly of people of color from the community who long had come to the clinic for medical care, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1350px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/verily_01_1350.jpg\" alt=\"a Roots Community Health Center tent\" width=\"1350\" height=\"900\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843963\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/verily_01_1350.jpg 1350w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/verily_01_1350-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/verily_01_1350-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/verily_01_1350-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1350px) 100vw, 1350px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roots Community Health Center in East Oakland is among the Alameda County COVID-19 testing sites that have severed ties with Verily. People were suspicious of the requirement that they sign up for testing with a Gmail account and the request for personal information, according to center officials. \u003ccite>(Roots Community Health Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Aboelata looked at the data, the disparities were obvious: 12.9% of people tested in the non-Verily line were positive for COVID-19, while just 1.5% of people tested in the Verily-registered line were positive. For Aboelata, it was clear that the two lines were testing two entirely different populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After just six days of testing, Aboelata asked Verily to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From where we sit, this is an old story,” she said. “Corporations that are not really invested in the community come helicoptering in, bearing gifts, but what they’re taking away is much more valuable.” That thing of value, Aboelata believes, is the data Verily requests from everyone who signs up for a test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"coronavirus-testing\" label=\"related coverage\"]In San Francisco, Verily mobile testing clinics have also been sidelined. County officials declined to provide an explanation. However, multiple people with knowledge of the testing efforts said the Verily registration process proved chaotic for homeless people and others in the Tenderloin district, one of the city’s poorest neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kenneth Kim, clinical director of Glide, an outreach center that helped run the Tenderloin site, said many homeless residents coming in for testing had Gmail accounts, as Verily required, but could not remember their passwords. When staffers at the testing site tried to help them retrieve their passwords, they found that Google’s two-factor authentication process required users to have the same phone number as when they signed up, which few of the homeless participants did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Jonathan Fuchs, who leads San Francisco County’s testing strategy at the Department of Public Health, confirmed that the partnership with Verily was “currently on hold.” He declined to provide further details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions, Verily spokesperson Kathleen Parkes said the program requires users to register with Gmail accounts because Google’s authentication procedures safeguard sensitive data and protect “against unknown individuals sending or receiving information with serious consequences for health or well-being.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conversations with San Francisco and Alameda remain “active,” Parkes said. The company did not respond to specific questions about the testing disparities cited by community leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Verily’s role in COVID-19 testing has been shadowed by controversy since President Donald Trump told reporters at a Rose Garden news conference in March that “Google” was developing a screening website and testing tool. “Google has 1,700 engineers working on this right now,” he said. “They’ve made tremendous progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, COVID-19 tests were in short supply and Trump was under pressure to increase capacity as infections ballooned in California, New York and other states. But Google was not building such a website. Instead, Verily, another Alphabet Inc. subsidiary focused on life sciences, was in the early stages of developing a website to help triage people in need of COVID-19 testing, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/Google_Comms/status/1238574670686928906\">Google clarified in a tweet\u003c/a>. It planned to unveil a pilot program in two Bay Area counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days later, Newsom announced a California partnership with Verily that so far has paid the company $55 million to establish both mobile and brick-and-mortar testing sites. In addition, Verily has partnered with Rite Aid to manage testing at approximately 300 sites in multiple states under a \u003ca href=\"https://www.usaspending.gov/award/CONT_AWD_75P00120C00030_7570_-NONE-_-NONE-\">$122.6 million federal contract\u003c/a> between the pharmacy chain and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. California’s Verily contracts are in place through Nov. 30; the HHS contract is set to expire in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants in the Verily initiative sign an authorization form that says their information can be shared with multiple third parties involved in the testing program, including unnamed contractors and state and federal health authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the form tells you that Verily may share data with ‘entities that assist with the testing program,’ it doesn’t say who those entities are. If one of those unnamed and unknown entities violates your privacy by misusing your data, you have no way to know and no way to hold them accountable,” said Lee Tien, senior staff attorney for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a nonprofit that advocates for digital privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy states Verily will not use the data collected for its own research or meld it with other Google products without the user’s permission. But it notes participants may be invited to share their data for such research, and the testing portal prominently features links inviting participants to sign up for other Verily research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote citation=\"Dr. Margot Kushel, director of UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative\" size=\"medium\" align=\"right\"]‘It turns out that in public health, the highest-tech solution is usually not the right one.’[/pullquote]In California, as of Oct. 8, the Verily sites had processed an average of 1,583 patient samples per day over the prior seven days, according to the California Department of Public Health. Verily, the state health department and Alameda County all declined requests to provide race and ethnicity data by testing site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Kim Rhoads, a UCSF professor and former colorectal surgeon who leads a COVID-19 testing project for Black communities, said Aboelata’s experience with Verily is emblematic of widespread racial disparities in the testing and treatment of COVID-19. “We can’t keep talking about the consequences being unintended,” Rhoads said. “We are six months into this pandemic and anyone who is surprised by the repetitive findings of inequity in testing, the spread of virus and COVID-19 mortality just isn’t paying attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview, Ghaly, California’s health secretary, said he believed the state’s partnerships with Verily and other companies continue to be a national model for addressing problems with testing disparities, including setting up venues for minority and rural populations. For example, in counties in northern parts of the state, sometimes the only regular testing available was through mobile testing set up under the program, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s lots of success and lots of lessons learned and we continue to apply them,” Ghaly said. “Until the entire effort is completed, I always look at where we are as part success and part opportunity to keep learning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/10/Secretary-Ghalys-Response-to-Oakland-Mayor-and-Racial-Disparities-Task-Force.pdf\">a September response\u003c/a> to the Oakland COVID-19 disparities task force, Ghaly outlined several actions the state had taken or would take in response to the concerns, including having Verily update its platform to include additional languages and work with testing vendors on alternative methods for data collection to address privacy concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the things we learned specifically in our experience in Alameda and other parts of the Bay Area is language matters,” Ghaly told Kaiser Health News.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After working with the homeless for 25 years, Dr. Margot Kushel, director of the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative, said she wasn’t surprised to learn some community leaders ran into problems with Verily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It turns out that in public health, the highest-tech solution is usually not the right one,” she said. To bring COVID cases down, she explained, requires a “laser focus” on the highest-risk communities. And people in those communities often don’t want to turn over the protected information Verily asks for, whether because of fears about their immigration status or a history of mistrust of the medical establishment and policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can imagine a million and a half reasons why people would distrust it,” Kushel said. “The very structure of this is set up to fail. And by failing the communities who need it most, we fail everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Healthline correspondent Angela Hart contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Verily's COVID-19 Testing Program Halted in SF, Oakland Over Equity and Privacy Concerns | KQED",
"description": "San Francisco and Alameda counties ended ties with a Google sister company's program amid complaints that funding meant to help low-income neighborhoods was benefiting higher-income residents elsewhere.",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/news/author/jenny-gold/\">Jenny Gold\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/news/author/rachana-pradhan/\">Rachana Pradhan\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Amid fanfare in March, California officials celebrated the launch of a multimillion-dollar contract with Verily — Google’s health-focused sister company — that they said would vastly expand COVID-19 testing among the state’s impoverished and underserved communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But seven months later, San Francisco and Alameda counties — two of the state’s most populous — have severed ties with the company’s testing sites amid concerns about patients’ data privacy and complaints that funding intended to boost testing in low-income Black and Latino neighborhoods instead was benefiting higher-income residents in other communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Alameda are among at least 28 counties, including Los Angeles, where California has paid Verily to boost testing capacity through contracts collectively worth $55 million, according to a spokesperson for the California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services. About half of them have received COVID-19 tests through six mobile units that travel among rural areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has heralded the investment as a game changer in addressing persistent inequities in access to COVID-19 testing across the state that tend to fall along lines of ethnicity and income. The goal, he said in April, touting six new Verily testing sites, was to “make sure we’re truly testing California broadly defined, not just parts of California and those that somehow have the privilege of getting ahead of the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet the roadblocks for getting underrepresented populations to use the program soon became apparent to Alameda County officials. \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/10/Letter-to-Dr.-Ghaly-on-Testing-Platform.pdf\">In a June letter\u003c/a> to California Secretary of Health Mark Ghaly, Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf and other members of the county’s COVID-19 Racial Disparities Task Force raised numerous concerns about the Verily protocols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among their complaints: People signing up for a test through Verily had to do so online, using an existing or newly created Gmail account; the sign-ups were offered only in English or Spanish; and participants were asked to provide sensitive personal information, including their home address and whether they were managing chronic health conditions such as diabetes, obesity or congestive heart failure, which could expose their data to third-party use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is critical in this crisis that we continue to build trust between government and healthcare providers and vulnerable communities,” the task force members wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Verily had two sites in Alameda County, and one was shuttered by May. The second, located at an Oakland church, closed in August and is set to reopen using a different testing vendor. Alameda County testing director Dr. Jocelyn Freeman Garrick said that while the Verily sites helped the county reach testing goals in terms of raw numbers, they were phased out because of long wait times of a week or more for results, and because the tests were not reaching the residents in greatest need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Verily does not manufacture the COVID-19 tests used at its California sites. It contracts with major corporations such as Quest Diagnostics and Thermo Fisher Scientific to provide the test kits and perform the lab work. What Verily provides is a digital platform where people are screened for symptoms, schedule testing appointments at participating sites and check back for test results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Corporations that are not really invested in the community come helicoptering in, bearing gifts, but what they’re taking away is much more valuable.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Dr. Noha Aboelata is CEO of Roots Community Health Center, an East Oakland clinic that serves mostly African Americans and is one of the original Verily sites in Oakland. Her experience with Verily is best described as a tale of two lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Aboelata worked with Verily to establish a walk-up site at her clinic, rather than the drive-thru model the company typically uses. There would be two lines: one for people who scheduled their appointments through Verily’s online portal; and a second for people who had not preregistered with Verily. Roots would staff both lines, and Verily would supply test kits and personal protective equipment including masks, which were “like gold” at the time, Aboelata said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Problems emerged almost immediately, she said. People were suspicious of the requirement that they sign up with a Gmail account, and the request for personal information, such as health status and risk factors. “You don’t necessarily want to share that with Google,” Aboelata said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there was the language in the privacy policy that allows for sharing data with third parties. “That always is going to raise suspicion and concern in our community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The people who ended up in the Verily-registered line, she said, tended to be white and to come from wealthier ZIP codes outside East Oakland. And because Verily never changed the website language describing Roots as a drive-thru site, many were angry at having to walk up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had people coming from all over the Bay Area who were frustrated that they had to park in Oakland, where they had probably never been and didn’t seem to want to be,” she said. “They were creating quite a scene, and some were saying, ‘I want to talk to the manager.’” She had to ask a few people to leave. “One of them was saying, ‘This is so Oakland, and I hope you all get the virus.’ It was pretty awful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Roots line for clients who did not register through Verily, on the other hand, was made up mostly of people of color from the community who long had come to the clinic for medical care, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1350px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/verily_01_1350.jpg\" alt=\"a Roots Community Health Center tent\" width=\"1350\" height=\"900\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843963\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/verily_01_1350.jpg 1350w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/verily_01_1350-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/verily_01_1350-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/verily_01_1350-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1350px) 100vw, 1350px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roots Community Health Center in East Oakland is among the Alameda County COVID-19 testing sites that have severed ties with Verily. People were suspicious of the requirement that they sign up for testing with a Gmail account and the request for personal information, according to center officials. \u003ccite>(Roots Community Health Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Aboelata looked at the data, the disparities were obvious: 12.9% of people tested in the non-Verily line were positive for COVID-19, while just 1.5% of people tested in the Verily-registered line were positive. For Aboelata, it was clear that the two lines were testing two entirely different populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After just six days of testing, Aboelata asked Verily to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From where we sit, this is an old story,” she said. “Corporations that are not really invested in the community come helicoptering in, bearing gifts, but what they’re taking away is much more valuable.” That thing of value, Aboelata believes, is the data Verily requests from everyone who signs up for a test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In San Francisco, Verily mobile testing clinics have also been sidelined. County officials declined to provide an explanation. However, multiple people with knowledge of the testing efforts said the Verily registration process proved chaotic for homeless people and others in the Tenderloin district, one of the city’s poorest neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kenneth Kim, clinical director of Glide, an outreach center that helped run the Tenderloin site, said many homeless residents coming in for testing had Gmail accounts, as Verily required, but could not remember their passwords. When staffers at the testing site tried to help them retrieve their passwords, they found that Google’s two-factor authentication process required users to have the same phone number as when they signed up, which few of the homeless participants did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Jonathan Fuchs, who leads San Francisco County’s testing strategy at the Department of Public Health, confirmed that the partnership with Verily was “currently on hold.” He declined to provide further details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions, Verily spokesperson Kathleen Parkes said the program requires users to register with Gmail accounts because Google’s authentication procedures safeguard sensitive data and protect “against unknown individuals sending or receiving information with serious consequences for health or well-being.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conversations with San Francisco and Alameda remain “active,” Parkes said. The company did not respond to specific questions about the testing disparities cited by community leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Verily’s role in COVID-19 testing has been shadowed by controversy since President Donald Trump told reporters at a Rose Garden news conference in March that “Google” was developing a screening website and testing tool. “Google has 1,700 engineers working on this right now,” he said. “They’ve made tremendous progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, COVID-19 tests were in short supply and Trump was under pressure to increase capacity as infections ballooned in California, New York and other states. But Google was not building such a website. Instead, Verily, another Alphabet Inc. subsidiary focused on life sciences, was in the early stages of developing a website to help triage people in need of COVID-19 testing, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/Google_Comms/status/1238574670686928906\">Google clarified in a tweet\u003c/a>. It planned to unveil a pilot program in two Bay Area counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days later, Newsom announced a California partnership with Verily that so far has paid the company $55 million to establish both mobile and brick-and-mortar testing sites. In addition, Verily has partnered with Rite Aid to manage testing at approximately 300 sites in multiple states under a \u003ca href=\"https://www.usaspending.gov/award/CONT_AWD_75P00120C00030_7570_-NONE-_-NONE-\">$122.6 million federal contract\u003c/a> between the pharmacy chain and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. California’s Verily contracts are in place through Nov. 30; the HHS contract is set to expire in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants in the Verily initiative sign an authorization form that says their information can be shared with multiple third parties involved in the testing program, including unnamed contractors and state and federal health authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the form tells you that Verily may share data with ‘entities that assist with the testing program,’ it doesn’t say who those entities are. If one of those unnamed and unknown entities violates your privacy by misusing your data, you have no way to know and no way to hold them accountable,” said Lee Tien, senior staff attorney for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a nonprofit that advocates for digital privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy states Verily will not use the data collected for its own research or meld it with other Google products without the user’s permission. But it notes participants may be invited to share their data for such research, and the testing portal prominently features links inviting participants to sign up for other Verily research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, as of Oct. 8, the Verily sites had processed an average of 1,583 patient samples per day over the prior seven days, according to the California Department of Public Health. Verily, the state health department and Alameda County all declined requests to provide race and ethnicity data by testing site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Kim Rhoads, a UCSF professor and former colorectal surgeon who leads a COVID-19 testing project for Black communities, said Aboelata’s experience with Verily is emblematic of widespread racial disparities in the testing and treatment of COVID-19. “We can’t keep talking about the consequences being unintended,” Rhoads said. “We are six months into this pandemic and anyone who is surprised by the repetitive findings of inequity in testing, the spread of virus and COVID-19 mortality just isn’t paying attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview, Ghaly, California’s health secretary, said he believed the state’s partnerships with Verily and other companies continue to be a national model for addressing problems with testing disparities, including setting up venues for minority and rural populations. For example, in counties in northern parts of the state, sometimes the only regular testing available was through mobile testing set up under the program, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s lots of success and lots of lessons learned and we continue to apply them,” Ghaly said. “Until the entire effort is completed, I always look at where we are as part success and part opportunity to keep learning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/10/Secretary-Ghalys-Response-to-Oakland-Mayor-and-Racial-Disparities-Task-Force.pdf\">a September response\u003c/a> to the Oakland COVID-19 disparities task force, Ghaly outlined several actions the state had taken or would take in response to the concerns, including having Verily update its platform to include additional languages and work with testing vendors on alternative methods for data collection to address privacy concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the things we learned specifically in our experience in Alameda and other parts of the Bay Area is language matters,” Ghaly told Kaiser Health News.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After working with the homeless for 25 years, Dr. Margot Kushel, director of the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative, said she wasn’t surprised to learn some community leaders ran into problems with Verily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It turns out that in public health, the highest-tech solution is usually not the right one,” she said. To bring COVID cases down, she explained, requires a “laser focus” on the highest-risk communities. And people in those communities often don’t want to turn over the protected information Verily asks for, whether because of fears about their immigration status or a history of mistrust of the medical establishment and policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can imagine a million and a half reasons why people would distrust it,” Kushel said. “The very structure of this is set up to fail. And by failing the communities who need it most, we fail everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Healthline correspondent Angela Hart contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure",
"title": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was updated Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 12:40pm\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">UPDATE: Proposition 22 was approved by California voters Tuesday, Nov. 3. \u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Read the full details here\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Original story:\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision California voters face on Proposition 22 boils down to this: should a handful of companies be allowed to create a new gig contractor category for their workers that doesn’t include employee protections and benefits, like unemployment insurance and workers compensation? Or should companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have to follow state labor law and classify their drivers as employees, which could mean directing more revenue to workers, higher prices for consumers and increased requirements for more casual drivers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the choice on the ballot. But there’s so much more going on with this unprecedented and far-reaching proposition — a proposition that recent polling indicates will come down to Californians who are still undecided. As of Oct. 26, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843691/poll-measure-pushed-by-uber-lyft-falling-just-short-of-passage-many-voters-still-undecided\">polling of likely voters\u003c/a> shows 46% in favor, 42% opposed and 12% undecided. Here’s everything you’d need to know about the proposition and its backstory before you vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#backstory\">The Backstory\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: How companies like Lyft, Uber and DoorDash have avoided employee classification for eight years despite pressure from workers, labor groups and every branch of state government\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#written\">What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: An explanation of the limited worker benefits and why the “7/8ths provision” would make it nearly impossible to change this law in the future\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#money\">Unprecedented Money\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Gig companies are spending record amounts of cash to market Prop. 22 — and it’s being framed as a social justice issue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#surveys\">Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: What do drivers want? Surveys used to market Prop. 22 are often flawed and don’t tell the full story\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Millions of apps in millions of pockets, workers asked to deliver political ads and pop ups galore — win or lose, a new election playbook is being written\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ramifications\">The Ramifications\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: If Prop. 22 passes, what will it mean for gig work, labor protections, election campaigning and local governance?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"backstory\">\u003c/a>The Backstory\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg\" alt=\"Lyft car with mustache\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft driver with one of the early fuzzy pink mustaches drives in downtown San Francisco in January, 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It all began in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work. Both companies cast themselves not as taxi companies, but platforms to connect riders to drivers, and tech journalists helped propel this image. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">Here’s the even deeper backstory on how that all went down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the platform argument, the gig companies classified their workers as contractors, which shielded them from liability and allowed them to avoid paying for protections like overtime and unemployment insurance. Regulators and the government at the state and federal levels did not stop Uber and Lyft, and soon, companies like Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates began following suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this contractor model was legally suspect from the start. In California, the determination of whether a worker was a contractor or an employee was made by the Borello test, which is a \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/1774638.html\">complex set of 11 factors established by a 1989 California Supreme Court case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Election 2020\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,KQED's California Voter Guide\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45342_001_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was arguable that under those parameters, gig workers were not independent entrepreneurs running their own businesses on a platform provided by “tech” companies, but instead, employees of a transportation company in the case of Uber and Lyft, a service company in the case of TaskRabbit and a delivery company in the case of Postmates or DoorDash.\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uber-tech-drivers-lawsuit/uber-drivers-granted-class-action-status-in-lawsuit-over-employment-idUSKCN0R14O920150901\"> Lawyers began trying to make the case\u003c/a> with big lawsuits against gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers were and still are fighting almost all the battles over employee protections and benefits behind closed doors. That’s because gig companies make workers sign arbitration clauses, which prevent them from taking any grievance to court. That has helped preempt and neutralize class-action lawsuits. Law professor Charlotte Garden \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=faculty\">wrote a whole academic paper\u003c/a> on how the gig economy relies on mandatory arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, as Uber and Lyft began to slash wages in a price war, workers increased their protest, but they could make no headway toward employment status. Gig companies leaned on customer support for political support, and consumers loved these cheap rides, which were kept low by the contractor model and venture capital. It took six years for any notable action from California’s government. And it came first from the judicial branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a ruling on a case known as \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">Dynamex in 2018\u003c/a>, California’s Supreme Court simplified the Borello test, boiling it down to just three factors, called the ABCs. A worker could now only be classified as a contractor if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Were free from the control and direction of the hirer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Performed work outside the hirer’s normal course of business\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) Had their own independently established trade, occupation or business\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling made it much more difficult for gig companies to deny workers employee benefits and protections. But still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state Supreme Court, the Legislature took up the fight. Lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2020. AB 5 codified the Dynamex ruling and was designed with gig companies in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new law also affected a number of other industries that have come to rely on contractors. The bill was amended after a backlash, and a number of professions got exemptions, like fine artists, foresters and translators — but not gig workers. Still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11833598 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/09182019_uber-lyft-qut-1020x640.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in May, several months into the coronavirus pandemic, with tens of thousands of Uber and Lyft drivers seeking unemployment funds that didn’t exist because the companies had never paid into the state unemployment fund, the executive branch got involved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, along with a handful of city attorneys, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying workers\u003c/a>. On Oct. 22 Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-10-22/uber-and-lyft-must-comply-with-labor-law-ab-5-appeals-court-orders\">lost an appeal\u003c/a>, and will have to start classifying workers as employees in 30 days — unless Proposition 22 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After AB 5 passed, the gig companies started their ballot initiative campaign, hoping that voters would enshrine their gig contractor model into law. Now, with all three branches of California’s government pressuring them to classify workers as employees, they are pouring money into Proposition 22. It’s become \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/What_were_the_most_expensive_ballot_measures_in_California\">the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history\u003c/a>. And it’s designed to be a conclusive victory for gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"written\">\u003c/a>What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident fills out their mail-in ballot on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is written as an exemption from AB 5 for any company that provides transportation or delivery services through an app. It would enshrine in law a kind of third employment category: the contract gig worker. This has been a goal of gig companies for years. They have pursued it at the federal level, and have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nelp.org/publication/rights-at-risk-gig-companies-campaign-to-upend-employment-as-we-know-it/\">had success in getting legislation on the books in a number of states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has several other provisions built around the central premise of exempting gig companies from AB 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Employee Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. But the benefits are not as straightforward as they appear at first read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most murky benefit is the guaranteed wage floor. Prop. 22 would ensure 120% of minimum wage and 30 cents per mile for drivers, adjusted for inflation. But there’s a pretty big catch. The guarantee is only for “engaged” driving time, defined as the time between “accepting a service request and completing the request.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of gig work is spent waiting for a job in the app. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/\">UC Berkeley’s Labor Center did a study\u003c/a> where they tried to take time between rides into account, along with wear and tear on the vehicle. Adding those factors in the mix, the study found the wage guarantee drops to just $5.64 an hour, a drastic pay cut from the $13 minimum wage they would be guaranteed as employees in California. Uber and Lyft disputed the findings in the study, and \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Prop22_Driver_Earnings_Analysis_August2020.pdf\">they commissioned another study\u003c/a> that put the earnings at between $25 and $27 an hour. That prompted \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-effects-of-proposition-22-on-driver-earnings-response-to-a-lyft-funded-report-by-dr-christopher-thornberg/#_edn5\">a rebuttal from UC Berkeley.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the wage floor, Prop. 22 includes a number of benefits that are substitutes for protections guaranteed by traditional employment. In each case, these protections are weaker than what workers would get as employees, and some are contingent on driving a certain number of hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of health care, drivers who put in over 25 hours per week of engaged driving time would get health care subsidies. Instead of workers compensation, companies would offer occupational accident insurance for medical expenses, lost income and disability. Companies would also offer accidental death insurance. It is not clear if these insurance plans would be given to workers automatically, or if they would only be guaranteed the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg\" alt=\"ride-hail driver in Oakland\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ride-hail driver in Oakland In March, 2020. Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 also includes provisions to address long-term accountability issues in the gig industry, like discrimination, sexual misconduct, a lack of background checks and drivers working more than 12 hours a day. Gig companies would be required to create anti-discrimination and sexual harassment policies, develop training programs for drivers and require criminal background checks — all things that the companies have been criticized for lacking in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the issues these final provisions would address are things that are exacerbated by the contractor status of workers. If these workers were actually employees, gig companies would be far more liable for things like car accidents, sexual misconduct and criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prop. 22 Would Be Nearly Impossible to Change\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, it would prevent local governments from passing laws that require companies to provide additional benefits and protections for gig workers not included in Prop. 22. It would also be the hardest statute for the Legislature to alter, aside from a handful of propositions that bar any amendment whatsoever. That’s because of the 7/8ths provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single sentence on page 18 of the initiative requires a 7/8ths vote of both the state Assembly and Senate in order to amend Prop. 22 in any way. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">This particular requirement is unprecedented\u003c/a>. Some propositions have required 2/3rds or 3/5s — but never 7/8ths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Prop. 22 would be harder to amend than the state’s Wildlife Protection Act, the Clean Air and Transportation Improvement Act or the Cruelty to Farm Animals Act. Amending it would take eight more votes than are needed to override a governor’s veto or revise the state Constitution, according to data provided to KQED by Alex Vassar, communications manager at the California State Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11840343,news_11841547,news_11841059 label='Election 2020 Resources']In California, a proposition can only be undone by another ballot initiative. So why is the threshold for amendment so high on Prop. 22? Part of the reason is that a section of the proposition’s stated purpose is contradictory to the wishes of gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 states that it would “require rideshare and delivery network companies to offer new protections and benefits for app-based rideshare and delivery drivers.” That might sound good to voters who want more protections for workers, but it could cause problems for gig companies. The Legislature could, for example, alter Prop. 22 once it becomes statute or pass new laws to increase benefits for workers beyond what gig companies want. The 7/8ths provision presents a very high barrier to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would also stop local governments from requiring gig companies to increase benefits and protections to gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 lops off the top by cutting off the state Legislature’s ability to amend the law, and it lops off the bottom [by] preventing local governments from ever modifying its requirements,” said Rey Fuentes, a fellow at The Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in California are often where laws that grant the most rigorous worker benefits and protections start: things like the Healthy SF program, or San Francisco’s mandatory sick leave. Cities have also been the most proactive in requiring gig companies to provide additional benefits to workers. San Francisco and San Jose, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Two-Bay-Area-cities-poised-to-approve-paid-sick-15185145.php\">extended COVID-19 emergency benefits to gig workers\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capitolhillseattle.com/2020/06/seattle-extends-sick-leave-to-gig-workers-including-food-delivery-workers-more-heroes-of-the-covid-19-crisis/\">Seattle passed a similar ordinance\u003c/a>. Prop. 22 has a clause that would preempt future measures like these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Prop. 22 Spokesperson Geoff Vetter said the issue is consistency for workers who cross city and county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of the service,” Vetter said, “it would be impossible to allow all 58 counties and 480+ cities to establish separate requirements. Prop. 22 establishes uniform statewide standards for app-based driver scheduling, benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"money\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Money\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg\" alt=\"A driver who drives for both Uber and Lyft\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber and Lyft have spent nearly $100 million combined in support of Prop. 22. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is on track to become the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has already drawn about $200 million, most of it on the pro side. As of 10 days before the election, the anti-side had around $19 million, coming mainly from labor organizations. The pro-side has over $199 million coming from gig companies. As of the beginning of October, Uber had contributed over $50 million; Lyft, $48 million; DoorDash, $47 million; InstaCart, $28 million; and Postmates, $11 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is not just being spent on TV and digital advertising. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also contributed to political parties, including $2 million to the California Republican Party. It has spent millions hiring consultants, lobbyists and PR firms like MB Public Affairs, which is known for working with tobacco companies. These firms have launched personal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnet.com/features/uber-lyfts-fight-over-gig-worker-status-as-campaign-against-labor-activists-mounts/\">intrusive attacks on academics like Veena Dubal\u003c/a>, a UC Hastings law professor who has been critical of gig companies and Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also sent money to newsrooms in return for digital advertising. By the middle of September, it had sent almost $48,000 to the Sacramento Bee, $13,500 to the San Diego Union Tribune and a little over $36,000 to the San Francisco Chronicle. Both the Tribune and the Chronicle endorsed the measure, but in their endorsements made no mention of the ad revenue they had received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Marketing Prop. 22 as a Social Justice Measure\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many workers in the gig economy in California are people of color – a fact reflected in the advertising campaign for Prop. 22, which presents the initiative as a boon for social justice. In the past, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643681/lyft-gains-on-uber-by-appealing-to-progressive-political-ideals\">Lyft had leaned heavily on social justice messaging\u003c/a> to appeal to liberals and distinguish itself from Uber, especially after Trump was elected. Now, this tactic has become a major thrust of the entire Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rep Barbara Lee\"]‘You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting drivers.’[/pullquote]PR firms working for the campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Fake-progressive-mailers-urge-yes-on-Uber-Lyft-15635173.php\">have created a number of political mailers\u003c/a> that urge people to vote yes on Prop. 22 and are designed to look like voter guides coming from progressive sources. In small letters at the bottom of these mailers it says the guides are prepared by organizations like “Feel the Bern, Progressive Voter Guide,” “Council of Concerned Women Voters Guide” and “Our Voice, Latino Voter Guide,” which are all fake progressive organizations. They don’t actually exist. After these mailers were reported, Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1315650084567121920?s=20\">came out publicly against\u003c/a> Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the ads in the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign feature people of color, like Aisha A. from Los Angeles, who say they need this flexible job to survive. Uber ran an ad campaign this summer with billboards in many major cities that said “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber.” Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\">created a television ad\u003c/a> using a recording of Maya Angelou reading her poem, “On the Pulse of Morning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lyft ad begins with a voiceover of Angelou saying “Lift up your eyes upon / This day breaking for you.” You see Black and brown people getting ready for work. And then it transitions to the inside of a Lyft. There’s a montage of drivers, all people of color, picking up passengers. “Each new hour holds new chances / For a new beginning.” Angelou says “Do not be wedded forever / To fear, yoked eternally / To brutishness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the California NAACP to endorse Proposition 22 was a big win for gig companies. The organization has authored voter guides telling people to vote yes, and Alice Huffman, head of the California NAACP, has been writing editorials in support of the proposition. Huffman also happens to run a consulting firm called AC Public Affairs. That firm has so far received $85,000 from the Yes on Prop. 22 Campaign. Huffman has a history of receiving contributions from corporations to support their ballot initiatives. The Yes on Prop. 22 money \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/09/california-naacp-president-helps-corporate-ballot-measure-campaigns/\">is part of $1.2 million her firm has already received this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino leaders in California have come out against Proposition 22; Rep. Barbara Lee from Oakland, Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs and members of both the Latino and Black California Legislative Caucus were part of a group that \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/520671-democrats-accuse-tech-companies-of-deceitful-tactics-in-campaign-against\">publicly denounced\u003c/a> Proposition 22 in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the gig companies on the call, Lee said, “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting the drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Vetter said “Prop. 22 not only protects the jobs of drivers of color and their freedom to work independently, it would provide drivers an earnings guarantee, access to benefits like health care and provide drivers and passengers alike with new safety protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"surveys\">\u003c/a>Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg\" alt=\"Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov holds a flyer supporting a yes vote on Proposition 22 in Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1290\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1536x1032.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov, in Oakland, holds a flyer suggesting his riders ask him about why he supports Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many ads from the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign say four out of five drivers prefer being independent contractors. This data comes from a survey done on the blog of \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Harry the Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>. It’s one of a slew of surveys the gig companies have been using to advocate for Prop. 22. These surveys are often methodologically flawed, and they never tell the whole story of what drivers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Harry the Rideshare Guy survey has been a central piece of advertising for Proposition 22 and used in legal arguments, it is a non-scientific, informal poll done on a blog. There was no guarantee that respondents were drivers, let alone that there was a representative sample in terms of demographics, hours driven or political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry Campbell, CEO of The Rideshare Guy blog, said he believes the site’s survey reflects what he has been hearing from drivers. Yes on Prop. 22 campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rideshare Guy polled app-based drivers in California and did it without offering payment to the respondents,” Vetter said. “All this makes for a much fuller, more accurate data set and one that correctly demonstrates how drivers feel about Prop. 22 and independent contractor v. employee status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But The Rideshare Guy survey is indicative of a number of the broader issues that the No on Prop. 22 campaign and scholars studying the gig economy have with how drivers are being surveyed. Juliet Schor, a professor of sociology at Boston College who has spent years studying the gig economy, said these surveys don’t capture the full picture. There is often bias in the sample, flawed and misleading questions and information presented that influences responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843775\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11843775\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"411\" height=\"239\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-1020x595.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-160x93.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey.png 1501w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drivers got this prompt before being asked if they supported Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Edelson Survey Screenshot)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/themes/5ef0e34fc294806719977470/attachments/original/1592866174/cadriversurvey.pdf?1592866174\">survey from Edelman\u003c/a> is a good example. In a question about Prop. 22, the survey included a snippet from a TechCrunch article that cast the proposition in positive light. Given that prompt, 72 percent of respondents said they supported the measure. On August 19, Lyft issued a survey that had a common flaw in the questioning, equating contractor status to freedom. The survey asked if “the freedom of being an independent contractor outweighs the benefits of being an employee.” Conflating freedom with being an independent contractor is misleading. Employees can have autonomy and freedom, and likewise contractors can be constrained and coerced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there is the sample issue. The surveys give equal weight to those who drive only a few hours a week with those who drive much more. And the surveys only poll active workers, which could have a distorting effect on the results. There have been tens or even hundreds of thousands of people in California who have done some work for these gig companies and then stopped. These workers represent a large percentage of the labor that has been done for these companies, yet their opinions are being left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big methodological weakness of the surveys,” Schor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schor and her research team have interviewed hundreds of gig workers over the years, ethnographic data that can capture what a survey doesn’t. She says there is actually a lot of consistency in what drivers want. They want to be autonomous and have flexibility, but they also want to earn enough that they can pay their bills, buy insurance, and have money set aside if something goes wrong. Schor said she thinks a lot of gig workers in California are answering surveys with what they wish they could have: independent status and enough money to truly be their own bosses. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3488009\">Veena Dubal wrote an entire academic paper unpacking all of this\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driver Noemi Torres agreed with Schor’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors,” said Torres, who has been driving for seven years outside of North Hollywood. “Initially, we would get paid enough to support ourselves in terms of getting our own health insurance, but since they keep lowering the rates, you don’t have the flexibility.” She opposes Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who support Proposition 22 often don’t sound that different when it comes to what they want. They just believe the ballot proposition can get it for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided to vote yes on Prop. 22, because it would allow me and my fellow drivers to retain the flexibility we need while ensuring we get the benefits and protections we deserve,” said Dave Thomasson, a driver from West Covina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"directtovoter\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft app displays a message asking users to vote yes on Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Hector Castellanos started seeing the pop-ups while driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop. 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop. 22” or “OK” to proceed with his ride. At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Prop. 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the day kept seeing the pop up again and again. Castellanos opposes Proposition 22 and he didn’t want to have to click yes or OK, but he had no option. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes or OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11842964 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Uber-Driver-1020x701.jpg']Uber spokesperson Davis White said Castellanos’s experience is not the norm, and that drivers should only see the pop up once when signing off the app, and that the pop up has been changed so drivers can just close it without selecting an answer. \u003ca href=\"https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20398520-uber-prop-22-complaint\">Castellanos and another driver are now suing\u003c/a> Uber for allegedly infringing on their right to be free of political coercion at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s popups are an example of the unprecedented advantage gig companies have in this ballot campaign: their own apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their apps already used by millions of California workers and consumers, proponents of no other ballot proposition have ever had direct-to-voter connection at this scale — and gig companies are using the opportunity. They’re sending emails, push notifications to phones and using pop-ups to continually send the pro-Prop. 22 message directly to their customers and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David McCuan, Sonoma State University\"]‘It is the holy grail of political communication.’[/pullquote]Lyft and Uber have been particularly aggressive in using apps to market Prop. 22 to customers. In the Uber app, riders will see a little blue text bubble coming out of the car image that says “Yes on 22.” Uber is sending push notifications that pop up on phones saying things like “Vote early on Prop. 22. Support drivers and help keep Uber in your city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">gig companies are also pressuring their workers\u003c/a> to spread pro-Prop. 22 messages to consumers. In October, Instacart asked workers through the app to put pro-Prop. 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. The sticker said “Yes 22, Save App-Based Jobs and Services.” DoorDash is providing free delivery bags to restaurants that have Prop. 22 ads on their sides. Then workers have to use these bags to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says restaurants have requested over 4 million bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This widespread use of apps to spread messages is unprecedented in a proposition campaign, and it could prove to be a powerful tactic that other corporations want to emulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the holy grail of political communication,” said David McCuan, professor of political science at Sonoma State University who has been studying ballot propositions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the gig companies are successful in getting Prop. 22 passed, McCuan said it could change the way ballot initiatives are fought in California. Companies with apps and money to leverage them may see ballot initiatives as a worthwhile way to get their policies enacted if this campaign shows that apps can be used to sway voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"ramifications\">\u003c/a>The Ramifications\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 fails, gig companies would have to reclassify workers as employees. That could mean redirecting more revenue to pay for basic employee protections, increasing fares and increased requirements to work on these apps, especially for more casual, part-time drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies could be responsible for years of back pay, lost benefits, taxes and unpaid unemployment insurance, which could be an especially big deal for Uber and Lyft. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/press-release-what-would-uber-and-lyft-owe-to-the-state-unemployment-insurance-fund/#:~:text=BERKELEY%2C%20CA%20%E2%80%94%20A%20new%20report,Fund%20between%202014%20and%202019.\">A report from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center\u003c/a> estimates they could owe as much as $413 million for the period between 2014 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has said prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/uber-fares-double-small-cities-if-voters-reject-prop-22-2020-10\">could double in small cities\u003c/a>. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has suggested that 80% to 90% of drivers could lose work. Given the lack of data from gig companies, it is hard to know how much each would have to change their prices or operations. Also Uber and Lyft are still not profitable, so some change is bound to happen to their services regardless of what happens with Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have also said they could leave California temporarily. In the past, Uber and Lyft have left places like Austin in order to urge lawmakers to overturn regulations they didn’t like. The companies have always come back, and they’ve never pulled out of a market as big as California. \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/tusk-venture-partners/initial-thoughts-on-what-the-2020-election-means-for-you-b7d8200b1bf6\">Bradley Tusk is a former political advisor to Uber, and he assumes\u003c/a> gig companies would use their billions of dollars to continue appealing to the Legislature and to voters to find a way to maintain their gig contractor model if Prop. 22 fails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, California would have a third category of worker — the gig contractor — enshrined in law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies like Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Postmates and Instacart would get a carve out from state labor law and would be allowed to classify workers as gig contractors, thereby denying them basic employee benefits. The door would be open for other companies to develop apps to take advantage of this new gig worker category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would become the \u003ca href=\"#written\">hardest statute to amend\u003c/a> in California history, and local governments would have no power to enact laws that provide gig workers with additional benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would \u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">establish a playbook\u003c/a> for other companies that want to use an app to market a ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of companies will have proven that they can use a ballot initiative to maintain a business practice that has been deemed illegal either directly or indirectly by all three branches of California’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There would certainly be lawsuits over things like the 7/8ths provision, but barring a new ballot proposition or a major legal victory, gig workers would have to continue working without basic employee protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The state's most expensive ballot measure ever would lock-in a new category of worker in California - and it would be nearly impossible to change.",
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"title": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was updated Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 12:40pm\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">UPDATE: Proposition 22 was approved by California voters Tuesday, Nov. 3. \u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Read the full details here\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Original story:\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision California voters face on Proposition 22 boils down to this: should a handful of companies be allowed to create a new gig contractor category for their workers that doesn’t include employee protections and benefits, like unemployment insurance and workers compensation? Or should companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have to follow state labor law and classify their drivers as employees, which could mean directing more revenue to workers, higher prices for consumers and increased requirements for more casual drivers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the choice on the ballot. But there’s so much more going on with this unprecedented and far-reaching proposition — a proposition that recent polling indicates will come down to Californians who are still undecided. As of Oct. 26, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843691/poll-measure-pushed-by-uber-lyft-falling-just-short-of-passage-many-voters-still-undecided\">polling of likely voters\u003c/a> shows 46% in favor, 42% opposed and 12% undecided. Here’s everything you’d need to know about the proposition and its backstory before you vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#backstory\">The Backstory\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: How companies like Lyft, Uber and DoorDash have avoided employee classification for eight years despite pressure from workers, labor groups and every branch of state government\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#written\">What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: An explanation of the limited worker benefits and why the “7/8ths provision” would make it nearly impossible to change this law in the future\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#money\">Unprecedented Money\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Gig companies are spending record amounts of cash to market Prop. 22 — and it’s being framed as a social justice issue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#surveys\">Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: What do drivers want? Surveys used to market Prop. 22 are often flawed and don’t tell the full story\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Millions of apps in millions of pockets, workers asked to deliver political ads and pop ups galore — win or lose, a new election playbook is being written\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ramifications\">The Ramifications\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: If Prop. 22 passes, what will it mean for gig work, labor protections, election campaigning and local governance?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"backstory\">\u003c/a>The Backstory\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg\" alt=\"Lyft car with mustache\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft driver with one of the early fuzzy pink mustaches drives in downtown San Francisco in January, 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It all began in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work. Both companies cast themselves not as taxi companies, but platforms to connect riders to drivers, and tech journalists helped propel this image. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">Here’s the even deeper backstory on how that all went down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the platform argument, the gig companies classified their workers as contractors, which shielded them from liability and allowed them to avoid paying for protections like overtime and unemployment insurance. Regulators and the government at the state and federal levels did not stop Uber and Lyft, and soon, companies like Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates began following suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this contractor model was legally suspect from the start. In California, the determination of whether a worker was a contractor or an employee was made by the Borello test, which is a \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/1774638.html\">complex set of 11 factors established by a 1989 California Supreme Court case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was arguable that under those parameters, gig workers were not independent entrepreneurs running their own businesses on a platform provided by “tech” companies, but instead, employees of a transportation company in the case of Uber and Lyft, a service company in the case of TaskRabbit and a delivery company in the case of Postmates or DoorDash.\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uber-tech-drivers-lawsuit/uber-drivers-granted-class-action-status-in-lawsuit-over-employment-idUSKCN0R14O920150901\"> Lawyers began trying to make the case\u003c/a> with big lawsuits against gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers were and still are fighting almost all the battles over employee protections and benefits behind closed doors. That’s because gig companies make workers sign arbitration clauses, which prevent them from taking any grievance to court. That has helped preempt and neutralize class-action lawsuits. Law professor Charlotte Garden \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=faculty\">wrote a whole academic paper\u003c/a> on how the gig economy relies on mandatory arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, as Uber and Lyft began to slash wages in a price war, workers increased their protest, but they could make no headway toward employment status. Gig companies leaned on customer support for political support, and consumers loved these cheap rides, which were kept low by the contractor model and venture capital. It took six years for any notable action from California’s government. And it came first from the judicial branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a ruling on a case known as \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">Dynamex in 2018\u003c/a>, California’s Supreme Court simplified the Borello test, boiling it down to just three factors, called the ABCs. A worker could now only be classified as a contractor if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Were free from the control and direction of the hirer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Performed work outside the hirer’s normal course of business\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) Had their own independently established trade, occupation or business\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling made it much more difficult for gig companies to deny workers employee benefits and protections. But still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state Supreme Court, the Legislature took up the fight. Lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2020. AB 5 codified the Dynamex ruling and was designed with gig companies in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new law also affected a number of other industries that have come to rely on contractors. The bill was amended after a backlash, and a number of professions got exemptions, like fine artists, foresters and translators — but not gig workers. Still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in May, several months into the coronavirus pandemic, with tens of thousands of Uber and Lyft drivers seeking unemployment funds that didn’t exist because the companies had never paid into the state unemployment fund, the executive branch got involved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, along with a handful of city attorneys, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying workers\u003c/a>. On Oct. 22 Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-10-22/uber-and-lyft-must-comply-with-labor-law-ab-5-appeals-court-orders\">lost an appeal\u003c/a>, and will have to start classifying workers as employees in 30 days — unless Proposition 22 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After AB 5 passed, the gig companies started their ballot initiative campaign, hoping that voters would enshrine their gig contractor model into law. Now, with all three branches of California’s government pressuring them to classify workers as employees, they are pouring money into Proposition 22. It’s become \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/What_were_the_most_expensive_ballot_measures_in_California\">the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history\u003c/a>. And it’s designed to be a conclusive victory for gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"written\">\u003c/a>What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident fills out their mail-in ballot on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is written as an exemption from AB 5 for any company that provides transportation or delivery services through an app. It would enshrine in law a kind of third employment category: the contract gig worker. This has been a goal of gig companies for years. They have pursued it at the federal level, and have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nelp.org/publication/rights-at-risk-gig-companies-campaign-to-upend-employment-as-we-know-it/\">had success in getting legislation on the books in a number of states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has several other provisions built around the central premise of exempting gig companies from AB 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Employee Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. But the benefits are not as straightforward as they appear at first read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most murky benefit is the guaranteed wage floor. Prop. 22 would ensure 120% of minimum wage and 30 cents per mile for drivers, adjusted for inflation. But there’s a pretty big catch. The guarantee is only for “engaged” driving time, defined as the time between “accepting a service request and completing the request.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of gig work is spent waiting for a job in the app. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/\">UC Berkeley’s Labor Center did a study\u003c/a> where they tried to take time between rides into account, along with wear and tear on the vehicle. Adding those factors in the mix, the study found the wage guarantee drops to just $5.64 an hour, a drastic pay cut from the $13 minimum wage they would be guaranteed as employees in California. Uber and Lyft disputed the findings in the study, and \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Prop22_Driver_Earnings_Analysis_August2020.pdf\">they commissioned another study\u003c/a> that put the earnings at between $25 and $27 an hour. That prompted \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-effects-of-proposition-22-on-driver-earnings-response-to-a-lyft-funded-report-by-dr-christopher-thornberg/#_edn5\">a rebuttal from UC Berkeley.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the wage floor, Prop. 22 includes a number of benefits that are substitutes for protections guaranteed by traditional employment. In each case, these protections are weaker than what workers would get as employees, and some are contingent on driving a certain number of hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of health care, drivers who put in over 25 hours per week of engaged driving time would get health care subsidies. Instead of workers compensation, companies would offer occupational accident insurance for medical expenses, lost income and disability. Companies would also offer accidental death insurance. It is not clear if these insurance plans would be given to workers automatically, or if they would only be guaranteed the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg\" alt=\"ride-hail driver in Oakland\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ride-hail driver in Oakland In March, 2020. Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 also includes provisions to address long-term accountability issues in the gig industry, like discrimination, sexual misconduct, a lack of background checks and drivers working more than 12 hours a day. Gig companies would be required to create anti-discrimination and sexual harassment policies, develop training programs for drivers and require criminal background checks — all things that the companies have been criticized for lacking in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the issues these final provisions would address are things that are exacerbated by the contractor status of workers. If these workers were actually employees, gig companies would be far more liable for things like car accidents, sexual misconduct and criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prop. 22 Would Be Nearly Impossible to Change\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, it would prevent local governments from passing laws that require companies to provide additional benefits and protections for gig workers not included in Prop. 22. It would also be the hardest statute for the Legislature to alter, aside from a handful of propositions that bar any amendment whatsoever. That’s because of the 7/8ths provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single sentence on page 18 of the initiative requires a 7/8ths vote of both the state Assembly and Senate in order to amend Prop. 22 in any way. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">This particular requirement is unprecedented\u003c/a>. Some propositions have required 2/3rds or 3/5s — but never 7/8ths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Prop. 22 would be harder to amend than the state’s Wildlife Protection Act, the Clean Air and Transportation Improvement Act or the Cruelty to Farm Animals Act. Amending it would take eight more votes than are needed to override a governor’s veto or revise the state Constitution, according to data provided to KQED by Alex Vassar, communications manager at the California State Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, a proposition can only be undone by another ballot initiative. So why is the threshold for amendment so high on Prop. 22? Part of the reason is that a section of the proposition’s stated purpose is contradictory to the wishes of gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 states that it would “require rideshare and delivery network companies to offer new protections and benefits for app-based rideshare and delivery drivers.” That might sound good to voters who want more protections for workers, but it could cause problems for gig companies. The Legislature could, for example, alter Prop. 22 once it becomes statute or pass new laws to increase benefits for workers beyond what gig companies want. The 7/8ths provision presents a very high barrier to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would also stop local governments from requiring gig companies to increase benefits and protections to gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 lops off the top by cutting off the state Legislature’s ability to amend the law, and it lops off the bottom [by] preventing local governments from ever modifying its requirements,” said Rey Fuentes, a fellow at The Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in California are often where laws that grant the most rigorous worker benefits and protections start: things like the Healthy SF program, or San Francisco’s mandatory sick leave. Cities have also been the most proactive in requiring gig companies to provide additional benefits to workers. San Francisco and San Jose, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Two-Bay-Area-cities-poised-to-approve-paid-sick-15185145.php\">extended COVID-19 emergency benefits to gig workers\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capitolhillseattle.com/2020/06/seattle-extends-sick-leave-to-gig-workers-including-food-delivery-workers-more-heroes-of-the-covid-19-crisis/\">Seattle passed a similar ordinance\u003c/a>. Prop. 22 has a clause that would preempt future measures like these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Prop. 22 Spokesperson Geoff Vetter said the issue is consistency for workers who cross city and county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of the service,” Vetter said, “it would be impossible to allow all 58 counties and 480+ cities to establish separate requirements. Prop. 22 establishes uniform statewide standards for app-based driver scheduling, benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"money\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Money\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg\" alt=\"A driver who drives for both Uber and Lyft\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber and Lyft have spent nearly $100 million combined in support of Prop. 22. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is on track to become the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has already drawn about $200 million, most of it on the pro side. As of 10 days before the election, the anti-side had around $19 million, coming mainly from labor organizations. The pro-side has over $199 million coming from gig companies. As of the beginning of October, Uber had contributed over $50 million; Lyft, $48 million; DoorDash, $47 million; InstaCart, $28 million; and Postmates, $11 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is not just being spent on TV and digital advertising. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also contributed to political parties, including $2 million to the California Republican Party. It has spent millions hiring consultants, lobbyists and PR firms like MB Public Affairs, which is known for working with tobacco companies. These firms have launched personal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnet.com/features/uber-lyfts-fight-over-gig-worker-status-as-campaign-against-labor-activists-mounts/\">intrusive attacks on academics like Veena Dubal\u003c/a>, a UC Hastings law professor who has been critical of gig companies and Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also sent money to newsrooms in return for digital advertising. By the middle of September, it had sent almost $48,000 to the Sacramento Bee, $13,500 to the San Diego Union Tribune and a little over $36,000 to the San Francisco Chronicle. Both the Tribune and the Chronicle endorsed the measure, but in their endorsements made no mention of the ad revenue they had received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Marketing Prop. 22 as a Social Justice Measure\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many workers in the gig economy in California are people of color – a fact reflected in the advertising campaign for Prop. 22, which presents the initiative as a boon for social justice. In the past, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643681/lyft-gains-on-uber-by-appealing-to-progressive-political-ideals\">Lyft had leaned heavily on social justice messaging\u003c/a> to appeal to liberals and distinguish itself from Uber, especially after Trump was elected. Now, this tactic has become a major thrust of the entire Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting drivers.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>PR firms working for the campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Fake-progressive-mailers-urge-yes-on-Uber-Lyft-15635173.php\">have created a number of political mailers\u003c/a> that urge people to vote yes on Prop. 22 and are designed to look like voter guides coming from progressive sources. In small letters at the bottom of these mailers it says the guides are prepared by organizations like “Feel the Bern, Progressive Voter Guide,” “Council of Concerned Women Voters Guide” and “Our Voice, Latino Voter Guide,” which are all fake progressive organizations. They don’t actually exist. After these mailers were reported, Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1315650084567121920?s=20\">came out publicly against\u003c/a> Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the ads in the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign feature people of color, like Aisha A. from Los Angeles, who say they need this flexible job to survive. Uber ran an ad campaign this summer with billboards in many major cities that said “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber.” Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\">created a television ad\u003c/a> using a recording of Maya Angelou reading her poem, “On the Pulse of Morning.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/yImMyOkeaKQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/yImMyOkeaKQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The Lyft ad begins with a voiceover of Angelou saying “Lift up your eyes upon / This day breaking for you.” You see Black and brown people getting ready for work. And then it transitions to the inside of a Lyft. There’s a montage of drivers, all people of color, picking up passengers. “Each new hour holds new chances / For a new beginning.” Angelou says “Do not be wedded forever / To fear, yoked eternally / To brutishness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the California NAACP to endorse Proposition 22 was a big win for gig companies. The organization has authored voter guides telling people to vote yes, and Alice Huffman, head of the California NAACP, has been writing editorials in support of the proposition. Huffman also happens to run a consulting firm called AC Public Affairs. That firm has so far received $85,000 from the Yes on Prop. 22 Campaign. Huffman has a history of receiving contributions from corporations to support their ballot initiatives. The Yes on Prop. 22 money \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/09/california-naacp-president-helps-corporate-ballot-measure-campaigns/\">is part of $1.2 million her firm has already received this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino leaders in California have come out against Proposition 22; Rep. Barbara Lee from Oakland, Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs and members of both the Latino and Black California Legislative Caucus were part of a group that \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/520671-democrats-accuse-tech-companies-of-deceitful-tactics-in-campaign-against\">publicly denounced\u003c/a> Proposition 22 in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the gig companies on the call, Lee said, “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting the drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Vetter said “Prop. 22 not only protects the jobs of drivers of color and their freedom to work independently, it would provide drivers an earnings guarantee, access to benefits like health care and provide drivers and passengers alike with new safety protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"surveys\">\u003c/a>Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg\" alt=\"Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov holds a flyer supporting a yes vote on Proposition 22 in Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1290\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1536x1032.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov, in Oakland, holds a flyer suggesting his riders ask him about why he supports Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many ads from the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign say four out of five drivers prefer being independent contractors. This data comes from a survey done on the blog of \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Harry the Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>. It’s one of a slew of surveys the gig companies have been using to advocate for Prop. 22. These surveys are often methodologically flawed, and they never tell the whole story of what drivers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Harry the Rideshare Guy survey has been a central piece of advertising for Proposition 22 and used in legal arguments, it is a non-scientific, informal poll done on a blog. There was no guarantee that respondents were drivers, let alone that there was a representative sample in terms of demographics, hours driven or political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry Campbell, CEO of The Rideshare Guy blog, said he believes the site’s survey reflects what he has been hearing from drivers. Yes on Prop. 22 campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rideshare Guy polled app-based drivers in California and did it without offering payment to the respondents,” Vetter said. “All this makes for a much fuller, more accurate data set and one that correctly demonstrates how drivers feel about Prop. 22 and independent contractor v. employee status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But The Rideshare Guy survey is indicative of a number of the broader issues that the No on Prop. 22 campaign and scholars studying the gig economy have with how drivers are being surveyed. Juliet Schor, a professor of sociology at Boston College who has spent years studying the gig economy, said these surveys don’t capture the full picture. There is often bias in the sample, flawed and misleading questions and information presented that influences responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843775\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11843775\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"411\" height=\"239\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-1020x595.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-160x93.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey.png 1501w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drivers got this prompt before being asked if they supported Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Edelson Survey Screenshot)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/themes/5ef0e34fc294806719977470/attachments/original/1592866174/cadriversurvey.pdf?1592866174\">survey from Edelman\u003c/a> is a good example. In a question about Prop. 22, the survey included a snippet from a TechCrunch article that cast the proposition in positive light. Given that prompt, 72 percent of respondents said they supported the measure. On August 19, Lyft issued a survey that had a common flaw in the questioning, equating contractor status to freedom. The survey asked if “the freedom of being an independent contractor outweighs the benefits of being an employee.” Conflating freedom with being an independent contractor is misleading. Employees can have autonomy and freedom, and likewise contractors can be constrained and coerced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there is the sample issue. The surveys give equal weight to those who drive only a few hours a week with those who drive much more. And the surveys only poll active workers, which could have a distorting effect on the results. There have been tens or even hundreds of thousands of people in California who have done some work for these gig companies and then stopped. These workers represent a large percentage of the labor that has been done for these companies, yet their opinions are being left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big methodological weakness of the surveys,” Schor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schor and her research team have interviewed hundreds of gig workers over the years, ethnographic data that can capture what a survey doesn’t. She says there is actually a lot of consistency in what drivers want. They want to be autonomous and have flexibility, but they also want to earn enough that they can pay their bills, buy insurance, and have money set aside if something goes wrong. Schor said she thinks a lot of gig workers in California are answering surveys with what they wish they could have: independent status and enough money to truly be their own bosses. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3488009\">Veena Dubal wrote an entire academic paper unpacking all of this\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driver Noemi Torres agreed with Schor’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors,” said Torres, who has been driving for seven years outside of North Hollywood. “Initially, we would get paid enough to support ourselves in terms of getting our own health insurance, but since they keep lowering the rates, you don’t have the flexibility.” She opposes Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who support Proposition 22 often don’t sound that different when it comes to what they want. They just believe the ballot proposition can get it for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided to vote yes on Prop. 22, because it would allow me and my fellow drivers to retain the flexibility we need while ensuring we get the benefits and protections we deserve,” said Dave Thomasson, a driver from West Covina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"directtovoter\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft app displays a message asking users to vote yes on Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Hector Castellanos started seeing the pop-ups while driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop. 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop. 22” or “OK” to proceed with his ride. At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Prop. 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the day kept seeing the pop up again and again. Castellanos opposes Proposition 22 and he didn’t want to have to click yes or OK, but he had no option. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes or OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Uber spokesperson Davis White said Castellanos’s experience is not the norm, and that drivers should only see the pop up once when signing off the app, and that the pop up has been changed so drivers can just close it without selecting an answer. \u003ca href=\"https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20398520-uber-prop-22-complaint\">Castellanos and another driver are now suing\u003c/a> Uber for allegedly infringing on their right to be free of political coercion at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s popups are an example of the unprecedented advantage gig companies have in this ballot campaign: their own apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their apps already used by millions of California workers and consumers, proponents of no other ballot proposition have ever had direct-to-voter connection at this scale — and gig companies are using the opportunity. They’re sending emails, push notifications to phones and using pop-ups to continually send the pro-Prop. 22 message directly to their customers and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lyft and Uber have been particularly aggressive in using apps to market Prop. 22 to customers. In the Uber app, riders will see a little blue text bubble coming out of the car image that says “Yes on 22.” Uber is sending push notifications that pop up on phones saying things like “Vote early on Prop. 22. Support drivers and help keep Uber in your city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">gig companies are also pressuring their workers\u003c/a> to spread pro-Prop. 22 messages to consumers. In October, Instacart asked workers through the app to put pro-Prop. 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. The sticker said “Yes 22, Save App-Based Jobs and Services.” DoorDash is providing free delivery bags to restaurants that have Prop. 22 ads on their sides. Then workers have to use these bags to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says restaurants have requested over 4 million bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This widespread use of apps to spread messages is unprecedented in a proposition campaign, and it could prove to be a powerful tactic that other corporations want to emulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the holy grail of political communication,” said David McCuan, professor of political science at Sonoma State University who has been studying ballot propositions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the gig companies are successful in getting Prop. 22 passed, McCuan said it could change the way ballot initiatives are fought in California. Companies with apps and money to leverage them may see ballot initiatives as a worthwhile way to get their policies enacted if this campaign shows that apps can be used to sway voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"ramifications\">\u003c/a>The Ramifications\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 fails, gig companies would have to reclassify workers as employees. That could mean redirecting more revenue to pay for basic employee protections, increasing fares and increased requirements to work on these apps, especially for more casual, part-time drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies could be responsible for years of back pay, lost benefits, taxes and unpaid unemployment insurance, which could be an especially big deal for Uber and Lyft. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/press-release-what-would-uber-and-lyft-owe-to-the-state-unemployment-insurance-fund/#:~:text=BERKELEY%2C%20CA%20%E2%80%94%20A%20new%20report,Fund%20between%202014%20and%202019.\">A report from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center\u003c/a> estimates they could owe as much as $413 million for the period between 2014 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has said prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/uber-fares-double-small-cities-if-voters-reject-prop-22-2020-10\">could double in small cities\u003c/a>. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has suggested that 80% to 90% of drivers could lose work. Given the lack of data from gig companies, it is hard to know how much each would have to change their prices or operations. Also Uber and Lyft are still not profitable, so some change is bound to happen to their services regardless of what happens with Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have also said they could leave California temporarily. In the past, Uber and Lyft have left places like Austin in order to urge lawmakers to overturn regulations they didn’t like. The companies have always come back, and they’ve never pulled out of a market as big as California. \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/tusk-venture-partners/initial-thoughts-on-what-the-2020-election-means-for-you-b7d8200b1bf6\">Bradley Tusk is a former political advisor to Uber, and he assumes\u003c/a> gig companies would use their billions of dollars to continue appealing to the Legislature and to voters to find a way to maintain their gig contractor model if Prop. 22 fails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, California would have a third category of worker — the gig contractor — enshrined in law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies like Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Postmates and Instacart would get a carve out from state labor law and would be allowed to classify workers as gig contractors, thereby denying them basic employee benefits. The door would be open for other companies to develop apps to take advantage of this new gig worker category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would become the \u003ca href=\"#written\">hardest statute to amend\u003c/a> in California history, and local governments would have no power to enact laws that provide gig workers with additional benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would \u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">establish a playbook\u003c/a> for other companies that want to use an app to market a ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of companies will have proven that they can use a ballot initiative to maintain a business practice that has been deemed illegal either directly or indirectly by all three branches of California’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There would certainly be lawsuits over things like the 7/8ths provision, but barring a new ballot proposition or a major legal victory, gig workers would have to continue working without basic employee protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After spending \u003ca href=\"http://powersearch.sos.ca.gov/advanced.php\">nearly $200 million\u003c/a> to carve out a state labor law exemption for their app-based workers, companies like Uber, Lyft and Instacart are just short of selling a majority of voters on Proposition 22, according to a new Berkeley IGS Poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey finds that 46% of likely voters support allowing those companies to treat their drivers and delivery workers as independent contractors rather than employees, and 42% say they are opposed to it. Twelve percent of voters say they are undecided, suggesting perhaps some confusion about the somewhat complicated ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the IGS poll in mid-September, the measure has gained both support and opposition, while the percentage of undecided voters has fallen. That poll five weeks ago found 39% of likely voters supporting Prop. 22 and 36% on the No side, with 25% undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure pits companies in the gig economy against organized labor, which is opposing Proposition 22. However, opponents have raised just one-tenth what the high tech companies behind the measure have spent — so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll found wide differences between subgroups of the electorate. Republicans, nonunion households and older voters were most likely to support Prop. 22. Democrats and voters under the age of 39 were most strongly opposed to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among different racial groups, Black voters are mostly likely to support Prop. 22 while Asian and Latinx voters are evenly divided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another closely contested measure is Proposition 15, which would fundamentally change Proposition 13, California’s landmark 1978 constitutional amendment controlling the way property taxes are calculated. Prop. 15 would create a so-called “split roll,” reassessing most commercial and industrial property and taxing it based on current market value rather than its previous purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The IGS poll found support for Prop. 15 at 49%, exactly where it was in the mid-September survey. However opposition has grown, from 34% to 42% in the last poll, with 9% of likely voters saying they’re undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020,2020-election\" label=\"more election coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Prop. 15 say it would prevent corporations from avoiding reassessments even when a property changes hands and have them pay their “fair share” of taxes. Opponents, led by business groups, argue that the middle of a recession is not the time to raise taxes on businesses that are already struggling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Prop. 15 would generate between $6.5 billion and $11.5 billion in new revenue, with 60% going to local governments and 40% going to public schools. In the survey, Democrats overwhelmingly support Prop. 15 while 85% of Republicans oppose it. Independent or “no party preference” voters support it by 49% Yes to 39% No, with 12% undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other ballot measures — Prop. 16, to end the state’s ban on affirmative action, and Prop. 21, to expand rent control — are trailing significantly in the IGS poll. Just 38% of likely voters support Prop. 16, while 49% are opposed. 13% remain undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly on the rent control question, 37% of likely voters support Prop. 21 while 48% say they will vote no. Fifteen percent are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll was administered online in English and Spanish Oct. 16 to Oct. 21 among 6,686 registered voters, including 5,352 considered likely to or to have already voted. Berkeley IGS says the results are accurate within plus/minus 2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "With Election Day just over a week away, some of the most closely watched ballot measures – including Prop. 22 – are falling short of the 50% needed to pass.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After spending \u003ca href=\"http://powersearch.sos.ca.gov/advanced.php\">nearly $200 million\u003c/a> to carve out a state labor law exemption for their app-based workers, companies like Uber, Lyft and Instacart are just short of selling a majority of voters on Proposition 22, according to a new Berkeley IGS Poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey finds that 46% of likely voters support allowing those companies to treat their drivers and delivery workers as independent contractors rather than employees, and 42% say they are opposed to it. Twelve percent of voters say they are undecided, suggesting perhaps some confusion about the somewhat complicated ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the IGS poll in mid-September, the measure has gained both support and opposition, while the percentage of undecided voters has fallen. That poll five weeks ago found 39% of likely voters supporting Prop. 22 and 36% on the No side, with 25% undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure pits companies in the gig economy against organized labor, which is opposing Proposition 22. However, opponents have raised just one-tenth what the high tech companies behind the measure have spent — so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll found wide differences between subgroups of the electorate. Republicans, nonunion households and older voters were most likely to support Prop. 22. Democrats and voters under the age of 39 were most strongly opposed to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among different racial groups, Black voters are mostly likely to support Prop. 22 while Asian and Latinx voters are evenly divided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another closely contested measure is Proposition 15, which would fundamentally change Proposition 13, California’s landmark 1978 constitutional amendment controlling the way property taxes are calculated. Prop. 15 would create a so-called “split roll,” reassessing most commercial and industrial property and taxing it based on current market value rather than its previous purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The IGS poll found support for Prop. 15 at 49%, exactly where it was in the mid-September survey. However opposition has grown, from 34% to 42% in the last poll, with 9% of likely voters saying they’re undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Prop. 15 say it would prevent corporations from avoiding reassessments even when a property changes hands and have them pay their “fair share” of taxes. Opponents, led by business groups, argue that the middle of a recession is not the time to raise taxes on businesses that are already struggling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Prop. 15 would generate between $6.5 billion and $11.5 billion in new revenue, with 60% going to local governments and 40% going to public schools. In the survey, Democrats overwhelmingly support Prop. 15 while 85% of Republicans oppose it. Independent or “no party preference” voters support it by 49% Yes to 39% No, with 12% undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other ballot measures — Prop. 16, to end the state’s ban on affirmative action, and Prop. 21, to expand rent control — are trailing significantly in the IGS poll. Just 38% of likely voters support Prop. 16, while 49% are opposed. 13% remain undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly on the rent control question, 37% of likely voters support Prop. 21 while 48% say they will vote no. Fifteen percent are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll was administered online in English and Spanish Oct. 16 to Oct. 21 among 6,686 registered voters, including 5,352 considered likely to or to have already voted. Berkeley IGS says the results are accurate within plus/minus 2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>At first, John Walker wasn’t scared of COVID-19. But that changed in May when the virus infiltrated Avenal State Prison, where he’s been incarcerated for a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was in the block on Alpha yard that got the COVID first,” he said. “One person came in positive and then it spread around like wildfire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/us/coronavirus-us-cases.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">largest COVID-19 clusters in the country\u003c/a> are in California’s jails and prisons. At the top of the list is Avenal, located in rural Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walker eventually became one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nearly 3,000 incarcerated men\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/cdcr-cchcs-covid-19-status/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">300 employees\u003c/a> at the prison to contract the virus. Although his case was mild, others were not so fortunate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avenal’s incarcerated men say they don’t feel safe. With bunkbeds, social distancing for the prison’s 3,500 current inmates is nearly impossible, and the men must often work as janitors in each other’s living spaces. On top of that, dorm assignments keep changing. Family visits and education programs have been halted indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As officials have struggled to contain the outbreak and policies continually shift, those incarcerated have said the prison’s handling of the virus has been chaotic. Walker said that’s not only taking a toll on their safety, but also their mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This prison has changed their mind dozens of times, and the inmates are victims of it,” Walker said. “They can’t get settled, they can’t relax, the mental health department is filled with cases of people with anxiety and depression over all this crap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since March, prison administrators have responded to the pandemic with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/covid-19-response-efforts/#CFC\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">variety of safety precautions\u003c/a>. They have rearranged living spaces and limited intermingling among inmates living in different buildings. Staff and the incarcerated population must wear face coverings, and hand sanitizer dispensers have been hung throughout the facility. Gyms and other facilities have been repurposed to house inmates at various stages of the quarantine process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843436\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 505px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843436\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Benitez1.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"505\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Benitez1.jpeg 505w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Benitez1-160x235.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 505px) 100vw, 505px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jacob Benitez, incarcerate at Avenal State Prison, said administrators have not been as up-front about the prison’s pandemic response as his inmate-elected Men’s Advisory Council would like. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Lorina Benitez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, Ed Welker, also incarcerated at Avenal, said it’s impossible to keep up with the changes. After he caught the virus, he was moved to different dorms — twice — while suffering from severe fatigue and a persistent migraine. Although he and other residents of his building were moved according to their exposure and testing status, Welker said they were given little notice before moving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is kept secret, they’ll come to you and they’ll say ‘Hey, pack your stuff, you’re moving,’” he said. Welker said when he asked why, he was told, “Because Sacramento says you’re moving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the men say officials aren’t sharing enough information about the prison’s plan for managing the outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Benitez is an elected member of a Men’s Advisory Council made up of incarcerated representatives from throughout the prison. It’s one of the prison population’s few direct lines of communication with administrators. But since March, he said, meetings have been sporadic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a big entity that we’re facing, can we at least get some transparency?” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many men have said they rely on their loved ones on the outside as their news sources, even when it comes to information from other parts of the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wives on all six yards all communicate well with one another,” said Michelle Tran. Her husband Thai Tran is incarcerated at Avenal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If something’s going on, somebody will ask a question or send out something on Facebook to where we all can interact with one another,” Tran said. Unlike the Men’s Advisory Council behind bars, an Inmate Family Council — made up mostly of spouses — meets with prison representatives once a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843440\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11843440\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-800x566.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"566\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-800x566.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-1020x722.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-1536x1087.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal.jpg 1589w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michelle Tran, whose husband Thai Tran is incarcerated at Avenal State Prison, said her network of spouses on the outside often knows more about what’s happening within the prison’s walls than their husbands do. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Michelle Tran)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Don Specter, executive director of the Prison Law Office said that traditionally correctional administrators “don’t do the best job of communicating with the people who are incarcerated there.” Specter is currently involved in a number of lawsuits advocating for better medical and mental health care for those incarcerated in California’s state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The absence of information about the prison’s handling of the virus, combined with the lack of control people experience in confinement, “creates an incredible amount of anxiety,” Specter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anxiety inmates are feeling can have very real consequences, according to UC Merced psychology professor Jennifer Howell. Her research on the effects of the pandemic in the U.S. and China has revealed high amounts of chronic stress and disrupted sleep, which not only affect eating and exercise, but can also impair immune function, cognition and long-term health. And that’s in communities outside of prison. Howell says the effects are likely much worse for those who are confined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That kind of environment, where you have a very fixed schedule, where you’re not necessarily in control over how much space you have from other people, when you’re not necessarily in control of government policies that you are sort of being told what to do, I imagine it’s just exacerbating these effects incredibly,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11835340,news_11836868 label='Related Coverage']A representative with the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) wrote that up-to-date information on the pandemic airs on television channels throughout the state prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Posters and handouts have also been distributed and put up for display on topics such as social distancing, proper handwashing and COVID-19 warning signs,” an email statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also said that all inmates get mental health check-ins during daily COVID-19 screenings with nurses, and although the prison has paused some group treatment programs, it has increased its use of telehealth services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The well-being and safety of the incarcerated population and staff within CDCR … is our top priority,” the statement read. “We understand how vitally important it is to deliver comprehensive mental health services within our institutions at all times, but especially during these extraordinary times of heightened uncertainty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many men said they’d feel better if only they could visit with their loved ones. Although the prison has discounted a messaging service used by incarcerated people and their loved ones, and offered a few free call days each month, the men at Avenal have had no face-to-face contact with family or friends for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Benitez said not seeing his wife since March is wearing on his marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just last night I was talking to my wife and she told me that she forgot my face, she forgot what I look like,” he said. “It does put a strain on your relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Benitez said his inmate council is fighting for video visits as one way to alleviate stress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Some of the largest COVID-19 clusters in the country are in California’s jails and prisons. At the top of the list is Avenal, located in rural Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley.",
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"title": "In California's Prison With the Worst COVID-19 Outbreak, Men Say Their Mental Health Is Suffering | KQED",
"description": "Some of the largest COVID-19 clusters in the country are in California’s jails and prisons. At the top of the list is Avenal, located in rural Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At first, John Walker wasn’t scared of COVID-19. But that changed in May when the virus infiltrated Avenal State Prison, where he’s been incarcerated for a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was in the block on Alpha yard that got the COVID first,” he said. “One person came in positive and then it spread around like wildfire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/us/coronavirus-us-cases.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">largest COVID-19 clusters in the country\u003c/a> are in California’s jails and prisons. At the top of the list is Avenal, located in rural Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walker eventually became one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nearly 3,000 incarcerated men\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/cdcr-cchcs-covid-19-status/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">300 employees\u003c/a> at the prison to contract the virus. Although his case was mild, others were not so fortunate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avenal’s incarcerated men say they don’t feel safe. With bunkbeds, social distancing for the prison’s 3,500 current inmates is nearly impossible, and the men must often work as janitors in each other’s living spaces. On top of that, dorm assignments keep changing. Family visits and education programs have been halted indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As officials have struggled to contain the outbreak and policies continually shift, those incarcerated have said the prison’s handling of the virus has been chaotic. Walker said that’s not only taking a toll on their safety, but also their mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This prison has changed their mind dozens of times, and the inmates are victims of it,” Walker said. “They can’t get settled, they can’t relax, the mental health department is filled with cases of people with anxiety and depression over all this crap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since March, prison administrators have responded to the pandemic with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/covid-19-response-efforts/#CFC\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">variety of safety precautions\u003c/a>. They have rearranged living spaces and limited intermingling among inmates living in different buildings. Staff and the incarcerated population must wear face coverings, and hand sanitizer dispensers have been hung throughout the facility. Gyms and other facilities have been repurposed to house inmates at various stages of the quarantine process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843436\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 505px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843436\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Benitez1.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"505\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Benitez1.jpeg 505w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Benitez1-160x235.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 505px) 100vw, 505px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jacob Benitez, incarcerate at Avenal State Prison, said administrators have not been as up-front about the prison’s pandemic response as his inmate-elected Men’s Advisory Council would like. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Lorina Benitez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, Ed Welker, also incarcerated at Avenal, said it’s impossible to keep up with the changes. After he caught the virus, he was moved to different dorms — twice — while suffering from severe fatigue and a persistent migraine. Although he and other residents of his building were moved according to their exposure and testing status, Welker said they were given little notice before moving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is kept secret, they’ll come to you and they’ll say ‘Hey, pack your stuff, you’re moving,’” he said. Welker said when he asked why, he was told, “Because Sacramento says you’re moving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the men say officials aren’t sharing enough information about the prison’s plan for managing the outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Benitez is an elected member of a Men’s Advisory Council made up of incarcerated representatives from throughout the prison. It’s one of the prison population’s few direct lines of communication with administrators. But since March, he said, meetings have been sporadic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a big entity that we’re facing, can we at least get some transparency?” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many men have said they rely on their loved ones on the outside as their news sources, even when it comes to information from other parts of the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wives on all six yards all communicate well with one another,” said Michelle Tran. Her husband Thai Tran is incarcerated at Avenal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If something’s going on, somebody will ask a question or send out something on Facebook to where we all can interact with one another,” Tran said. Unlike the Men’s Advisory Council behind bars, an Inmate Family Council — made up mostly of spouses — meets with prison representatives once a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843440\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11843440\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-800x566.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"566\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-800x566.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-1020x722.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal-1536x1087.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/MichelleThaiTranAvenal.jpg 1589w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michelle Tran, whose husband Thai Tran is incarcerated at Avenal State Prison, said her network of spouses on the outside often knows more about what’s happening within the prison’s walls than their husbands do. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Michelle Tran)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Don Specter, executive director of the Prison Law Office said that traditionally correctional administrators “don’t do the best job of communicating with the people who are incarcerated there.” Specter is currently involved in a number of lawsuits advocating for better medical and mental health care for those incarcerated in California’s state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The absence of information about the prison’s handling of the virus, combined with the lack of control people experience in confinement, “creates an incredible amount of anxiety,” Specter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anxiety inmates are feeling can have very real consequences, according to UC Merced psychology professor Jennifer Howell. Her research on the effects of the pandemic in the U.S. and China has revealed high amounts of chronic stress and disrupted sleep, which not only affect eating and exercise, but can also impair immune function, cognition and long-term health. And that’s in communities outside of prison. Howell says the effects are likely much worse for those who are confined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That kind of environment, where you have a very fixed schedule, where you’re not necessarily in control over how much space you have from other people, when you’re not necessarily in control of government policies that you are sort of being told what to do, I imagine it’s just exacerbating these effects incredibly,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A representative with the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) wrote that up-to-date information on the pandemic airs on television channels throughout the state prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Posters and handouts have also been distributed and put up for display on topics such as social distancing, proper handwashing and COVID-19 warning signs,” an email statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also said that all inmates get mental health check-ins during daily COVID-19 screenings with nurses, and although the prison has paused some group treatment programs, it has increased its use of telehealth services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The well-being and safety of the incarcerated population and staff within CDCR … is our top priority,” the statement read. “We understand how vitally important it is to deliver comprehensive mental health services within our institutions at all times, but especially during these extraordinary times of heightened uncertainty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many men said they’d feel better if only they could visit with their loved ones. Although the prison has discounted a messaging service used by incarcerated people and their loved ones, and offered a few free call days each month, the men at Avenal have had no face-to-face contact with family or friends for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Benitez said not seeing his wife since March is wearing on his marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just last night I was talking to my wife and she told me that she forgot my face, she forgot what I look like,” he said. “It does put a strain on your relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Benitez said his inmate council is fighting for video visits as one way to alleviate stress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "more-important-than-ever-the-race-to-boost-californias-latino-vote",
"title": "‘More Important Than Ever’: The Race to Boost California’s Latino Vote",
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"headTitle": "‘More Important Than Ever’: The Race to Boost California’s Latino Vote | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Alondra Lara is fired up to vote for the first time. The college freshman said she intends for her ballot choices to represent not just herself, but also family members who aren’t citizens, including some undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important for me to not only express my voice, but express my voice for those who cannot vote,” said Lara, 18, who was born and raised in Sanger, a small city in California’s Central Valley. “It’s more important than ever for people of my color, my ethnicity, to go vote right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Alondra Lara, first-time voter\"]‘It’s more important than ever for people of my color, my ethnicity, to go vote right now.’[/pullquote]To urge other young Latino citizens to participate in the election, Lara leads a team of phone bankers at \u003ca href=\"https://powercalifornia.org/99rootz\">99Rootz\u003c/a>, a youth organizing project of the nonprofit group Power California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three times a week, Lara’s team connects virtually over Zoom to keep each other company while they take on the often difficult task of cold-calling thousands of registered young voters under 35 in Merced and Fresno counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, 99Rootz would hold in-person meetings and rallies, and phone bankers would work together at an office in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would be sitting right next to our friends. We would feel connected,” said Lara, an art major at CSU Fullerton. “We are trying to emulate that with Zoom. But it’s tough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With less than two weeks before election day, civic engagement groups are racing to contact Latino voters, who have historically had lower turnouts than the general population. Even in California, where Latinos represent nearly a third of all eligible voters, their turnout has typically been lower than for white and Black voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are signs of strong enthusiasm about the election in California. Nearly 6 million people have already turned in their ballots by mail, including more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.politicaldata.com/2020-ballot-returned-tracker-state/\">a million\u003c/a> Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the pandemic, the need for social distancing and the fear of infection present new challenges for tried and true methods of voter outreach. And experts say the impact this will have on efforts to mobilize this key voting bloc is still largely unknown, as the majority of Latinos tend to cast their ballots in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the 2018 elections, nonprofits helped increase Latino representation by knocking on doors and talking with voters about how ballot choices impact them, said Lisa García Bedolla, a UC Berkeley political scientist and author of the book “Latino Politics.” Greater participation by Latinos helped Democrats flip seven congressional seats in the state that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Latino voters are engaged, if people reach out to them and talk to them about the things that they care about … they vote,” said García Bedolla. “And so the challenge this time is, are we able to have those conversations, given the difficulty of connecting with people in this moment?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843526\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843526\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45430_AlondraLara.99RootzPhoneBanker-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1341\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45430_AlondraLara.99RootzPhoneBanker-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45430_AlondraLara.99RootzPhoneBanker-qut-800x559.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45430_AlondraLara.99RootzPhoneBanker-qut-1020x712.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45430_AlondraLara.99RootzPhoneBanker-qut-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45430_AlondraLara.99RootzPhoneBanker-qut-1536x1073.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alondra Lara, 18, leads a team of phone bankers with the nonprofit group Power California virtually from her home in Sanger, California. “It’s more important than ever for people of my color, my ethnicity, to go vote right now,” she said. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Power California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even a small increase in Latino voters could make a big difference in competitive races, such as the contest between Democratic Rep. TJ Cox and his challenger, Republican David Valadao, in the 21st Congressional District. Valadao lost the seat two years ago by less than a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839743/congressional-rematch-pits-central-valley-democrat-against-the-republican-he-beat-in-2018\">thousand votes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos represent about \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/57b8c7ce15d5dbf599fb46ab/t/5e54e82cb61b1e513a1dfd3b/1582622836910/CCEP-California-Latino-and-Asian-American-Vote-2020-Primary-Election-Final.pdf\">60%\u003c/a> of all eligible voters in that district, which includes Kings County and parts of Kern, Tulare and Fresno counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cox and Valadao campaigns have raised a combined total of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/races/summary?cycle=2020&id=CA21&spec=N\">$8 million\u003c/a>, and they’re blanketing the airwaves and social media with advertisements, including some in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>José Luis León has heard the ads, but he has not followed the race much, and he’s not even sure he will vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"election-2020\"]“I am still considering it,” said León, 57, who owns a restaurant in the city of Lemoore in Kings County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>León said he is disappointed with both presidential candidates, and doesn’t feel well informed about the rest of the races and measures on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he wished there was more in-person outreach to voters like him, but he has not been contacted yet by any campaign or organization about this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not an uncommon story, especially in rural towns in the Central Valley, where local grassroots organizations are often cash starved, said Pam Whalen, organizing director with the Dolores Huerta Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The foundation is contacting Latino voters in small towns spread throughout Fresno, Tulare, Kern and parts of Los Angeles counties. In addition to phone banking and sending text messages to voters, hundreds of volunteers are donning masks and going door-to-door to engage with neighbors from a safe distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the most effective way to communicate with voters. … Having that conversation by the door can be incredibly life changing,” said Whalen, who has worked in voter outreach in the region for about two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But we’ve been hampered by the pandemic,” she said. “That effort has not been nearly as robust as in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843570\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1023px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45428_IMG_9004-qut-1376x1032-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843570\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45428_IMG_9004-qut-1376x1032-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1023\" height=\"890\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45428_IMG_9004-qut-1376x1032-1.jpg 1023w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45428_IMG_9004-qut-1376x1032-1-800x696.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45428_IMG_9004-qut-1376x1032-1-1020x887.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45428_IMG_9004-qut-1376x1032-1-160x139.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1023px) 100vw, 1023px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lourdes Oliva (l) with the Dolores Huerta Foundation confers with volunteer canvasser Eugenia Gonzalez in the Central Valley town of Parlier on Oct. 11, 2020. \u003ccite>(Lupe Santillan/ Dolores Huerta Foundation)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Voter turnout in California does not get the attention or the billions of dollars currently being spent to increase voter participation in battleground states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the work to convince infrequent or unlikely voters to become active ones is carried out by community organizations that typically operate on shoestring budgets, said García Bedolla, the UC Berkeley political scientist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political campaigns — which care about winning elections, regardless of how many people actually turn out — focus most of their efforts on reaching reliable voters. But most Latinos are not, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are a new voter, if you are a low-propensity voter, you are not going to get contacted by a campaign,” said García Bedolla. “And that’s the space that community-based organizations are trying to fill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staffers with the Latino Community Foundation said they have invested over $500,000 this year into grassroots, Latino-led civic engagement organizations in California, including the Dolores Huerta Foundation and Power California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Lisa García Bedolla, UC Berkeley political scientist\"]‘If Latino voters are engaged, if people reach out to them and talk to them about the things that they care about … they vote.’[/pullquote]That’s part of a multiyear, $10 million initiative aimed at raising the electoral representation of Latinos in the state, said Christian Arana, the foundation’s policy director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these groups that we have invested in are developing leadership opportunities for young people, like, ‘How do you go to a city council meeting and do a public comment, or call a member of Congress to support legislation?’ ” Arana said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because if Latinos — especially young Latinos — don’t understand their power to begin with, they are not going to turn out to vote,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mindy Romero, who directs the Center for Inclusive Democracy at the University of Southern California, said a big push to engage Latinos is still needed before Nov. 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2012 presidential election, less than 40% of eligible Latinos voted in California. In 2016, that figure grew slightly to 46%, according to \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/57b8c7ce15d5dbf599fb46ab/t/5c651fc3e4966b8c909ea052/1550132778391/CCEP+Fact+Sheet+2+-+2018+General+Election+Final.pdf\">figures\u003c/a> compiled by Romero’s center. Turnout could increase this year as well, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we get above 50%, that’s fantastic,” Romero said. “Now, that means it’s still a long way to go, but it’s progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, nearly 70% of California’s eligible white and Black voters cast ballots in the 2016 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s 21st Congressional District represents a big opportunity for voter engagement, said Romero, because so many eligible Latino residents haven’t been voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If turnout goes up just a little bit, that will influence who wins and who doesn’t win,” she said. “They have a much bigger sway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From her home in Sanger, Alondra Lara is one of the voters who will decide that congressional race. Ensuring more Latinos have a say in the election keeps her motivated to continue phone banking, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My hope in this election is to see those Latino voters voting,” Lara said. “I really hope that they know how much their voice does matter.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Alondra Lara is fired up to vote for the first time. The college freshman said she intends for her ballot choices to represent not just herself, but also family members who aren’t citizens, including some undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important for me to not only express my voice, but express my voice for those who cannot vote,” said Lara, 18, who was born and raised in Sanger, a small city in California’s Central Valley. “It’s more important than ever for people of my color, my ethnicity, to go vote right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>To urge other young Latino citizens to participate in the election, Lara leads a team of phone bankers at \u003ca href=\"https://powercalifornia.org/99rootz\">99Rootz\u003c/a>, a youth organizing project of the nonprofit group Power California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three times a week, Lara’s team connects virtually over Zoom to keep each other company while they take on the often difficult task of cold-calling thousands of registered young voters under 35 in Merced and Fresno counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, 99Rootz would hold in-person meetings and rallies, and phone bankers would work together at an office in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would be sitting right next to our friends. We would feel connected,” said Lara, an art major at CSU Fullerton. “We are trying to emulate that with Zoom. But it’s tough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With less than two weeks before election day, civic engagement groups are racing to contact Latino voters, who have historically had lower turnouts than the general population. Even in California, where Latinos represent nearly a third of all eligible voters, their turnout has typically been lower than for white and Black voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are signs of strong enthusiasm about the election in California. Nearly 6 million people have already turned in their ballots by mail, including more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.politicaldata.com/2020-ballot-returned-tracker-state/\">a million\u003c/a> Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the pandemic, the need for social distancing and the fear of infection present new challenges for tried and true methods of voter outreach. And experts say the impact this will have on efforts to mobilize this key voting bloc is still largely unknown, as the majority of Latinos tend to cast their ballots in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the 2018 elections, nonprofits helped increase Latino representation by knocking on doors and talking with voters about how ballot choices impact them, said Lisa García Bedolla, a UC Berkeley political scientist and author of the book “Latino Politics.” Greater participation by Latinos helped Democrats flip seven congressional seats in the state that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Latino voters are engaged, if people reach out to them and talk to them about the things that they care about … they vote,” said García Bedolla. “And so the challenge this time is, are we able to have those conversations, given the difficulty of connecting with people in this moment?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843526\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843526\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45430_AlondraLara.99RootzPhoneBanker-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1341\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45430_AlondraLara.99RootzPhoneBanker-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45430_AlondraLara.99RootzPhoneBanker-qut-800x559.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45430_AlondraLara.99RootzPhoneBanker-qut-1020x712.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45430_AlondraLara.99RootzPhoneBanker-qut-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45430_AlondraLara.99RootzPhoneBanker-qut-1536x1073.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alondra Lara, 18, leads a team of phone bankers with the nonprofit group Power California virtually from her home in Sanger, California. “It’s more important than ever for people of my color, my ethnicity, to go vote right now,” she said. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Power California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even a small increase in Latino voters could make a big difference in competitive races, such as the contest between Democratic Rep. TJ Cox and his challenger, Republican David Valadao, in the 21st Congressional District. Valadao lost the seat two years ago by less than a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839743/congressional-rematch-pits-central-valley-democrat-against-the-republican-he-beat-in-2018\">thousand votes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos represent about \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/57b8c7ce15d5dbf599fb46ab/t/5e54e82cb61b1e513a1dfd3b/1582622836910/CCEP-California-Latino-and-Asian-American-Vote-2020-Primary-Election-Final.pdf\">60%\u003c/a> of all eligible voters in that district, which includes Kings County and parts of Kern, Tulare and Fresno counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cox and Valadao campaigns have raised a combined total of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/races/summary?cycle=2020&id=CA21&spec=N\">$8 million\u003c/a>, and they’re blanketing the airwaves and social media with advertisements, including some in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>José Luis León has heard the ads, but he has not followed the race much, and he’s not even sure he will vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I am still considering it,” said León, 57, who owns a restaurant in the city of Lemoore in Kings County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>León said he is disappointed with both presidential candidates, and doesn’t feel well informed about the rest of the races and measures on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he wished there was more in-person outreach to voters like him, but he has not been contacted yet by any campaign or organization about this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not an uncommon story, especially in rural towns in the Central Valley, where local grassroots organizations are often cash starved, said Pam Whalen, organizing director with the Dolores Huerta Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The foundation is contacting Latino voters in small towns spread throughout Fresno, Tulare, Kern and parts of Los Angeles counties. In addition to phone banking and sending text messages to voters, hundreds of volunteers are donning masks and going door-to-door to engage with neighbors from a safe distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the most effective way to communicate with voters. … Having that conversation by the door can be incredibly life changing,” said Whalen, who has worked in voter outreach in the region for about two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But we’ve been hampered by the pandemic,” she said. “That effort has not been nearly as robust as in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843570\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1023px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45428_IMG_9004-qut-1376x1032-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843570\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45428_IMG_9004-qut-1376x1032-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1023\" height=\"890\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45428_IMG_9004-qut-1376x1032-1.jpg 1023w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45428_IMG_9004-qut-1376x1032-1-800x696.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45428_IMG_9004-qut-1376x1032-1-1020x887.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45428_IMG_9004-qut-1376x1032-1-160x139.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1023px) 100vw, 1023px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lourdes Oliva (l) with the Dolores Huerta Foundation confers with volunteer canvasser Eugenia Gonzalez in the Central Valley town of Parlier on Oct. 11, 2020. \u003ccite>(Lupe Santillan/ Dolores Huerta Foundation)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Voter turnout in California does not get the attention or the billions of dollars currently being spent to increase voter participation in battleground states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the work to convince infrequent or unlikely voters to become active ones is carried out by community organizations that typically operate on shoestring budgets, said García Bedolla, the UC Berkeley political scientist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political campaigns — which care about winning elections, regardless of how many people actually turn out — focus most of their efforts on reaching reliable voters. But most Latinos are not, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are a new voter, if you are a low-propensity voter, you are not going to get contacted by a campaign,” said García Bedolla. “And that’s the space that community-based organizations are trying to fill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staffers with the Latino Community Foundation said they have invested over $500,000 this year into grassroots, Latino-led civic engagement organizations in California, including the Dolores Huerta Foundation and Power California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That’s part of a multiyear, $10 million initiative aimed at raising the electoral representation of Latinos in the state, said Christian Arana, the foundation’s policy director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these groups that we have invested in are developing leadership opportunities for young people, like, ‘How do you go to a city council meeting and do a public comment, or call a member of Congress to support legislation?’ ” Arana said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because if Latinos — especially young Latinos — don’t understand their power to begin with, they are not going to turn out to vote,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mindy Romero, who directs the Center for Inclusive Democracy at the University of Southern California, said a big push to engage Latinos is still needed before Nov. 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2012 presidential election, less than 40% of eligible Latinos voted in California. In 2016, that figure grew slightly to 46%, according to \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/57b8c7ce15d5dbf599fb46ab/t/5c651fc3e4966b8c909ea052/1550132778391/CCEP+Fact+Sheet+2+-+2018+General+Election+Final.pdf\">figures\u003c/a> compiled by Romero’s center. Turnout could increase this year as well, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we get above 50%, that’s fantastic,” Romero said. “Now, that means it’s still a long way to go, but it’s progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, nearly 70% of California’s eligible white and Black voters cast ballots in the 2016 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s 21st Congressional District represents a big opportunity for voter engagement, said Romero, because so many eligible Latino residents haven’t been voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If turnout goes up just a little bit, that will influence who wins and who doesn’t win,” she said. “They have a much bigger sway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From her home in Sanger, Alondra Lara is one of the voters who will decide that congressional race. Ensuring more Latinos have a say in the election keeps her motivated to continue phone banking, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My hope in this election is to see those Latino voters voting,” Lara said. “I really hope that they know how much their voice does matter.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a clarification. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers need to create a package of legislation that limits multiple kinds of oil drilling, not just hydraulic fracturing, if they want to respond effectively to the world’s climate crisis, says the chairman of a key committee that regulates the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fracking is a good place to start, and obviously it’s going to make headlines,” said state Sen. Henry Stern, D-Los Angeles, who chairs the Natural Resources and Water Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he added, “It won’t solve the entire problem of oil drilling in people’s backyards. We’ve actually got to leave more of this stuff in the ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"State Sen. Henry Stern\"]‘[Fracking] won’t solve the entire problem of oil drilling in people’s backyards. We’ve actually got to leave more of this stuff in the ground.’[/pullquote]Last month, as climate change-driven wildfires were on their way to burning more than 4 million acres around the state, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1969807/california-to-halt-sales-of-new-gas-cars-by-2035\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> to end sales of gasoline-powered passenger cars and trucks in California by 2035. Newsom then also called on state lawmakers to develop legislation that would eliminate new fracking licenses by 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moves could forever change California, home to one of the nation’s largest oil producing, refining and consuming markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after Newsom’s executive order, several lawmakers announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.sierraclub.org/sites/www.sierraclub.org/files/sce/sierra-club-california/PDFs/9.24.20%20Fracking%20Ban%20Announcement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">plans to introduce a ban on fracking\u003c/a> when the next legislative session starts in December. The announcement, which garnered support from several environmental groups, included no specific details. Any such bill would need to go through Stern’s committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great gesture,” said Stern, who’s running for re-election and supports a ban on fracking, but was not one of the lawmakers behind the announcement. “It’s going to have a tough row to hoe in the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Legislative Challenges\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The challenges of approving new oil drilling regulations in California, which Stern calls a “petro-state,” were recently underscored in the committee he chairs. The natural resources panel rejected legislation that would have called for setbacks — or buffer zones — between future oil drilling sites and homes, playgrounds and schools. The opposition came not just from the oil industry and Republicans on the committee, but from members of Stern’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of Democrats with concerns about any restrictions on oil production,” said Stern, who voted for the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the committee members who opposed the legislation have received significant contributions from the oil industry, a finding first reported by the left-leaning \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/09/california-democrats-oil-gas-fracking-ab345\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jacobin\u003c/a> magazine. The bill’s death prompted outrage among environmentalists and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Fracking in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fracking is an oil well stimulation method that works to get fuel out of the ground by using water and chemicals to crack open geological formations. The injections allow petroleum and water under the ground to flow more freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel industry says the practice helps provide the country with a consistent source of domestic energy. Environmentalists say the chemicals used in the method lead to water and air pollution, as well as the potential contamination of drinking water. Several years ago, it came to light that state regulators in California mistakenly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1914130/how-much-drinking-water-has-california-lost-to-oil-industry-waste-no-one-knows\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed oil companies\u003c/a> to dispose of the fracking wastewater in aquifers tapped for drinking water that were supposed to be safeguarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"oil-drilling\"]Fracking has become a hot-button issue in the presidential election, especially in Pennsylvania, a key swing state where it creates a lot of jobs. Democratic nominee Joe Biden says he does not oppose fracking, an assertion that President Trump ardently disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The technique, along with other oil and gas drilling, mostly takes place on private land, but is regulated by state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, fracking makes up a small portion of production in oil fields, many of which are in Kern County. Hydraulic fracturing led to the production of 2.3 million barrels of oil in the state in 2019, or 1.5% of California’s oil production, according to the California Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditional oil and gas drilling made up 77% of the state’s oil production in 2019, with cyclic steam work accounting for 21%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, California put in place a nine-month moratorium on new permits for fracking. During that time, the Department of Conservation asked Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory to conduct an independent review of its pending well-stimulation permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/TedrickG/status/1317472223297294337?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the moratorium ended in April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810791/after-9-month-pause-california-issuing-fracking-permits-again\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalGEM\u003c/a> has handed out a series of new fracking permits. In fact, the agency approved a set of applications for the technique last Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Pushing for a Compromise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Figuring out how to cut down on oil drilling is a discussion that state legislators, oil industry executives and labor leaders all need to be involved in, according to Stern, who helped create California’s current regulations on fracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need people pushing the envelope,” Stern said. “I think what the governor’s laid out is prompting a much bigger conversation that’s going to require some kind of grand bargain. If we’re actually going to figure out what a managed decline looks like or what a real just transition is, we’ve got to bring labor in and have a big conversation about how to move past petroleum production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern expects several different oil regulating bills to emerge in the state Legislature when it is scheduled to reconvene in December, and says the state needs to have a serious discussion about what the future of the oil industry should look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it doesn’t look like the oil industry of the past and maybe folks like Chevron start to rethink their business model entirely,” he said. “To me, that’s the big victory: If we can actually change the business model of our oil majors here, not just notch a political win, but fundamentally change the dynamics globally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To create a Green New Deal in California, the state needs to bring different interest groups together and stop pitting oil worker unions against the people who live near drilling sites, Stern added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It starts with workers and frontline communities,” he said. “It’s going to take coalition building and muscle. Now the real work begins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 22: This story was adjusted to include a refined definition of hydraulic fracturing. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a clarification. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers need to create a package of legislation that limits multiple kinds of oil drilling, not just hydraulic fracturing, if they want to respond effectively to the world’s climate crisis, says the chairman of a key committee that regulates the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fracking is a good place to start, and obviously it’s going to make headlines,” said state Sen. Henry Stern, D-Los Angeles, who chairs the Natural Resources and Water Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he added, “It won’t solve the entire problem of oil drilling in people’s backyards. We’ve actually got to leave more of this stuff in the ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last month, as climate change-driven wildfires were on their way to burning more than 4 million acres around the state, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1969807/california-to-halt-sales-of-new-gas-cars-by-2035\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> to end sales of gasoline-powered passenger cars and trucks in California by 2035. Newsom then also called on state lawmakers to develop legislation that would eliminate new fracking licenses by 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moves could forever change California, home to one of the nation’s largest oil producing, refining and consuming markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after Newsom’s executive order, several lawmakers announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.sierraclub.org/sites/www.sierraclub.org/files/sce/sierra-club-california/PDFs/9.24.20%20Fracking%20Ban%20Announcement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">plans to introduce a ban on fracking\u003c/a> when the next legislative session starts in December. The announcement, which garnered support from several environmental groups, included no specific details. Any such bill would need to go through Stern’s committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great gesture,” said Stern, who’s running for re-election and supports a ban on fracking, but was not one of the lawmakers behind the announcement. “It’s going to have a tough row to hoe in the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Legislative Challenges\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The challenges of approving new oil drilling regulations in California, which Stern calls a “petro-state,” were recently underscored in the committee he chairs. The natural resources panel rejected legislation that would have called for setbacks — or buffer zones — between future oil drilling sites and homes, playgrounds and schools. The opposition came not just from the oil industry and Republicans on the committee, but from members of Stern’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of Democrats with concerns about any restrictions on oil production,” said Stern, who voted for the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the committee members who opposed the legislation have received significant contributions from the oil industry, a finding first reported by the left-leaning \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/09/california-democrats-oil-gas-fracking-ab345\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jacobin\u003c/a> magazine. The bill’s death prompted outrage among environmentalists and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Fracking in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fracking is an oil well stimulation method that works to get fuel out of the ground by using water and chemicals to crack open geological formations. The injections allow petroleum and water under the ground to flow more freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel industry says the practice helps provide the country with a consistent source of domestic energy. Environmentalists say the chemicals used in the method lead to water and air pollution, as well as the potential contamination of drinking water. Several years ago, it came to light that state regulators in California mistakenly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1914130/how-much-drinking-water-has-california-lost-to-oil-industry-waste-no-one-knows\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed oil companies\u003c/a> to dispose of the fracking wastewater in aquifers tapped for drinking water that were supposed to be safeguarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Fracking has become a hot-button issue in the presidential election, especially in Pennsylvania, a key swing state where it creates a lot of jobs. Democratic nominee Joe Biden says he does not oppose fracking, an assertion that President Trump ardently disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The technique, along with other oil and gas drilling, mostly takes place on private land, but is regulated by state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, fracking makes up a small portion of production in oil fields, many of which are in Kern County. Hydraulic fracturing led to the production of 2.3 million barrels of oil in the state in 2019, or 1.5% of California’s oil production, according to the California Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditional oil and gas drilling made up 77% of the state’s oil production in 2019, with cyclic steam work accounting for 21%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, California put in place a nine-month moratorium on new permits for fracking. During that time, the Department of Conservation asked Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory to conduct an independent review of its pending well-stimulation permits.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Since the moratorium ended in April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810791/after-9-month-pause-california-issuing-fracking-permits-again\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalGEM\u003c/a> has handed out a series of new fracking permits. In fact, the agency approved a set of applications for the technique last Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Pushing for a Compromise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Figuring out how to cut down on oil drilling is a discussion that state legislators, oil industry executives and labor leaders all need to be involved in, according to Stern, who helped create California’s current regulations on fracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need people pushing the envelope,” Stern said. “I think what the governor’s laid out is prompting a much bigger conversation that’s going to require some kind of grand bargain. If we’re actually going to figure out what a managed decline looks like or what a real just transition is, we’ve got to bring labor in and have a big conversation about how to move past petroleum production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern expects several different oil regulating bills to emerge in the state Legislature when it is scheduled to reconvene in December, and says the state needs to have a serious discussion about what the future of the oil industry should look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it doesn’t look like the oil industry of the past and maybe folks like Chevron start to rethink their business model entirely,” he said. “To me, that’s the big victory: If we can actually change the business model of our oil majors here, not just notch a political win, but fundamentally change the dynamics globally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To create a Green New Deal in California, the state needs to bring different interest groups together and stop pitting oil worker unions against the people who live near drilling sites, Stern added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It starts with workers and frontline communities,” he said. “It’s going to take coalition building and muscle. Now the real work begins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 22: This story was adjusted to include a refined definition of hydraulic fracturing. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 9:45 a.m. Friday, Oct. 23:\u003c/strong> With winds subsiding across Northern California, PG&E said it’s in the process of restoring power to tens of thousands of customers in seven counties who had their lights turned off as part of the utility’s latest pre-emptive wildfire-safety blackouts. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of customers and geographic extent of the shutoffs, which began Wednesday night, was reduced from the originally forecast 54,000 customers in 19 counties because high winds were neither as widespread or as persistent as first forecast. The utility says those affected should have power back by late Friday night. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outages were focused mostly on three counties: Shasta, where more than 18,000 customers had lights turned off; Butte, with a little more than 10,000 customers were affected; and Tehama, with about 1,600 customers de-energized. A handful of outages were scattered across Plumas, Glenn, Colusa and Yolo counties. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The focus for PG&E and its customers now turns to yet another episode of gusty and potentially dangerous winds expected to arrive Sunday evening. Forecasts from the National Weather Service suggest the next wind event will be much stronger and impact a much wider area of California than recent wind events. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pge.com/en_US/safety/emergency-preparedness/natural-disaster/wildfires/psps-weather-map.page\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">PG&E has already announced\u003c/a> there’s an “elevated” risk of power shutoffs Sunday through Tuesday that could affect parts of eight of the utility’s nine geographic zones. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 6:10 p.m. Wednesday, Oct. 21:\u003c/strong> PG&E has confirmed it will turn out the lights for 37,000 Northern California customers as windy red-flag fire conditions resume across the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outages are scheduled to begin later Wednesday night for about 18,000 customers in Shasta County, at the northern end of the Sacramento Valley. The utility said it plans to shut off power to about 10,000 customers in neighboring Butte County after midnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11833699,news_11833686,science_1965575 label='Power Shutoff Resources']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents scattered across 13 other counties will also be affected by outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes about 3,300 in Napa County, mostly in the hills east of the Napa Valley, and another 1,000 or so scattered through higher elevation areas of Sonoma, Contra Costa, Alameda and Santa Clara counties. PG&E said it will shut off power in those areas before dawn Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company is cutting power in response to the latest episode of dangerous fire weather in the region. National Weather Service offices in Northern California issued \u003ca href=\"https://forecast.weather.gov/wwamap/wwatxtget.php?cwa=mtr&wwa=red%20flag%20warning\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">red-flag warnings\u003c/a> for fire weather that will include winds gusting over 50 mph at higher elevations and humidity in the low teens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E scaled back the scope of the outages after issuing a public safety power shutoff watch on Tuesday. The utility’s preliminary estimate was that about 54,000 customers in 19 counties would lose power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company says power will be restored to most areas by late Friday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 100%;height: 700px;overflow: hidden\" align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://pgealerts.alerts.pge.com/outages/map/?type=current\" width=\"1000\" height=\"700\" style=\"position: relative; top: -160px;\" scrolling=\"no\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post (Oct. 20, 2020): \u003c/strong>For the fourth time in the last six weeks, PG&E is advising tens of thousands of customers scattered across Northern California that they may have their power turned off due to high winds and very low humidity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s largest utility said Tuesday it may begin switching off electricity starting Wednesday night to 54,000 customers in 19 counties, a move designed to ensure that the company’s equipment won’t spark wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before that fresh power outage notice sinks in, forecasters for both the utility and the National Weather Service say they are tracking another potential round of ominous, windy fire weather that could sweep the region next Sunday and Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exact number and geographic extent of Wednesday outages are a moving target, but they are expected to occur mostly in the northern Sierra Nevada foothills and the northern end of the Sacramento Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E said more than 22,000 customers could have their lights turned off in Shasta County, 11,000-plus in Butte County and nearly 8,000 in Tehama County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a preliminary list of anticipated outages released Wednesday afternoon, the company indicated about 6,500 Bay Area customers could be affected. About two-thirds of them are in Napa County, in the hills east of the Napa Valley. Outages would also affect higher-elevation areas of Solano and Sonoma and parts of the East Bay Hills in Contra Costa, Alameda and Santa Clara counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its early assessment of the situation, the company says North Bay locations will likely lose power early Thursday and be restored by Friday evening. East Bay locations would also be shut off early Thursday, but could have lights on again late the same night. Blacked-out areas farther north will likely be without power until late Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E’s projected power outage came as the National Weather Service issued the latest in a series of red flag warnings for dangerous fire weather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency says that wide areas of Northern California will see gusty and very dry northerly or northeasterly winds beginning late Wednesday and lasting on and off through Friday morning. Winds are forecast to be strongest Wednesday night into Thursday morning before easing during daylight hours. A second burst of windy weather is expected to set in Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If PG&E follows through with the potential shutoff, it will be the fourth the company has executed since early September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"PG&E Public Safety Power Shutoffs, 2018-20\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-MgSv8\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/MgSv8/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"592\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s shutoffs have been much more limited in scope than the sweeping, disruptive blackouts the company imposed last year over huge swaths of its service area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this week’s outages are unlikely to be the last this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Weather Service San Francisco Bay Area forecaster Ryan Walbrun said high winds that could start as early as Saturday night and last through Monday could be stronger than the weather this week and cover a wider range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That would include, quite frankly, a lot of Northern California,” Walbrun said. “It would of course include the typical North and East Bay hills. But the potential is that this is the kind of event where the wind will actually mix down into the valleys as well, into lower elevations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that would mean areas like the lower East Bay Hills and the foothills above Santa Rosa, at elevations from 500 to 1,000 feet, might see the kind of potentially dangerous wind gusts usually seen only over much higher terrain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the one thing that could significantly reduce the region’s ongoing fire danger — a nice soaking from an autumn storm — is nowhere in sight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course we don’t expect any rain,” Walbrun said, adding that weather models aren’t showing any sign of a pattern change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Looking at the freshest set of models, some of the best models that we have, that run out through Halloween or early November, they’re just not showing any signal for precipitation,” he said. “Not only for the Bay Area, but really a lot of the West Coast stays dry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Utility says the latest round of outages affected 31,000 customers in seven counties, with nearly all shutoffs occurring at the northern end of the Sacramento Valley and adjoining foothills. ",
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"title": "PG&E Ready to Restore Power After Latest Safety Blackout | KQED",
"description": "Utility says the latest round of outages affected 31,000 customers in seven counties, with nearly all shutoffs occurring at the northern end of the Sacramento Valley and adjoining foothills. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 9:45 a.m. Friday, Oct. 23:\u003c/strong> With winds subsiding across Northern California, PG&E said it’s in the process of restoring power to tens of thousands of customers in seven counties who had their lights turned off as part of the utility’s latest pre-emptive wildfire-safety blackouts. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of customers and geographic extent of the shutoffs, which began Wednesday night, was reduced from the originally forecast 54,000 customers in 19 counties because high winds were neither as widespread or as persistent as first forecast. The utility says those affected should have power back by late Friday night. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outages were focused mostly on three counties: Shasta, where more than 18,000 customers had lights turned off; Butte, with a little more than 10,000 customers were affected; and Tehama, with about 1,600 customers de-energized. A handful of outages were scattered across Plumas, Glenn, Colusa and Yolo counties. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The focus for PG&E and its customers now turns to yet another episode of gusty and potentially dangerous winds expected to arrive Sunday evening. Forecasts from the National Weather Service suggest the next wind event will be much stronger and impact a much wider area of California than recent wind events. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pge.com/en_US/safety/emergency-preparedness/natural-disaster/wildfires/psps-weather-map.page\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">PG&E has already announced\u003c/a> there’s an “elevated” risk of power shutoffs Sunday through Tuesday that could affect parts of eight of the utility’s nine geographic zones. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 6:10 p.m. Wednesday, Oct. 21:\u003c/strong> PG&E has confirmed it will turn out the lights for 37,000 Northern California customers as windy red-flag fire conditions resume across the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outages are scheduled to begin later Wednesday night for about 18,000 customers in Shasta County, at the northern end of the Sacramento Valley. The utility said it plans to shut off power to about 10,000 customers in neighboring Butte County after midnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents scattered across 13 other counties will also be affected by outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes about 3,300 in Napa County, mostly in the hills east of the Napa Valley, and another 1,000 or so scattered through higher elevation areas of Sonoma, Contra Costa, Alameda and Santa Clara counties. PG&E said it will shut off power in those areas before dawn Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company is cutting power in response to the latest episode of dangerous fire weather in the region. National Weather Service offices in Northern California issued \u003ca href=\"https://forecast.weather.gov/wwamap/wwatxtget.php?cwa=mtr&wwa=red%20flag%20warning\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">red-flag warnings\u003c/a> for fire weather that will include winds gusting over 50 mph at higher elevations and humidity in the low teens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E scaled back the scope of the outages after issuing a public safety power shutoff watch on Tuesday. The utility’s preliminary estimate was that about 54,000 customers in 19 counties would lose power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company says power will be restored to most areas by late Friday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 100%;height: 700px;overflow: hidden\" align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://pgealerts.alerts.pge.com/outages/map/?type=current\" width=\"1000\" height=\"700\" style=\"position: relative; top: -160px;\" scrolling=\"no\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post (Oct. 20, 2020): \u003c/strong>For the fourth time in the last six weeks, PG&E is advising tens of thousands of customers scattered across Northern California that they may have their power turned off due to high winds and very low humidity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s largest utility said Tuesday it may begin switching off electricity starting Wednesday night to 54,000 customers in 19 counties, a move designed to ensure that the company’s equipment won’t spark wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before that fresh power outage notice sinks in, forecasters for both the utility and the National Weather Service say they are tracking another potential round of ominous, windy fire weather that could sweep the region next Sunday and Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exact number and geographic extent of Wednesday outages are a moving target, but they are expected to occur mostly in the northern Sierra Nevada foothills and the northern end of the Sacramento Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E said more than 22,000 customers could have their lights turned off in Shasta County, 11,000-plus in Butte County and nearly 8,000 in Tehama County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a preliminary list of anticipated outages released Wednesday afternoon, the company indicated about 6,500 Bay Area customers could be affected. About two-thirds of them are in Napa County, in the hills east of the Napa Valley. Outages would also affect higher-elevation areas of Solano and Sonoma and parts of the East Bay Hills in Contra Costa, Alameda and Santa Clara counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its early assessment of the situation, the company says North Bay locations will likely lose power early Thursday and be restored by Friday evening. East Bay locations would also be shut off early Thursday, but could have lights on again late the same night. Blacked-out areas farther north will likely be without power until late Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E’s projected power outage came as the National Weather Service issued the latest in a series of red flag warnings for dangerous fire weather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency says that wide areas of Northern California will see gusty and very dry northerly or northeasterly winds beginning late Wednesday and lasting on and off through Friday morning. Winds are forecast to be strongest Wednesday night into Thursday morning before easing during daylight hours. A second burst of windy weather is expected to set in Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If PG&E follows through with the potential shutoff, it will be the fourth the company has executed since early September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"PG&E Public Safety Power Shutoffs, 2018-20\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-MgSv8\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/MgSv8/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"592\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s shutoffs have been much more limited in scope than the sweeping, disruptive blackouts the company imposed last year over huge swaths of its service area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this week’s outages are unlikely to be the last this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Weather Service San Francisco Bay Area forecaster Ryan Walbrun said high winds that could start as early as Saturday night and last through Monday could be stronger than the weather this week and cover a wider range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That would include, quite frankly, a lot of Northern California,” Walbrun said. “It would of course include the typical North and East Bay hills. But the potential is that this is the kind of event where the wind will actually mix down into the valleys as well, into lower elevations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that would mean areas like the lower East Bay Hills and the foothills above Santa Rosa, at elevations from 500 to 1,000 feet, might see the kind of potentially dangerous wind gusts usually seen only over much higher terrain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the one thing that could significantly reduce the region’s ongoing fire danger — a nice soaking from an autumn storm — is nowhere in sight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course we don’t expect any rain,” Walbrun said, adding that weather models aren’t showing any sign of a pattern change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Looking at the freshest set of models, some of the best models that we have, that run out through Halloween or early November, they’re just not showing any signal for precipitation,” he said. “Not only for the Bay Area, but really a lot of the West Coast stays dry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "SF Moves to Least Restrictive COVID-19 Tier, State OKs Some Theme Park and Stadium Reopenings",
"title": "SF Moves to Least Restrictive COVID-19 Tier, State OKs Some Theme Park and Stadium Reopenings",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco became the first large, urban county to be assigned to the “yellow tier,” the least restrictive category in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/safer-economy/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">color-coded system\u003c/a> for defining what businesses and activities can resume during the coronavirus pandemic, state officials announced Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning next Tuesday, Oct. 27, “non-essential” offices in San Francisco can reopen at 25% capacity, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/bayareabites/139329/san-francisco-indoor-dining-expands-and-includes-bars\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">indoor dining can expand\u003c/a>, climbing walls can reopen and fitness centers can increase their indoor capacity to 25%, city officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to make overall progress as a state with the slow and stringent reopening,” said state epidemiologist Dr. Erica Pan in a Zoom press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote szie=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed\"]'Thanks to everyone's commitment to wearing face coverings and following public health guidance, we are able to keep moving forward with reopening.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed also credited the county’s cautious approach for this development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"San Franciscans have taken COVID-19 seriously from the very beginning, and thanks to everyone's commitment to wearing face coverings and following public health guidance, we are able to keep moving forward with reopening,” said Mayor Breed in a statement. “Today really is a sign of hope for our city and for our economic recovery.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Franciscans can look forward to more and more businesses reopening over the next few weeks — including indoor pools and bowling alleys — as laid out in the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/step-by-step/reopening-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">timeline\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Unified School District said it plans to resume in-person instruction for the youngest grades and those who receive special education services, although no date has been set yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, other counties in the “yellow tier” for \"minimal\" risk of COVID-19 transmission are less densely populated, like Modoc, Humboldt and Mariposa counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1963889 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/35/2022/05/Bay-Area-coronavirus-stores-1020x702.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Theme Parks and Outdoor Stadiums Can Reopen\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The state also issued long-awaited guidance concerning amusement parks and outdoor professional sporting events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theme parks can reopen in counties assigned to the less restrictive orange and yellow tiers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Small theme parks, defined as having a capacity of less than 15,000, can reopen in orange tier or \"moderate risk\" counties at 25% capacity or fewer than 500 visitors, whichever is less\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All theme parks can reopen in counties that are in yellow or \"minimal risk\" tiers at 25% capacity\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All parks must require advance ticket reservations and screen guests for COVID-19 symptoms\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Masks be worn at all times except when eating or drinking\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>For now, that means Disneyland, which is located in Orange County, currently in the red tier, won’t be reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, professional sports games can resume at outdoor stadiums in counties assigned to the orange and yellow tiers, with modifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>In orange tier or “moderate risk” counties stadiums can reopen at 20% capacity, at at 25% capacity in yellow or “minimal risk” counties\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ticket sales must be restricted to customers who live within a 120 mile radius of the stadium\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Stadiums must provide parking so that visitors don’t park in surrounding neighborhoods\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Advance ticket reservations, assigned seating and wearing face masks are required\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Eating and drinking are allowed while in assigned seats\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>No tailgating is allowed\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mark Ghaly, the state’s health and human services secretary, said theme park guidelines were developed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirusliveupdates/news/11841990/california-weighs-reopening-theme-parks-as-covid-19-hospitalization-rates-decline\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">after sending delegations to visit to parks\u003c/a> currently in operation around the country. He said outdoor stadium events are considered lower risk, because visitors have assigned seats and spend less time at sporting events than at amusement parks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health officials acknowledged that reopening more businesses may mean an increased risk of spreading the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must not let our guard down,” said Ghaly as he urged Californians to continue wearing masks, wash their hands and observe social distancing rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Non-essential offices, indoor dining and other businesses can expand in San Francisco. State officials also issued long-awaited guidance for theme parks and outdoor sporting events.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco became the first large, urban county to be assigned to the “yellow tier,” the least restrictive category in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/safer-economy/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">color-coded system\u003c/a> for defining what businesses and activities can resume during the coronavirus pandemic, state officials announced Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning next Tuesday, Oct. 27, “non-essential” offices in San Francisco can reopen at 25% capacity, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/bayareabites/139329/san-francisco-indoor-dining-expands-and-includes-bars\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">indoor dining can expand\u003c/a>, climbing walls can reopen and fitness centers can increase their indoor capacity to 25%, city officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to make overall progress as a state with the slow and stringent reopening,” said state epidemiologist Dr. Erica Pan in a Zoom press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'Thanks to everyone's commitment to wearing face coverings and following public health guidance, we are able to keep moving forward with reopening.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed also credited the county’s cautious approach for this development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"San Franciscans have taken COVID-19 seriously from the very beginning, and thanks to everyone's commitment to wearing face coverings and following public health guidance, we are able to keep moving forward with reopening,” said Mayor Breed in a statement. “Today really is a sign of hope for our city and for our economic recovery.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Franciscans can look forward to more and more businesses reopening over the next few weeks — including indoor pools and bowling alleys — as laid out in the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/step-by-step/reopening-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">timeline\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Unified School District said it plans to resume in-person instruction for the youngest grades and those who receive special education services, although no date has been set yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, other counties in the “yellow tier” for \"minimal\" risk of COVID-19 transmission are less densely populated, like Modoc, Humboldt and Mariposa counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Theme Parks and Outdoor Stadiums Can Reopen\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The state also issued long-awaited guidance concerning amusement parks and outdoor professional sporting events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theme parks can reopen in counties assigned to the less restrictive orange and yellow tiers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Small theme parks, defined as having a capacity of less than 15,000, can reopen in orange tier or \"moderate risk\" counties at 25% capacity or fewer than 500 visitors, whichever is less\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All theme parks can reopen in counties that are in yellow or \"minimal risk\" tiers at 25% capacity\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All parks must require advance ticket reservations and screen guests for COVID-19 symptoms\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Masks be worn at all times except when eating or drinking\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>For now, that means Disneyland, which is located in Orange County, currently in the red tier, won’t be reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, professional sports games can resume at outdoor stadiums in counties assigned to the orange and yellow tiers, with modifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>In orange tier or “moderate risk” counties stadiums can reopen at 20% capacity, at at 25% capacity in yellow or “minimal risk” counties\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ticket sales must be restricted to customers who live within a 120 mile radius of the stadium\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Stadiums must provide parking so that visitors don’t park in surrounding neighborhoods\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Advance ticket reservations, assigned seating and wearing face masks are required\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Eating and drinking are allowed while in assigned seats\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>No tailgating is allowed\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mark Ghaly, the state’s health and human services secretary, said theme park guidelines were developed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirusliveupdates/news/11841990/california-weighs-reopening-theme-parks-as-covid-19-hospitalization-rates-decline\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">after sending delegations to visit to parks\u003c/a> currently in operation around the country. He said outdoor stadium events are considered lower risk, because visitors have assigned seats and spend less time at sporting events than at amusement parks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health officials acknowledged that reopening more businesses may mean an increased risk of spreading the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must not let our guard down,” said Ghaly as he urged Californians to continue wearing masks, wash their hands and observe social distancing rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Got your ballot? Still making up your mind on those California propositions? \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We’ve got you covered. This week, The California Report Magazine b\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">reaks down some of the statewide ballot measures with a few KQED reporters.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840409/prop-15-would-close-a-corporate-tax-loophole-heres-how-it-got-there-in-the-first-place\">\u003cstrong>Proposition 15 Would Close a Corporate Tax Loophole. Here’s How It Got There in the First Place\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 15 would raise commercial property taxes by amending Proposition 13, the landmark measure passed in 1978. Critics say Proposition 13 has been devastating to public schools. Scott Shafer, Senior Editor for KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk, explains the thinking behind Proposition 13, and how Proposition 15 would undo a major loophole in that ballot measure which has allowed corporations to keep their property taxes artificially low for decades.\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840639/many-californians-hesitant-to-end-states-affirmative-action-ban-poll-shows\">\u003cstrong>Many Californians Hesitant to End State’s Affirmative Action Ban, Poll Shows\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 1996, California voted to ban affirmative action. Now, voters will decide whether to end that ban with a new measure, \u003c/span>Proposition 16. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The vote comes as many Californians are taking to the streets demanding justice around questions of race. But Katie Orr, reporter with KQED’s Politics and Government Desk, says recent polls show the measure is struggling.\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Propositions 17 and 18 Could Change \u003cem>Who\u003c/em> Votes in California\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California has two propositions on the November ballot that could change \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">who\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> is allowed to vote in our state. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841345/proposition-17-and-the-history-of-voting-rights-for-formerly-incarcerated-californians\">Proposition 17\u003c/a> would restore voting rights to people on parole. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841211/proposition-18-should-17-year-olds-be-eligible-to-vote-in-primary-elections\">Proposition 18\u003c/a> would allow 17-year-olds who turn 18 by the time of the general election to vote in the primary election. Guy Marzorati, producer and reporter with KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk, breaks both measures down.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842012/prop-22-asks-should-app-based-drivers-be-classified-as-contractors-instead-of-employees\">\u003cstrong>Proposition 22 Asks: Should App-Based Drivers Be Classified as Contractors Instead of Employees?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 would exempt some app-based gig economy companies from state labor laws. Uber, Lyft, Door Dash and other companies have spent over $188 million (and counting) in support of the measure, making it the most well-funded proposition in recent California history. KQED reporter Sam Harnett has reported on the gig economy since it first popped up, and he walks us through Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842376/kidney-failure-disproportionately-affects-people-of-color-will-proposition-23-improve-care\">\u003cstrong>Kidney Failure Disproportionately Affects People of Color. Will Proposition 23 Improve Care?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 23 would require dialysis clinics in California to have a doctor on site at all times. The measure is getting a lot of attention from health groups that advocate for patients of color, because 57% of dialysis patients in the state are Black or Latinx. And those patients have the most to gain – or lose – from Proposition 23, depending how you \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">interpret \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the policy. 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Guy Marzorati, producer and reporter with KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk, breaks both measures down.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842012/prop-22-asks-should-app-based-drivers-be-classified-as-contractors-instead-of-employees\">\u003cstrong>Proposition 22 Asks: Should App-Based Drivers Be Classified as Contractors Instead of Employees?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 would exempt some app-based gig economy companies from state labor laws. Uber, Lyft, Door Dash and other companies have spent over $188 million (and counting) in support of the measure, making it the most well-funded proposition in recent California history. 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"content": "\u003cp>Looking back now, DeWayne Cox says his path to kidney failure started in childhood. He lives in Los Angeles now, but he grew up on the South Side of Chicago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the projects mostly, so I fought off gangs. I also had two parents that were both heroin addicts,” he says. “So there was lots of stress and a poor diet.” He was diagnosed with high blood pressure when he was 16, which he managed well with medications, but they made him tired and he had to pee all the time. That really became a problem in his 40s when he got a job with Barack Obama’s presidential campaign in 2008.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because I was out in the field and I always had to go to the bathroom,” he says. “And most of the volunteers were young kids. It meant I had to keep up with all the college students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So for three months, he stopped taking his medications. Even now, he says he would do it again, but it was a turning point in his health. In 2009, his doctor told him he had kidney failure and he would have to start dialysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I, like most people, didn’t even know what my kidneys were, where they were or what they did,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, after going to dialysis for three-hour treatments three times a week for the last 10 years to have his blood cleaned, Cox is well versed in the science and policy of kidney disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has taken a special interest in \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_23,_Dialysis_Clinic_Requirements_Initiative_(2020)\">Proposition 23\u003c/a>, the California ballot measure that would require all dialysis clinics in the state to have a doctor on site at all times patients are receiving treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Disproportionate Impact\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The measure has gotten attention from several minority health groups, including the California NAACP and the National Hispanic Medical Association, because of the disproportionate impact kidney disease has on communities of color — 57 percent of dialysis patients in California are African American or Latino, according to Medicare data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In particular, African Americans like Cox are \u003ca href=\"https://www.niddk.nih.gov/health-information/health-statistics/kidney-disease\">almost four times more likely\u003c/a> to end up with kidney failure than whites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Magellan Handford, dialysis nurse\"]‘I grew up in South Central L.A., and when I was growing up, there was a liquor store on every corner. Now, there’s a dialysis clinic on every corner.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Various \u003ca href=\"https://jasn.asnjournals.org/content/27/9/2576\">socioeconomic\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://kidney360.asnjournals.org/content/1/1/58\">genetic\u003c/a> factors make African Americans more likely to develop high blood pressure or diabetes, the main conditions that cause kidney disease. And African Americans are less likely to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5418094/\">access to regular health care\u003c/a> to prevent these conditions from advancing to kidney failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But policies around care are drastically different once kidney failure sets in. In 1972, President Richard Nixon signed a law creating a special benefit under Medicare, requiring the government to cover the cost of all treatment for end-stage renal disease, regardless of age or income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Essentially, we have universal health care in this country — for one organ in the body,” is how comedian John Oliver described it in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yw_nqzVfxFQ&list=ULBgyqAD5Z6_A&index=203\">2017 episode\u003c/a> of Last Week Tonight. “It’s like your kidneys, and only your kidneys, are Canadian.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘A Dialysis Clinic on Every Corner’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the beginning, the program paid for dialysis for about 10,000 patients. Now, there are \u003ca href=\"https://www.niddk.nih.gov/health-information/health-statistics/kidney-disease\">468,000 dialysis patients\u003c/a> in the U.S., and a massive industry has emerged to care for them. Nearly \u003ca href=\"https://healthcareappraisers.com/2020-outlook-dialysis-clinics-and-esrd/\">three quarters\u003c/a> of dialysis clinics in the U.S. are owned by two companies: \u003ca href=\"https://pressreleases.davita.com/2020-02-10-DaVita-Inc-4th-Quarter-2019-Results\">DaVita, Inc.\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.freseniusmedicalcare.com/fileadmin/data/com/pdf/About_us/Company_Profile/FME_Factsheet_2019_EN.pdf\">Fresenius Medical Care\u003c/a>. Together, they earned $2 billion in profits last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a business built on the backs of people of color, says Magellan Handford, who has worked as a dialysis nurse for both companies over the last 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I grew up in South Central L.A., and when I was growing up, there was a liquor store on every corner,” he says. “Now, there’s a dialysis clinic on every corner in L.A.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11842100 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/dialysis-1020x574.jpg']The companies don’t invest enough of their profits into care, Handford says, resulting in mice and roaches in clinics, “patients dripping blood all over the place,” and nurses and technicians that are so stretched and rushed, they are forced to take shortcuts and can’t follow proper infection control protocols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The industry is built on numbers,” he says. “We need to get patients in and we need to get patients out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is why Handford has been trying to help unionize staff at California dialysis clinics, so they can have more say in clinic operations like this. But for the last four years, they haven’t succeeded. So they turned to the ballot box. SEIU-UHW, the health care workers union, put Proposition 23 on the ballot, it says, to force improvements in patient care the companies aren’t willing to make.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doing propositions is the only voice that we have as workers,” Handford says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Do More Doctors Mean Better Care?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But it’s not clear the specific policies outlined in Proposition 23 can fix Handford’s complaints. There’s little evidence in medical literature that having doctors in clinics at all times will \u003ca href=\"https://jasn.asnjournals.org/content/29/12/2777\">improve patient health at all\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medicare tested this. In 2004, it reformed payment policies to incentivize doctors to visit their dialysis patients more often. Instead of one or two times a month, it pushed them to go four or more times a month. Then they studied which patients did better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Guess what? Doesn’t matter. It doesn’t affect outcomes,” says Jay Wish, a nephrologist at Indiana University. “So after a 13 year or so experiment in trying to bribe physicians to see the patients more often, they realize it doesn’t matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Various studies found no difference in \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/16183416/\">health outcomes\u003c/a> or improvements in the \u003ca href=\"https://jasn.asnjournals.org/content/29/12/2777\">quality of care\u003c/a>. In fact, one study showed patients who were seen less often by their doctors had \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4500158/\">better survival rates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jay Wish, Indiana University\"]‘A doctor that knows nothing about dialysis — that’s dangerous. That’s even more dangerous than having nobody there.’[/pullquote]\u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3877739/\">An international study\u003c/a> suggests countries like Germany or France have better mortality rates than the U.S. because doctors have a greater presence in dialysis clinics. But Wish says there are too many differences between the health systems and patient populations to draw any meaningful conclusions from the association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We dialyze a lot sicker patients than they do,” he says. “In France, you get dialyzed for eight hours, not four … and they serve you wine and cheese during the dialysis. So it really isn’t only about there being a doctor there. There’s just so many other variables that it’s inappropriate to make these comparisons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wish says there could even be negative consequences of Proposition 23 because it doesn’t specify that the doctor has to be a kidney specialist. It can be any licensed physician.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A doctor that knows nothing about dialysis — that’s dangerous. That’s even more dangerous than having nobody there,” Wish says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is why patient DeWayne Cox is against Proposition 23. He’s had his own experiences in the hospital, being cared for by general doctors who didn’t understand the complexities of his condition, prescribed the wrong medication, and made other mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s scared that Proposition 23 sounds good on the surface and that voters won’t understand the nuances. He accuses the union backing the measure of not truly being interested in patients, but rather, of using the ballot box to gain leverage in its own labor disputes and advance its own agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I see these propositions that are put before the voters, who have no idea what we go through and what’s necessary to keep us alive, it makes me angry,” he says. “They’re playing politics. But they’re putting patients like me in the middle of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Looking back now, DeWayne Cox says his path to kidney failure started in childhood. He lives in Los Angeles now, but he grew up on the South Side of Chicago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the projects mostly, so I fought off gangs. I also had two parents that were both heroin addicts,” he says. “So there was lots of stress and a poor diet.” He was diagnosed with high blood pressure when he was 16, which he managed well with medications, but they made him tired and he had to pee all the time. That really became a problem in his 40s when he got a job with Barack Obama’s presidential campaign in 2008.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because I was out in the field and I always had to go to the bathroom,” he says. “And most of the volunteers were young kids. It meant I had to keep up with all the college students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So for three months, he stopped taking his medications. Even now, he says he would do it again, but it was a turning point in his health. In 2009, his doctor told him he had kidney failure and he would have to start dialysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I, like most people, didn’t even know what my kidneys were, where they were or what they did,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, after going to dialysis for three-hour treatments three times a week for the last 10 years to have his blood cleaned, Cox is well versed in the science and policy of kidney disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has taken a special interest in \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_23,_Dialysis_Clinic_Requirements_Initiative_(2020)\">Proposition 23\u003c/a>, the California ballot measure that would require all dialysis clinics in the state to have a doctor on site at all times patients are receiving treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Disproportionate Impact\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The measure has gotten attention from several minority health groups, including the California NAACP and the National Hispanic Medical Association, because of the disproportionate impact kidney disease has on communities of color — 57 percent of dialysis patients in California are African American or Latino, according to Medicare data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In particular, African Americans like Cox are \u003ca href=\"https://www.niddk.nih.gov/health-information/health-statistics/kidney-disease\">almost four times more likely\u003c/a> to end up with kidney failure than whites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Various \u003ca href=\"https://jasn.asnjournals.org/content/27/9/2576\">socioeconomic\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://kidney360.asnjournals.org/content/1/1/58\">genetic\u003c/a> factors make African Americans more likely to develop high blood pressure or diabetes, the main conditions that cause kidney disease. And African Americans are less likely to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5418094/\">access to regular health care\u003c/a> to prevent these conditions from advancing to kidney failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But policies around care are drastically different once kidney failure sets in. In 1972, President Richard Nixon signed a law creating a special benefit under Medicare, requiring the government to cover the cost of all treatment for end-stage renal disease, regardless of age or income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Essentially, we have universal health care in this country — for one organ in the body,” is how comedian John Oliver described it in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yw_nqzVfxFQ&list=ULBgyqAD5Z6_A&index=203\">2017 episode\u003c/a> of Last Week Tonight. “It’s like your kidneys, and only your kidneys, are Canadian.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘A Dialysis Clinic on Every Corner’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the beginning, the program paid for dialysis for about 10,000 patients. Now, there are \u003ca href=\"https://www.niddk.nih.gov/health-information/health-statistics/kidney-disease\">468,000 dialysis patients\u003c/a> in the U.S., and a massive industry has emerged to care for them. Nearly \u003ca href=\"https://healthcareappraisers.com/2020-outlook-dialysis-clinics-and-esrd/\">three quarters\u003c/a> of dialysis clinics in the U.S. are owned by two companies: \u003ca href=\"https://pressreleases.davita.com/2020-02-10-DaVita-Inc-4th-Quarter-2019-Results\">DaVita, Inc.\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.freseniusmedicalcare.com/fileadmin/data/com/pdf/About_us/Company_Profile/FME_Factsheet_2019_EN.pdf\">Fresenius Medical Care\u003c/a>. Together, they earned $2 billion in profits last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a business built on the backs of people of color, says Magellan Handford, who has worked as a dialysis nurse for both companies over the last 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I grew up in South Central L.A., and when I was growing up, there was a liquor store on every corner,” he says. “Now, there’s a dialysis clinic on every corner in L.A.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The companies don’t invest enough of their profits into care, Handford says, resulting in mice and roaches in clinics, “patients dripping blood all over the place,” and nurses and technicians that are so stretched and rushed, they are forced to take shortcuts and can’t follow proper infection control protocols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The industry is built on numbers,” he says. “We need to get patients in and we need to get patients out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is why Handford has been trying to help unionize staff at California dialysis clinics, so they can have more say in clinic operations like this. But for the last four years, they haven’t succeeded. So they turned to the ballot box. SEIU-UHW, the health care workers union, put Proposition 23 on the ballot, it says, to force improvements in patient care the companies aren’t willing to make.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doing propositions is the only voice that we have as workers,” Handford says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Do More Doctors Mean Better Care?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But it’s not clear the specific policies outlined in Proposition 23 can fix Handford’s complaints. There’s little evidence in medical literature that having doctors in clinics at all times will \u003ca href=\"https://jasn.asnjournals.org/content/29/12/2777\">improve patient health at all\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medicare tested this. In 2004, it reformed payment policies to incentivize doctors to visit their dialysis patients more often. Instead of one or two times a month, it pushed them to go four or more times a month. Then they studied which patients did better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Guess what? Doesn’t matter. It doesn’t affect outcomes,” says Jay Wish, a nephrologist at Indiana University. “So after a 13 year or so experiment in trying to bribe physicians to see the patients more often, they realize it doesn’t matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Various studies found no difference in \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/16183416/\">health outcomes\u003c/a> or improvements in the \u003ca href=\"https://jasn.asnjournals.org/content/29/12/2777\">quality of care\u003c/a>. In fact, one study showed patients who were seen less often by their doctors had \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4500158/\">better survival rates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3877739/\">An international study\u003c/a> suggests countries like Germany or France have better mortality rates than the U.S. because doctors have a greater presence in dialysis clinics. But Wish says there are too many differences between the health systems and patient populations to draw any meaningful conclusions from the association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We dialyze a lot sicker patients than they do,” he says. “In France, you get dialyzed for eight hours, not four … and they serve you wine and cheese during the dialysis. So it really isn’t only about there being a doctor there. There’s just so many other variables that it’s inappropriate to make these comparisons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wish says there could even be negative consequences of Proposition 23 because it doesn’t specify that the doctor has to be a kidney specialist. It can be any licensed physician.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A doctor that knows nothing about dialysis — that’s dangerous. That’s even more dangerous than having nobody there,” Wish says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is why patient DeWayne Cox is against Proposition 23. He’s had his own experiences in the hospital, being cared for by general doctors who didn’t understand the complexities of his condition, prescribed the wrong medication, and made other mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s scared that Proposition 23 sounds good on the surface and that voters won’t understand the nuances. He accuses the union backing the measure of not truly being interested in patients, but rather, of using the ballot box to gain leverage in its own labor disputes and advance its own agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I see these propositions that are put before the voters, who have no idea what we go through and what’s necessary to keep us alive, it makes me angry,” he says. “They’re playing politics. But they’re putting patients like me in the middle of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Census 2020 Deadline: Count Beset by Changes, Accuracy Fears Ends Today",
"title": "Census 2020 Deadline: Count Beset by Changes, Accuracy Fears Ends Today",
"headTitle": "KQED News",
"content": "\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#census\">Your last chance: How to take the census today\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/13/921428056/supreme-court-allows-trump-administration-to-end-census-early\">ruled\u003c/a> on Tuesday that the Trump administration can end the 2020 census, a text message went out to field supervisors in Northern California telling them to start collecting the iPhones their census takers use for gathering household information during their door-knocking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the fifth time in two months that they were given a new end date — this one Thursday — for the head count of everyone living in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court decision was just the latest case of whiplash for the census, which has faced starts and stops from the pandemic, natural disasters and court rulings, as well as confusion over when it was going to end and questions over whether minorities, immigrants, poor people and others would be counted accurately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ditas Katague, director, California Complete Count\"]'If California households aren’t counted in this Census, they will become invisible for the next 10 years.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minority groups have historically been undercounted in the once-a-decade census that determines how many congressional seats each state gets, as well as how $1.5 trillion in federal spending is distributed each year, and advocates said the two-week-shorter schedule will make that even worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Trump administration is acting out of fear. They fear a future America where we are majority minority. They don't want to see the power shift,\" Meeta Anand, a fellow at the New York Immigration Coalition, said Wednesday. \"They will ignore the rules. They will do everything they can to make sure the true nature of our society is not reflected.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11801287 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/a_is_a_photoshop_pro-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press release Thursday, Gov. Gavin Newsom's office encouraged Californians who haven't yet responded to the census to do so before the midnight deadline. By early Thursday, 69.4% of California households have responded to the 2020 Census online, by phone or mail, according to state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We implore Californians who have yet to take the Census to fill it out today before midnight,\" said Ditas Katague, California's census director, in a statement. \"This is our moment to be counted and make a difference for our family and community. If California households aren’t counted in this Census, they will become invisible for the next 10 years.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"census\">\u003c/a>Last Chance: 3 Ways to Respond to the Census\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://My2020Census.gov\">Internet response\u003c/a>, available through Oct. 15 until midnight at \u003ca href=\"http://My2020Census.gov\">My2020Census.gov\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/ways-to-respond/responding-by-phone.html?utm_campaign=20201013msc20s3ccnwsrs&utm_medium=email&utm_source=govdelivery\">Phone response\u003c/a>, available until 11:00 p.m. PST on Oct. 15 for English and Spanish, 7:00 p.m. PST for other languages\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Paper responses must be postmarked by Oct. 15\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration had argued that the head count needed to end immediately to give the Census Bureau time to meet a congressionally mandated Dec. 31 deadline for completing the figures that will be used to apportion House seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of local governments and advocacy groups had sued to keep the census going through October, saying that minorities and others would be missed if the census ended early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By sticking to the Dec. 31 deadline, the Trump administration would end up controlling the numbers used for the apportionment, no matter who wins next month's presidential election. Opponents fear the administration will depart from past practice and leave out of the count people who are in the U.S. illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nation's highest court didn't offer a reason for ending the census, though Justice Sonia Sotomayor said in a dissent that minorities and others \"will disproportionately bear the burden of any inaccuracies.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The end date for the 2020 census has been a moving target since the pandemic temporarily halted field operations last spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Census Bureau pushed an end-of-July deadline for concluding the count to the end of October because of the virus. But the Commerce Department, which oversees the agency, decided to move up the deadline to late September, then early October, and was thwarted both times by a federal judge in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The constantly fluctuating deadline probably affected the quality of the data gathered, since census takers were more likely to rely on administrative records or neighbors instead of making an extra visit to a household if they were under the gun to end the count, Minnesota State Demographer Susan Brower said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 80%;\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://public.tableau.com/shared/NMJ8M9FD4?:tabs=n&:display_count=y&:origin=viz_share_link&:embed=y&:showVizHome=no&:embed=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"1000\" align=\"center\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Many census takers have said they hadn't been given work since the beginning of the month, with little explanation, even though they had been planning to work through the end of October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent weeks, \"the census operation has been in a holding pattern,\" Brower said. \"They didn't say, 'Great! More time. Let's go back and revisit some of those things we've already done.' The attitude was more, 'What's done is done, and we will put our energy toward closing cases.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brower said she is more concerned about whether Census Bureau statisticians can process the data accurately by Dec. 31, in less than three months, when they originally had five months to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My interpretation is it cannot be done in that amount of time,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether that Dec. 31 deadline holds is still being decided in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data processing phase takes time since the statisticians must remove duplicate answers, fill in information gaps by using records and check for quality, said Thomas Saenz, president and general counsel for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Losing two weeks of the count is going to be felt in New York City, where activists since the start of the month had held 100 events to get people to fill out the census form, and \"every single day we were moving the numbers upward,\" said Julie Menin, director of NYC Census 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We could have done so much more. Paid canvassing. Advertising. Phone banking. Texting,\" Menin said. \"To lose those two weeks is unconscionable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's David Marks contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#census\">Your last chance: How to take the census today\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/13/921428056/supreme-court-allows-trump-administration-to-end-census-early\">ruled\u003c/a> on Tuesday that the Trump administration can end the 2020 census, a text message went out to field supervisors in Northern California telling them to start collecting the iPhones their census takers use for gathering household information during their door-knocking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the fifth time in two months that they were given a new end date — this one Thursday — for the head count of everyone living in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court decision was just the latest case of whiplash for the census, which has faced starts and stops from the pandemic, natural disasters and court rulings, as well as confusion over when it was going to end and questions over whether minorities, immigrants, poor people and others would be counted accurately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minority groups have historically been undercounted in the once-a-decade census that determines how many congressional seats each state gets, as well as how $1.5 trillion in federal spending is distributed each year, and advocates said the two-week-shorter schedule will make that even worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Trump administration is acting out of fear. They fear a future America where we are majority minority. They don't want to see the power shift,\" Meeta Anand, a fellow at the New York Immigration Coalition, said Wednesday. \"They will ignore the rules. They will do everything they can to make sure the true nature of our society is not reflected.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press release Thursday, Gov. Gavin Newsom's office encouraged Californians who haven't yet responded to the census to do so before the midnight deadline. By early Thursday, 69.4% of California households have responded to the 2020 Census online, by phone or mail, according to state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We implore Californians who have yet to take the Census to fill it out today before midnight,\" said Ditas Katague, California's census director, in a statement. \"This is our moment to be counted and make a difference for our family and community. If California households aren’t counted in this Census, they will become invisible for the next 10 years.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"census\">\u003c/a>Last Chance: 3 Ways to Respond to the Census\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://My2020Census.gov\">Internet response\u003c/a>, available through Oct. 15 until midnight at \u003ca href=\"http://My2020Census.gov\">My2020Census.gov\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/ways-to-respond/responding-by-phone.html?utm_campaign=20201013msc20s3ccnwsrs&utm_medium=email&utm_source=govdelivery\">Phone response\u003c/a>, available until 11:00 p.m. PST on Oct. 15 for English and Spanish, 7:00 p.m. PST for other languages\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Paper responses must be postmarked by Oct. 15\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration had argued that the head count needed to end immediately to give the Census Bureau time to meet a congressionally mandated Dec. 31 deadline for completing the figures that will be used to apportion House seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of local governments and advocacy groups had sued to keep the census going through October, saying that minorities and others would be missed if the census ended early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By sticking to the Dec. 31 deadline, the Trump administration would end up controlling the numbers used for the apportionment, no matter who wins next month's presidential election. Opponents fear the administration will depart from past practice and leave out of the count people who are in the U.S. illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nation's highest court didn't offer a reason for ending the census, though Justice Sonia Sotomayor said in a dissent that minorities and others \"will disproportionately bear the burden of any inaccuracies.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The end date for the 2020 census has been a moving target since the pandemic temporarily halted field operations last spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Census Bureau pushed an end-of-July deadline for concluding the count to the end of October because of the virus. But the Commerce Department, which oversees the agency, decided to move up the deadline to late September, then early October, and was thwarted both times by a federal judge in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The constantly fluctuating deadline probably affected the quality of the data gathered, since census takers were more likely to rely on administrative records or neighbors instead of making an extra visit to a household if they were under the gun to end the count, Minnesota State Demographer Susan Brower said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 80%;\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://public.tableau.com/shared/NMJ8M9FD4?:tabs=n&:display_count=y&:origin=viz_share_link&:embed=y&:showVizHome=no&:embed=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"1000\" align=\"center\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Many census takers have said they hadn't been given work since the beginning of the month, with little explanation, even though they had been planning to work through the end of October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent weeks, \"the census operation has been in a holding pattern,\" Brower said. \"They didn't say, 'Great! More time. Let's go back and revisit some of those things we've already done.' The attitude was more, 'What's done is done, and we will put our energy toward closing cases.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brower said she is more concerned about whether Census Bureau statisticians can process the data accurately by Dec. 31, in less than three months, when they originally had five months to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My interpretation is it cannot be done in that amount of time,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether that Dec. 31 deadline holds is still being decided in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data processing phase takes time since the statisticians must remove duplicate answers, fill in information gaps by using records and check for quality, said Thomas Saenz, president and general counsel for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Losing two weeks of the count is going to be felt in New York City, where activists since the start of the month had held 100 events to get people to fill out the census form, and \"every single day we were moving the numbers upward,\" said Julie Menin, director of NYC Census 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We could have done so much more. Paid canvassing. Advertising. Phone banking. Texting,\" Menin said. \"To lose those two weeks is unconscionable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's David Marks contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s chief elections official on Monday ordered Republicans to remove unofficial ballot drop boxes from churches, gun shops and other locations, and Attorney General Xavier Becerra warned those behind the “vote tampering” could face prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans refused, saying they are taking advantage of California’s liberal ballot collection law that allows anyone to collect ballots from voters and deliver them to county election offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As of right now, we’re going to continue our ballot harvesting program,” California Republican Party spokesman Hector Barajas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More Ballot Coverage\" postID=news_11841201,news_11841547,news_11841059]Due to the coronavirus and concerns about health safety at polling places, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839465/whats-different-about-voting-in-california-this-year\">for the first time\u003c/a> mailed ballots for the Nov. 3 election to all active registered voters — more than 21 million people. The ballots come with prepaid envelopes for voters to mail back, free of charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law also allows county election officers to set up drop boxes throughout the county where people can drop off their ballots in person. The secure boxes can sometimes weigh more than 600 pounds and are monitored frequently by local election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have set up their drop boxes at churches, gas stations and gun shops in at least three California counties. Some are identified as “secure ballot dropoff location,” while others say “approved and bought by the GOP.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party declined to say precisely how many boxes have been distributed and where they all have been placed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secretary of State Alex Padilla, a Democrat, said state law only allows county election officials to set up official ballot drop boxes, with rules for how often the ballots are retrieved. He said these unofficial drop boxes lack those protections, making them vulnerable to tampering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla had his chief legal counsel send Republicans a letter on Monday ordering them to remove those boxes by Thursday. He also ordered them to provide the state with the names, addresses and birthdays of all voters who have already dropped off ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra, also a Democrat, went further, threatening to prosecute “anyone who knowingly engages in the tampering or misuse of a vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/scottshafer/status/1315834726721024000\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hope that the message goes out loud and clear to anyone who is trying to improperly solicit, obtain, and manage a citizen’s vote that they are subject to prosecution,” Becerra said. “I’m trying to be careful with how I say this, but the reports we are hearing are disturbing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla declined to speculate on why Republicans would be collecting votes via unofficial drop boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our interest is in protecting the integrity of this election,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barajas said the party’s drop boxes just provide voters with “another opportunity” to cast their ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a news release, the California Republican Party said state law does not specifically ban them from collecting ballots in a box. They say the law only prevents tampering or forging ballots and that people collecting the ballots cannot be paid for doing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears Republicans are well within their right to collect ballots in this manner. It’s just that Democrats don’t like it,” Republican state Sen. Melissa Melendez, R-Lake Elsinore, posted to her official Twitter account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/senatormelendez/status/1315787775090720768\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversy surfaced during the weekend after state election officials received reports of the boxes in Fresno, Los Angeles and Orange counties, all areas with highly competitive U.S. House races. Democrats have blasted the use of the unofficial boxes and say they fear Republicans could use them to gather and discard ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials in Ventura County also said Monday that they had received reports of groups promoting unofficial ballot drop boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, state law says voters who can’t return their ballots themselves can ask anyone else to do it for them. Previously, people who returned a ballot for someone else also had to sign it and list their relationship to the voter. But a separate law passed in 2018 eliminated that requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"California Attorney General Xavier Becerra\"]‘We hope that the message goes out loud and clear to anyone who is trying to improperly solicit, obtain, and manage a citizen’s vote that they are subject to prosecution.’[/pullquote]In Orange County, which is home to 3 million people, a regional field director for the state GOP posed for a photo with one of the boxes. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2020/10/11/unofficial-ballot-drop-boxes-popping-up-throughout-the-state-worry-elections-officials/\">The image\u003c/a> posted to social media showed him wearing a face covering supporting the congressional campaign of Michelle Steel, a Republican county supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steel is challenging Democratic U.S. Rep. Harley Rouda for his seat representing a coastal district. Rouda flipped the seat two years ago from longtime Republican Rep. Dana Rohrabacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County Registrar of Voters Neal Kelley said official drop boxes are clearly recognizable and carry the official county elections logo. He said it wasn’t clear how many voters had used unofficial boxes but after receiving reports about them, he notified the state and district attorney’s office, which is investigating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]Rachel Potucek, a spokeswoman for the Democratic Party of Orange County, said she didn’t know what Republicans planned to do with the ballots they collected and worried they could target Democratic areas with boxes to suppress votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There also were reports of GOP drop boxes at a church in the Los Angeles County community of Castaic and at various locations in Fresno County in California’s farm-rich Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno County Republicans said they will remove the boxes and ballots will be turned in to county election officials, which was always the plan, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/california/article246396930.html?ac_cid=DM300252&ac_bid=-1787897526\">Sacramento Bee\u003c/a> reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s chief elections official on Monday ordered Republicans to remove unofficial ballot drop boxes from churches, gun shops and other locations, and Attorney General Xavier Becerra warned those behind the “vote tampering” could face prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans refused, saying they are taking advantage of California’s liberal ballot collection law that allows anyone to collect ballots from voters and deliver them to county election offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As of right now, we’re going to continue our ballot harvesting program,” California Republican Party spokesman Hector Barajas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Due to the coronavirus and concerns about health safety at polling places, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839465/whats-different-about-voting-in-california-this-year\">for the first time\u003c/a> mailed ballots for the Nov. 3 election to all active registered voters — more than 21 million people. The ballots come with prepaid envelopes for voters to mail back, free of charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law also allows county election officers to set up drop boxes throughout the county where people can drop off their ballots in person. The secure boxes can sometimes weigh more than 600 pounds and are monitored frequently by local election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have set up their drop boxes at churches, gas stations and gun shops in at least three California counties. Some are identified as “secure ballot dropoff location,” while others say “approved and bought by the GOP.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party declined to say precisely how many boxes have been distributed and where they all have been placed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secretary of State Alex Padilla, a Democrat, said state law only allows county election officials to set up official ballot drop boxes, with rules for how often the ballots are retrieved. He said these unofficial drop boxes lack those protections, making them vulnerable to tampering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla had his chief legal counsel send Republicans a letter on Monday ordering them to remove those boxes by Thursday. He also ordered them to provide the state with the names, addresses and birthdays of all voters who have already dropped off ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra, also a Democrat, went further, threatening to prosecute “anyone who knowingly engages in the tampering or misuse of a vote.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“We hope that the message goes out loud and clear to anyone who is trying to improperly solicit, obtain, and manage a citizen’s vote that they are subject to prosecution,” Becerra said. “I’m trying to be careful with how I say this, but the reports we are hearing are disturbing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla declined to speculate on why Republicans would be collecting votes via unofficial drop boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our interest is in protecting the integrity of this election,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barajas said the party’s drop boxes just provide voters with “another opportunity” to cast their ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a news release, the California Republican Party said state law does not specifically ban them from collecting ballots in a box. They say the law only prevents tampering or forging ballots and that people collecting the ballots cannot be paid for doing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears Republicans are well within their right to collect ballots in this manner. It’s just that Democrats don’t like it,” Republican state Sen. Melissa Melendez, R-Lake Elsinore, posted to her official Twitter account.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The controversy surfaced during the weekend after state election officials received reports of the boxes in Fresno, Los Angeles and Orange counties, all areas with highly competitive U.S. House races. Democrats have blasted the use of the unofficial boxes and say they fear Republicans could use them to gather and discard ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials in Ventura County also said Monday that they had received reports of groups promoting unofficial ballot drop boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, state law says voters who can’t return their ballots themselves can ask anyone else to do it for them. Previously, people who returned a ballot for someone else also had to sign it and list their relationship to the voter. But a separate law passed in 2018 eliminated that requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In Orange County, which is home to 3 million people, a regional field director for the state GOP posed for a photo with one of the boxes. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2020/10/11/unofficial-ballot-drop-boxes-popping-up-throughout-the-state-worry-elections-officials/\">The image\u003c/a> posted to social media showed him wearing a face covering supporting the congressional campaign of Michelle Steel, a Republican county supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steel is challenging Democratic U.S. Rep. Harley Rouda for his seat representing a coastal district. Rouda flipped the seat two years ago from longtime Republican Rep. Dana Rohrabacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County Registrar of Voters Neal Kelley said official drop boxes are clearly recognizable and carry the official county elections logo. He said it wasn’t clear how many voters had used unofficial boxes but after receiving reports about them, he notified the state and district attorney’s office, which is investigating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Rachel Potucek, a spokeswoman for the Democratic Party of Orange County, said she didn’t know what Republicans planned to do with the ballots they collected and worried they could target Democratic areas with boxes to suppress votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There also were reports of GOP drop boxes at a church in the Los Angeles County community of Castaic and at various locations in Fresno County in California’s farm-rich Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno County Republicans said they will remove the boxes and ballots will be turned in to county election officials, which was always the plan, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/california/article246396930.html?ac_cid=DM300252&ac_bid=-1787897526\">Sacramento Bee\u003c/a> reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
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"id": "science-friday",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
"airtime": "SAT 1pm-2pm, 9pm-10pm",
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