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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom made homelessness the focus of his State of the State address Wednesday, reflecting not only \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/press-release/sanders-biden-and-warren-lead-in-californias-primary/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Californians’ top concern\u003c/a> but also nearly 20 years of wrangling on an issue that’s followed him from San Francisco City Hall to the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No amount of progress can camouflage the most pernicious crisis in our midst,” Newsom said, “the ultimate manifestation of poverty: homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://priceschool.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Press-Release-USC-Price-USC-Schwarzenegger-Institute-Homelessness-Poll.pdf\">recent statewide poll\u003c/a> showed homelessness and housing are top of mind for likely California voters ahead of the state’s March 3 primary election. About 42% of those surveyed said they see many tents and encampments in the public places and streets where they live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his address, Newsom called for new and ongoing revenue sources to pay for homeless services and new housing. He warned that cities and counties would be held accountable to ensure they spend state health care dollars on homeless people suffering from mental illnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social services advocate Jennifer Friedenbach with the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness said she’s thrilled Newsom is taking the issue seriously, but that the state must focus deeply on investment or else these will only be temporary fixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks with severe mental health issues that are out on the streets are victims of a system,” she said. “They feel that the system is resistant to helping them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a San Francisco supervisor in 2002, Newsom drew national attention with his “Care Not Cash” ballot initiative that diverted public assistance from homeless residents to pay landlords for shelter, instead. The program rankled advocates and challenged the city’s status as a progressive stronghold. It also helped get him elected mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seventeen years later, Newsom has again made homelessness one of his top priorities as the number of people experiencing homelessness in California \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">grew to more than 151,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some people who followed Newsom’s early career are optimistic about his willingness to attach his name to such a thorny issue — going so far as to say he’ll “own homelessness” in California, a state with more than a quarter of the nation’s unhoused people — others aren’t sure he’ll focus on the kind of solutions needed to right this societal wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Care Not Cash\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When Care Not Cash went to the ballot in 2002, homelessness had reached peak levels. There were 8,640 residents without homes on a given night in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a biennial survey\u003c/a> for the Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s about 8 percent more than the 8,011 homeless residents counted during the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/scorecards/safety-net/homeless-population\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">same survey in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of the decade, Dot-Com companies were swarming San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood, while elsewhere in the city, rents rose and evictions spiked. The average two-bedroom apartment in 2001 was going for about $3,500 in today’s dollars, \u003ca href=\"https://sfrb.org/sites/default/files/FileCenter/Documents/1862-sfhousingdatabook.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a 2002 report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority of progressive politicians, many without prior political experience, had swept the Board of Supervisors in 2000 — a citizen revolt to the pro-development Mayor Willie Brown, said Richard DeLeon, professor emeritus of political science at San Francisco State University. Newsom was seen then as somewhat of a pariah, DeLeon said, a centrist who had been hand-picked by Brown to fill a mid-term vacancy on the board in 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the Dot Com bubble burst and office spaces in the city’s South of Market neighborhood started becoming vacant. Care Not Cash, Newsom’s signature issue, became a test of the city’s values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other city officials claimed out-of-towners were coming into San Francisco to get public assistance checks. And those that were here were \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FM-ewEmPwhY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">likely using that money for drugs and alcohol\u003c/a>. In one \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Usyn5yg6ejk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">television ad\u003c/a> for Care Not Cash, a series of disheveled men speak directly into the camera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take your cash, and I buy drugs,” the commercial begins, “crack, heroin, alcohol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Usyn5yg6ejk\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was pretty harmful to public sentiment around supporting real solutions,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters sided with Newsom, and the measure won with \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/2002/11/05/ca/sf/meas/N/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60 percent\u003c/a> approval. It was the boost Newsom needed to launch his mayoral campaign a few months later, De Leon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It put him on the map, politically,” DeLeon said. “It certainly put a spotlight on him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trent Rhorer, who has served as the executive director of San Francisco’s Human Services Agency since 2000 and oversaw the implementation of Care Not Cash, remembers a young supervisor and later mayor who seemed to genuinely care about the plight of homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhorer received so many requests for information from Supervisor Newsom that he set up weekly meetings. Reports that Rhorer gave him would return dog-eared and highlighted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have these two-hour sessions … and the meetings would just go on and on and on,” Rhorer recalled. “When he left the office, [Newsom] knew more about homelessness than I did, honestly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11802395\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11802395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony's Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-1020x673.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony’s Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Care Not Cash officially launched in May 2004, reducing the amount of money homeless residents received from a maximum of $410 per month to $59. In exchange, program enrollees got food and a guaranteed bed at a shelter or in a single-room occupancy hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the city updated its homeless survey in 2005, it saw a 2\u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">8 percent reduction\u003c/a> in the number of homeless people compared to 2002. Friedenbach believes it’s unlikely Care Not Cash contributed to that reduction since the program didn’t create any new housing. Newsom’s predecessor, Mayor Brown, approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11765010/timeline-the-frustrating-political-history-of-homelessness-in-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">thousands of new affordable housing units\u003c/a>, which Friedenbach said had just finished construction around that time and probably made more of a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rhorer says ending homelessness was never the goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was about welfare reform,” Rhorer said. And in that way, it worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Care Not Cash began in the spring of 2004, the city immediately saw a reduction in the number of homeless people claiming benefits. In December 2003, there were 2,632 people who received assistance, which dropped to 642 in December 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>In Newsom’s Wake\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The number of people experiencing homelessness then remained relatively stable during Newsom’s tenure until it began to increase again in 2011, right around the time he left to become lieutenant governor, growing from nearly 5,700 people to more than 8,000 in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Newsom’s leadership would have helped stem the increase is impossible to know, but Bevan Dufty thinks it would have helped. Dufty, now a BART board director, served on San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors with Newsom. He later served as Mayor Ed Lee’s head of homeless policy.[aside label='Related Coverage' postID=news_11801313,news_11796428,news_11795888 ]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin was mayor during a lot of years when the cupboard was dry,” when the Great Recession hit, Dufty said. “I think San Francisco’s homeless problem would seem very different because he wouldn’t be afraid, if he had had the resources, to put them to use to house people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not much has changed about Care Not Cash since its inception, Rhorer said, except that now, the city uses a more sophisticated screening matrix to prioritize people who are disabled, chronically homeless or have other special needs — and the amount of public assistance has grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor, Newsom had also launched an ambitious 10-year plan in 2004 to end chronic homelessness and pledged to build 3,000 new units of supportive housing. By 2014, San Francisco built 2,669 of the units that Newsom pledged as mayor but homelessness still rose — climbing to 6,775 people by 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it continues to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade after Newsom left the mayor’s office, homelessness is a bigger issue than ever, with solutions seeming more out of reach than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He kicked off the year with a proposal to direct \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/08/794687084/california-governor-pushes-1-4-billion-plan-to-tackle-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$1.4 billion of the state budget\u003c/a> to pay for rent subsidies, board and care homes, health services and affordable housing, and then went on a statewide tour of emergency shelters and mental health care centers. And he started distributing the first two dozen of 100 former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796428/newsom-to-unveil-travel-trailers-for-homeless-in-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FEMA trailers and tents\u003c/a> to provide immediate housing for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom said the state would make available 286 state-owed properties such as vacant lots, fairgrounds, armories and other state buildings for potential shelter options that local governments can use for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed up construction of affordable housing and shelters, Newsom said he would like to bypass state environmental reviews, which are sometimes used to block and delay projects. He also urged the Legislature to reform land use laws to eliminate delays on affordable housing projects around transit hubs and downtown areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I respect local control, but not at the cost of creating a two-class California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach, a staunch critic of Newsom’s tenure in San Francisco, is hopeful. She was pleased to see Newsom’s executive order to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801313/newsom-offers-vacant-land-for-homeless-shelters-but-local-officials-worry-who-will-pay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">use surplus state land for emergency shelters\u003c/a> and his push to provide significant one-time funds to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a big believer in redemption,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom made homelessness the focus of his State of the State address Wednesday, reflecting not only \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/press-release/sanders-biden-and-warren-lead-in-californias-primary/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Californians’ top concern\u003c/a> but also nearly 20 years of wrangling on an issue that’s followed him from San Francisco City Hall to the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No amount of progress can camouflage the most pernicious crisis in our midst,” Newsom said, “the ultimate manifestation of poverty: homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://priceschool.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Press-Release-USC-Price-USC-Schwarzenegger-Institute-Homelessness-Poll.pdf\">recent statewide poll\u003c/a> showed homelessness and housing are top of mind for likely California voters ahead of the state’s March 3 primary election. About 42% of those surveyed said they see many tents and encampments in the public places and streets where they live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his address, Newsom called for new and ongoing revenue sources to pay for homeless services and new housing. He warned that cities and counties would be held accountable to ensure they spend state health care dollars on homeless people suffering from mental illnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social services advocate Jennifer Friedenbach with the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness said she’s thrilled Newsom is taking the issue seriously, but that the state must focus deeply on investment or else these will only be temporary fixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks with severe mental health issues that are out on the streets are victims of a system,” she said. “They feel that the system is resistant to helping them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a San Francisco supervisor in 2002, Newsom drew national attention with his “Care Not Cash” ballot initiative that diverted public assistance from homeless residents to pay landlords for shelter, instead. The program rankled advocates and challenged the city’s status as a progressive stronghold. It also helped get him elected mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seventeen years later, Newsom has again made homelessness one of his top priorities as the number of people experiencing homelessness in California \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">grew to more than 151,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some people who followed Newsom’s early career are optimistic about his willingness to attach his name to such a thorny issue — going so far as to say he’ll “own homelessness” in California, a state with more than a quarter of the nation’s unhoused people — others aren’t sure he’ll focus on the kind of solutions needed to right this societal wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Care Not Cash\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When Care Not Cash went to the ballot in 2002, homelessness had reached peak levels. There were 8,640 residents without homes on a given night in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a biennial survey\u003c/a> for the Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s about 8 percent more than the 8,011 homeless residents counted during the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/scorecards/safety-net/homeless-population\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">same survey in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of the decade, Dot-Com companies were swarming San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood, while elsewhere in the city, rents rose and evictions spiked. The average two-bedroom apartment in 2001 was going for about $3,500 in today’s dollars, \u003ca href=\"https://sfrb.org/sites/default/files/FileCenter/Documents/1862-sfhousingdatabook.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a 2002 report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority of progressive politicians, many without prior political experience, had swept the Board of Supervisors in 2000 — a citizen revolt to the pro-development Mayor Willie Brown, said Richard DeLeon, professor emeritus of political science at San Francisco State University. Newsom was seen then as somewhat of a pariah, DeLeon said, a centrist who had been hand-picked by Brown to fill a mid-term vacancy on the board in 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the Dot Com bubble burst and office spaces in the city’s South of Market neighborhood started becoming vacant. Care Not Cash, Newsom’s signature issue, became a test of the city’s values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other city officials claimed out-of-towners were coming into San Francisco to get public assistance checks. And those that were here were \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FM-ewEmPwhY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">likely using that money for drugs and alcohol\u003c/a>. In one \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Usyn5yg6ejk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">television ad\u003c/a> for Care Not Cash, a series of disheveled men speak directly into the camera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take your cash, and I buy drugs,” the commercial begins, “crack, heroin, alcohol.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Usyn5yg6ejk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Usyn5yg6ejk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“That was pretty harmful to public sentiment around supporting real solutions,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters sided with Newsom, and the measure won with \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/2002/11/05/ca/sf/meas/N/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60 percent\u003c/a> approval. It was the boost Newsom needed to launch his mayoral campaign a few months later, De Leon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It put him on the map, politically,” DeLeon said. “It certainly put a spotlight on him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trent Rhorer, who has served as the executive director of San Francisco’s Human Services Agency since 2000 and oversaw the implementation of Care Not Cash, remembers a young supervisor and later mayor who seemed to genuinely care about the plight of homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhorer received so many requests for information from Supervisor Newsom that he set up weekly meetings. Reports that Rhorer gave him would return dog-eared and highlighted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have these two-hour sessions … and the meetings would just go on and on and on,” Rhorer recalled. “When he left the office, [Newsom] knew more about homelessness than I did, honestly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11802395\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11802395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony's Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-1020x673.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony’s Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Care Not Cash officially launched in May 2004, reducing the amount of money homeless residents received from a maximum of $410 per month to $59. In exchange, program enrollees got food and a guaranteed bed at a shelter or in a single-room occupancy hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the city updated its homeless survey in 2005, it saw a 2\u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">8 percent reduction\u003c/a> in the number of homeless people compared to 2002. Friedenbach believes it’s unlikely Care Not Cash contributed to that reduction since the program didn’t create any new housing. Newsom’s predecessor, Mayor Brown, approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11765010/timeline-the-frustrating-political-history-of-homelessness-in-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">thousands of new affordable housing units\u003c/a>, which Friedenbach said had just finished construction around that time and probably made more of a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rhorer says ending homelessness was never the goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was about welfare reform,” Rhorer said. And in that way, it worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Care Not Cash began in the spring of 2004, the city immediately saw a reduction in the number of homeless people claiming benefits. In December 2003, there were 2,632 people who received assistance, which dropped to 642 in December 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>In Newsom’s Wake\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The number of people experiencing homelessness then remained relatively stable during Newsom’s tenure until it began to increase again in 2011, right around the time he left to become lieutenant governor, growing from nearly 5,700 people to more than 8,000 in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Newsom’s leadership would have helped stem the increase is impossible to know, but Bevan Dufty thinks it would have helped. Dufty, now a BART board director, served on San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors with Newsom. He later served as Mayor Ed Lee’s head of homeless policy.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin was mayor during a lot of years when the cupboard was dry,” when the Great Recession hit, Dufty said. “I think San Francisco’s homeless problem would seem very different because he wouldn’t be afraid, if he had had the resources, to put them to use to house people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not much has changed about Care Not Cash since its inception, Rhorer said, except that now, the city uses a more sophisticated screening matrix to prioritize people who are disabled, chronically homeless or have other special needs — and the amount of public assistance has grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor, Newsom had also launched an ambitious 10-year plan in 2004 to end chronic homelessness and pledged to build 3,000 new units of supportive housing. By 2014, San Francisco built 2,669 of the units that Newsom pledged as mayor but homelessness still rose — climbing to 6,775 people by 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it continues to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade after Newsom left the mayor’s office, homelessness is a bigger issue than ever, with solutions seeming more out of reach than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He kicked off the year with a proposal to direct \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/08/794687084/california-governor-pushes-1-4-billion-plan-to-tackle-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$1.4 billion of the state budget\u003c/a> to pay for rent subsidies, board and care homes, health services and affordable housing, and then went on a statewide tour of emergency shelters and mental health care centers. And he started distributing the first two dozen of 100 former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796428/newsom-to-unveil-travel-trailers-for-homeless-in-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FEMA trailers and tents\u003c/a> to provide immediate housing for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom said the state would make available 286 state-owed properties such as vacant lots, fairgrounds, armories and other state buildings for potential shelter options that local governments can use for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed up construction of affordable housing and shelters, Newsom said he would like to bypass state environmental reviews, which are sometimes used to block and delay projects. He also urged the Legislature to reform land use laws to eliminate delays on affordable housing projects around transit hubs and downtown areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I respect local control, but not at the cost of creating a two-class California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach, a staunch critic of Newsom’s tenure in San Francisco, is hopeful. She was pleased to see Newsom’s executive order to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801313/newsom-offers-vacant-land-for-homeless-shelters-but-local-officials-worry-who-will-pay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">use surplus state land for emergency shelters\u003c/a> and his push to provide significant one-time funds to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a big believer in redemption,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "New State Bill Would Expand Local Enforcement Powers Over Utilities",
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"content": "\u003cp>Under new state legislation announced Tuesday, California’s attorney general and local district attorneys would be able to pursue legal action against utility companies that violate safety regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Introduced by a group of Bay Area legislators, in partnership with Alameda County District Attorney Nancy O’Malley, the Utility Accountability and Wildfire Prevention Act is an effort to hold utilities like PG&E accountable for safely maintaining their infrastructure and properly trimming vegetation near power lines to reduce the threat of wildfire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, that oversight role falls squarely on the California Public Utilities Commission, and if a utility is suspected of violating regulations, local authorities must seek redress through that agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the wake of a series of deadly wildfires in 2017 and 2018 found to have been sparked by PG&E equipment, a growing chorus of state officials contend that the CPUC can’t go it alone in ensuring all utilities in the state comply with safety rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Local eyes and ears on the ground that really know what’s happening in their community is crucial to our safety,” said Assemblywoman Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, D-Orinda, who co-authored the bill. “They’re the ones that know if the trees are being trimmed, because they’re the ones living in our neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"cpuc\"]Under the bill, the CPUC would remain the primary entity responsible for oversight of utilities, but the state attorney general and local district attorneys would have the authority to take utility companies to court and hold them liable for up to $100,000 per day for each violation. Utilities could also be charged with criminal violations for failing to maintain proper safety standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our job is to ensure the safety of our communities,” DA Nancy O’Malley said. “And this legislation gives us the tools to prevent further catastrophic loss of life and property by ensuring the utility companies abide by the laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauer-Kahan said she was shaken by two fires in her district in November, both of which were found to be caused, in part, by PG&E equipment failures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve brought this bill forward because our state is facing dire circumstances,” Bauer-Kahan said. “Four of the five largest wildfires in California’s history have been in the past seven years. In 2019 alone, we endured over 30 wildfires that burned 1,000 acres or more, with a number of those fires started due to downed electrical lines and faulty equipment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Bauer-Kahan’s office, the bill is modeled after the authority structure of the California Department of Toxic Substances Control, which shares safety enforcement duties with district attorneys around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighters and other local field workers are the ones who typically first notice unsafe environmental conditions in their own communities, Bauer-Kahan said, and right now, there’s not a clear channel to immediately report those instances. The new legislation, she said, would allow them to directly contact a division within their local DA’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Jerry Hill, D-San Mateo, who co-authored the legislation, called the CPUC an “under-resourced” and “sometimes compromised” agency. In 2010, a natural gas pipeline owned by PG&E exploded, killing eight people in San Bruno, part of Hill’s district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California utilities have been able to get away with lax enforcement of their work,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CPUC did not immediately respond to a request for comment about the legislation, while PG&E said the company is still reviewing the bill and has not taken a position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We share the Legislature’s focus on safety and recognize that California’s utilities must take a leading role in reducing the risk of wildfire in the communities we have the privilege to serve,” said PG&E spokesman James Noonan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article includes additional reporting from Bay City News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Under the bill, the CPUC would remain the primary entity responsible for oversight of utilities, but the state attorney general and local district attorneys would have the authority to take utility companies to court and hold them liable for up to $100,000 per day for each violation. Utilities could also be charged with criminal violations for failing to maintain proper safety standards.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Under new state legislation announced Tuesday, California’s attorney general and local district attorneys would be able to pursue legal action against utility companies that violate safety regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Introduced by a group of Bay Area legislators, in partnership with Alameda County District Attorney Nancy O’Malley, the Utility Accountability and Wildfire Prevention Act is an effort to hold utilities like PG&E accountable for safely maintaining their infrastructure and properly trimming vegetation near power lines to reduce the threat of wildfire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, that oversight role falls squarely on the California Public Utilities Commission, and if a utility is suspected of violating regulations, local authorities must seek redress through that agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the wake of a series of deadly wildfires in 2017 and 2018 found to have been sparked by PG&E equipment, a growing chorus of state officials contend that the CPUC can’t go it alone in ensuring all utilities in the state comply with safety rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Local eyes and ears on the ground that really know what’s happening in their community is crucial to our safety,” said Assemblywoman Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, D-Orinda, who co-authored the bill. “They’re the ones that know if the trees are being trimmed, because they’re the ones living in our neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Under the bill, the CPUC would remain the primary entity responsible for oversight of utilities, but the state attorney general and local district attorneys would have the authority to take utility companies to court and hold them liable for up to $100,000 per day for each violation. Utilities could also be charged with criminal violations for failing to maintain proper safety standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our job is to ensure the safety of our communities,” DA Nancy O’Malley said. “And this legislation gives us the tools to prevent further catastrophic loss of life and property by ensuring the utility companies abide by the laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauer-Kahan said she was shaken by two fires in her district in November, both of which were found to be caused, in part, by PG&E equipment failures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve brought this bill forward because our state is facing dire circumstances,” Bauer-Kahan said. “Four of the five largest wildfires in California’s history have been in the past seven years. In 2019 alone, we endured over 30 wildfires that burned 1,000 acres or more, with a number of those fires started due to downed electrical lines and faulty equipment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Bauer-Kahan’s office, the bill is modeled after the authority structure of the California Department of Toxic Substances Control, which shares safety enforcement duties with district attorneys around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighters and other local field workers are the ones who typically first notice unsafe environmental conditions in their own communities, Bauer-Kahan said, and right now, there’s not a clear channel to immediately report those instances. The new legislation, she said, would allow them to directly contact a division within their local DA’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Jerry Hill, D-San Mateo, who co-authored the legislation, called the CPUC an “under-resourced” and “sometimes compromised” agency. In 2010, a natural gas pipeline owned by PG&E exploded, killing eight people in San Bruno, part of Hill’s district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California utilities have been able to get away with lax enforcement of their work,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CPUC did not immediately respond to a request for comment about the legislation, while PG&E said the company is still reviewing the bill and has not taken a position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We share the Legislature’s focus on safety and recognize that California’s utilities must take a leading role in reducing the risk of wildfire in the communities we have the privilege to serve,” said PG&E spokesman James Noonan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article includes additional reporting from Bay City News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been about a month since California rolled out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792899/the-california-consumer-privacy-act-mandates-what-again-exactly\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">toughest consumer data privacy law\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, you can demand that any company detail what information it collects about you, tell it to stop selling that information to other companies, or even delete the data altogether. And if a company negligently allows itself to be hacked, exposing your data, you can sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, there’s talk of another law: The \u003ca href=\"https://uploads-ssl.webflow.com/5aa18a452485b60001c301de/5d8bc3342a72fc8145920a32_CPREA_2020_092519_Annotated_.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Privacy Rights Act\u003c/a> would add clarifying language to the newly enacted \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB375\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA)\u003c/a>, stipulating, among other things, that businesses:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Should not collect the personal information of children without consent.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should only collect consumers’ personal information for specific purposes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should provide consumers with easily accessible tools to obtain their personal information, correct or delete it, and to opt‐out of its sale to other parties.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most dramatically, the new initiative would create a new regulatory agency in California that would enforce protections in addition to the Attorney General’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have more privacy professionals in this agency, once it gets funded, up and operating if the initiative passes, than right now exists in the FTC [Federal Trade Commission] in the entire country,” said the man behind the existing law and the proposed initiative, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caprivacy.org/about-us\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alastair Mactaggart\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he added, “Sensible companies realize this regulation is coming. This is not a burn-down-the-whole-world law. This is not a law that, you know, puts anybody out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real estate developer turned data privacy advocate has given a lot of thought in recent years to the surveillance economy that’s sprung up around consumer data. And he recognizes he’s not alone in feeling concerned about it: About 81% of the public say they feel “the potential risks they face because of data collection by companies outweigh the benefits,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2019/11/15/americans-and-privacy-concerned-confused-and-feeling-lack-of-control-over-their-personal-information/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the Pew Research Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike most of us, Mactaggart had the money to launch a political and legal conversation in California, although “conversation” is perhaps too polite a term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Mactaggart launched a ballot initiative to tackle consumer data privacy. Business interests, data privacy advocates and members of the state Legislature were able to persuade him to drop it in favor of hastily written — and passed — legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, all sides declared open season on “fixing” it as the legislative year progressed. More than a couple dozen bills were launched, some trying to tighten the language of the CCPA to favor consumers, more trying to loosen the law to favor businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I expected some pushing and shoving, but I didn’t expect this wholesale assault to try to like wipe it out,” Mactaggart said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the measures failed to pass, thanks in large part to state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, D-Santa Barbara, who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee in Sacramento. After the smoke cleared, what was left of the CCPA was still the strongest law of its kind in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be because “it’s the only privacy act in the country,” said Jackson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she appreciates that Mactaggart now wants to make the law even tougher, although she hasn’t had the chance to comprehensively review the fine print.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is such a new area. There are probably going to be a lot of different interpretations to it,” Jackson said.[aside label=\"Related stories\" tag=\"data-privacy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a number of other data privacy advocates like Mary Stone Ross with the \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Privacy Information Center\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., are concerned about the fine print. Ross co-authored the earlier initiative, but says the new one includes giveaways to business interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For example, there’s this definition of ‘de-identified information,’ ” she said. “It’s actually a really big deal because by definition, de-identified information is not personal information, and so if that definition is weakened, then it weakens the scope of the entire law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sure enough, in this new initiative is a weakened definition of de-identified,” Ross added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other areas of the fine print, the Act raises the threshold for when the rules apply: only companies that buy, sell or share the personal information of more than 100,000 consumers or households need comply. The current standard kicks in for 50,000 consumers or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet more fine print: A business is exempt from disclosing information in response to rights requests if it requires disclosing “trade secrets.” The definition of a trade secret is very broad and could create a significant hurdle for prosecutors, regulators, or consumers trying to exercise their rights under CCPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard for data privacy advocates to ignore these provisions, even amid other language that tightens other elements of CCPA in favor of consumers. Last October, 11 privacy groups wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/files/2019/10/29/2019-10-23_-_privacy_coalition_comments_on_cprea.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open letter\u003c/a> to Mactaggart, urging 45 ways to strengthen the language of his new initiative. Only seven of their suggestions were incorporated into the final version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are steps forward. There are steps back. There are missed opportunities,” said Hayley Tsukayama, a legislative activist for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2019/10/strengthen-californias-next-consumer-data-privacy-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>. Noting that EFF has not officially come out against the new initiative, she added, “We have publicly pointed out the flaws that we see in the initiative. He didn’t take all of our suggestions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Beyond California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the absence of federal data privacy law, Ross says other states are looking to California for direction. “There’s legislation that’s going to be introduced in Florida, in Colorado, potentially in New York,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jim Halpert, a corporate attorney with DLA Piper who advises companies about data privacy, the new initiative is a step in the right direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new language, he said, is “addressing some of the practical compliance issues that drove efforts to amend the law by the business community in 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s groundbreaking data privacy regulation constitutes “a sea change in regulation of privacy in the U.S.,” Halpert added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few data privacy advocates expect Silicon Valley to lobby against the new initiative as Mactaggart gathers signatures, because they’re getting at least some of what they want. And given growing public concerns about data privacy, people on both sides expect voters to find the basic idea of the California Privacy Rights Act of 2020 appealing.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been about a month since California rolled out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792899/the-california-consumer-privacy-act-mandates-what-again-exactly\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">toughest consumer data privacy law\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, you can demand that any company detail what information it collects about you, tell it to stop selling that information to other companies, or even delete the data altogether. And if a company negligently allows itself to be hacked, exposing your data, you can sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, there’s talk of another law: The \u003ca href=\"https://uploads-ssl.webflow.com/5aa18a452485b60001c301de/5d8bc3342a72fc8145920a32_CPREA_2020_092519_Annotated_.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Privacy Rights Act\u003c/a> would add clarifying language to the newly enacted \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB375\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA)\u003c/a>, stipulating, among other things, that businesses:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Should not collect the personal information of children without consent.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should only collect consumers’ personal information for specific purposes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should provide consumers with easily accessible tools to obtain their personal information, correct or delete it, and to opt‐out of its sale to other parties.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most dramatically, the new initiative would create a new regulatory agency in California that would enforce protections in addition to the Attorney General’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have more privacy professionals in this agency, once it gets funded, up and operating if the initiative passes, than right now exists in the FTC [Federal Trade Commission] in the entire country,” said the man behind the existing law and the proposed initiative, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caprivacy.org/about-us\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alastair Mactaggart\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he added, “Sensible companies realize this regulation is coming. This is not a burn-down-the-whole-world law. This is not a law that, you know, puts anybody out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real estate developer turned data privacy advocate has given a lot of thought in recent years to the surveillance economy that’s sprung up around consumer data. And he recognizes he’s not alone in feeling concerned about it: About 81% of the public say they feel “the potential risks they face because of data collection by companies outweigh the benefits,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2019/11/15/americans-and-privacy-concerned-confused-and-feeling-lack-of-control-over-their-personal-information/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the Pew Research Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike most of us, Mactaggart had the money to launch a political and legal conversation in California, although “conversation” is perhaps too polite a term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Mactaggart launched a ballot initiative to tackle consumer data privacy. Business interests, data privacy advocates and members of the state Legislature were able to persuade him to drop it in favor of hastily written — and passed — legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, all sides declared open season on “fixing” it as the legislative year progressed. More than a couple dozen bills were launched, some trying to tighten the language of the CCPA to favor consumers, more trying to loosen the law to favor businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I expected some pushing and shoving, but I didn’t expect this wholesale assault to try to like wipe it out,” Mactaggart said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the measures failed to pass, thanks in large part to state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, D-Santa Barbara, who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee in Sacramento. After the smoke cleared, what was left of the CCPA was still the strongest law of its kind in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be because “it’s the only privacy act in the country,” said Jackson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she appreciates that Mactaggart now wants to make the law even tougher, although she hasn’t had the chance to comprehensively review the fine print.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is such a new area. There are probably going to be a lot of different interpretations to it,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a number of other data privacy advocates like Mary Stone Ross with the \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Privacy Information Center\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., are concerned about the fine print. Ross co-authored the earlier initiative, but says the new one includes giveaways to business interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For example, there’s this definition of ‘de-identified information,’ ” she said. “It’s actually a really big deal because by definition, de-identified information is not personal information, and so if that definition is weakened, then it weakens the scope of the entire law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sure enough, in this new initiative is a weakened definition of de-identified,” Ross added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other areas of the fine print, the Act raises the threshold for when the rules apply: only companies that buy, sell or share the personal information of more than 100,000 consumers or households need comply. The current standard kicks in for 50,000 consumers or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet more fine print: A business is exempt from disclosing information in response to rights requests if it requires disclosing “trade secrets.” The definition of a trade secret is very broad and could create a significant hurdle for prosecutors, regulators, or consumers trying to exercise their rights under CCPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard for data privacy advocates to ignore these provisions, even amid other language that tightens other elements of CCPA in favor of consumers. Last October, 11 privacy groups wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/files/2019/10/29/2019-10-23_-_privacy_coalition_comments_on_cprea.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open letter\u003c/a> to Mactaggart, urging 45 ways to strengthen the language of his new initiative. Only seven of their suggestions were incorporated into the final version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are steps forward. There are steps back. There are missed opportunities,” said Hayley Tsukayama, a legislative activist for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2019/10/strengthen-californias-next-consumer-data-privacy-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>. Noting that EFF has not officially come out against the new initiative, she added, “We have publicly pointed out the flaws that we see in the initiative. He didn’t take all of our suggestions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Beyond California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the absence of federal data privacy law, Ross says other states are looking to California for direction. “There’s legislation that’s going to be introduced in Florida, in Colorado, potentially in New York,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jim Halpert, a corporate attorney with DLA Piper who advises companies about data privacy, the new initiative is a step in the right direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new language, he said, is “addressing some of the practical compliance issues that drove efforts to amend the law by the business community in 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s groundbreaking data privacy regulation constitutes “a sea change in regulation of privacy in the U.S.,” Halpert added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s March 3 primary election is right around the corner. The deadline to register or update your voter information online was Feb. 18, but if you forgot, don’t fret.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom recently signed \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB207\">a new law\u003c/a> that makes it way easier to update your voter registration information in the two weeks before the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s particularly important for this election, since in a presidential primary, your party determines which presidential candidates you can vote for,” said Sam Mahood, spokesman for California Secretary of State Alex Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means if you want to vote in the Democratic primary — even if you’re not a registered Democrat — you need to ask for a Democratic ballot. And if you want to vote in the Republican primary, you need to register as a Republican. More on that below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s going to be a unique election, Mahood added, since it’s also California’s first presidential primary that will allow same-day voter registration at polling places statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what you need to know about voting in California’s primary election:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>When is the last day to register and re-register to vote?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Feb. 18 at midnight was the cutoff for online \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/\" rel=\"noopener\">registration and re-registration\u003c/a> to vote in California’s primary election. You can still register or re-register at any polling place on election day, or at a voting center or your county’s elections office on or before then. \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Here\u003c/a> is where you can find an early voting center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Secretary of State’s Office is encouraging people not to wait until election day if they know they have to make changes to their voter registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re expecting really high turn out this year, so we’re really encouraging people to vote early if possible,” Mahood said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How do I change my party preference or my address? Is there a deadline?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Before Feb. 18 at midnight, voters could re-register online through the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/\">voter registration form\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you missed the deadline, the in person process to update your party preference or address within the same county just got more simple, thanks to Newsom signing \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB207\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 207\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of filling out an entire new voter registration form in person, people will be given a simplified form to request a change of address within the same county or change their party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who want to make these changes also won’t have to request a provisional ballot like they used to, and their vote will be counted after the form is processed by election officials on the back end. This new law is meant to simplify the in person voting process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that it helps streamline processes at your early voting centers and on election day at polling locations, so that voters don’t have to stand there in line filling out an entire voter re-registration form,” Mahood said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Can I request a vote-by-mail ballot?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The last day to apply for a vote-by-mail ballot \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/vote-by-mail/pdf/vote-by-mail-application.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">by mail\u003c/a> was Feb. 25. In the week before election day, you must apply in person at your \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">county’s elections office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>If I’m registered as “no party preference,” can I vote for a Democratic candidate in the primary?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>NPP voters can request a ballot for the Democratic, Independent or Libertarian Parties — all of which have chosen to allow NPP voters to participate in their primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You had the option to request a Democratic, Independent or Libertarian vote-by-mail ballot by Feb. 25 if you’re registered as NPP. If you missed the deadline, you can request those specific ballots in person at a voting center, polling place or your county’s elections office.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>I’m registered as “no party preference.” Can I vote for a GOP candidate in the primary?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>You have to be registered as a Republican in order to vote for a Republican presidential candidate in the primaries. If you’re registered as NPP and missed the online re-registration cutoff, but want to cast a ballot for a Republican candidate, you can change your party preference in person on or before election day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How do I check my voter status?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>You can check your registration status and party preference online \u003ca href=\"http://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here,\u003c/a> or call California’s voter hotline at 1-800-345-VOTE (8683).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s March 3 primary election is right around the corner. The deadline to register or update your voter information online was Feb. 18, but if you forgot, don’t fret.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom recently signed \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB207\">a new law\u003c/a> that makes it way easier to update your voter registration information in the two weeks before the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s particularly important for this election, since in a presidential primary, your party determines which presidential candidates you can vote for,” said Sam Mahood, spokesman for California Secretary of State Alex Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means if you want to vote in the Democratic primary — even if you’re not a registered Democrat — you need to ask for a Democratic ballot. And if you want to vote in the Republican primary, you need to register as a Republican. More on that below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s going to be a unique election, Mahood added, since it’s also California’s first presidential primary that will allow same-day voter registration at polling places statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what you need to know about voting in California’s primary election:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>When is the last day to register and re-register to vote?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Feb. 18 at midnight was the cutoff for online \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/\" rel=\"noopener\">registration and re-registration\u003c/a> to vote in California’s primary election. You can still register or re-register at any polling place on election day, or at a voting center or your county’s elections office on or before then. \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Here\u003c/a> is where you can find an early voting center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Secretary of State’s Office is encouraging people not to wait until election day if they know they have to make changes to their voter registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re expecting really high turn out this year, so we’re really encouraging people to vote early if possible,” Mahood said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How do I change my party preference or my address? Is there a deadline?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Before Feb. 18 at midnight, voters could re-register online through the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/\">voter registration form\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you missed the deadline, the in person process to update your party preference or address within the same county just got more simple, thanks to Newsom signing \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB207\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 207\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of filling out an entire new voter registration form in person, people will be given a simplified form to request a change of address within the same county or change their party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who want to make these changes also won’t have to request a provisional ballot like they used to, and their vote will be counted after the form is processed by election officials on the back end. This new law is meant to simplify the in person voting process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that it helps streamline processes at your early voting centers and on election day at polling locations, so that voters don’t have to stand there in line filling out an entire voter re-registration form,” Mahood said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Can I request a vote-by-mail ballot?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The last day to apply for a vote-by-mail ballot \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/vote-by-mail/pdf/vote-by-mail-application.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">by mail\u003c/a> was Feb. 25. In the week before election day, you must apply in person at your \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">county’s elections office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>If I’m registered as “no party preference,” can I vote for a Democratic candidate in the primary?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>NPP voters can request a ballot for the Democratic, Independent or Libertarian Parties — all of which have chosen to allow NPP voters to participate in their primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You had the option to request a Democratic, Independent or Libertarian vote-by-mail ballot by Feb. 25 if you’re registered as NPP. If you missed the deadline, you can request those specific ballots in person at a voting center, polling place or your county’s elections office.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>I’m registered as “no party preference.” Can I vote for a GOP candidate in the primary?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>You have to be registered as a Republican in order to vote for a Republican presidential candidate in the primaries. If you’re registered as NPP and missed the online re-registration cutoff, but want to cast a ballot for a Republican candidate, you can change your party preference in person on or before election day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>How do I check my voter status?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>You can check your registration status and party preference online \u003ca href=\"http://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here,\u003c/a> or call California’s voter hotline at 1-800-345-VOTE (8683).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco made millions of dollars selling taxi medallions a decade ago, but now drivers say the crushing debt burden is \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioretaximedallions\">literally killing them\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the rise of Uber and Lyft, the city raked in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11802107/medallion-crisis-leaves-cab-drivers-with-overwhelming-debt\">around $64 million\u003c/a> selling drivers a license – or medallion – to operate a cab for $250,000 a piece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after, new app-based ride service companies got a welcome reception at City Hall and things started going rapidly downhill for medallion owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, hundreds of taxi drivers are stuck with huge debt payments and a dying business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco made millions of dollars selling taxi medallions a decade ago, but now drivers say the crushing debt burden is \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioretaximedallions\">literally killing them\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the rise of Uber and Lyft, the city raked in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11802107/medallion-crisis-leaves-cab-drivers-with-overwhelming-debt\">around $64 million\u003c/a> selling drivers a license – or medallion – to operate a cab for $250,000 a piece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after, new app-based ride service companies got a welcome reception at City Hall and things started going rapidly downhill for medallion owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, hundreds of taxi drivers are stuck with huge debt payments and a dying business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "9 Ways Trump Has Overhauled Immigration to the US",
"title": "9 Ways Trump Has Overhauled Immigration to the US",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>During President Trump's first term, the transformation of federal immigration policy has been far-reaching and so broad that experts say the effects could last for years — even if he isn't reelected. Here are nine ways he has overhauled immigration in the U.S.:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. Trying to build a border wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s pledge that he would build a wall on the Mexican border (and making Mexico pay for it) galvanized enthusiasm among his supporters, but it has proven difficult — and costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress approved much less money than Trump requested — $1.3 billion in the 2020 spending bill, rather than $8.6 billion. The president declared a state of emergency and channeled billions more from the Defense Department to Homeland Security. Advocates and a group of states led by California sued, and federal judges in California and Texas ruled that Trump was wrong to flout the will of Congress. But conservative court majorities have recently allowed construction to move ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, the government had built one mile of new barrier and 100 miles of replacement or secondary fencing — at a cost of almost $20 million per mile, NPR reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11729585\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11729585\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A border wall prototype is torn down at the U.S.-Mexico border, as seen from Tijuana, Mexico, on Feb. 27, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A border wall prototype is torn down at the U.S.-Mexico border, as seen from Tijuana, Mexico, on Feb. 27, 2019. \u003ccite>(GUILLERMO ARIAS/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. Restricting access to asylum\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe administration may not have gotten far with a physical wall, but it has succeeded in erecting a virtual wall of regulations blocking tens of thousands of migrants from requesting asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law says that people who reach the U.S., regardless of how they get here, can be granted asylum if they can prove a well-founded fear of persecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November 2018, Trump issued a federal rule barring people from applying for asylum if they didn’t enter the country at an official port of entry. Federal courts have blocked the rule and the case is currently before the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11773820\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11773820\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"People listen as a man calls out the names on a waiting list whose turn it is to walk to the U.S. border crossing in Tijuana where they will then ask for asylum.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-1200x799.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People listen as a man calls out the names on a waiting list whose turn it is to walk to the U.S. border crossing in Tijuana where they will then ask for asylum. \u003ccite>(David Maung/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another rule, issued last July, made people ineligible for asylum if they crossed a “third country” on the way to the U.S. but didn’t apply for protection there. The U.S. Supreme Court allowed that policy to take effect while a lower court in California hears a legal challenge. Few migrants from Central America and beyond have pursued asylum claims in Mexico, so they are virtually shut out at the southern border of the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador signed agreements to receive and consider asylum-seekers that the U.S. sends them. So far, the Trump administration has flown scores of Hondurans and Salvadorans to Guatemala — despite the fact that 200,000 Guatemalans fled insecurity in their country last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, Homeland Security officials also sent about 60,000 non-Mexicans back to Mexico to wait while their asylum cases are decided in U.S. immigration courts. People in the so-called Remain in Mexico program have found it next to impossible to obtain U.S. immigration lawyers. Only 187 people in the program — or 0.3% — have won their cases, compared to 30% of all asylum seekers last year, according to researchers at Syracuse University. Currently an estimated 20,000 people are camped in Mexico’s most violent cities, awaiting their day in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798867\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798867\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-800x548.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"548\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-800x548.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-160x110.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-1020x699.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2-year-old Honduran asylum-seeker cries as her mother is searched and detained near the U.S.-Mexico border on June 12, 2018, in McAllen, Texas. The asylum-seekers had rafted across the Rio Grande from Mexico and were detained by U.S. Border Patrol agents before being sent to a processing center for possible separation. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>3. Separating families and zero tolerance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border was one of the Trump administration’s most controversial steps. Americans reacted to the sight of sobbing children with a broad, bipartisan backlash in 2018 that led President Trump to reverse the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The separations began quietly in 2017 and increased in April 2018, after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a “zero tolerance” policy aimed at criminally prosecuting all adults — including parents — who crossed the border without authorization.\u003cbr>\nIn 2018, a federal judge in San Diego ordered a halt to the separations and the reunification of families. More than 18 months later, perhaps as many as 2,000 of the more than 5,500 separated children still have not been reunited with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11801732 label='the lasting impact of trump' hero=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_immigration_chaparral-FINAL-08-qut-1020x678.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government never got near its stated goal of “zero tolerance.” At its highest point, in June 2018, Customs and Border Protection referred 33% of unlawful border crossers to the Department of Justice, according to the Migration Policy Institute’s Sarah Pierce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>4. Pushing to end DACA \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals has granted temporary protection from deportation — and permission to work legally — to more than 800,000 young undocumented immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the Trump administration moved to end the program, calling it an overreach of President Barack Obama’s executive power. The University of California, DACA recipients and others sued, and federal judges have kept the program in place for current recipients while the case is appealed. The U.S. Supreme Court is expected to rule this spring on whether the government followed administrative procedures when it tried to end DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement began reopening deportation cases against DACA recipients, according to a CNN investigation. In January, acting ICE director Matthew Albence confirmed the strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about 650,000 DACA recipients and nearly 200,000 of them live in California, many with children of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782817\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782817\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut.jpg 1290w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sindy Ortiz Flores hugs her toddler for the first time in more than a month at San Francisco International Airport on Jan. 29, 2019, as cameras surround them. The baby, Grethshell Juliet, spent a month under government custody, after immigration authorities separated her from her father at the border. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>5. Broadening immigration enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an executive order in his first days in office, Trump wiped away the immigration enforcement priorities of Obama’s later years, which had focused narrowly on deporting violent criminals and recent border crossers. Instead, Trump made just about any “removable alien” a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the share of immigrants arrested by ICE who had no criminal record increased — from 14% in 2016 to 36% last year, according to the Migration Policy Institute’s Pierce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deportations of people arrested in the interior of the country have not reached Obama’s 2013 peak of more than 133,000. But nearly 86,000 people were deported last year, well above the 65,000 deportations in the last year of Obama’s presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has also tried to withhold funding from so called “sanctuary cities” that limit law enforcement cooperation with ICE. The courts rejected that, but earlier in February the administration sued New Jersey and a county in Washington over sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772090\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11772090\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/ap_18344131910992_custom-f83e75e7ac1321965d24d2dc7e03407867be6324-800x492.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"492\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Border Patrol agents stand in front of a secondary fence in San Diego, Calif., looking across the border wall toward Mexico.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>6. Restricting legal immigration \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the administration may expand the so-called “public charge” rule, even as the expansion is being challenged in court. The rule is a sweeping effort to restrict lower-income immigrants from becoming permanent U.S. residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has long denied green cards to people who used substantial cash assistance from the government. Now the rule applies to immigrants who have used, or might use, a broad range of non-cash benefits, including food stamps and MediCal — even for short periods. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties filed the first challenge to the rule, which some call a “wealth test,” saying it could hurt the U.S. citizen children of immigrants if their parents are afraid to apply for nutrition assistance and health care they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services has also proposed almost doubling the fee to apply for citizenship, to $1170, while at the same time eliminating most fee waivers for low-income applicants. In December, a federal judge in San Francisco blocked the fee waiver rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the processing time for green cards and for citizenship has almost doubled between 2015 and 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>7. Refugee and humanitarian restrictions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has slashed the number of refugees the U.S. will admit annually — from 85,000 when he was elected to 18,000 in 2020. That’s by far the lowest level since the Refugee Act was passed in 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration has also tried to terminate Temporary Protected Status for citizens of six countries allowed to stay in the U.S. following war or natural disaster. Roughly 400,000 TPS holders could face deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has temporarily blocked the administration from ending TPS for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals is deciding whether to allow that injunction to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11738686\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11738686\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-800x511.jpg\" alt=\"A Honduran mother stands with her daughters in the migrant shelter where they are currently living near the U.S.-Mexico border on April 4, 2019 in Tijuana. She said they are on the waiting list to apply for asylum in the U.S. and must wait at the shelter for now.\" width=\"800\" height=\"511\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-800x511.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-160x102.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-1020x652.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-1200x767.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Honduran mother stands with her daughters in the migrant shelter near the U.S.-Mexico border on April 4, 2019 in Tijuana. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>8. Aiming to expand detention of children\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children in immigration custody — whether they are alone or accompanied by a parent — are protected by a two-decades-old legal settlement, known as the Flores agreement. It says children should be released to an adult sponsor — but if they remain in custody, it must be in a licensed child-care facility, not a jail-like setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, a federal judge in Los Angeles ruled that kids must be released promptly from ICE family detention centers, generally within 20 days. Last year, the Trump administration published federal rules aimed at replacing Flores, in order to allow long-term family detention — something the L.A. judge blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts also ruled that the government must provide children with soap and water, adequate food and a place to sleep, regardless of crowding in border facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, six migrant children died of illness in federal custody between September 2018 and May 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>9. Tightening pressure on immigration courts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11797878,news_11796825,news_11785839]The Trump administration has increasingly used the immigration courts — which are part of the Justice Department — to speed up deportations. In 2018, then-Attorney general Jeff Sessions stripped authority from immigration judges, barring them from dismissing or suspending low-priority cases, and setting a quota requiring every judge to complete 700 cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stepped-up immigration enforcement beginning under President George W. Bush has contributed to a historic backlog of more than 1 million cases — and Sessions’ order for judges to re-open administratively closed cases adds another 300,000 cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration judges say their limited discretion and the pressure to close cases faster is creating an unbearable work environment and threatening due process for immigrants whose lives are in the balance. Dana Marks, former head of the National Association of Immigration Judges, said that she and her colleagues are asked to decide the equivalent of “death penalty cases in a traffic court setting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "From separating families, pushing to end DACA and limiting access to asylum, President Trump's reshaping of federal immigration policy has been vast.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>During President Trump's first term, the transformation of federal immigration policy has been far-reaching and so broad that experts say the effects could last for years — even if he isn't reelected. Here are nine ways he has overhauled immigration in the U.S.:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. Trying to build a border wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s pledge that he would build a wall on the Mexican border (and making Mexico pay for it) galvanized enthusiasm among his supporters, but it has proven difficult — and costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress approved much less money than Trump requested — $1.3 billion in the 2020 spending bill, rather than $8.6 billion. The president declared a state of emergency and channeled billions more from the Defense Department to Homeland Security. Advocates and a group of states led by California sued, and federal judges in California and Texas ruled that Trump was wrong to flout the will of Congress. But conservative court majorities have recently allowed construction to move ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, the government had built one mile of new barrier and 100 miles of replacement or secondary fencing — at a cost of almost $20 million per mile, NPR reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11729585\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11729585\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A border wall prototype is torn down at the U.S.-Mexico border, as seen from Tijuana, Mexico, on Feb. 27, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/WallsDestroyed.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A border wall prototype is torn down at the U.S.-Mexico border, as seen from Tijuana, Mexico, on Feb. 27, 2019. \u003ccite>(GUILLERMO ARIAS/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. Restricting access to asylum\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe administration may not have gotten far with a physical wall, but it has succeeded in erecting a virtual wall of regulations blocking tens of thousands of migrants from requesting asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law says that people who reach the U.S., regardless of how they get here, can be granted asylum if they can prove a well-founded fear of persecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November 2018, Trump issued a federal rule barring people from applying for asylum if they didn’t enter the country at an official port of entry. Federal courts have blocked the rule and the case is currently before the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11773820\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11773820\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"People listen as a man calls out the names on a waiting list whose turn it is to walk to the U.S. border crossing in Tijuana where they will then ask for asylum.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut-1200x799.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS34163_chaparral-FINAL-01-qut.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People listen as a man calls out the names on a waiting list whose turn it is to walk to the U.S. border crossing in Tijuana where they will then ask for asylum. \u003ccite>(David Maung/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another rule, issued last July, made people ineligible for asylum if they crossed a “third country” on the way to the U.S. but didn’t apply for protection there. The U.S. Supreme Court allowed that policy to take effect while a lower court in California hears a legal challenge. Few migrants from Central America and beyond have pursued asylum claims in Mexico, so they are virtually shut out at the southern border of the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador signed agreements to receive and consider asylum-seekers that the U.S. sends them. So far, the Trump administration has flown scores of Hondurans and Salvadorans to Guatemala — despite the fact that 200,000 Guatemalans fled insecurity in their country last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, Homeland Security officials also sent about 60,000 non-Mexicans back to Mexico to wait while their asylum cases are decided in U.S. immigration courts. People in the so-called Remain in Mexico program have found it next to impossible to obtain U.S. immigration lawyers. Only 187 people in the program — or 0.3% — have won their cases, compared to 30% of all asylum seekers last year, according to researchers at Syracuse University. Currently an estimated 20,000 people are camped in Mexico’s most violent cities, awaiting their day in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798867\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798867\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-800x548.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"548\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-800x548.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-160x110.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552-1020x699.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-973077552.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2-year-old Honduran asylum-seeker cries as her mother is searched and detained near the U.S.-Mexico border on June 12, 2018, in McAllen, Texas. The asylum-seekers had rafted across the Rio Grande from Mexico and were detained by U.S. Border Patrol agents before being sent to a processing center for possible separation. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>3. Separating families and zero tolerance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border was one of the Trump administration’s most controversial steps. Americans reacted to the sight of sobbing children with a broad, bipartisan backlash in 2018 that led President Trump to reverse the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The separations began quietly in 2017 and increased in April 2018, after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a “zero tolerance” policy aimed at criminally prosecuting all adults — including parents — who crossed the border without authorization.\u003cbr>\nIn 2018, a federal judge in San Diego ordered a halt to the separations and the reunification of families. More than 18 months later, perhaps as many as 2,000 of the more than 5,500 separated children still have not been reunited with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government never got near its stated goal of “zero tolerance.” At its highest point, in June 2018, Customs and Border Protection referred 33% of unlawful border crossers to the Department of Justice, according to the Migration Policy Institute’s Sarah Pierce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>4. Pushing to end DACA \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals has granted temporary protection from deportation — and permission to work legally — to more than 800,000 young undocumented immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the Trump administration moved to end the program, calling it an overreach of President Barack Obama’s executive power. The University of California, DACA recipients and others sued, and federal judges have kept the program in place for current recipients while the case is appealed. The U.S. Supreme Court is expected to rule this spring on whether the government followed administrative procedures when it tried to end DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement began reopening deportation cases against DACA recipients, according to a CNN investigation. In January, acting ICE director Matthew Albence confirmed the strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about 650,000 DACA recipients and nearly 200,000 of them live in California, many with children of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11782817\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11782817\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS35002_Sindy_Ortiz_Flores_reunion_013019-qut.jpg 1290w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sindy Ortiz Flores hugs her toddler for the first time in more than a month at San Francisco International Airport on Jan. 29, 2019, as cameras surround them. The baby, Grethshell Juliet, spent a month under government custody, after immigration authorities separated her from her father at the border. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>5. Broadening immigration enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an executive order in his first days in office, Trump wiped away the immigration enforcement priorities of Obama’s later years, which had focused narrowly on deporting violent criminals and recent border crossers. Instead, Trump made just about any “removable alien” a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the share of immigrants arrested by ICE who had no criminal record increased — from 14% in 2016 to 36% last year, according to the Migration Policy Institute’s Pierce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deportations of people arrested in the interior of the country have not reached Obama’s 2013 peak of more than 133,000. But nearly 86,000 people were deported last year, well above the 65,000 deportations in the last year of Obama’s presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has also tried to withhold funding from so called “sanctuary cities” that limit law enforcement cooperation with ICE. The courts rejected that, but earlier in February the administration sued New Jersey and a county in Washington over sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772090\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11772090\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/ap_18344131910992_custom-f83e75e7ac1321965d24d2dc7e03407867be6324-800x492.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"492\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Border Patrol agents stand in front of a secondary fence in San Diego, Calif., looking across the border wall toward Mexico.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>6. Restricting legal immigration \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the administration may expand the so-called “public charge” rule, even as the expansion is being challenged in court. The rule is a sweeping effort to restrict lower-income immigrants from becoming permanent U.S. residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has long denied green cards to people who used substantial cash assistance from the government. Now the rule applies to immigrants who have used, or might use, a broad range of non-cash benefits, including food stamps and MediCal — even for short periods. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties filed the first challenge to the rule, which some call a “wealth test,” saying it could hurt the U.S. citizen children of immigrants if their parents are afraid to apply for nutrition assistance and health care they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services has also proposed almost doubling the fee to apply for citizenship, to $1170, while at the same time eliminating most fee waivers for low-income applicants. In December, a federal judge in San Francisco blocked the fee waiver rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the processing time for green cards and for citizenship has almost doubled between 2015 and 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>7. Refugee and humanitarian restrictions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has slashed the number of refugees the U.S. will admit annually — from 85,000 when he was elected to 18,000 in 2020. That’s by far the lowest level since the Refugee Act was passed in 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration has also tried to terminate Temporary Protected Status for citizens of six countries allowed to stay in the U.S. following war or natural disaster. Roughly 400,000 TPS holders could face deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has temporarily blocked the administration from ending TPS for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals is deciding whether to allow that injunction to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11738686\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11738686\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-800x511.jpg\" alt=\"A Honduran mother stands with her daughters in the migrant shelter where they are currently living near the U.S.-Mexico border on April 4, 2019 in Tijuana. She said they are on the waiting list to apply for asylum in the U.S. and must wait at the shelter for now.\" width=\"800\" height=\"511\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-800x511.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-160x102.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-1020x652.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico-1200x767.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Asylum-Seeker-Mother-Waits-in-Mexico.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Honduran mother stands with her daughters in the migrant shelter near the U.S.-Mexico border on April 4, 2019 in Tijuana. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>8. Aiming to expand detention of children\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children in immigration custody — whether they are alone or accompanied by a parent — are protected by a two-decades-old legal settlement, known as the Flores agreement. It says children should be released to an adult sponsor — but if they remain in custody, it must be in a licensed child-care facility, not a jail-like setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, a federal judge in Los Angeles ruled that kids must be released promptly from ICE family detention centers, generally within 20 days. Last year, the Trump administration published federal rules aimed at replacing Flores, in order to allow long-term family detention — something the L.A. judge blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts also ruled that the government must provide children with soap and water, adequate food and a place to sleep, regardless of crowding in border facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, six migrant children died of illness in federal custody between September 2018 and May 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>9. Tightening pressure on immigration courts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Trump administration has increasingly used the immigration courts — which are part of the Justice Department — to speed up deportations. In 2018, then-Attorney general Jeff Sessions stripped authority from immigration judges, barring them from dismissing or suspending low-priority cases, and setting a quota requiring every judge to complete 700 cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stepped-up immigration enforcement beginning under President George W. Bush has contributed to a historic backlog of more than 1 million cases — and Sessions’ order for judges to re-open administratively closed cases adds another 300,000 cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration judges say their limited discretion and the pressure to close cases faster is creating an unbearable work environment and threatening due process for immigrants whose lives are in the balance. Dana Marks, former head of the National Association of Immigration Judges, said that she and her colleagues are asked to decide the equivalent of “death penalty cases in a traffic court setting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "trumps-changes-to-immigration-could-take-years-to-undo-experts-say",
"title": "Trump's Changes to Immigration Could Take Years to Undo — Even With a New President",
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"headTitle": "Trump’s Changes to Immigration Could Take Years to Undo — Even With a New President | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As the 2020 presidential contest ramps up, President Trump is doubling down on restricting immigration to the U.S. — a key campaign pledge he made during his first run for the White House and one that he is hoping will earn him a second term. For many voters, immigration could be a defining issue in November — whether they support or oppose his policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first week in office in January 2017, Trump issued a series of directives to dramatically increase border enforcement, expand detention and deportation of immigrants and halt refugee resettlement. The president often speaks of immigrants as “dangerous” and a threat to Americans, using words like “criminals” and calling a migrant caravan an “invasion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, three years on, the transformation of federal immigration policy has been far-reaching, touching legal immigrants and asylum-seekers as well as immigrants in the country without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s antagonists, including California political leaders, have filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2019/11/05/all-the-presidents-immigration-lawsuits/#68e55c6a7d8e\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scores of lawsuits\u003c/a> blocking many of the administration’s immigration moves — at least temporarily. But judges have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed\u003c/a> other policies to take effect, even as legal challenges work their way through federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801948\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11801948 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement provided this handout of an ICE enforcement operation it said was targeting immigration fugitives and re-entrants, among others, on Feb. 9, 2017, in Atlanta, Georgia. (Photo by Bryan Cox/U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump’s harsh rhetoric and restrictive policies present a stark contrast with the Democratic field of presidential candidates. But analysts say the scope of the changes made by the Trump administration is so broad that the effects are likely to endure for years, even if the president is not reelected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration’s enforcement push comes at a time when illegal immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border is \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2020-Jan/U.S.%20Border%20Patrol%20Total%20Apprehensions%20%28FY%201925%20-%20FY%202019%29.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">far lower\u003c/a> than it was 20 years ago. And most undocumented immigrants have lived in the U.S. for a decade or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, just 577,000 immigrants were granted lawful permanent residence last year, far fewer than any time in the past two decades, when the U.S. issued roughly 1 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/yearbook/2018/table1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">green cards\u003c/a> annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘One of the Major Eras of Xenophobia?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some immigration scholars say this presidency is more hostile to immigrants than any in modern history, while advocates who favor tougher immigration policies applaud Trump’s approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Davis School of Law Dean Kevin R. Johnson contrasted the current era with the 1950s, when more than 1 million Mexicans were rounded up in a mass deportation campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even when he put in place Operation Wetback, President Eisenhower didn’t talk about immigrants the way this president does,” Johnson said. “The talk about race, and the fear created in immigrant communities, are what differentiates this president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Jessica Vaughan, the Center for Immigration Studies']‘Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched.’[/pullquote]“In a historical sense, it represents one of the major eras of xenophobia,” said University of San Francisco law professor Bill Ong Hing, comparing this period to the 1920s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, said that while Trump’s language is “coarse,” she gives him high marks for clamping down “to de-incentivize people streaming up to the border, thinking they’d be released into the interior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched,” added Vaughn, whose center favors reducing immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/1660/immigration.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">opinion\u003c/a> polls show that most Americans \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">support\u003c/a> border security as well as a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, and they favor taking in refugees of war and violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11757637\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11757637\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/ap_19126782050207_wide-926c85f779a71eddf5da6a166e583dd036c4cd76-800x450.jpg\" alt='Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. The labor union representing asylum officers claims the policy formally known as the Migrant Protection Protocols is a \"widespread violation\" of international and domestic la' width=\"800\" height=\"450\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. \u003ccite>(Christian Torres/AP )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Little Tweaks, Huge Policy Implications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, immigration changes under Trump have not been enshrined in new laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he has used his executive authority, like other presidents before him, to accomplish his goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11801856 label='the lasting impact of trump' hero=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_immigration_girl-qut-1020x642.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Little tweaks have huge policy implications,” said Sarah Pierce, an immigration policy analyst at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute in Washington, D.C. “So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a look at what those changes add up to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Trying to build a border wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump’s pledge to build a wall on the Mexican border galvanized enthusiasm among his supporters, but it has proven difficult — and costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress approved much less money than Trump requested — $1.3 billion in the 2020 spending bill, rather than $8.6 billion. Despite legal challenges, conservative court majorities have recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/09/794969121/appeals-court-allows-trump-to-divert-3-6-billion-in-military-funds-for-border-wa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed construction\u003c/a> to move ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, the government had built one mile of new barrier and 100 miles of replacement or secondary fencing — at a cost of almost $20 million per mile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/17/797410228/at-11-billion-and-counting-trumps-border-wall-would-be-the-worlds-most-expensive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting access to asylum\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration may not have gotten far with a physical wall, but it has succeeded in erecting a virtual wall of regulations, blocking tens of thousands of migrants from being considered for asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example: Over the past year, border officials sent about 60,000 non-Mexicans back to Mexico to wait while their asylum cases are decided in U.S. immigration courts. It’s next to impossible for migrants in the so-called Remain in Mexico program to find U.S. immigration lawyers, and fewer than 200 have won their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And last year, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/16/2019-15246/asylum-eligibility-and-procedural-modifications\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new rule\u003c/a> shut out all asylum-seekers who crossed a “third country” en route to the U.S. but didn’t ask for protection there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal courts have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed both policies\u003c/a> to take effect while lower courts hear legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Separating families and zero tolerance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border was one of the Trump administration’s most controversial steps — and prompted a broad, bipartisan backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The separations began after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a “zero tolerance” policy aimed at criminally prosecuting all adults — including parents — who cross the border illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, a federal judge in San Diego halted the separations and ordered the reunification of families. More than 18 months later, perhaps as many as 2,000 of the more than 5,500 separated children still have not been reunited with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798878\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798878\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People demonstrate in Washington, DC, on June 28, 2018, demanding an end to the separation of migrant children from their parents. (Photo credit should read NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Pushing to end DACA \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals has granted temporary protection from deportation — and permission to work — to \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/tools/reports-studies/immigration-forms-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 800,000\u003c/a> young undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the Trump administration moved to end DACA, calling it an \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-sessions-delivers-remarks-daca\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">overreach\u003c/a> of President Barack Obama’s executive power. The University of California and others sued, and federal judges have kept the program in place while the case is appealed. The U.S. Supreme Court is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785839/u-s-supreme-court-takes-on-daca-and-the-fate-of-nearly-200000-california-dreamers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">expected\u003c/a> to rule this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about 650,000 DACA recipients and nearly 200,000 of them live in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Broadening immigration enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-enhancing-public-safety-interior-united-states/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> in his first days in office, Trump wiped away Obama’s deportation priorities, which had focused on violent criminals and recent border crossers. Instead, Trump made just about any “removable alien” a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the share of immigrants arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement who had no criminal record grew — from 14% in 2016 to 36% last year, according to Pierce of the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting legal immigration \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the administration may expand the so-called “public charge” rule, even as that’s being challenged in court. The rule is a sweeping effort to restrict lower-income immigrants from becoming permanent U.S. residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has long denied green cards to people who used substantial cash assistance from the government. Now the rule applies to immigrants who have used, or might use, many more non-cash benefits, including food stamps and MediCal — even for short periods. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties filed the first challenge to the rule, saying it could hurt the U.S. citizen children of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Refugee and humanitarian restrictions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/us-annual-refugee-resettlement-ceilings-and-number-refugees-admitted-united\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slashed\u003c/a> the number of refugees the U.S. will admit annually — from 85,000 when he was elected, to a historic low of 18,000 for 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Sarah Pierce, Migration Policy Institute']‘Little tweaks have huge policy implications. So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.’[/pullquote]The administration has also tried to terminate Temporary Protected Status for citizens of six countries allowed to stay in the U.S. following war or natural disaster. Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20190329_RS20844_40bba737bf5e4440ac7bebb19757db87fe994fa4.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">400,000 TPS holders\u003c/a> could face deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11783511/trump-administration-extends-protections-for-many-salvadorans-living-in-u-s\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">temporarily blocked\u003c/a> the administration from ending TPS for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is deciding whether to allow that injunction to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Aiming to expand detention of children\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children in immigration custody are protected by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/flores-v-reno-settlement-agreement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Flores settlement agreement\u003c/a>. It says children should be released to an adult sponsor — but if they remain in custody, it must be in a licensed child care facility, not a jail-like setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, a federal judge in Los Angeles ruled that kids must be released promptly from ICE family detention centers, generally within 20 days. Last year, the Trump administration published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769437/whats-in-new-trump-immigration-rule-overriding-flores-agreement-3-key-changes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal rules aimed\u003c/a> at replacing Flores and permitting long-term family detention, which the L.A. judge blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, six migrant children \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/six-children-died-in-border-patrol-care-democrats-in-congress-want-to-know-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">died\u003c/a> of illness in federal custody between September 2018 and May 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Tightening pressure on immigration courts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department, which oversees immigration courts, has tried to speed up deportations by setting a quota requiring judges to complete 700 cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Attorney General Sessions also stripped authority from immigration judges, barring them from dismissing or suspending low-priority cases. Sessions also ordered judges to reopen more than 300,000 cases that had been administratively closed. That’s on top of a historic backlog of more than 1 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration judges say their limited discretion and the pressure to close cases faster is creating an “\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/changing-america/well-being/mental-health/480165-immigration-judges-are-retiring-and-quitting-early\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">unbearable\u003c/a>” work environment and threatening due process for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796924\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11796924\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S. \u003ccite>(David Maung/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Political Implications\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How lasting President Trump’s immigration restrictions prove will largely depend on the 2020 election, and who wins not just the presidency but also control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his State of the Union speech in early February, Trump emphasized his push to build a border wall, his opposition to sanctuary cities and his agreements that turn back asylum-seekers at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a strategy that Jessica Vaughan, with the conservative Center for Immigration Studies, believes will be popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are insistent that the laws be enforced. That’s a strength for him going into this election and he knows it,” she said. “We’re going to see him keep doing things he thinks are going to play well with voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11797878,news_11796825,news_11785839]But others believe Trump’s tough-on-immigrants approach could backfire this year, even though it worked for him in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Barreto, a professor of political science at UCLA and co-founder of the Latino Decisions polling firm, said \u003ca href=\"http://publications.unidosus.org/bitstream/handle/123456789/1996/TheStateoftheLatinoVote.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">polls show Latino\u003c/a> and immigrant voters are angry over the president’s racially polarizing language, family separations and the deaths of migrant children in federal custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s in favor of putting kids in cages and giving them space blankets,” Barreto said. “It’s a hard thing to sell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robust Latino turnout in 2018 helped flip at least a dozen congressional seats from Republican to Democrat, according to Barreto’s research, and it could play a big role in this year’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think on Super Tuesday we’ll get a really big clue,” he said. “We’ll have [primaries in] Texas and California both. If the turnout is really robust we’ll see that people are amped up and ready to participate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Trump is reelected, Vaughan and others expect him to put forward a major immigration bill crafted by presidential adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner. The proposal codifies many restrictive enforcement measures and favors high-skilled immigrants over family-based immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates and politicians, immigration is intensely polarizing, said Theresa Cardinal Brown, director of immigration policy at the centrist Bipartisan Policy Center in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration is now ranking up amongst those insoluble, intractable issues like abortion and gun control,” she said. “There’s no middle ground that people will admit to … And that’s highly problematic for an issue like immigration that has to be legislated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she believes that public opinion is more nuanced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People believe in a middle ground,” she said. “They say, ‘Sure we can secure our borders, but we can also have compassion for immigrants. Sure we can tighten our legal immigration system, but that doesn’t mean we have to break up families.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Trump's Changes to Immigration Could Take Years to Undo — Even With a New President | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the 2020 presidential contest ramps up, President Trump is doubling down on restricting immigration to the U.S. — a key campaign pledge he made during his first run for the White House and one that he is hoping will earn him a second term. For many voters, immigration could be a defining issue in November — whether they support or oppose his policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first week in office in January 2017, Trump issued a series of directives to dramatically increase border enforcement, expand detention and deportation of immigrants and halt refugee resettlement. The president often speaks of immigrants as “dangerous” and a threat to Americans, using words like “criminals” and calling a migrant caravan an “invasion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, three years on, the transformation of federal immigration policy has been far-reaching, touching legal immigrants and asylum-seekers as well as immigrants in the country without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s antagonists, including California political leaders, have filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2019/11/05/all-the-presidents-immigration-lawsuits/#68e55c6a7d8e\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scores of lawsuits\u003c/a> blocking many of the administration’s immigration moves — at least temporarily. But judges have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed\u003c/a> other policies to take effect, even as legal challenges work their way through federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801948\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11801948 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement provided this handout of an ICE enforcement operation it said was targeting immigration fugitives and re-entrants, among others, on Feb. 9, 2017, in Atlanta, Georgia. (Photo by Bryan Cox/U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump’s harsh rhetoric and restrictive policies present a stark contrast with the Democratic field of presidential candidates. But analysts say the scope of the changes made by the Trump administration is so broad that the effects are likely to endure for years, even if the president is not reelected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration’s enforcement push comes at a time when illegal immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border is \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2020-Jan/U.S.%20Border%20Patrol%20Total%20Apprehensions%20%28FY%201925%20-%20FY%202019%29.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">far lower\u003c/a> than it was 20 years ago. And most undocumented immigrants have lived in the U.S. for a decade or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, just 577,000 immigrants were granted lawful permanent residence last year, far fewer than any time in the past two decades, when the U.S. issued roughly 1 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/yearbook/2018/table1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">green cards\u003c/a> annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘One of the Major Eras of Xenophobia?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some immigration scholars say this presidency is more hostile to immigrants than any in modern history, while advocates who favor tougher immigration policies applaud Trump’s approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Davis School of Law Dean Kevin R. Johnson contrasted the current era with the 1950s, when more than 1 million Mexicans were rounded up in a mass deportation campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even when he put in place Operation Wetback, President Eisenhower didn’t talk about immigrants the way this president does,” Johnson said. “The talk about race, and the fear created in immigrant communities, are what differentiates this president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“In a historical sense, it represents one of the major eras of xenophobia,” said University of San Francisco law professor Bill Ong Hing, comparing this period to the 1920s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, said that while Trump’s language is “coarse,” she gives him high marks for clamping down “to de-incentivize people streaming up to the border, thinking they’d be released into the interior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched,” added Vaughn, whose center favors reducing immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/1660/immigration.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">opinion\u003c/a> polls show that most Americans \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">support\u003c/a> border security as well as a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, and they favor taking in refugees of war and violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11757637\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11757637\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/ap_19126782050207_wide-926c85f779a71eddf5da6a166e583dd036c4cd76-800x450.jpg\" alt='Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. The labor union representing asylum officers claims the policy formally known as the Migrant Protection Protocols is a \"widespread violation\" of international and domestic la' width=\"800\" height=\"450\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. \u003ccite>(Christian Torres/AP )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Little Tweaks, Huge Policy Implications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, immigration changes under Trump have not been enshrined in new laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he has used his executive authority, like other presidents before him, to accomplish his goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Little tweaks have huge policy implications,” said Sarah Pierce, an immigration policy analyst at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute in Washington, D.C. “So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a look at what those changes add up to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Trying to build a border wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump’s pledge to build a wall on the Mexican border galvanized enthusiasm among his supporters, but it has proven difficult — and costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress approved much less money than Trump requested — $1.3 billion in the 2020 spending bill, rather than $8.6 billion. Despite legal challenges, conservative court majorities have recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/09/794969121/appeals-court-allows-trump-to-divert-3-6-billion-in-military-funds-for-border-wa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed construction\u003c/a> to move ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, the government had built one mile of new barrier and 100 miles of replacement or secondary fencing — at a cost of almost $20 million per mile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/17/797410228/at-11-billion-and-counting-trumps-border-wall-would-be-the-worlds-most-expensive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting access to asylum\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration may not have gotten far with a physical wall, but it has succeeded in erecting a virtual wall of regulations, blocking tens of thousands of migrants from being considered for asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example: Over the past year, border officials sent about 60,000 non-Mexicans back to Mexico to wait while their asylum cases are decided in U.S. immigration courts. It’s next to impossible for migrants in the so-called Remain in Mexico program to find U.S. immigration lawyers, and fewer than 200 have won their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And last year, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/16/2019-15246/asylum-eligibility-and-procedural-modifications\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new rule\u003c/a> shut out all asylum-seekers who crossed a “third country” en route to the U.S. but didn’t ask for protection there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal courts have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed both policies\u003c/a> to take effect while lower courts hear legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Separating families and zero tolerance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border was one of the Trump administration’s most controversial steps — and prompted a broad, bipartisan backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The separations began after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a “zero tolerance” policy aimed at criminally prosecuting all adults — including parents — who cross the border illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, a federal judge in San Diego halted the separations and ordered the reunification of families. More than 18 months later, perhaps as many as 2,000 of the more than 5,500 separated children still have not been reunited with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798878\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798878\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People demonstrate in Washington, DC, on June 28, 2018, demanding an end to the separation of migrant children from their parents. (Photo credit should read NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Pushing to end DACA \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals has granted temporary protection from deportation — and permission to work — to \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/tools/reports-studies/immigration-forms-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 800,000\u003c/a> young undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the Trump administration moved to end DACA, calling it an \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-sessions-delivers-remarks-daca\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">overreach\u003c/a> of President Barack Obama’s executive power. The University of California and others sued, and federal judges have kept the program in place while the case is appealed. The U.S. Supreme Court is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785839/u-s-supreme-court-takes-on-daca-and-the-fate-of-nearly-200000-california-dreamers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">expected\u003c/a> to rule this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about 650,000 DACA recipients and nearly 200,000 of them live in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Broadening immigration enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-enhancing-public-safety-interior-united-states/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> in his first days in office, Trump wiped away Obama’s deportation priorities, which had focused on violent criminals and recent border crossers. Instead, Trump made just about any “removable alien” a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the share of immigrants arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement who had no criminal record grew — from 14% in 2016 to 36% last year, according to Pierce of the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting legal immigration \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the administration may expand the so-called “public charge” rule, even as that’s being challenged in court. The rule is a sweeping effort to restrict lower-income immigrants from becoming permanent U.S. residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has long denied green cards to people who used substantial cash assistance from the government. Now the rule applies to immigrants who have used, or might use, many more non-cash benefits, including food stamps and MediCal — even for short periods. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties filed the first challenge to the rule, saying it could hurt the U.S. citizen children of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Refugee and humanitarian restrictions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/us-annual-refugee-resettlement-ceilings-and-number-refugees-admitted-united\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slashed\u003c/a> the number of refugees the U.S. will admit annually — from 85,000 when he was elected, to a historic low of 18,000 for 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Little tweaks have huge policy implications. So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The administration has also tried to terminate Temporary Protected Status for citizens of six countries allowed to stay in the U.S. following war or natural disaster. Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20190329_RS20844_40bba737bf5e4440ac7bebb19757db87fe994fa4.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">400,000 TPS holders\u003c/a> could face deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11783511/trump-administration-extends-protections-for-many-salvadorans-living-in-u-s\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">temporarily blocked\u003c/a> the administration from ending TPS for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is deciding whether to allow that injunction to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Aiming to expand detention of children\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children in immigration custody are protected by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/flores-v-reno-settlement-agreement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Flores settlement agreement\u003c/a>. It says children should be released to an adult sponsor — but if they remain in custody, it must be in a licensed child care facility, not a jail-like setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, a federal judge in Los Angeles ruled that kids must be released promptly from ICE family detention centers, generally within 20 days. Last year, the Trump administration published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769437/whats-in-new-trump-immigration-rule-overriding-flores-agreement-3-key-changes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal rules aimed\u003c/a> at replacing Flores and permitting long-term family detention, which the L.A. judge blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, six migrant children \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/six-children-died-in-border-patrol-care-democrats-in-congress-want-to-know-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">died\u003c/a> of illness in federal custody between September 2018 and May 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Tightening pressure on immigration courts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department, which oversees immigration courts, has tried to speed up deportations by setting a quota requiring judges to complete 700 cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Attorney General Sessions also stripped authority from immigration judges, barring them from dismissing or suspending low-priority cases. Sessions also ordered judges to reopen more than 300,000 cases that had been administratively closed. That’s on top of a historic backlog of more than 1 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration judges say their limited discretion and the pressure to close cases faster is creating an “\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/changing-america/well-being/mental-health/480165-immigration-judges-are-retiring-and-quitting-early\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">unbearable\u003c/a>” work environment and threatening due process for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796924\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11796924\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S. \u003ccite>(David Maung/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Political Implications\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How lasting President Trump’s immigration restrictions prove will largely depend on the 2020 election, and who wins not just the presidency but also control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his State of the Union speech in early February, Trump emphasized his push to build a border wall, his opposition to sanctuary cities and his agreements that turn back asylum-seekers at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a strategy that Jessica Vaughan, with the conservative Center for Immigration Studies, believes will be popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are insistent that the laws be enforced. That’s a strength for him going into this election and he knows it,” she said. “We’re going to see him keep doing things he thinks are going to play well with voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But others believe Trump’s tough-on-immigrants approach could backfire this year, even though it worked for him in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Barreto, a professor of political science at UCLA and co-founder of the Latino Decisions polling firm, said \u003ca href=\"http://publications.unidosus.org/bitstream/handle/123456789/1996/TheStateoftheLatinoVote.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">polls show Latino\u003c/a> and immigrant voters are angry over the president’s racially polarizing language, family separations and the deaths of migrant children in federal custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s in favor of putting kids in cages and giving them space blankets,” Barreto said. “It’s a hard thing to sell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robust Latino turnout in 2018 helped flip at least a dozen congressional seats from Republican to Democrat, according to Barreto’s research, and it could play a big role in this year’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think on Super Tuesday we’ll get a really big clue,” he said. “We’ll have [primaries in] Texas and California both. If the turnout is really robust we’ll see that people are amped up and ready to participate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Trump is reelected, Vaughan and others expect him to put forward a major immigration bill crafted by presidential adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner. The proposal codifies many restrictive enforcement measures and favors high-skilled immigrants over family-based immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates and politicians, immigration is intensely polarizing, said Theresa Cardinal Brown, director of immigration policy at the centrist Bipartisan Policy Center in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration is now ranking up amongst those insoluble, intractable issues like abortion and gun control,” she said. “There’s no middle ground that people will admit to … And that’s highly problematic for an issue like immigration that has to be legislated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she believes that public opinion is more nuanced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People believe in a middle ground,” she said. “They say, ‘Sure we can secure our borders, but we can also have compassion for immigrants. Sure we can tighten our legal immigration system, but that doesn’t mean we have to break up families.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Here's Where Each of the Presidential Candidates Stands on Climate Change",
"headTitle": "Here’s Where Each of the Presidential Candidates Stands on Climate Change | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Originally published Feb. 18, 2020\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democrats will go to the polls on March 3 to select a candidate to be the party’s nominee against President Donald Trump in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\"]Analysis: The Candidates on Climate Change\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1956430/joe-biden-climate-profile-surprising-embrace-of-green-new-deal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Joe Biden\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1956501/michael-bloomberg-climate-profile-shutting-down-coal-modest-federal-spending%22\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Michael Bloomberg\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1956421/bernie-sanders-climate-profile-16-trillion-in-spending-for-most-ambitious-plan-yet\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Bernie Sanders\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1957088/donald-trump-climate-profile-this-president-is-all-about-fossil-fuels\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Donald Trump\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1956437/elizabeth-warren-climate-profile-taking-up-mantle-of-former-climate-candidate-inslee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Elizabeth Warren\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[/pullquote]Top of mind for many is our warming planet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a December 2019 Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies \u003ca href=\"https://news.berkeley.edu/2019/12/09/warren-biden-slip-in-california-primary-race-says-new-berkeley-igs-poll/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">poll \u003c/span>\u003c/a>of likely Democratic voters, almost half named climate change as their highest priority for the next president, more than on any other issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s2\">Last July, a Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/span> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1945845/californians-concerns-about-worsening-wildfires-at-record-high\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">poll \u003c/span>\u003c/a>found a record number of Californians — 71% — “very concerned” about wildfires becoming more severe because of global warming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">Climate change has “gone from being a nonissue for voters to being one of the top one or two issues,” said \u003cb>Marianne Lavelle\u003c/b>, a reporter with the Pulitzer Prize-winning site \u003ca href=\"https://insideclimatenews.org/?gclid=CjwKCAiAp5nyBRABEiwApTwjXgSNTyXGVfMUyBa56uXbjIzF3GfrEfjjlkCEDk7u3hPficaJCxlXXhoCR4IQAvD_BwE\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\u003cb>InsideClimate News\u003c/b>\u003c/span>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lavelle and her colleagues spent months crafting detailed climate profiles of the leading contenders for the Democratic nomination. She also wrote an expansive analysis of President Donald Trump’s environmental record in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although Trump occasionally feigns concern about climate — ‘I think about it all the time,’ he once said — his policy has been an unmitigated and relentless drive toward fossil energy development,” Lavelle wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Raquel Maria Dillon interviewed Lavelle and ICN reporter \u003cb>Georgina Gustin \u003c/b>on where the candidates stand on climate policy. \u003cspan class=\"s2\">Below are excerpts from their answers, edited for length and clarity. Some key points …\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">\u003cspan class=\"s2\">\u003cb>Climate is a huge issue this election\u003c/b>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gustin:\u003cspan class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>We know that, at least in Iowa and New Hampshire, climate change ranked second only to health care in surveys of likely voters. That is likely because people are seeing the impacts of climate change all around them — in California, obviously, the devastating wildfires these last couple of years, and the historic flooding across the Midwest this past year. In New England, wildlife levels are dropping. Everybody sees this in their backyards and in their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Democratic candidates agree on key policies\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">Lavelle: All of the Democrats agree on getting to zero new greenhouse gas emissions by midcentury, and that’s very significant because it’s in line with the science. They all agree on getting back in the Paris Accord. They all say they won’t take money from the fossil fuel industry. And each of them has embraced elements of the Green New Deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Disagreements on fracking and continued use of fossil fuels\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">Gustin: Amy Klobuchar, Joe Biden and Pete Buttigieg have all said that they are open to fracking, and they have said that they would continue exporting fossil fuels. Mike Bloomberg hasn’t addressed fracking. We’re not really sure where he stands. Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders are out in front from a climate hawk standpoint: They would ban fracking and, to varying degrees, continued use of fossil fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">\u003cb>Candidates talking about their experience\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">Lavelle:\u003cspan class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Warren’s plan includes a fossil fuel industry disclosure of risks, and that makes it unique\u003ci>. \u003c/i>Bloomberg worked with the Sierra Club for years on the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/06/06/climate/bloomberg-climate-pledge-coal.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Beyond Coal\u003c/span>\u003c/a>” campaign to shut down coal-fired power plants. His plan is to do that on a federal level. He talks a lot about resilience, and, of course, as mayor of New York City, he had to deal with Superstorm Sandy and the after effects. Biden talks about his diplomatic experience, and how he was active in the Paris climate talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">\u003cb>Trump: All about fossil fuels\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lavelle: Donald Trump is\u003ci> \u003c/i>ignoring climate change and doing all he can to promote fossil fuels, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1951605/its-official-feds-open-up-central-california-to-more-drilling\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">opening up fracking\u003c/span>\u003c/a> on a million acres in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">Gustin: This administration has tried to, or is in the process of dismantling, every major piece of climate legislation enacted by the Obama administration, including the Clean Power Plan and fuel economy standards, which were major accomplishments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">\u003cb>The filibuster and its 60-vote requirement to pass legislation is a big stumbling block\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lavelle: Just this past year, Congress couldn’t even pass a very small investment in renewable energy. And no matter who wins the Senate, it’s going to be a closely divided Congress. The candidates will have to work with the other party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">\u003cb>Different constituencies divided on approaches and emphasis\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">Lavelle: Young people look at someone like Biden, who stresses his experience, and they say, ‘So what?’ They don’t see that he accomplished anything with the Obama administration. They don’t see that a lot of work went into environmental policy that went even that far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gustin: Rural voters who are typically very conservative and support Trump appreciate that the candidates include agriculture in their climate and rural plans. All of the candidates have agriculture proposals. Four or eight years ago, climate wasn’t an issue at all. To have candidates get into the weeds on an issue like soil carbon —which Biden and Buttigieg are semi-conversant in — is a remarkable change in the political conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">Lavelle: Voters are divided on the approach that they want. Buttigieg and Sanders are sucking all the oxygen out of the room. Sanders has taken the mantle of the Green New Deal. Buttigieg seems to be the choice of people who want something more pragmatic. He garnered the largest percentage of people who place climate as their number one issue in New Hampshire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Originally published Feb. 18, 2020\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democrats will go to the polls on March 3 to select a candidate to be the party’s nominee against President Donald Trump in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "Analysis: The Candidates on Climate Change\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1956430/joe-biden-climate-profile-surprising-embrace-of-green-new-deal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Joe Biden\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1956501/michael-bloomberg-climate-profile-shutting-down-coal-modest-federal-spending%22\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Michael Bloomberg\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1956421/bernie-sanders-climate-profile-16-trillion-in-spending-for-most-ambitious-plan-yet\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Bernie Sanders\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1957088/donald-trump-climate-profile-this-president-is-all-about-fossil-fuels\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Donald Trump\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1956437/elizabeth-warren-climate-profile-taking-up-mantle-of-former-climate-candidate-inslee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Elizabeth Warren\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Top of mind for many is our warming planet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a December 2019 Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies \u003ca href=\"https://news.berkeley.edu/2019/12/09/warren-biden-slip-in-california-primary-race-says-new-berkeley-igs-poll/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">poll \u003c/span>\u003c/a>of likely Democratic voters, almost half named climate change as their highest priority for the next president, more than on any other issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s2\">Last July, a Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/span> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1945845/californians-concerns-about-worsening-wildfires-at-record-high\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">poll \u003c/span>\u003c/a>found a record number of Californians — 71% — “very concerned” about wildfires becoming more severe because of global warming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">Climate change has “gone from being a nonissue for voters to being one of the top one or two issues,” said \u003cb>Marianne Lavelle\u003c/b>, a reporter with the Pulitzer Prize-winning site \u003ca href=\"https://insideclimatenews.org/?gclid=CjwKCAiAp5nyBRABEiwApTwjXgSNTyXGVfMUyBa56uXbjIzF3GfrEfjjlkCEDk7u3hPficaJCxlXXhoCR4IQAvD_BwE\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\u003cb>InsideClimate News\u003c/b>\u003c/span>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lavelle and her colleagues spent months crafting detailed climate profiles of the leading contenders for the Democratic nomination. She also wrote an expansive analysis of President Donald Trump’s environmental record in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although Trump occasionally feigns concern about climate — ‘I think about it all the time,’ he once said — his policy has been an unmitigated and relentless drive toward fossil energy development,” Lavelle wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Raquel Maria Dillon interviewed Lavelle and ICN reporter \u003cb>Georgina Gustin \u003c/b>on where the candidates stand on climate policy. \u003cspan class=\"s2\">Below are excerpts from their answers, edited for length and clarity. Some key points …\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">\u003cspan class=\"s2\">\u003cb>Climate is a huge issue this election\u003c/b>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gustin:\u003cspan class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>We know that, at least in Iowa and New Hampshire, climate change ranked second only to health care in surveys of likely voters. That is likely because people are seeing the impacts of climate change all around them — in California, obviously, the devastating wildfires these last couple of years, and the historic flooding across the Midwest this past year. In New England, wildlife levels are dropping. Everybody sees this in their backyards and in their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Democratic candidates agree on key policies\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">Lavelle: All of the Democrats agree on getting to zero new greenhouse gas emissions by midcentury, and that’s very significant because it’s in line with the science. They all agree on getting back in the Paris Accord. They all say they won’t take money from the fossil fuel industry. And each of them has embraced elements of the Green New Deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Disagreements on fracking and continued use of fossil fuels\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">Gustin: Amy Klobuchar, Joe Biden and Pete Buttigieg have all said that they are open to fracking, and they have said that they would continue exporting fossil fuels. Mike Bloomberg hasn’t addressed fracking. We’re not really sure where he stands. Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders are out in front from a climate hawk standpoint: They would ban fracking and, to varying degrees, continued use of fossil fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">\u003cb>Candidates talking about their experience\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">Lavelle:\u003cspan class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Warren’s plan includes a fossil fuel industry disclosure of risks, and that makes it unique\u003ci>. \u003c/i>Bloomberg worked with the Sierra Club for years on the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/06/06/climate/bloomberg-climate-pledge-coal.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Beyond Coal\u003c/span>\u003c/a>” campaign to shut down coal-fired power plants. His plan is to do that on a federal level. He talks a lot about resilience, and, of course, as mayor of New York City, he had to deal with Superstorm Sandy and the after effects. Biden talks about his diplomatic experience, and how he was active in the Paris climate talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">\u003cb>Trump: All about fossil fuels\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lavelle: Donald Trump is\u003ci> \u003c/i>ignoring climate change and doing all he can to promote fossil fuels, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1951605/its-official-feds-open-up-central-california-to-more-drilling\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">opening up fracking\u003c/span>\u003c/a> on a million acres in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">Gustin: This administration has tried to, or is in the process of dismantling, every major piece of climate legislation enacted by the Obama administration, including the Clean Power Plan and fuel economy standards, which were major accomplishments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">\u003cb>The filibuster and its 60-vote requirement to pass legislation is a big stumbling block\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lavelle: Just this past year, Congress couldn’t even pass a very small investment in renewable energy. And no matter who wins the Senate, it’s going to be a closely divided Congress. The candidates will have to work with the other party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">\u003cb>Different constituencies divided on approaches and emphasis\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">Lavelle: Young people look at someone like Biden, who stresses his experience, and they say, ‘So what?’ They don’t see that he accomplished anything with the Obama administration. They don’t see that a lot of work went into environmental policy that went even that far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gustin: Rural voters who are typically very conservative and support Trump appreciate that the candidates include agriculture in their climate and rural plans. All of the candidates have agriculture proposals. Four or eight years ago, climate wasn’t an issue at all. To have candidates get into the weeds on an issue like soil carbon —which Biden and Buttigieg are semi-conversant in — is a remarkable change in the political conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p4\">Lavelle: Voters are divided on the approach that they want. Buttigieg and Sanders are sucking all the oxygen out of the room. Sanders has taken the mantle of the Green New Deal. Buttigieg seems to be the choice of people who want something more pragmatic. He garnered the largest percentage of people who place climate as their number one issue in New Hampshire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A capacity crowd spilled out from Richmond’s Craneway Pavilion at a campaign rally for presidential hopeful Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders repeated promises of a $15 dollar minimum wage, universal health care and more affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connie McFarland, a bus driver from Pittsburg, attended the rally. For her, college for all is an important issue. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re going to keep up as a nation, everybody needs to be educated,” McFarland said. “I also believe that people should have a living wage. Because right now, if you look at the housing prices, you can’t afford to live here unless you’ve already purchased your home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders said that Super Tuesday, March 3, when California holds its primary along with 13 other states will be “the most consequential election in modern history in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://player.twitch.tv/?autoplay=false&video=v553588914\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" scrolling=\"no\" height=\"378\" href=\"https://www.twitch.tv/videos/553588914?tt_content=text_link&tt_medium=vod_embed\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He asked the audience to not only vote, but also to ensure friends and family do as well. “I’m here to ask you to vote — to vote early,” Sanders said. “To bring your aunts and uncles and grandparents and friends and co-workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/BayAreaJulie/status/1229537402617618433\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders also reminded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11795384/whos-down-with-npp-what-to-know-about-no-party-preference-voting-in-californias-primary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">no party preference voters\u003c/a>, who make up the second largest political affiliation in the state, behind Democrats, to change their party preference to Democrat if they want to vote in the presidential primary.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A capacity crowd spilled out from Richmond’s Craneway Pavilion at a campaign rally for presidential hopeful Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders repeated promises of a $15 dollar minimum wage, universal health care and more affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connie McFarland, a bus driver from Pittsburg, attended the rally. For her, college for all is an important issue. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re going to keep up as a nation, everybody needs to be educated,” McFarland said. “I also believe that people should have a living wage. Because right now, if you look at the housing prices, you can’t afford to live here unless you’ve already purchased your home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders said that Super Tuesday, March 3, when California holds its primary along with 13 other states will be “the most consequential election in modern history in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Stepping up his presence in California ahead of the March 3 presidential primary, former New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg threw his weight behind a proposed ballot measure to remove tax protections on commercial property currently enjoyed under voter-approved Proposition 13, the landmark anti-tax measure approved by voters in 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition 13, county assessors treat all property — commercial and residential — the same when it comes to taxation. That would change under the proposed initiative, dubbed \"Schools & Communities First\" by its supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeowners and some small businesses would not be affected by the measure, which includes a tax of 1% based on the purchase price and annual increases of up to 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the ballot measure, including powerful public employee unions such as the Service Employees International Union and the California Teachers Association, say they are in the final stages of collecting the signatures needed to place the measure before voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Improving public schools and helping more students achieve at higher levels — as we did in New York City — requires dedicated teachers and faculty, and that costs money. But for too long, corporations in California have used property tax loopholes to avoid paying taxes that are essential to funding public schools, and California’s children have paid the price,\" Bloomberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure to create a so-called \"split roll\" with higher taxation on commercial property could generate $8 billion to $12.5 billion a year, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2019-008\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">analysis\u003c/a> by the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office. Some of those funds would be directed to K-12 public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Schools & Communities First Initiative will be a big step towards ensuring schools throughout the state are properly funded, so more of California’s students succeed and reach their full potential,\" Bloomberg added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The media mogul, who is self-funding his entire presidential campaign and spending lavishly in Super Tuesday states, including California, is the fifth Democratic presidential candidate to back the measure, joining Joe Biden, Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and Pete Buttigieg. Other candidates, including Kamala Harris and Julian Castro, also endorsed it before they dropped out of the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The constitutional amendment would reform protections currently enjoyed by industrial and commercial property owners, requiring their property to be taxed based on their market value, rather than their purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, it would continue to assess taxes on residential properties based on purchase price, creating what is known as a \u003cem>split roll\u003c/em>. Much of the additional revenue generated by the current value assessments would be split among local governments and special districts, along with school districts and community colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-november-2019.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">poll late last year\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California found likely voters split down the middle on the proposed measure, with 46% saying they support, 45% opposed and 9% not sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, critics of Proposition 13 have said it has slashed school funding and is responsible for the declining quality of public education. Supporters, including the California Chamber of Commerce and other pro-business groups, say the law has provided stability and predictability for property owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two sides pledge to spend aggressively for and against the measure if it qualifies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the five presidential candidates who back it, state Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins and Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, as well as other elected officials and unions, have also endorsed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the initiative qualifies it will likely join other controversial measures including ones related to eliminating cash bail and classification of so-called gig economy workers.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Stepping up his presence in California ahead of the March 3 presidential primary, former New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg threw his weight behind a proposed ballot measure to remove tax protections on commercial property currently enjoyed under voter-approved Proposition 13, the landmark anti-tax measure approved by voters in 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition 13, county assessors treat all property — commercial and residential — the same when it comes to taxation. That would change under the proposed initiative, dubbed \"Schools & Communities First\" by its supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeowners and some small businesses would not be affected by the measure, which includes a tax of 1% based on the purchase price and annual increases of up to 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the ballot measure, including powerful public employee unions such as the Service Employees International Union and the California Teachers Association, say they are in the final stages of collecting the signatures needed to place the measure before voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Improving public schools and helping more students achieve at higher levels — as we did in New York City — requires dedicated teachers and faculty, and that costs money. But for too long, corporations in California have used property tax loopholes to avoid paying taxes that are essential to funding public schools, and California’s children have paid the price,\" Bloomberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure to create a so-called \"split roll\" with higher taxation on commercial property could generate $8 billion to $12.5 billion a year, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2019-008\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">analysis\u003c/a> by the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office. Some of those funds would be directed to K-12 public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Schools & Communities First Initiative will be a big step towards ensuring schools throughout the state are properly funded, so more of California’s students succeed and reach their full potential,\" Bloomberg added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The media mogul, who is self-funding his entire presidential campaign and spending lavishly in Super Tuesday states, including California, is the fifth Democratic presidential candidate to back the measure, joining Joe Biden, Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and Pete Buttigieg. Other candidates, including Kamala Harris and Julian Castro, also endorsed it before they dropped out of the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The constitutional amendment would reform protections currently enjoyed by industrial and commercial property owners, requiring their property to be taxed based on their market value, rather than their purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, it would continue to assess taxes on residential properties based on purchase price, creating what is known as a \u003cem>split roll\u003c/em>. Much of the additional revenue generated by the current value assessments would be split among local governments and special districts, along with school districts and community colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-november-2019.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">poll late last year\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California found likely voters split down the middle on the proposed measure, with 46% saying they support, 45% opposed and 9% not sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, critics of Proposition 13 have said it has slashed school funding and is responsible for the declining quality of public education. Supporters, including the California Chamber of Commerce and other pro-business groups, say the law has provided stability and predictability for property owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two sides pledge to spend aggressively for and against the measure if it qualifies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the five presidential candidates who back it, state Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins and Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, as well as other elected officials and unions, have also endorsed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the initiative qualifies it will likely join other controversial measures including ones related to eliminating cash bail and classification of so-called gig economy workers.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration is planning to send border patrol agents to large sanctuary cities across the United States, like San Francisco, to assist with immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some immigration experts think this move is just a scare tactic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials with the Department of Homeland Security confirmed that border patrol agents would be deployed to assist Immigration and Customs Enforcement, saying \"ICE does not have sufficient resources to effectively manage the sustained increase in non-detained cases which is exacerbated by the rise of sanctuary jurisdictions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But University of San Francisco law professor Bill Ong Hing disagrees with the idea that there aren't enough federal immigration officials to adequately enforce the area. [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is likely true that there are fewer, per-capita, arrests in places like San Francisco and Santa Clara County than there are, per-capita, in other cities that are non-sanctuary cities,\" Hing said. \"But it's not because of lack of personnel. It's because the local police are not calling ICE up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are questioning the logic behind the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Reallocating CBP [Customs and Border Protection] agents for interior enforcement seems to suggest that the claimed crisis at the border cannot be the existential threat the administration has claimed it to be,\" said Pratheepan Gulasekaram, a law professor at Santa Clara University. \"Apparently elite CBP units can be spared for other activities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco's \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/oceia/sanctuary-city-ordinance-0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>, passed in 1989, generally prevents city employees from using funds or resources to assist with federal immigration enforcement, unless required by state law. In 2013, the city passed the \"Due Process For All\" ordinance, which \"limits when City law enforcement officers may give ICE advance notice of a person’s release from local jail\" and prevents them from assisting with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detainers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ICE detainers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, then-Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11621200/governor-jerry-brown-signs-sanctuary-state-bill-setting-up-standoff-with-trump-adminstration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">signed similar legislation\u003c/a> into law, making California a so-called \"sanctuary state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has been critical of these laws, arguing that they make the country less safe. In 2018, the federal government filed a legal challenge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654234/a-g-sessions-to-make-major-announcement-on-sanctuary-policies-in-sacramento\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">against the policy\u003c/a>. And just a few weeks ago, President Trump highlighted sanctuary cities and states during his State of the Union address, calling it an \"outrageous law\" with \"catastrophic results.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, San Francisco Mayor London Breed said the deployment of CBP agents is \"designed to create widespread fear and distrust and will deeply harm our entire community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants rights organizations have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.pangealegal.org/news-and-updates/2020/2/14/press-release-california-immigrant-rights-advocates-condemn-militarized-escalation-against-sanctuary-cities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">criticized the action\u003c/a>, calling it \"a calculated maneuver to promote fear and intimidate cities and states that are upholding our values of common humanity and equal justice for everyone, including immigrants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Border patrol agents have additional authority within 100 miles of the U.S. border, which includes the cities of \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/other/constitution-100-mile-border-zone\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco and Los Angeles\u003c/a>, that allows them to set up vehicle immigration checkpoints. However, agents cannot search a vehicle without a warrant or \"probable cause,\" meaning a\u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/probable_cause\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> reasonable suspicion\u003c/a> that a crime has occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal officials would not confirm where exactly CBP agents would be sent, or how many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is likely true that there are fewer, per-capita, arrests in places like San Francisco and Santa Clara County than there are, per-capita, in other cities that are non-sanctuary cities,\" Hing said. \"But it's not because of lack of personnel. It's because the local police are not calling ICE up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are questioning the logic behind the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Reallocating CBP [Customs and Border Protection] agents for interior enforcement seems to suggest that the claimed crisis at the border cannot be the existential threat the administration has claimed it to be,\" said Pratheepan Gulasekaram, a law professor at Santa Clara University. \"Apparently elite CBP units can be spared for other activities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco's \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/oceia/sanctuary-city-ordinance-0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>, passed in 1989, generally prevents city employees from using funds or resources to assist with federal immigration enforcement, unless required by state law. In 2013, the city passed the \"Due Process For All\" ordinance, which \"limits when City law enforcement officers may give ICE advance notice of a person’s release from local jail\" and prevents them from assisting with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detainers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ICE detainers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, then-Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11621200/governor-jerry-brown-signs-sanctuary-state-bill-setting-up-standoff-with-trump-adminstration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">signed similar legislation\u003c/a> into law, making California a so-called \"sanctuary state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has been critical of these laws, arguing that they make the country less safe. In 2018, the federal government filed a legal challenge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654234/a-g-sessions-to-make-major-announcement-on-sanctuary-policies-in-sacramento\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">against the policy\u003c/a>. And just a few weeks ago, President Trump highlighted sanctuary cities and states during his State of the Union address, calling it an \"outrageous law\" with \"catastrophic results.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, San Francisco Mayor London Breed said the deployment of CBP agents is \"designed to create widespread fear and distrust and will deeply harm our entire community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants rights organizations have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.pangealegal.org/news-and-updates/2020/2/14/press-release-california-immigrant-rights-advocates-condemn-militarized-escalation-against-sanctuary-cities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">criticized the action\u003c/a>, calling it \"a calculated maneuver to promote fear and intimidate cities and states that are upholding our values of common humanity and equal justice for everyone, including immigrants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Border patrol agents have additional authority within 100 miles of the U.S. border, which includes the cities of \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/other/constitution-100-mile-border-zone\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco and Los Angeles\u003c/a>, that allows them to set up vehicle immigration checkpoints. However, agents cannot search a vehicle without a warrant or \"probable cause,\" meaning a\u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/probable_cause\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> reasonable suspicion\u003c/a> that a crime has occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal officials would not confirm where exactly CBP agents would be sent, or how many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On the heels of his strong showings in Iowa and New Hampshire, presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg toured several Northern California cities and towns on Friday, including a stop in the Central Valley, where he was the keynote speaker at a sold-out fundraiser for the Stanislaus County Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing at a podium before a large event hall, Buttigieg laid out his vision for the future to a crowd of around 700 people who traveled from across the San Joaquin Valley to hear from one of the few presidential candidates to visit their part of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Form it in your mind: The vision of how it’s going to feel the first time that the sun comes up over the Valley, and Donald Trump is no longer the president of the United States,” Buttigieg told the cheering audience before a sparkling backdrop at the Assyrian American Civic Club in Turlock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buttigieg rallied support for local down ballot Democratic candidates and directly asked voters there to support him, adding that his mother was born in nearby Modesto. He also addressed critics who say he lacks experience in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By some standards, I might be considered a newcomer, a little different from the usual candidate. But I also know that California is a state known for looking to the future ... and we win when we do that,” Buttigieg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters at the event were excited to see a presidential candidate stop by a part of the state often overlooked. With the primary scheduled March this year (a change since 2018), California will have more say in who becomes the Democratic nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s great. It’s about time the Central Valley got some recognition and somebody that was interested in us,” said Mary Ann Inderbitzen, who said she is leaning toward voting for Buttigieg in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They fly over us, and ag is big. It’s a big moneymaker in this state and we get ignored and that’s not fair,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg made recent visits to Fresno, about an hour-and-a-half drive south of Turlock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Curious to hear what former South Bend Mayor Buttigieg had to say after his recent success in Iowa and New Hampshire, some said they had already decided to vote for him, while others said they were still considering several Democratic hopefuls, including Buttigieg, Bernie Sanders, Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren and Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He reminds me a lot of Barack Obama,” said Karen Ashlock, a retired school bus driver from Merced. “I just feel out of everybody, he’s my favorite.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801976\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11801976\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41354_Ray-Marino-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41354_Ray-Marino-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41354_Ray-Marino-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41354_Ray-Marino-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41354_Ray-Marino-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ray Marino (right) and Karen Ashlock say they voted early by mail for Pete Buttigieg. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She and her partner, Ray Marino, an almond farmer and teacher, said they both mailed in their ballots early and are supporting Buttigieg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like he represents a majority of the people here in the Valley,” said Arie Roest, a paralegal who came with his grandparents and like Buttigieg is openly gay. Roest lives in Modesto, a city that has seen recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/modesto-straight-pride-event-counterprotesters-california/28806513\">anti-LGBTQ protests\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way that he speaks, the way that he represents people like me, I feel like there’s a voice that I have through him,” Roest said. “It’s very exciting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MaryBeth and David West, who both run Gay-Straight Alliance groups at high schools in the Central Valley, said they were also encouraged by Buttigieg’s example as the first openly gay presidential candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, they were unsure if he would win their votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll probably vote for Bernie. But I’m ready to support whoever my party puts forward because anybody is better than ‘that guy,’ ” said MaryBeth West, referring to President Trump, who is expected to visit Bakersfield, the hometown of House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several people said Buttigieg’s perceived “electability” in the Central Valley and beyond was one reason why they were now considering giving him their vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gary Vessel, a violin-maker from Modesto, said he was “pleasantly surprised” to see Buttigieg’s performance in Iowa and New Hampshire and that he believed the candidate’s military background and Midwestern roots could position him well to beat Trump in November. But he also said he feared some conservative voters might reject Buttigieg based on his sexual orientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he keeps the momentum, he’ll do well in California, because that’s not really an issue here,” Vessel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Self, who came out to support his sister Jessica Self, chairwoman of the Stanislaus Democratic Party, said he favored a more moderate candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I respect the left candidates, but I just know even if they get elected, they have an uphill battle to get anything passed through the Senate and the House of Representatives,” Self said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Congressman Josh Harder, who flipped the 10th District blue in the 2018 midterm election, also attended the fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people are excited that for the first time in decades, California is relevant in a presidential contest,” Harder said. “This is the first time for many people in this room to have ever seen a presidential contender, because they raise money in San Francisco and Los Angeles and they ignore Modesto, Turlock, Tracy, Manteca time and time again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harder said he has not yet endorsed any candidate for president, but said Democrats looking to sway local constituents should speak to issues local voters care about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What most people are concerned about is how do we bring more jobs to the Valley, how do we lower the cost of health care — which is unaffordable for so many people here — and how do we make sure that we’re securing our water supply, which is critically important in an area where one out of every three jobs come directly from agriculture,” Harder said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naramsen Goriel, a community organizer who is running for mayor of Modesto, said Democrats have been more politically active in the area since Harder’s defeat of Republican Congressman Jeff Denham in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our district has been overlooked for a while, but now, since we have a new congressman, (Josh) Harder, who has been doing well and having town halls, our district is becoming more politically active.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goriel also said the Central Valley needs a president who will be considerate of climate change and also the region’s dependence on agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very unique purple district and it’s slowly turning blue as we speak, we’re registering voters, so we’re pretty excited about what’s happening here,” Goriel added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some voters said they were still undecided in who they planned to vote for in the primary, most said they would “vote blue, no matter who,” rallying behind any candidate who becomes the Democratic nominee.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On the heels of his strong showings in Iowa and New Hampshire, presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg toured several Northern California cities and towns on Friday, including a stop in the Central Valley, where he was the keynote speaker at a sold-out fundraiser for the Stanislaus County Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing at a podium before a large event hall, Buttigieg laid out his vision for the future to a crowd of around 700 people who traveled from across the San Joaquin Valley to hear from one of the few presidential candidates to visit their part of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Form it in your mind: The vision of how it’s going to feel the first time that the sun comes up over the Valley, and Donald Trump is no longer the president of the United States,” Buttigieg told the cheering audience before a sparkling backdrop at the Assyrian American Civic Club in Turlock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buttigieg rallied support for local down ballot Democratic candidates and directly asked voters there to support him, adding that his mother was born in nearby Modesto. He also addressed critics who say he lacks experience in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By some standards, I might be considered a newcomer, a little different from the usual candidate. But I also know that California is a state known for looking to the future ... and we win when we do that,” Buttigieg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters at the event were excited to see a presidential candidate stop by a part of the state often overlooked. With the primary scheduled March this year (a change since 2018), California will have more say in who becomes the Democratic nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s great. It’s about time the Central Valley got some recognition and somebody that was interested in us,” said Mary Ann Inderbitzen, who said she is leaning toward voting for Buttigieg in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They fly over us, and ag is big. It’s a big moneymaker in this state and we get ignored and that’s not fair,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg made recent visits to Fresno, about an hour-and-a-half drive south of Turlock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Curious to hear what former South Bend Mayor Buttigieg had to say after his recent success in Iowa and New Hampshire, some said they had already decided to vote for him, while others said they were still considering several Democratic hopefuls, including Buttigieg, Bernie Sanders, Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren and Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He reminds me a lot of Barack Obama,” said Karen Ashlock, a retired school bus driver from Merced. “I just feel out of everybody, he’s my favorite.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801976\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11801976\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41354_Ray-Marino-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41354_Ray-Marino-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41354_Ray-Marino-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41354_Ray-Marino-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41354_Ray-Marino-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ray Marino (right) and Karen Ashlock say they voted early by mail for Pete Buttigieg. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She and her partner, Ray Marino, an almond farmer and teacher, said they both mailed in their ballots early and are supporting Buttigieg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like he represents a majority of the people here in the Valley,” said Arie Roest, a paralegal who came with his grandparents and like Buttigieg is openly gay. Roest lives in Modesto, a city that has seen recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/modesto-straight-pride-event-counterprotesters-california/28806513\">anti-LGBTQ protests\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way that he speaks, the way that he represents people like me, I feel like there’s a voice that I have through him,” Roest said. “It’s very exciting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MaryBeth and David West, who both run Gay-Straight Alliance groups at high schools in the Central Valley, said they were also encouraged by Buttigieg’s example as the first openly gay presidential candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, they were unsure if he would win their votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll probably vote for Bernie. But I’m ready to support whoever my party puts forward because anybody is better than ‘that guy,’ ” said MaryBeth West, referring to President Trump, who is expected to visit Bakersfield, the hometown of House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several people said Buttigieg’s perceived “electability” in the Central Valley and beyond was one reason why they were now considering giving him their vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gary Vessel, a violin-maker from Modesto, said he was “pleasantly surprised” to see Buttigieg’s performance in Iowa and New Hampshire and that he believed the candidate’s military background and Midwestern roots could position him well to beat Trump in November. But he also said he feared some conservative voters might reject Buttigieg based on his sexual orientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he keeps the momentum, he’ll do well in California, because that’s not really an issue here,” Vessel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Self, who came out to support his sister Jessica Self, chairwoman of the Stanislaus Democratic Party, said he favored a more moderate candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I respect the left candidates, but I just know even if they get elected, they have an uphill battle to get anything passed through the Senate and the House of Representatives,” Self said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Congressman Josh Harder, who flipped the 10th District blue in the 2018 midterm election, also attended the fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people are excited that for the first time in decades, California is relevant in a presidential contest,” Harder said. “This is the first time for many people in this room to have ever seen a presidential contender, because they raise money in San Francisco and Los Angeles and they ignore Modesto, Turlock, Tracy, Manteca time and time again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harder said he has not yet endorsed any candidate for president, but said Democrats looking to sway local constituents should speak to issues local voters care about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What most people are concerned about is how do we bring more jobs to the Valley, how do we lower the cost of health care — which is unaffordable for so many people here — and how do we make sure that we’re securing our water supply, which is critically important in an area where one out of every three jobs come directly from agriculture,” Harder said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naramsen Goriel, a community organizer who is running for mayor of Modesto, said Democrats have been more politically active in the area since Harder’s defeat of Republican Congressman Jeff Denham in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our district has been overlooked for a while, but now, since we have a new congressman, (Josh) Harder, who has been doing well and having town halls, our district is becoming more politically active.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goriel also said the Central Valley needs a president who will be considerate of climate change and also the region’s dependence on agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very unique purple district and it’s slowly turning blue as we speak, we’re registering voters, so we’re pretty excited about what’s happening here,” Goriel added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
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"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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