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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated June 29.\u003c/em> \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11879638/que-significa-la-extension-de-la-moratoria-contra-desalojos-en-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Lea este artículo en español\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California renters, who are still struggling to pay the rent even as the pandemic wanes, will be shielded from eviction through Sept. 30 under a last-minute deal announced June 25 by Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement, which more fully opens up $5.2 billion to pay full back rent and rent going forward, was approved Monday by the Assembly and state Senate. Newsom, who faces a recall election later this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/06/28/governor-newsom-signs-nation-leading-rent-relief-program-for-low-income-tenants-eviction-moratorium-extension-additional-legislation/\">signed the bill Monday night\u003c/a>, just before the existing protections expire after Wednesday, June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In statements, Newsom and legislative leaders who negotiated the new protections said they would keep families from falling through the safety net as California reopens from COVID-19 and the economy recovers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This proposal avoids a massive eviction cliff, allowing us to keep tenants in their homes and get landlords the financial support they need,” said Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee Chair David Chiu, a San Francisco Democrat who put together the initial moratorium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some tenant groups, however, wanted a longer extension of the eviction ban, saying that three months isn’t long enough to get rent relief distributed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This timeline does not match the reality the state faces and tenants will be left out to dry,” Francisco Dueñas, executive director of Housing Now!, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"rent, eviction\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, a Lakewood Democrat, told CalMatters that lawmakers couldn’t guarantee they would get rental relief to everyone by Sept. 30, “but we do want to do everything we possibly can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the Legislature would reassess the program as the end date draws closer. “We’re trying to implement new processes and protections, and we’re hoping that those will be effective,” he said. “And we’re also obviously hoping that the economy is in full swing and hopefully an eviction moratorium will not be necessary moving forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While advocacy groups representing tenants and landlords said they were shut out of the negotiations — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/04/capitol-mum-on-eviction-moratorium-extension-as-renters-seek-more-time/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">similar to the last two rounds of negotiations\u003c/a> — both sides managed to get some key provisions they wanted. Here are some key components of Assembly Bill 832:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What would this mean for tenants?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tenants would have a defense in court should their landlord evict them over non-payment of rent through Sept. 30. They still have to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.ca.gov/covid_rr/covid19_financial_distress_form.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">submit a declaration saying they are unable to make full rent\u003c/a>, and pay at least 25% of their monthly rent between Sept. 1, 2020 and June 2021, or in bulk, by Sept. 30, to avoid eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are served with a 15-day notice and do not provide the declaration form to your landlord before the 15-day notice expires, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB832\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">you could be evicted\u003c/a>,” the bill says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879553\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11879553\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/120520_HousingProtest_AW_sized_03-800x533.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/120520_HousingProtest_AW_sized_03-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/120520_HousingProtest_AW_sized_03-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/120520_HousingProtest_AW_sized_03-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/120520_HousingProtest_AW_sized_03-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/120520_HousingProtest_AW_sized_03.jpeg 1568w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland resident Andrew Rosenburg holds up a banner while protesting rent evictions during the pandemic on Dec. 5, 2020 in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Additional documentation, such as a bank statement proving a decrease in income, could be required in cases where a landlord has proof the tenant makes over a certain income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants will still need to abide by their lease in order to avoid eviction for reasons other than non-payment of rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evictions over non-payment of rent could resume on Oct. 1, but people who make less than 80% of the area median income and were financially affected by COVID would have another six months to apply for rental assistance funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the rent relief application goes through, the eviction process will be blocked, and landlords will be able to receive compensation for missed back rent. If the tenant is ineligible, however, the proceeding will continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lupe Arreola, executive director of Tenants Together, said while the additional legal protections sound good in theory, they may not work in real life. “We’re saying that’s wishful thinking. We’re saying that’s not going to happen.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what about the money? The bill says tenants, as well as their landlords, will be able to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.ca.gov/covid_rr/program_overview.html#renter\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">apply for 100% of back rent and up to three months of forward rent\u003c/a>. Previously, without landlord approval, a tenant was eligible for only 25% of missed rental payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was a key ask from tenant advocates, and a source of worry for landlords, who said the provision would be abused. Tenants who receive rental assistance will acknowledge under penalty of perjury they will use the money to pay missed rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the landlord still tries to evict the tenant over non-payment of rent, the court will be able to check whether the tenant received state dollars. If they paid the full amount to the landlord, the eviction will be blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also shields evictions over non-payment of rent from appearing on a tenant’s record, which hampers the ability to rent in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who is eligible for relief?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The tenant’s household income must be at or below 80% of the area median income during 2020 or 2021. Those income brackets \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-funding/income-limits/state-and-federal-income-limits/docs/income-limits-2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">vary by region\u003c/a>. Tenants with an income below 50% will be prioritized. Assistance is available to tenants regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local jurisdictions distributing rental relief might have different rules, however; during the last round of funds in Los Angeles, for example, \u003ca href=\"https://hcidla.lacity.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a two-person household couldn’t make more than $45,050\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill expands eligibility to tenants who may have moved out of their home during the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/04/california-rent-relief-tenants/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who were not covered previously\u003c/a>. They can now apply for back rent owed to a previous landlord.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What does this deal mean for landlords?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Landlords will be unable to evict tenants over non-payment of rent through Sept. 30. To file an eviction lawsuit after that, the landlord must provide evidence to the court they applied for rental assistance. The case can only proceed if the tenant does not complete their application or qualify for aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlord groups, which hoped the protections would not be further extended, are frustrated by this provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While there is some recognition of this distress in the deal by providing 100% in rent assistance and requirements for the tenants to use the funds to pay rent, we are very concerned as to when this moratorium will actually end,” Christine LaMarca, president of the California Rental Housing Association, which represents more than 20,000 landlords, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords will still be able to evict tenants for a substantial remodel only if that is necessary to comply with health and safety standards, and if the owner of the property is selling it to a buyer who intends to occupy the property. They cannot, for example, sell to someone who intends to rent out the place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those restrictions might be \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-06-22/la-county-extends-covid19-eviction-moratorium-through-september\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tighter in certain localities\u003c/a>, like Los Angeles, which passed a local moratorium earlier this week. But under the bill, other cities would not be able to enact stricter rules through March 2022, a provision \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/lawmakers-introduce-short-term-extension-of-covid-19-eviction-moratorium/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">supported by the California Apartment Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords would be able to apply for 100% of back and forward rent. The previous law said a landlord could apply for 80% of missed rent payments and would have to forgive the remaining 20%; the new bill means that even those who applied for only partial refund will be receiving the missing funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If both a landlord and a tenant applied for funds, the money will go directly to the landlord. It will only go to the tenant if the landlord declines to participate in the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the California Apartment Association said the state’s moratorium extension, and the final federal extension through July announced Thursday, would not be necessary if the rent relief money was getting out to landlords and tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is frustrating that the state of California and numerous local governments have not quickly disbursed funds to those in need, especially to mom-and-pop rental housing providers who have not seen any rent payments yet must still pay the mortgage, insurance, taxes, maintenance and other expenses,” association President Tom Bannon said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What about the money?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The protections are tied to dollars; and lots of them. The state approved an additional $2.6 billion of rental assistance, plus an existing $2.6 billion, all from federal relief funding. That’s $5.2 billion available to cover the missed back rent and up to three months of forward rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis by PolicyLink, an Oakland-based research group, suggests that about \u003ca href=\"https://nationalequityatlas.org/rent-debt\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">758,000 households in California are behind on rent\u003c/a> and owe a total of $3.5 billion. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Brian Augusta, California Rural Legal Assistance Foundation\"]‘The linchpin in all of this is the billions of dollars we have from the federal government. We have got to urgently fix whatever has slowed the flow of that money to a trickle.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money has gone out at a snail’s pace. While billions have been available since January, the state has distributed from its pot only \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article252289103.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$61.6 million in relief\u003c/a> to a little more than 5,000 households so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The linchpin in all of this is the billions of dollars we have from the federal government,” Brian Augusta, legislative advocate for the California Rural Legal Assistance Foundation, told CalMatters. “We have got to urgently fix whatever has slowed the flow of that money to a trickle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several cities, including Los Angeles and San Francisco, have reported demand for rental assistance far outweighed availability. The bill says that unspent funds will be redirected to those places with the highest need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also grants larger cities and counties the ability to administer their own rental funds, instead of having to rely on the state to administer a portion of those. That was a major request from local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated June 29.\u003c/em> \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11879638/que-significa-la-extension-de-la-moratoria-contra-desalojos-en-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Lea este artículo en español\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California renters, who are still struggling to pay the rent even as the pandemic wanes, will be shielded from eviction through Sept. 30 under a last-minute deal announced June 25 by Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement, which more fully opens up $5.2 billion to pay full back rent and rent going forward, was approved Monday by the Assembly and state Senate. Newsom, who faces a recall election later this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/06/28/governor-newsom-signs-nation-leading-rent-relief-program-for-low-income-tenants-eviction-moratorium-extension-additional-legislation/\">signed the bill Monday night\u003c/a>, just before the existing protections expire after Wednesday, June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In statements, Newsom and legislative leaders who negotiated the new protections said they would keep families from falling through the safety net as California reopens from COVID-19 and the economy recovers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This proposal avoids a massive eviction cliff, allowing us to keep tenants in their homes and get landlords the financial support they need,” said Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee Chair David Chiu, a San Francisco Democrat who put together the initial moratorium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some tenant groups, however, wanted a longer extension of the eviction ban, saying that three months isn’t long enough to get rent relief distributed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This timeline does not match the reality the state faces and tenants will be left out to dry,” Francisco Dueñas, executive director of Housing Now!, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, a Lakewood Democrat, told CalMatters that lawmakers couldn’t guarantee they would get rental relief to everyone by Sept. 30, “but we do want to do everything we possibly can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the Legislature would reassess the program as the end date draws closer. “We’re trying to implement new processes and protections, and we’re hoping that those will be effective,” he said. “And we’re also obviously hoping that the economy is in full swing and hopefully an eviction moratorium will not be necessary moving forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While advocacy groups representing tenants and landlords said they were shut out of the negotiations — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/04/capitol-mum-on-eviction-moratorium-extension-as-renters-seek-more-time/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">similar to the last two rounds of negotiations\u003c/a> — both sides managed to get some key provisions they wanted. Here are some key components of Assembly Bill 832:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What would this mean for tenants?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tenants would have a defense in court should their landlord evict them over non-payment of rent through Sept. 30. They still have to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.ca.gov/covid_rr/covid19_financial_distress_form.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">submit a declaration saying they are unable to make full rent\u003c/a>, and pay at least 25% of their monthly rent between Sept. 1, 2020 and June 2021, or in bulk, by Sept. 30, to avoid eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are served with a 15-day notice and do not provide the declaration form to your landlord before the 15-day notice expires, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB832\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">you could be evicted\u003c/a>,” the bill says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879553\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11879553\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/120520_HousingProtest_AW_sized_03-800x533.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/120520_HousingProtest_AW_sized_03-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/120520_HousingProtest_AW_sized_03-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/120520_HousingProtest_AW_sized_03-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/120520_HousingProtest_AW_sized_03-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/120520_HousingProtest_AW_sized_03.jpeg 1568w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland resident Andrew Rosenburg holds up a banner while protesting rent evictions during the pandemic on Dec. 5, 2020 in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Additional documentation, such as a bank statement proving a decrease in income, could be required in cases where a landlord has proof the tenant makes over a certain income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants will still need to abide by their lease in order to avoid eviction for reasons other than non-payment of rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evictions over non-payment of rent could resume on Oct. 1, but people who make less than 80% of the area median income and were financially affected by COVID would have another six months to apply for rental assistance funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the rent relief application goes through, the eviction process will be blocked, and landlords will be able to receive compensation for missed back rent. If the tenant is ineligible, however, the proceeding will continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lupe Arreola, executive director of Tenants Together, said while the additional legal protections sound good in theory, they may not work in real life. “We’re saying that’s wishful thinking. We’re saying that’s not going to happen.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what about the money? The bill says tenants, as well as their landlords, will be able to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.ca.gov/covid_rr/program_overview.html#renter\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">apply for 100% of back rent and up to three months of forward rent\u003c/a>. Previously, without landlord approval, a tenant was eligible for only 25% of missed rental payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was a key ask from tenant advocates, and a source of worry for landlords, who said the provision would be abused. Tenants who receive rental assistance will acknowledge under penalty of perjury they will use the money to pay missed rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the landlord still tries to evict the tenant over non-payment of rent, the court will be able to check whether the tenant received state dollars. If they paid the full amount to the landlord, the eviction will be blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also shields evictions over non-payment of rent from appearing on a tenant’s record, which hampers the ability to rent in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who is eligible for relief?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The tenant’s household income must be at or below 80% of the area median income during 2020 or 2021. Those income brackets \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-funding/income-limits/state-and-federal-income-limits/docs/income-limits-2020.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">vary by region\u003c/a>. Tenants with an income below 50% will be prioritized. Assistance is available to tenants regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local jurisdictions distributing rental relief might have different rules, however; during the last round of funds in Los Angeles, for example, \u003ca href=\"https://hcidla.lacity.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a two-person household couldn’t make more than $45,050\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill expands eligibility to tenants who may have moved out of their home during the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/04/california-rent-relief-tenants/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who were not covered previously\u003c/a>. They can now apply for back rent owed to a previous landlord.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What does this deal mean for landlords?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Landlords will be unable to evict tenants over non-payment of rent through Sept. 30. To file an eviction lawsuit after that, the landlord must provide evidence to the court they applied for rental assistance. The case can only proceed if the tenant does not complete their application or qualify for aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlord groups, which hoped the protections would not be further extended, are frustrated by this provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While there is some recognition of this distress in the deal by providing 100% in rent assistance and requirements for the tenants to use the funds to pay rent, we are very concerned as to when this moratorium will actually end,” Christine LaMarca, president of the California Rental Housing Association, which represents more than 20,000 landlords, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords will still be able to evict tenants for a substantial remodel only if that is necessary to comply with health and safety standards, and if the owner of the property is selling it to a buyer who intends to occupy the property. They cannot, for example, sell to someone who intends to rent out the place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those restrictions might be \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-06-22/la-county-extends-covid19-eviction-moratorium-through-september\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tighter in certain localities\u003c/a>, like Los Angeles, which passed a local moratorium earlier this week. But under the bill, other cities would not be able to enact stricter rules through March 2022, a provision \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/lawmakers-introduce-short-term-extension-of-covid-19-eviction-moratorium/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">supported by the California Apartment Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords would be able to apply for 100% of back and forward rent. The previous law said a landlord could apply for 80% of missed rent payments and would have to forgive the remaining 20%; the new bill means that even those who applied for only partial refund will be receiving the missing funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If both a landlord and a tenant applied for funds, the money will go directly to the landlord. It will only go to the tenant if the landlord declines to participate in the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the California Apartment Association said the state’s moratorium extension, and the final federal extension through July announced Thursday, would not be necessary if the rent relief money was getting out to landlords and tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is frustrating that the state of California and numerous local governments have not quickly disbursed funds to those in need, especially to mom-and-pop rental housing providers who have not seen any rent payments yet must still pay the mortgage, insurance, taxes, maintenance and other expenses,” association President Tom Bannon said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What about the money?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The protections are tied to dollars; and lots of them. The state approved an additional $2.6 billion of rental assistance, plus an existing $2.6 billion, all from federal relief funding. That’s $5.2 billion available to cover the missed back rent and up to three months of forward rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis by PolicyLink, an Oakland-based research group, suggests that about \u003ca href=\"https://nationalequityatlas.org/rent-debt\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">758,000 households in California are behind on rent\u003c/a> and owe a total of $3.5 billion. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The linchpin in all of this is the billions of dollars we have from the federal government. We have got to urgently fix whatever has slowed the flow of that money to a trickle.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money has gone out at a snail’s pace. While billions have been available since January, the state has distributed from its pot only \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article252289103.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$61.6 million in relief\u003c/a> to a little more than 5,000 households so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The linchpin in all of this is the billions of dollars we have from the federal government,” Brian Augusta, legislative advocate for the California Rural Legal Assistance Foundation, told CalMatters. “We have got to urgently fix whatever has slowed the flow of that money to a trickle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several cities, including Los Angeles and San Francisco, have reported demand for rental assistance far outweighed availability. The bill says that unspent funds will be redirected to those places with the highest need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also grants larger cities and counties the ability to administer their own rental funds, instead of having to rely on the state to administer a portion of those. That was a major request from local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "theres-only-1-drug-for-postpartum-depression-why-does-kaiser-permanente-make-it-so-hard-to-get",
"title": "There's Only 1 Drug for Postpartum Depression. Why Does Kaiser Permanente Make It So Hard to Get?",
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"headTitle": "There’s Only 1 Drug for Postpartum Depression. Why Does Kaiser Permanente Make It So Hard to Get? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hen Miriam McDonald decided she wanted to have another baby at age 44, her doctor told her she had a better chance of winning the lottery. So when she got pregnant, she and her husband were thrilled. But within three days of giving birth to their son, everything turned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was thinking, ‘Oh my God, what did I do?’ I just brought this baby into this world and I can barely take care of myself right now,” she said. “I feel exhausted. I haven’t slept in three days. I haven’t really eaten in three days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the weeks went by, her depression got worse. She felt sad, but also indifferent. She didn’t want to hold her baby, she didn’t want to change him. She said she felt no connection with him at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This confused her – she never felt anything like this after her first two kids – and she worried her mood might hurt her son. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4113321/#R2\">Untreated postpartum depression can affect babies’ cognitive and social development\u003c/a>. For the mother, it can be life or death. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4113321/\">Suicide accounts for 20% of maternal deaths\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day, I was crying. Every day, I felt like I just wanted to die. Every day, I thought about ending my life,” said McDonald, who is Latina and works at UC Davis as an IT professional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She went to Kaiser Permanente, her health care provider, for help. She said they put her on a merry-go-round of medication trial and error. The first drug her doctor prescribed made her anxious. The second drug gave her horrific nightmares. A third drug gave her auditory and visual hallucinations that took seven weeks to go away. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, her doctor retired. And when McDonald complained to her new doctor that she was still depressed four months after giving birth, the physician suggested more medications.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was desperate,” McDonald said. “I was like, ‘I’m trying to help myself, but things are just getting worse.’ So what am I left with?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She started doing her own research and learned about a new treatment called brexanolone. It’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/news-events/press-announcements/fda-approves-first-treatment-post-partum-depression\">the \u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">first and only drug\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to treat postpartum depression, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.americashealthrankings.org/explore/health-of-women-and-children/measure/postpartum_depression/state/CA\">affects \u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">1 out of 8 new mothers\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in California. Instead of targeting the serotonin system in the brain, like most antidepressants, brexanolone works by rebalancing the stress hormones that can get out of kilter after having a baby. It’s delivered through an IV infusion over 2 1/2 days in the hospital. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">clinical trials\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/media/121348/download\">75% of women who got brexanolone started to feel better\u003c/a> immediately after the three-day treatment. Half the women went into complete remission.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">McDonald wanted to try it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879318\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879318\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">For the first year of her son’s life, Miriam McDonald says all her smiles were fake or strained. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Miriam McDonald)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People walk out of the hospital, wanting to be with their child, wanting to return home,” said \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.med.unc.edu/psych/directory/riah-patterson/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dr. Riah Patterson\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, who has been treating women with brexanolone at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill since it became available in summer 2019. “There is a hopefulness, a brightness. You can really see that transformation in the hospital room over those 60 hours. It’s pretty miraculous.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When McDonald asked her doctor for brexanolone, she said no. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, she said the existing studies were “not very impressive.” She told McDonald that she didn’t meet Kaiser’s criteria for the drug: She would have had to try and fail four medications and electroconvulsive therapy before she could try brexanolone. And all this had to happen within six months of having her baby, or she couldn’t try it at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How could anyone qualify, McDonald wondered?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is crazy. By the time you even try one drug, that’s like four weeks out,” she said. “Another drug is four weeks out, another drug is four weeks out. There’s just no way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"State Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco\"]‘If Kaiser is making it effectively impossible to get a particular, important mental health treatment, that could definitely be a violation of our parity law.’[/pullquote]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kaiser’s guidance is an outlier. KQED analyzed guidelines from a dozen health plans operating in California. Three of them require women to fail one medication before trying brexanolone. One plan – the state’s Medi-Cal program for low-income women – requires two fails. But Kaiser is the only system KQED found that recommends women first fail four drugs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That’s absurd,” said UNC’s Patterson, one of several experts in postpartum depression who, in turn, called Kaiser’s guidance “ridiculous,” “harsh,” “abusive” and “insane.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It may also be illegal. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Under a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB855\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">new state law that took effect in January\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> , health plans must conform to “generally accepted standards of care,” including nonprofit guidelines, scientific literature and expert consensus, when making decisions about mental health treatment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If Kaiser is making it effectively impossible to get a particular, important mental health treatment, that could definitely be a violation of our parity law,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, the bill’s author. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kaiser says it always follows the law. It says its integrated structure makes it different from traditional insurers. At Kaiser, a patient’s doctor determines whether a medication is necessary, not the health plan, and the criteria doctors use are recommendations, not requirements or prerequisites that patients need to “exhaust,” said Dr. Maria Koshy, Kaiser’s chair of psychiatry for Northern California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“At the end of the day, this is an individual clinical decision by both the provider – the physician – and the patient,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But former Kaiser clinicians and legislative experts familiar with Kaiser’s model say the culture around these recommendations is to follow them. Doctors get questioned or can face consequences if they don’t, said Wiener.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘It Saved My Life’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">McDonald’s physician followed the criteria as if they were prerequisites when she declined to prescribe brexanolone. Kaiser’s grievance department sent a letter to another woman, Yesenia Muñoz, denying brexanolone because she had not failed enough medications.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When I talked to the caseworker at Kaiser that had denied the medication, he said that Zulresso was very expensive,” said Muñoz, referring to brexanolone’s brand name.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Brexanolone treatment costs $34,000 for the medication, plus the cost of the three-day hospital stay, which can tack on another $30,000, at least. Kaiser is not yet certified to administer the treatment in-house, so it must pay outside hospitals to provide it. It says it has plans to eventually open three of its own certified centers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Muñoz was devastated by the denial. She was overwhelmed by postpartum depression and anxiety shortly after her daughter was born and, as a Latina, she said she was hesitant to seek help at first. When she did, none of the medications or therapies Kaiser offered her worked. She still felt suicidal.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I could get out the door sometimes and take the stroller and go walk, and my mind kept on saying, ‘If you just step in front of the car, it’s all going to go away,’ ” she remembers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Muñoz got help from family and co-workers to appeal Kaiser’s decision to the state, and after reviewing her medical records, regulators ordered Kaiser to pay for the brexanolone treatment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Muñoz went to UC Davis Medical Center to get it, and she started feeling better within the first day.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879428\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879428\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/MunozAndBaby.jpg\" alt=\"Yesenia smiling holding baby\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1760\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/MunozAndBaby.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/MunozAndBaby-800x733.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/MunozAndBaby-1020x935.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/MunozAndBaby-160x147.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/MunozAndBaby-1536x1408.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After Yesenia Muñoz received brexanolone to treat her postpartum depression, she felt blessed, connected with her daughter and ‘happy enough to want to live.’ \u003ccite>(Courtesy Yesenia Munoz)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The nurse came in and she said something funny and I laughed,” Muñoz said. “It was the first time I had laughed in so long.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She started looking through photos and videos of her daughter on her phone and she says it was like she was experiencing those moments for the first time. She started making plans for the future. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was like a switch flicked and it made me happy enough to want to live,” she said. “It saved my life.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘There Is No Place Where We Say Kaiser Is Exempt’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2008, Congress passed a landmark federal law aimed at correcting imbalances in how insurers covered mental health treatments compared to physical health, later reinforced by the Affordable Care Act in 2010. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/stateofhealth/series/state-of-mind\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">insurers found loopholes\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, creating overly restrictive or self-serving criteria that made it easy to deny services, and as a result, save money.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California’s new law, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB855\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Senate Bill 855\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, is aimed at tightening those loopholes, and has been \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.statnews.com/2020/10/14/new-california-law-should-serve-as-a-national-model-for-mental-health-care-reform/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">hailed by advocates as a national model\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> for mental health reform. It requires health plans to use clinically based, expert-recognized criteria and guidelines in making medical decisions, with the goal of limiting arbitrary or cost-driven denials. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kaiser raises questions about how precisely the new law applies to them, given its unique integrated structure, where doctors make determinations about what is medically necessary rather than the health plan side of the organization. Kaiser’s Dr. Koshy said SB 855’s requirement to comply with generally accepted standards of care “does not apply” to its brexanolone recommendations because they were developed and are used by doctors, not plan administrators. (When KQED asked Kaiser to provide the brexanolone policy its health plan uses, it said it didn’t have one.)\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We 100% intended this law to apply to the care people get at Kaiser,” said Julie Snyder, government affairs director at \u003ca href=\"https://steinberginstitute.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the Steinberg Institute\u003c/a>, which co-sponsored the law. “There is no place where we say Kaiser is exempt.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=stateofhealth_185796,stateofhealth_193386,stateofhealth_191734 label='Related Coverage']\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Doctors at Kaiser have historically been “gatekeepers” for services in the system, said \u003ca href=\"https://psych-appeal.com/meiram-bendat-attorney-founder/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Meiram Bendat\u003c/a>, an attorney and licensed psychotherapist who also advised on the law. It doesn’t matter if practice recommendations for brexanolone were written by doctors or administrators, or whether the recommendations are mandatory or optional – Bendat says they must be compliant with the law. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If it’s inconsistent with generally accepted standards of care, then it has no place in California,” he said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some of Kaiser’s recommended criteria for brexanolone are aligned with generally accepted standards of care; for example, reserving the drug for women who are six months or less postpartum, which was a criterion used in the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/media/121348/download\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">clinical trials the FDA relied on when it approved the drug\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the recommendation to try four or five alternative treatments before considering brexanolone conflicts with the judgment of half a dozen women’s health experts interviewed for this story. They say there just isn’t enough time in the postpartum period. And there’s too much at stake. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Not only are babies at risk of developmental and emotional problems if their mother is depressed, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://neurosciencenews.com/paternal-anxiety-18177/#:~:text=Summary%3A%20A%20new%20study%20reports,this%20period%20was%20under%204%25.\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">husbands and partners are also at higher risk for depression and anxiety\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. And because new moms are learning to breastfeed, and figuring out what’s part of the new normal and what’s not, it can take months just to recognize there’s a problem, said UNC’s Riah Patterson.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It takes so long for this illness to come to recognition and for someone to actually get into an appointment and actually be seen by a provider,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879416\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879416\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Riah-Patterson.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1436\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Riah-Patterson.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Riah-Patterson-800x598.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Riah-Patterson-1020x763.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Riah-Patterson-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Riah-Patterson-1536x1149.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Riah Patterson discusses patients and treatment plans with her trainee, a third-year psychiatry resident at the Center for Women’s Mood Disorders at UNC-Chapel Hill. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Riah Patterson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Indeed, the FDA fast-tracked the approval of brexanolone in part because of how quickly it worked, allowing women to feel better and get back to their families in three days.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s new, it’s promising,” said Kaiser’s Koshy, but, she added, “it’s not a benign medication.” \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/media/121348/download\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Six women in the clinical trials experienced loss or near loss of consciousness,\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> which is why the FDA requires women to be continuously monitored in certified health centers when getting the infusion. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Also, the safety and efficacy data is limited, Koshy said. The clinical trials only compared brexanolone to placebo, not to alternative treatments. So while the data show brexanolone works better than nothing, there’s no data on whether it works better than Zoloft or electroconvulsive therapy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Koshy says Kaiser is always reviewing practice recommendations as new evidence becomes available, but also acknowledged that Kaiser’s recommendations for brexanolone have not been updated since they were first developed two years ago, in July 2019. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is unclear what role the \u003ca href=\"https://dmhc.ca.gov/\">Department of Managed Health Care\u003c/a>, the state agency that regulates Kaiser, will play in resolving these questions. In a statement, the department said it will review any criteria or guidelines the Kaiser health plan uses for brexanolone, but said it does not have jurisdiction over physician decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DMHC also monitors patient complaints around new medications and treatments in order to identify problems with access to care. So far, \u003ca href=\"https://wpso.dmhc.ca.gov/imr/\">the DMHC has published two complaints about brexanolone in its public database\u003c/a> – both were filed by Kaiser patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.benefitscafe.com/insurance-companies/kaiserpermanente/\"> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kaiser is the \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">largest insurer in California\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. It holds a 40% share of the market, covering 6.1 million patients. But at UC Davis, where Kaiser says it sends all patients who need brexanolone in Northern California, Kaiser patients are only 15% of those who got the drug, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://health.ucdavis.edu/team/search/1499/shannon-clark---obstetrics-and-gynecology-sacramento\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dr. Shannon Clark\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a psychiatrist and OB-GYN overseeing the treatments. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She says of the 13 women who’ve been treated at UC Davis in the last two years, only two were from Kaiser. One was Muñoz, who was approved only after the state intervened. The other was Whitney Worthington. Both women canceled their coverage with Kaiser over the postpartum mental health care they received.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Marcus Worthington, husband of Whitney Worthington\"]‘The only thing that changed was that we were able to stir up enough dirt and I was able to pitch a big enough fit … It finally got on somebody’s radar who wasn’t going to ignore it.’[/pullquote]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Worthington struggled with depression for most of her adult life, but when she decided to get pregnant, she got help from her psychiatrist and therapist to wean off her antidepressant. It was a grueling withdrawal process. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That was the worst two months of my life,” she said. “Feeling suicidal at times. It was just miserable.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She knew then that if she got depressed after her baby was born, she did not want to take medication because she wanted to have more children and didn’t want to go through withdrawal again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When she ended up in the Kaiser ER with suicidal thoughts a few weeks after giving birth, she had to repeatedly decline offers — even threats — of medication. She saw a series of providers at two Kaiser hospitals and several told her she needed brexanolone. One said “it was her only hope.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But Worthington was also told by other Kaiser providers that it wasn’t necessary, that Kaiser didn’t offer it at all, and that cost was an issue. The official denial that came from Kaiser’s billing department offered no reason, said Marcus Worthington, Whitney’s husband. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He spent weeks on the phone with multiple Kaiser representatives, fighting, negotiating and pleading, until a high-level administrator stepped in and personally approved it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The only thing that changed was that we were able to stir up enough dirt and I was able to pitch a big enough fit,” said Marcus, who is Latino and Native American. “I have a relatively Anglo-Saxon name and Whitney is a young white woman. Frankly, I think it all plays in that it finally got on somebody’s radar who wasn’t going to ignore it.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After getting the treatment at UC Davis, Whitney says she could think clearly again and truly enjoy the last two months of maternity leave she had with her daughter. She called brexanolone “a total miracle.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘This Is How You Treat Postpartum Mental Health?’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kaiser said it cannot comment on any individual cases because of privacy laws, but said generally, “We feel deep compassion for any patient experiencing the difficult and serious effects of postpartum depression, and our goal is always to support every patient’s safe return to a healthy mental state.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When Miriam McDonald called Kaiser’s grievance department to complain about her treatment, Kaiser sent the cops to her house for a welfare check.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The officers were calm and nice, McDonald said, but when she closed the door, she cried her eyes out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It just brought me to a whole new low,” she said. “Why didn’t my doctor call me and talk to me first? I mean, this is how you treat postpartum mental health? How dare\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">you.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">McDonald also appealed Kaiser’s denial of brexanolone to state regulators, \u003ca href=\"https://www.2020mom.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">with help from advocates at 2020 Mom\u003c/a>, but by the time she got there, the clock had already run out. She was past the six-month postpartum cutoff. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She never got brexanolone.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, she continued to fight for relief and eventually got Kaiser to cover a different treatment called \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mayoclinic.org/tests-procedures/transcranial-magnetic-stimulation/about/pac-20384625\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">transcranial magnetic stimulation\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which uses an electromagnetic coil to stimulate nerve cells in the brain that control mood.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879420\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879420\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Out-of-the-fog.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Out-of-the-fog.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Out-of-the-fog-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Out-of-the-fog-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Out-of-the-fog-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Out-of-the-fog-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam McDonald said she is finally feeling like herself again, a year and a half after her son’s birth. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Miriam McDonald)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>McDonald had to go five days a week for three months. Now, more than a year and a half after having her baby, she is finally feeling like herself again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I can remember I woke up one day and I was excited. I had actual joy,” she remembers. “I got up and I walked into his room and I was like, ‘Hey, Nico! Hi! Hey, baby!’ And he jumped up from his crib and giggled and put his arms out. And I just swooped him up in my arms and cried. Because I was like, ‘I am so proud to be your mom.’ ”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now when her son smiles at her, she genuinely smiles back. But she can’t help but grieve all the smiles she didn’t return. How she felt like she was barely there when her son took his first steps.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I felt like I’ve been robbed really of all those moments,” she said, “of those little milestones, that I’m never going to get back.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "There's Only 1 Drug for Postpartum Depression. Why Does Kaiser Permanente Make It So Hard to Get? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">W\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>hen Miriam McDonald decided she wanted to have another baby at age 44, her doctor told her she had a better chance of winning the lottery. So when she got pregnant, she and her husband were thrilled. But within three days of giving birth to their son, everything turned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was thinking, ‘Oh my God, what did I do?’ I just brought this baby into this world and I can barely take care of myself right now,” she said. “I feel exhausted. I haven’t slept in three days. I haven’t really eaten in three days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the weeks went by, her depression got worse. She felt sad, but also indifferent. She didn’t want to hold her baby, she didn’t want to change him. She said she felt no connection with him at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This confused her – she never felt anything like this after her first two kids – and she worried her mood might hurt her son. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4113321/#R2\">Untreated postpartum depression can affect babies’ cognitive and social development\u003c/a>. For the mother, it can be life or death. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4113321/\">Suicide accounts for 20% of maternal deaths\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day, I was crying. Every day, I felt like I just wanted to die. Every day, I thought about ending my life,” said McDonald, who is Latina and works at UC Davis as an IT professional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She went to Kaiser Permanente, her health care provider, for help. She said they put her on a merry-go-round of medication trial and error. The first drug her doctor prescribed made her anxious. The second drug gave her horrific nightmares. A third drug gave her auditory and visual hallucinations that took seven weeks to go away. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, her doctor retired. And when McDonald complained to her new doctor that she was still depressed four months after giving birth, the physician suggested more medications.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was desperate,” McDonald said. “I was like, ‘I’m trying to help myself, but things are just getting worse.’ So what am I left with?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She started doing her own research and learned about a new treatment called brexanolone. It’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/news-events/press-announcements/fda-approves-first-treatment-post-partum-depression\">the \u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">first and only drug\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to treat postpartum depression, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.americashealthrankings.org/explore/health-of-women-and-children/measure/postpartum_depression/state/CA\">affects \u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">1 out of 8 new mothers\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in California. Instead of targeting the serotonin system in the brain, like most antidepressants, brexanolone works by rebalancing the stress hormones that can get out of kilter after having a baby. It’s delivered through an IV infusion over 2 1/2 days in the hospital. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">clinical trials\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/media/121348/download\">75% of women who got brexanolone started to feel better\u003c/a> immediately after the three-day treatment. Half the women went into complete remission.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">McDonald wanted to try it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879318\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879318\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/trying-to-smile-1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">For the first year of her son’s life, Miriam McDonald says all her smiles were fake or strained. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Miriam McDonald)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People walk out of the hospital, wanting to be with their child, wanting to return home,” said \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.med.unc.edu/psych/directory/riah-patterson/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dr. Riah Patterson\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, who has been treating women with brexanolone at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill since it became available in summer 2019. “There is a hopefulness, a brightness. You can really see that transformation in the hospital room over those 60 hours. It’s pretty miraculous.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When McDonald asked her doctor for brexanolone, she said no. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, she said the existing studies were “not very impressive.” She told McDonald that she didn’t meet Kaiser’s criteria for the drug: She would have had to try and fail four medications and electroconvulsive therapy before she could try brexanolone. And all this had to happen within six months of having her baby, or she couldn’t try it at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How could anyone qualify, McDonald wondered?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is crazy. By the time you even try one drug, that’s like four weeks out,” she said. “Another drug is four weeks out, another drug is four weeks out. There’s just no way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If Kaiser is making it effectively impossible to get a particular, important mental health treatment, that could definitely be a violation of our parity law.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kaiser’s guidance is an outlier. KQED analyzed guidelines from a dozen health plans operating in California. Three of them require women to fail one medication before trying brexanolone. One plan – the state’s Medi-Cal program for low-income women – requires two fails. But Kaiser is the only system KQED found that recommends women first fail four drugs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That’s absurd,” said UNC’s Patterson, one of several experts in postpartum depression who, in turn, called Kaiser’s guidance “ridiculous,” “harsh,” “abusive” and “insane.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It may also be illegal. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Under a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB855\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">new state law that took effect in January\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> , health plans must conform to “generally accepted standards of care,” including nonprofit guidelines, scientific literature and expert consensus, when making decisions about mental health treatment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If Kaiser is making it effectively impossible to get a particular, important mental health treatment, that could definitely be a violation of our parity law,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, the bill’s author. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kaiser says it always follows the law. It says its integrated structure makes it different from traditional insurers. At Kaiser, a patient’s doctor determines whether a medication is necessary, not the health plan, and the criteria doctors use are recommendations, not requirements or prerequisites that patients need to “exhaust,” said Dr. Maria Koshy, Kaiser’s chair of psychiatry for Northern California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“At the end of the day, this is an individual clinical decision by both the provider – the physician – and the patient,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But former Kaiser clinicians and legislative experts familiar with Kaiser’s model say the culture around these recommendations is to follow them. Doctors get questioned or can face consequences if they don’t, said Wiener.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘It Saved My Life’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">McDonald’s physician followed the criteria as if they were prerequisites when she declined to prescribe brexanolone. Kaiser’s grievance department sent a letter to another woman, Yesenia Muñoz, denying brexanolone because she had not failed enough medications.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When I talked to the caseworker at Kaiser that had denied the medication, he said that Zulresso was very expensive,” said Muñoz, referring to brexanolone’s brand name.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Brexanolone treatment costs $34,000 for the medication, plus the cost of the three-day hospital stay, which can tack on another $30,000, at least. Kaiser is not yet certified to administer the treatment in-house, so it must pay outside hospitals to provide it. It says it has plans to eventually open three of its own certified centers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Muñoz was devastated by the denial. She was overwhelmed by postpartum depression and anxiety shortly after her daughter was born and, as a Latina, she said she was hesitant to seek help at first. When she did, none of the medications or therapies Kaiser offered her worked. She still felt suicidal.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I could get out the door sometimes and take the stroller and go walk, and my mind kept on saying, ‘If you just step in front of the car, it’s all going to go away,’ ” she remembers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Muñoz got help from family and co-workers to appeal Kaiser’s decision to the state, and after reviewing her medical records, regulators ordered Kaiser to pay for the brexanolone treatment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Muñoz went to UC Davis Medical Center to get it, and she started feeling better within the first day.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879428\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879428\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/MunozAndBaby.jpg\" alt=\"Yesenia smiling holding baby\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1760\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/MunozAndBaby.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/MunozAndBaby-800x733.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/MunozAndBaby-1020x935.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/MunozAndBaby-160x147.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/MunozAndBaby-1536x1408.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After Yesenia Muñoz received brexanolone to treat her postpartum depression, she felt blessed, connected with her daughter and ‘happy enough to want to live.’ \u003ccite>(Courtesy Yesenia Munoz)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The nurse came in and she said something funny and I laughed,” Muñoz said. “It was the first time I had laughed in so long.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She started looking through photos and videos of her daughter on her phone and she says it was like she was experiencing those moments for the first time. She started making plans for the future. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was like a switch flicked and it made me happy enough to want to live,” she said. “It saved my life.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘There Is No Place Where We Say Kaiser Is Exempt’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2008, Congress passed a landmark federal law aimed at correcting imbalances in how insurers covered mental health treatments compared to physical health, later reinforced by the Affordable Care Act in 2010. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/stateofhealth/series/state-of-mind\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">insurers found loopholes\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, creating overly restrictive or self-serving criteria that made it easy to deny services, and as a result, save money.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California’s new law, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB855\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Senate Bill 855\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, is aimed at tightening those loopholes, and has been \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.statnews.com/2020/10/14/new-california-law-should-serve-as-a-national-model-for-mental-health-care-reform/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">hailed by advocates as a national model\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> for mental health reform. It requires health plans to use clinically based, expert-recognized criteria and guidelines in making medical decisions, with the goal of limiting arbitrary or cost-driven denials. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kaiser raises questions about how precisely the new law applies to them, given its unique integrated structure, where doctors make determinations about what is medically necessary rather than the health plan side of the organization. Kaiser’s Dr. Koshy said SB 855’s requirement to comply with generally accepted standards of care “does not apply” to its brexanolone recommendations because they were developed and are used by doctors, not plan administrators. (When KQED asked Kaiser to provide the brexanolone policy its health plan uses, it said it didn’t have one.)\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We 100% intended this law to apply to the care people get at Kaiser,” said Julie Snyder, government affairs director at \u003ca href=\"https://steinberginstitute.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the Steinberg Institute\u003c/a>, which co-sponsored the law. “There is no place where we say Kaiser is exempt.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Doctors at Kaiser have historically been “gatekeepers” for services in the system, said \u003ca href=\"https://psych-appeal.com/meiram-bendat-attorney-founder/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Meiram Bendat\u003c/a>, an attorney and licensed psychotherapist who also advised on the law. It doesn’t matter if practice recommendations for brexanolone were written by doctors or administrators, or whether the recommendations are mandatory or optional – Bendat says they must be compliant with the law. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If it’s inconsistent with generally accepted standards of care, then it has no place in California,” he said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some of Kaiser’s recommended criteria for brexanolone are aligned with generally accepted standards of care; for example, reserving the drug for women who are six months or less postpartum, which was a criterion used in the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/media/121348/download\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">clinical trials the FDA relied on when it approved the drug\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the recommendation to try four or five alternative treatments before considering brexanolone conflicts with the judgment of half a dozen women’s health experts interviewed for this story. They say there just isn’t enough time in the postpartum period. And there’s too much at stake. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Not only are babies at risk of developmental and emotional problems if their mother is depressed, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://neurosciencenews.com/paternal-anxiety-18177/#:~:text=Summary%3A%20A%20new%20study%20reports,this%20period%20was%20under%204%25.\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">husbands and partners are also at higher risk for depression and anxiety\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. And because new moms are learning to breastfeed, and figuring out what’s part of the new normal and what’s not, it can take months just to recognize there’s a problem, said UNC’s Riah Patterson.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It takes so long for this illness to come to recognition and for someone to actually get into an appointment and actually be seen by a provider,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879416\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879416\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Riah-Patterson.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1436\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Riah-Patterson.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Riah-Patterson-800x598.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Riah-Patterson-1020x763.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Riah-Patterson-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Riah-Patterson-1536x1149.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Riah Patterson discusses patients and treatment plans with her trainee, a third-year psychiatry resident at the Center for Women’s Mood Disorders at UNC-Chapel Hill. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Riah Patterson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Indeed, the FDA fast-tracked the approval of brexanolone in part because of how quickly it worked, allowing women to feel better and get back to their families in three days.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s new, it’s promising,” said Kaiser’s Koshy, but, she added, “it’s not a benign medication.” \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/media/121348/download\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Six women in the clinical trials experienced loss or near loss of consciousness,\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> which is why the FDA requires women to be continuously monitored in certified health centers when getting the infusion. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Also, the safety and efficacy data is limited, Koshy said. The clinical trials only compared brexanolone to placebo, not to alternative treatments. So while the data show brexanolone works better than nothing, there’s no data on whether it works better than Zoloft or electroconvulsive therapy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Koshy says Kaiser is always reviewing practice recommendations as new evidence becomes available, but also acknowledged that Kaiser’s recommendations for brexanolone have not been updated since they were first developed two years ago, in July 2019. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is unclear what role the \u003ca href=\"https://dmhc.ca.gov/\">Department of Managed Health Care\u003c/a>, the state agency that regulates Kaiser, will play in resolving these questions. In a statement, the department said it will review any criteria or guidelines the Kaiser health plan uses for brexanolone, but said it does not have jurisdiction over physician decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DMHC also monitors patient complaints around new medications and treatments in order to identify problems with access to care. So far, \u003ca href=\"https://wpso.dmhc.ca.gov/imr/\">the DMHC has published two complaints about brexanolone in its public database\u003c/a> – both were filed by Kaiser patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.benefitscafe.com/insurance-companies/kaiserpermanente/\"> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kaiser is the \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">largest insurer in California\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. It holds a 40% share of the market, covering 6.1 million patients. But at UC Davis, where Kaiser says it sends all patients who need brexanolone in Northern California, Kaiser patients are only 15% of those who got the drug, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://health.ucdavis.edu/team/search/1499/shannon-clark---obstetrics-and-gynecology-sacramento\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dr. Shannon Clark\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a psychiatrist and OB-GYN overseeing the treatments. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She says of the 13 women who’ve been treated at UC Davis in the last two years, only two were from Kaiser. One was Muñoz, who was approved only after the state intervened. The other was Whitney Worthington. Both women canceled their coverage with Kaiser over the postpartum mental health care they received.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The only thing that changed was that we were able to stir up enough dirt and I was able to pitch a big enough fit … It finally got on somebody’s radar who wasn’t going to ignore it.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Worthington struggled with depression for most of her adult life, but when she decided to get pregnant, she got help from her psychiatrist and therapist to wean off her antidepressant. It was a grueling withdrawal process. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That was the worst two months of my life,” she said. “Feeling suicidal at times. It was just miserable.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She knew then that if she got depressed after her baby was born, she did not want to take medication because she wanted to have more children and didn’t want to go through withdrawal again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When she ended up in the Kaiser ER with suicidal thoughts a few weeks after giving birth, she had to repeatedly decline offers — even threats — of medication. She saw a series of providers at two Kaiser hospitals and several told her she needed brexanolone. One said “it was her only hope.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But Worthington was also told by other Kaiser providers that it wasn’t necessary, that Kaiser didn’t offer it at all, and that cost was an issue. The official denial that came from Kaiser’s billing department offered no reason, said Marcus Worthington, Whitney’s husband. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He spent weeks on the phone with multiple Kaiser representatives, fighting, negotiating and pleading, until a high-level administrator stepped in and personally approved it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The only thing that changed was that we were able to stir up enough dirt and I was able to pitch a big enough fit,” said Marcus, who is Latino and Native American. “I have a relatively Anglo-Saxon name and Whitney is a young white woman. Frankly, I think it all plays in that it finally got on somebody’s radar who wasn’t going to ignore it.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After getting the treatment at UC Davis, Whitney says she could think clearly again and truly enjoy the last two months of maternity leave she had with her daughter. She called brexanolone “a total miracle.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘This Is How You Treat Postpartum Mental Health?’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kaiser said it cannot comment on any individual cases because of privacy laws, but said generally, “We feel deep compassion for any patient experiencing the difficult and serious effects of postpartum depression, and our goal is always to support every patient’s safe return to a healthy mental state.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When Miriam McDonald called Kaiser’s grievance department to complain about her treatment, Kaiser sent the cops to her house for a welfare check.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The officers were calm and nice, McDonald said, but when she closed the door, she cried her eyes out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It just brought me to a whole new low,” she said. “Why didn’t my doctor call me and talk to me first? I mean, this is how you treat postpartum mental health? How dare\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">you.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">McDonald also appealed Kaiser’s denial of brexanolone to state regulators, \u003ca href=\"https://www.2020mom.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">with help from advocates at 2020 Mom\u003c/a>, but by the time she got there, the clock had already run out. She was past the six-month postpartum cutoff. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She never got brexanolone.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, she continued to fight for relief and eventually got Kaiser to cover a different treatment called \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mayoclinic.org/tests-procedures/transcranial-magnetic-stimulation/about/pac-20384625\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">transcranial magnetic stimulation\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which uses an electromagnetic coil to stimulate nerve cells in the brain that control mood.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879420\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879420\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Out-of-the-fog.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Out-of-the-fog.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Out-of-the-fog-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Out-of-the-fog-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Out-of-the-fog-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Out-of-the-fog-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam McDonald said she is finally feeling like herself again, a year and a half after her son’s birth. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Miriam McDonald)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>McDonald had to go five days a week for three months. Now, more than a year and a half after having her baby, she is finally feeling like herself again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I can remember I woke up one day and I was excited. I had actual joy,” she remembers. “I got up and I walked into his room and I was like, ‘Hey, Nico! Hi! Hey, baby!’ And he jumped up from his crib and giggled and put his arms out. And I just swooped him up in my arms and cried. Because I was like, ‘I am so proud to be your mom.’ ”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now when her son smiles at her, she genuinely smiles back. But she can’t help but grieve all the smiles she didn’t return. How she felt like she was barely there when her son took his first steps.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I felt like I’ve been robbed really of all those moments,” she said, “of those little milestones, that I’m never going to get back.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Laura, 76, has not seen a doctor for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former farmworker, who did not want her last name used because of her immigration status, said she is losing her eyesight and her feet are often swollen and in pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A grandmother, Laura also suffers from headaches and shortness of breath, months after she became seriously ill with COVID-19 during the winter surge. Through it all, she has relied on home remedies and not sought medical care because she lacks health insurance, she said, in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have any money. And at my age, there’s no work,” said Laura, who picked watermelon, zucchini, pumpkin and other crops for more than 20 years in fields in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Laura may soon get access to the medical services she desperately needs, at little or no cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is on the verge of a historic step to offer public health insurance to low-income undocumented older adults — a population that has been particularly vulnerable during the COVID-19 pandemic but left out of federal assistance programs and other safety nets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders are expected to announce an expansion to the Medi-Cal program in the coming days as part of a final deal on the state budget, according to advocates and legislative aides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent negotiations in Sacramento have centered on the lower age limit for those who will be newly eligible: 50 and older, as lawmakers have previously proposed; 60 and older, as Newsom offered; or somewhere in between.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are as certain as we can be that there will be something that comes into the final budget,” said Sarah Dar, who directs health and public benefits policy at the California Immigrant Policy Center. “And it’s really just a matter of ‘What’s the age they land on?‘”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Luz Gallegos, director of TODEC, a legal center and immigrant justice organization\"]‘California continues to step up and defend all Californians, especially those who are most vulnerable, who don’t have any access to safety nets, but who contribute to our state economy, have been paying taxes… and have seen nothing in return.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, then-state Sen. Ricardo Lara introduced the first (unsuccessful) \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SB1005\">bill\u003c/a> to make undocumented immigrants eligible for public health coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, California has enrolled undocumented children in full-scope Medi-Cal, offering free or low-cost preventative care, doctor visits, prescriptions, dental care, vision care and other services. Last year, the state became the first in the nation to offer health coverage to undocumented young adults through age 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But more than 1.3 million undocumented Californians are projected to lack health insurance next year, remaining the largest uninsured group in the state, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/undocumented-californians-projected-to-remain-the-largest-group-of-uninsured-in-the-state-in-2022/\">report\u003c/a> by the UC Berkeley Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estimates vary, but depending on the final age cutoff that Newsom and legislative leaders decide for this year’s budget, roughly 80,000 to more than 200,000 undocumented Californians could gain access to Medi-Cal, including many who have worked essential jobs that are key to the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant and health advocates who have pushed California for years to extend health coverage to undocumented immigrants savored the realization that finally, older adults will most likely be eligible for coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At last, justice does prevail. We are in a historic moment as Californians,” said Luz Gallegos, the executive director of TODEC, a legal center and immigrant justice organization in the Inland Empire and Coachella Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California continues to step up and defend all Californians, especially those who are most vulnerable, who don’t have any access to safety nets, but who contribute to our state economy, have been paying taxes … and have seen nothing in return,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1242px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879325\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1242\" height=\"806\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos.jpg 1242w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos-800x519.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos-1020x662.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos-160x104.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1242px) 100vw, 1242px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luz Gallegos works on COVID-19 vaccine outreach for farmworkers in Thermal, Calif. this spring. \u003ccite>(Courtesy TODEC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The governor’s budget \u003ca href=\"http://www.ebudget.ca.gov/2021-22/pdf/Revised/BudgetSummary/HealthandHumanServices.pdf\">revision\u003c/a> from May includes nearly $860 million in annual state funds to expand Medi-Cal to low-income undocumented adults age 60 and older, with some of that funding available next year. The Legislature’s \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Floor%20Report%20of%20the%202021-22%20Budget%20-%20%28June%2011%2C%202021%20Version%29.pdf\">proposal\u003c/a> dedicates $1.3 billion in annual funds to cover undocumented adults age 50 and older once the program is fully established.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='undocumented-immigrants']Gallegos, who was born in the U.S. to farmworker immigrant parents, said this likely win is personal for her. In recent years, her undocumented uncle died from cancer, she said, after he delayed seeking medical care because he was uninsured. During the pandemic, farmworkers she knows died from COVID-19 while several others became ill with the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We honor their lives by continuing the struggle so we don’t see no more lives taken away from our communities,” said Gallegos, her voice breaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, low-income undocumented immigrants who are 26 and older are eligible for limited Medi-Cal, which only covers health care emergencies or prenatal care if they are pregnant. Undocumented immigrants are excluded from the Affordable Care Act, and cannot purchase coverage through Covered California, the state’s ACA health exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they are not insured by an employer or able to purchase a private plan, they must generally rely on county health programs, which vary greatly throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Gov. Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11814885/as-pandemic-batters-californias-economy-plan-to-insure-undocumented-seniors-in-doubt\">proposed\u003c/a> offering full-scope Medi-Cal to undocumented seniors age 65 and older. But the plan didn’t go through, as the state projected a severe economic downturn and tax losses in the billions of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the financial picture for California is starkly different this year, with the state logging an eye-popping budget surplus of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11874125/californias-historic-budget-surplus-is-it-76-billion-or-38-billion\">$76 billion\u003c/a>. In addition, the pandemic highlighted how “interconnected” public health really is, with all of us having to think about whether people around us wore masks, stood far enough apart, or were vaccinated, said Dar, with the California Immigrant Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so to give health care access to this community would mean a healthier and stronger state for all Californians,” said Dar. “Increased productivity, better health outcomes, better public health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some opponents have argued that funds to provide health coverage to undocumented people would be better spent on other needs, such as helping struggling U.S. citizens afford their own health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two in three Californians support the idea of providing health coverage to undocumented immigrants, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-march-2021.pdf\">recent survey\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California. But many Republicans oppose it, with nearly eight in 10 saying that they are not in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Illinois became the \u003ca href=\"https://www.povertylaw.org/article/health-coverage-available-to-undocumented-seniors-in-illinois/#:~:text=Fortunately%2C%20Illinois%20has%20become%20the,citizens%20age%2065%20or%20older.\">first state\u003c/a> to extend health insurance to undocumented seniors age 65 and older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former farmworker Laura hopes she will gain access to health coverage — and low-cost medical care — in California, where she has lived since the late 1980s, most recently in Riverside county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would help me a lot to go to the doctor and get my eyes checked out,” Laura said. “It would be the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Laura, 76, has not seen a doctor for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former farmworker, who did not want her last name used because of her immigration status, said she is losing her eyesight and her feet are often swollen and in pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A grandmother, Laura also suffers from headaches and shortness of breath, months after she became seriously ill with COVID-19 during the winter surge. Through it all, she has relied on home remedies and not sought medical care because she lacks health insurance, she said, in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have any money. And at my age, there’s no work,” said Laura, who picked watermelon, zucchini, pumpkin and other crops for more than 20 years in fields in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Laura may soon get access to the medical services she desperately needs, at little or no cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is on the verge of a historic step to offer public health insurance to low-income undocumented older adults — a population that has been particularly vulnerable during the COVID-19 pandemic but left out of federal assistance programs and other safety nets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders are expected to announce an expansion to the Medi-Cal program in the coming days as part of a final deal on the state budget, according to advocates and legislative aides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent negotiations in Sacramento have centered on the lower age limit for those who will be newly eligible: 50 and older, as lawmakers have previously proposed; 60 and older, as Newsom offered; or somewhere in between.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are as certain as we can be that there will be something that comes into the final budget,” said Sarah Dar, who directs health and public benefits policy at the California Immigrant Policy Center. “And it’s really just a matter of ‘What’s the age they land on?‘”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, then-state Sen. Ricardo Lara introduced the first (unsuccessful) \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SB1005\">bill\u003c/a> to make undocumented immigrants eligible for public health coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, California has enrolled undocumented children in full-scope Medi-Cal, offering free or low-cost preventative care, doctor visits, prescriptions, dental care, vision care and other services. Last year, the state became the first in the nation to offer health coverage to undocumented young adults through age 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But more than 1.3 million undocumented Californians are projected to lack health insurance next year, remaining the largest uninsured group in the state, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/undocumented-californians-projected-to-remain-the-largest-group-of-uninsured-in-the-state-in-2022/\">report\u003c/a> by the UC Berkeley Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estimates vary, but depending on the final age cutoff that Newsom and legislative leaders decide for this year’s budget, roughly 80,000 to more than 200,000 undocumented Californians could gain access to Medi-Cal, including many who have worked essential jobs that are key to the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant and health advocates who have pushed California for years to extend health coverage to undocumented immigrants savored the realization that finally, older adults will most likely be eligible for coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At last, justice does prevail. We are in a historic moment as Californians,” said Luz Gallegos, the executive director of TODEC, a legal center and immigrant justice organization in the Inland Empire and Coachella Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California continues to step up and defend all Californians, especially those who are most vulnerable, who don’t have any access to safety nets, but who contribute to our state economy, have been paying taxes … and have seen nothing in return,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1242px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879325\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1242\" height=\"806\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos.jpg 1242w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos-800x519.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos-1020x662.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos-160x104.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1242px) 100vw, 1242px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luz Gallegos works on COVID-19 vaccine outreach for farmworkers in Thermal, Calif. this spring. \u003ccite>(Courtesy TODEC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The governor’s budget \u003ca href=\"http://www.ebudget.ca.gov/2021-22/pdf/Revised/BudgetSummary/HealthandHumanServices.pdf\">revision\u003c/a> from May includes nearly $860 million in annual state funds to expand Medi-Cal to low-income undocumented adults age 60 and older, with some of that funding available next year. The Legislature’s \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Floor%20Report%20of%20the%202021-22%20Budget%20-%20%28June%2011%2C%202021%20Version%29.pdf\">proposal\u003c/a> dedicates $1.3 billion in annual funds to cover undocumented adults age 50 and older once the program is fully established.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Gallegos, who was born in the U.S. to farmworker immigrant parents, said this likely win is personal for her. In recent years, her undocumented uncle died from cancer, she said, after he delayed seeking medical care because he was uninsured. During the pandemic, farmworkers she knows died from COVID-19 while several others became ill with the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We honor their lives by continuing the struggle so we don’t see no more lives taken away from our communities,” said Gallegos, her voice breaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, low-income undocumented immigrants who are 26 and older are eligible for limited Medi-Cal, which only covers health care emergencies or prenatal care if they are pregnant. Undocumented immigrants are excluded from the Affordable Care Act, and cannot purchase coverage through Covered California, the state’s ACA health exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they are not insured by an employer or able to purchase a private plan, they must generally rely on county health programs, which vary greatly throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Gov. Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11814885/as-pandemic-batters-californias-economy-plan-to-insure-undocumented-seniors-in-doubt\">proposed\u003c/a> offering full-scope Medi-Cal to undocumented seniors age 65 and older. But the plan didn’t go through, as the state projected a severe economic downturn and tax losses in the billions of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the financial picture for California is starkly different this year, with the state logging an eye-popping budget surplus of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11874125/californias-historic-budget-surplus-is-it-76-billion-or-38-billion\">$76 billion\u003c/a>. In addition, the pandemic highlighted how “interconnected” public health really is, with all of us having to think about whether people around us wore masks, stood far enough apart, or were vaccinated, said Dar, with the California Immigrant Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so to give health care access to this community would mean a healthier and stronger state for all Californians,” said Dar. “Increased productivity, better health outcomes, better public health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some opponents have argued that funds to provide health coverage to undocumented people would be better spent on other needs, such as helping struggling U.S. citizens afford their own health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two in three Californians support the idea of providing health coverage to undocumented immigrants, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-march-2021.pdf\">recent survey\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California. But many Republicans oppose it, with nearly eight in 10 saying that they are not in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Illinois became the \u003ca href=\"https://www.povertylaw.org/article/health-coverage-available-to-undocumented-seniors-in-illinois/#:~:text=Fortunately%2C%20Illinois%20has%20become%20the,citizens%20age%2065%20or%20older.\">first state\u003c/a> to extend health insurance to undocumented seniors age 65 and older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former farmworker Laura hopes she will gain access to health coverage — and low-cost medical care — in California, where she has lived since the late 1980s, most recently in Riverside county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would help me a lot to go to the doctor and get my eyes checked out,” Laura said. “It would be the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-misled-the-public-about-wildfire-prevention-efforts-ahead-of-worst-fire-season-on-record",
"title": "Newsom Misled the Public About Wildfire Prevention Efforts Ahead of Worst Fire Season on Record",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Misled the Public About Wildfire Prevention Efforts Ahead of Worst Fire Season on Record | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Gavin Newsom’s first full day in office, Jan. 8, 2019, the newly elected governor \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/newsom-wildfire-executive-action-gavin-order-governor/5035854/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">stood\u003c/a> before the cameras, clad in jeans and sneakers and surrounded by emergency responders, and declared war on wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody has had enough,” the governor said, announcing he’d signed a sweeping \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/1.8.19-EO-N-05-19.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> overhauling the state’s approach to wildfire prevention. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2020/09/03/wildfires-in-california-will-continue-to-get-worse-climate-change-experts-explore-why/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Climate change was sparking fires\u003c/a> more frequent, ferocious, and far-reaching than ever before, Newsom said, and confronting them would have to become a year-round effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s response, Newsom added, “fundamentally has to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two-and-a-half years later, as California approaches what could be the worst wildfire season on record, it does so with little evidence of the year-round attention Newsom promised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An investigation from CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom found the governor has misrepresented his accomplishments and even disinvested in wildfire prevention. The investigation found Newsom overstated, by an astounding 690%, the number of acres treated with fuel breaks and prescribed burns in the very forestry projects he said needed to be prioritized to protect the state’s most vulnerable communities. Newsom has claimed that 35 “priority projects” carried out as a result of his executive order resulted in fire prevention work on 90,000 acres. But the state’s own data show the actual number is 11,399.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, California’s response has faltered under Newsom. After an initial jump during his first year in office, data obtained by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom show Cal Fire’s fuel reduction output dropped by half in 2020, to levels below Gov. Jerry Brown’s final year in office. At the same time, Newsom slashed roughly $150 million from Cal Fire’s wildfire prevention budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote]Newsom has claimed that 35 ‘priority projects’ carried out as a result of his executive order resulted in fire prevention work on 90,000 acres. But the state’s own data show the actual number is 11,399.[/pullquote] In 2020, 4.3 million acres burned, the most in California’s recorded history. That was more than double the previous record, set in 2018, when the Camp Fire destroyed the town of Paradise, killing 85 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, data obtained by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom show that through Memorial Day, the annual number of acres worked remained low, despite a fire season that threatens to be even more dangerous than last year. \u003ca href=\"https://droughtmonitor.unl.edu/CurrentMap/StateDroughtMonitor.aspx?CA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Most of the state\u003c/a> is in “extreme drought” or “exceptional drought,” which means there is an abundance of dry vegetation ready to catch fire. A record heat wave has swept the state already this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data show Cal Fire treated 64,000 acres in 2019, but only 32,000 acres in 2020 and 24,000 acres through Memorial Day this year. The federal government and private landowners also chip in, but the totals remain far below what experts say is required to effectively adapt to the dangers of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to be doing a million acres a year, for a long time,” said Michael Wara, director of the Climate and Energy Policy Program at Stanford University’s Woods Institute for the Environment. “That’s the scale where you start to achieve … strategic goals, like fewer structures lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Newsom is trying to play catch-up. With the state enjoying an unexpected surplus, Newsom proposed $1.2 billion in “wildfire resiliency” funding in the upcoming budget. Experts say the increase in prevention spending could help the state get closer to a less-dangerous wildfire season over time. But they also expressed concern over whether the state will sustain that commitment for years to come. “We are in a deep hole,” Wara said, “and it is going to take us many years of sustained effort to get out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879067\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11879067\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-800x530.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-800x530.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-1020x676.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-160x106.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-1536x1017.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-2048x1356.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-1920x1272.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mitch Mackenzie’s home in Santa Rosa, pictured after it was destroyed in the 2017 Tubbs Fire. Last year’s wine country fires ruined one-third of the winery’s grape harvest, and the flames nearly overran his new home in Sonoma County. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Mitch Mackenzie)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In interviews, fire survivors said they felt betrayed by government officials who seem more concerned with making a splash than saving homes and businesses from incineration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a deception,” said Mitch Mackenzie, co-owner of Carol Shelton Wines in Santa Rosa, who lost his home in the 2017 Tubbs Fire. Last year’s wine country fires ruined one-third of the winery’s grape harvest, and the flames nearly overran his new home in Sonoma County. He says Newsom’s embellishments are a frustrating — but typical — example of how California politicians handle wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With all the fire danger that we have experienced year, after year, after year … you would think it would be a higher priority to make sure that all of this area is treated as much as possible,” Mackenzie said. Politicians, he added, “always want to look good about fixing the problem, but then they never really do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Newsom’s case, the data shows he’s done just 13% of the job he’s touted on his highest-priority projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office did not respond to multiple requests for comment over the course of two weeks, including a 500-word email that laid out the investigation’s findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The head of Cal Fire, Chief Thom Porter, did grant an interview. He acknowledged the figures cited by Newsom were incorrect and took responsibility for the governor’s misstatements. Porter, who stood behind Newsom at a series of press conferences where the governor boasted of his accomplishments, said Cal Fire had neither “done our job in educating the public, nor the governor’s office” about how to talk about its wildfire prevention efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter also confirmed the agency had fallen short of its fuel reduction goals in 2020. “It’s not something that I’m comfortable with,” he said. “It is something that I’m working to reconcile and to correct for the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The 90,000 Acres That Weren’t\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many of Newsom’s misrepresentations revolve around \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/about-us/45-day-report/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">35 “priority projects,”\u003c/a> which Cal Fire launched in February 2019 as a result of Newsom’s executive order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The projects selected, Cal Fire said, would protect 200 communities that were especially vulnerable to wildfire. The projects ran the length of the state — from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/media/5536/45-day-plan_01.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fuel break\u003c/a> in the shrublands around the community of Crest, east of El Cajon in San Diego County, to cutting back foliage along major routes in and out of the town of \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/media/5574/45-day-plan_06.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Lake Shastina\u003c/a>, in Siskiyou County, near the Oregon border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879055\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11879055\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-800x1035.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1035\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-800x1035.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-1020x1320.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-160x207.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-1187x1536.jpeg 1187w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-1583x2048.jpeg 1583w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-1920x2485.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-scaled.jpeg 1978w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The ‘original project area’ of Cal Fire’s Ukiah Fuels Reduction project in Mendocino County covers a sprawling 26,541 acres (in green). But the agency’s data shows the agency did work on just 734 of them (in red). \u003ccite>(Cal Fire)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As required by Newsom’s executive order, the agency said it paid particular attention to equity — focusing on areas with high “poverty levels, residents with disabilities, language barriers, residents over 65 or under five years of age, and households without a car.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officially, the projects totaled about 90,000 acres. That’s well short of the amount of forestland experts say needs treatment in California, but it would have substantially increased Cal Fire’s prevention output compared to past years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 2020, Newsom declared mission accomplished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The projects collectively have treated 90,000 acres,” states a January 2020 \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/01/29/governor-newsom-announces-completion-of-emergency-projects-to-protect-wildfire-vulnerable-communities/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">press release\u003c/a> from the governor’s office. “Work included removal of hazardous dead trees, vegetation clearing, creation of fuel breaks and community defensible spaces, and creation of ingress and egress corridors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the data analyzed by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom show that Cal Fire treated a small fraction of that amount, 11,399 acres, or about 13% of the amount cited by Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Mendocino County, for example, Cal Fire’s public reports said its Ukiah Fuels Reduction Project, which included fuel breaks and forest thinning in the hills west of Highway 101, covered a sprawling 26,541 acres. But the agency’s data obtained by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom showed the agency did work on just 734 of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879056\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11879056\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-800x1035.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1035\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-800x1035.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-1020x1320.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-160x207.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-1187x1536.jpeg 1187w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-1583x2048.jpeg 1583w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-1920x2485.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-scaled.jpeg 1978w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Officially, the Willits Fuel Reduction Project covers 11,965 acres. The data obtained by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom, on the other hand, showed just 262 acres of fuel breaks and no prescribed burns. \u003ccite>(Cal Fire)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Responding to our inquiries, the agency provided a map. It included a large area shaded in green, covering much of the area west of Highway 101 and described as the “original project area proposed,” and a much smaller area in red, where the work was actually done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire provided a similar map for the Willits Fuel Reduction Project, where the agency’s public reports showed a project area of 11,965 acres. The data obtained by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom, on the other hand, showed just 262 acres of fuel breaks and no prescribed burns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 90k acre figure was the overall project area, but not necessarily the area treated,” Cal Fire public information officer Daniel Berlant wrote when pressed, acknowledging the priority projects did not produce mitigation work across 90,000 acres.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t square with Newsom’s portrayal to the public, nor does it match how Cal Fire described the projects. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20972182-factsheet_proclamation-stateofemergency_final\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fact sheet\u003c/a> from 2019 claimed “the priority fuel reduction projects would treat approximately 90,000 acres.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forestry experts said the discrepancies in vegetation management data undermine the state’s ability to measure progress toward its ambitious fuel reduction targets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to be truthful,” said Scott Stephens, a professor of fire science at UC Berkeley. When treatment numbers are garbled or exaggerated, he added, “Then you wonder about public confidence [and if] funding is being used efficiently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state and federal government recently set an annual goal of treating 500,000 acres each by 2025, with Cal Fire developing a list of 500 projects to continuously work on and update to reach that end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to be really clear on what we’re reporting,” said John Battles, a professor of forest ecology at UC Berkeley. “Especially if there’s a million acre goal, with half coming from the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cal Fire fact sheet from 2019 claimed Newsom’s priority projects would knock out “about 20% of the [500,000 acre] goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, the actual acres treated represented less than 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite Newsom’s public pronouncements, Porter, the chief of Cal Fire, said the state was never going to be able to tackle all 90,000 acres in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t have all of the environmental clearance that we were going to need to do all of that work,” Porter said. “Nor did we have all of the agreements with landowners completely in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Total Acres Treated Plummets\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Newsom regularly points to the 35 priority projects as a badge of success. In a press release last month, he claimed the “emergency fuel reduction projects … played a critical role in containing wildfires last year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 4 million acres burned across the state in 2020 — the most since California began keeping track. Cal Fire did not provide an estimate for how much more land would have burned without the completion of the priority projects, and a review of fire data by the San Francisco Chronicle found the fire breaks were often too small to be effective. “When they did intercept a fire, the flames often pushed right through,” the paper reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the department says the fuel breaks and thinning did save some communities from fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A fuel break near Shaver Lake in Fresno County, for example, is credited with helping save about 70 homes in a nearby subdivision. And a fuel break in Butte County called Forbestown Ridge helped slow the advance of the North Complex Fire, allowing firefighters to develop a suppression plan and create contingency lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Newsom boasted about the 35 projects, fire prevention funding and productivity dwindled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom did not identify a new set of priority projects to tackle after declaring victory on the initial 35 in January 2020, even though Cal Fire’s recommendations underscored the urgent need to make this an ongoing effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California faces a massive backlog of forest management work,” the department states in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/media/5584/45-day-report-final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2019 report\u003c/a>. “Millions of acres are in need of treatment, and this work — once completed — must be repeated over the years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade ago, Cal Fire was treating a paltry 17,000 acres annually. That number has steadily climbed. Though Newsom misrepresented the number of acres treated in his “priority projects,” the overall amount of wildfire mitigation work carried out by Cal Fire spiked in his first year in office, to 64,000 acres. But in 2020, fuel reduction totals plummeted to less than 32,000 acres — a roughly 50% drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter acknowledges the decline, but claims there’s not much Cal Fire could do. Though Newsom claimed in July 2020 that California was “\u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2020/07/09/watch-live-gov-gavin-newsom-update-on-covid-19-and-fire-season-preparation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">up to the task\u003c/a>” of preventing wildfires and stopping the coronavirus at the same time, Porter said the reality of the pandemic presented barriers Cal Fire could not overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The record fire season also made prevention work more difficult. Fires broke out earlier than usual, leaving less time for prescribed burns and thinning. Crews responsible for fire prevention work are also tasked with fire suppression. After a spate of dry lightning that set multiple conflagration fires at once, crews shifted to an all-hands-on-deck suppression effort. Our “initial analysis is that what kept us from getting the work done was completely out of our control,” Porter said\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the significant drop in acres treated also shows the fragility of California’s existing wildfire prevention infrastructure — and the need to considerably strengthen it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got to get more strategic,” said Stephens. “We’re going to have to get much more nimble.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through late May of 2021, Cal Fire treated over 23,000 acres, putting it on track to exceed last year’s total, but fall short of the work done in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Big Spending Push, After Disinvestment\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The drop in wildfire prevention work occurred at a time when the state put fewer dollars toward fire prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2019 budget allocated $355 million for wildfire prevention and resource management. The following year, after the COVID-19 pandemic hit, Newsom slashed that to $203 million — a decrease of more than 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within months of enacting the budget last year, fire had consumed California. Over 4 million acres burned largely due to the long-term impacts of climate change and fuel buildup, combined with extraordinary weather events. But the cataclysmic fire season underscored the crucial need for increased and sustained spending on prevention — not disinvestment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Spending on prevention is the only way that this gets better, but we have to do it for a super long time,” said Wara of Stanford University’s Woods Institute. “We can’t firefight our way out of this problem.” [pullquote size=\"large\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Michael Wara, director of the Climate and Energy Policy Program at Stanford University’s Woods Institute for the Environment\"]‘The significance of this problem for California justifies spending a lot more than we’re spending right now.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By late 2020, it became clear the pandemic would not have a disastrous impact on state revenues. On the contrary, Newsom said the state had a nearly $76 billion surplus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Newsom is proposing $2 billion in spending on wildfires and emergency preparedness, with $1.2 billion going toward “wildfire resiliency.” The state Legislature’s version of the budget allocates over $1.5 billion for a “wildfire prevention and forest resilience package.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts anticipate there will be significantly more money for mitigation compared to past budgets — but it’ll still fall short.\u003cbr>\n[aside tag=\"fire, wildfire\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see [it] as a very positive trend,” said Wara. “I still think that we are not spending enough. The significance of this problem for California justifies spending a lot more than we’re spending right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s $2 billion proposal included an early budget allocation for $536 million, signed in April, with the majority going toward forest health and fuel reduction programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berlant, the Cal Fire spokesman, says he believes the funding will help the department reach its treatment goals years ahead of schedule. But he acknowledges the agency can only keep that up with sustained funding — otherwise, fuel reduction could drop again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How we work to make that ongoing will be a continued discussion with the Legislature,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephens of UC Berkeley says retreating on wildfire prevention spending could undo progress made toward the state’s ambitious goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re not going to maintain the funding for [treatment] work, why even do it in the first place?” he said. “If you don’t continue this forever, you’re basically never going to get out of this hole.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom dramatically overstated the amount of fire prevention work performed on 'priority projects' he touted and cut Cal Fire’s mitigation budget by $150 million last year, an investigation by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom found.",
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"title": "Newsom Misled the Public About Wildfire Prevention Efforts Ahead of Worst Fire Season on Record | KQED",
"description": "Gov. Gavin Newsom dramatically overstated the amount of fire prevention work performed on 'priority projects' he touted and cut Cal Fire’s mitigation budget by $150 million last year, an investigation by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom found.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Gavin Newsom’s first full day in office, Jan. 8, 2019, the newly elected governor \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/newsom-wildfire-executive-action-gavin-order-governor/5035854/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">stood\u003c/a> before the cameras, clad in jeans and sneakers and surrounded by emergency responders, and declared war on wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody has had enough,” the governor said, announcing he’d signed a sweeping \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/1.8.19-EO-N-05-19.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> overhauling the state’s approach to wildfire prevention. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2020/09/03/wildfires-in-california-will-continue-to-get-worse-climate-change-experts-explore-why/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Climate change was sparking fires\u003c/a> more frequent, ferocious, and far-reaching than ever before, Newsom said, and confronting them would have to become a year-round effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s response, Newsom added, “fundamentally has to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two-and-a-half years later, as California approaches what could be the worst wildfire season on record, it does so with little evidence of the year-round attention Newsom promised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An investigation from CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom found the governor has misrepresented his accomplishments and even disinvested in wildfire prevention. The investigation found Newsom overstated, by an astounding 690%, the number of acres treated with fuel breaks and prescribed burns in the very forestry projects he said needed to be prioritized to protect the state’s most vulnerable communities. Newsom has claimed that 35 “priority projects” carried out as a result of his executive order resulted in fire prevention work on 90,000 acres. But the state’s own data show the actual number is 11,399.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, California’s response has faltered under Newsom. After an initial jump during his first year in office, data obtained by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom show Cal Fire’s fuel reduction output dropped by half in 2020, to levels below Gov. Jerry Brown’s final year in office. At the same time, Newsom slashed roughly $150 million from Cal Fire’s wildfire prevention budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "Newsom has claimed that 35 ‘priority projects’ carried out as a result of his executive order resulted in fire prevention work on 90,000 acres. But the state’s own data show the actual number is 11,399.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> In 2020, 4.3 million acres burned, the most in California’s recorded history. That was more than double the previous record, set in 2018, when the Camp Fire destroyed the town of Paradise, killing 85 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, data obtained by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom show that through Memorial Day, the annual number of acres worked remained low, despite a fire season that threatens to be even more dangerous than last year. \u003ca href=\"https://droughtmonitor.unl.edu/CurrentMap/StateDroughtMonitor.aspx?CA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Most of the state\u003c/a> is in “extreme drought” or “exceptional drought,” which means there is an abundance of dry vegetation ready to catch fire. A record heat wave has swept the state already this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data show Cal Fire treated 64,000 acres in 2019, but only 32,000 acres in 2020 and 24,000 acres through Memorial Day this year. The federal government and private landowners also chip in, but the totals remain far below what experts say is required to effectively adapt to the dangers of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to be doing a million acres a year, for a long time,” said Michael Wara, director of the Climate and Energy Policy Program at Stanford University’s Woods Institute for the Environment. “That’s the scale where you start to achieve … strategic goals, like fewer structures lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Newsom is trying to play catch-up. With the state enjoying an unexpected surplus, Newsom proposed $1.2 billion in “wildfire resiliency” funding in the upcoming budget. Experts say the increase in prevention spending could help the state get closer to a less-dangerous wildfire season over time. But they also expressed concern over whether the state will sustain that commitment for years to come. “We are in a deep hole,” Wara said, “and it is going to take us many years of sustained effort to get out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879067\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11879067\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-800x530.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-800x530.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-1020x676.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-160x106.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-1536x1017.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-2048x1356.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Mitch-House-After-1920x1272.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mitch Mackenzie’s home in Santa Rosa, pictured after it was destroyed in the 2017 Tubbs Fire. Last year’s wine country fires ruined one-third of the winery’s grape harvest, and the flames nearly overran his new home in Sonoma County. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Mitch Mackenzie)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In interviews, fire survivors said they felt betrayed by government officials who seem more concerned with making a splash than saving homes and businesses from incineration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a deception,” said Mitch Mackenzie, co-owner of Carol Shelton Wines in Santa Rosa, who lost his home in the 2017 Tubbs Fire. Last year’s wine country fires ruined one-third of the winery’s grape harvest, and the flames nearly overran his new home in Sonoma County. He says Newsom’s embellishments are a frustrating — but typical — example of how California politicians handle wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With all the fire danger that we have experienced year, after year, after year … you would think it would be a higher priority to make sure that all of this area is treated as much as possible,” Mackenzie said. Politicians, he added, “always want to look good about fixing the problem, but then they never really do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Newsom’s case, the data shows he’s done just 13% of the job he’s touted on his highest-priority projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office did not respond to multiple requests for comment over the course of two weeks, including a 500-word email that laid out the investigation’s findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The head of Cal Fire, Chief Thom Porter, did grant an interview. He acknowledged the figures cited by Newsom were incorrect and took responsibility for the governor’s misstatements. Porter, who stood behind Newsom at a series of press conferences where the governor boasted of his accomplishments, said Cal Fire had neither “done our job in educating the public, nor the governor’s office” about how to talk about its wildfire prevention efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter also confirmed the agency had fallen short of its fuel reduction goals in 2020. “It’s not something that I’m comfortable with,” he said. “It is something that I’m working to reconcile and to correct for the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The 90,000 Acres That Weren’t\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many of Newsom’s misrepresentations revolve around \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/about-us/45-day-report/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">35 “priority projects,”\u003c/a> which Cal Fire launched in February 2019 as a result of Newsom’s executive order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The projects selected, Cal Fire said, would protect 200 communities that were especially vulnerable to wildfire. The projects ran the length of the state — from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/media/5536/45-day-plan_01.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fuel break\u003c/a> in the shrublands around the community of Crest, east of El Cajon in San Diego County, to cutting back foliage along major routes in and out of the town of \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/media/5574/45-day-plan_06.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Lake Shastina\u003c/a>, in Siskiyou County, near the Oregon border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879055\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11879055\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-800x1035.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1035\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-800x1035.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-1020x1320.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-160x207.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-1187x1536.jpeg 1187w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-1583x2048.jpeg 1583w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-1920x2485.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/ukiah_fuels_reduction_v1-1-scaled.jpeg 1978w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The ‘original project area’ of Cal Fire’s Ukiah Fuels Reduction project in Mendocino County covers a sprawling 26,541 acres (in green). But the agency’s data shows the agency did work on just 734 of them (in red). \u003ccite>(Cal Fire)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As required by Newsom’s executive order, the agency said it paid particular attention to equity — focusing on areas with high “poverty levels, residents with disabilities, language barriers, residents over 65 or under five years of age, and households without a car.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officially, the projects totaled about 90,000 acres. That’s well short of the amount of forestland experts say needs treatment in California, but it would have substantially increased Cal Fire’s prevention output compared to past years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 2020, Newsom declared mission accomplished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The projects collectively have treated 90,000 acres,” states a January 2020 \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/01/29/governor-newsom-announces-completion-of-emergency-projects-to-protect-wildfire-vulnerable-communities/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">press release\u003c/a> from the governor’s office. “Work included removal of hazardous dead trees, vegetation clearing, creation of fuel breaks and community defensible spaces, and creation of ingress and egress corridors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the data analyzed by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom show that Cal Fire treated a small fraction of that amount, 11,399 acres, or about 13% of the amount cited by Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Mendocino County, for example, Cal Fire’s public reports said its Ukiah Fuels Reduction Project, which included fuel breaks and forest thinning in the hills west of Highway 101, covered a sprawling 26,541 acres. But the agency’s data obtained by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom showed the agency did work on just 734 of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879056\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11879056\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-800x1035.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1035\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-800x1035.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-1020x1320.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-160x207.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-1187x1536.jpeg 1187w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-1583x2048.jpeg 1583w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-1920x2485.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/willits_fuels_reduction-1-scaled.jpeg 1978w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Officially, the Willits Fuel Reduction Project covers 11,965 acres. The data obtained by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom, on the other hand, showed just 262 acres of fuel breaks and no prescribed burns. \u003ccite>(Cal Fire)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Responding to our inquiries, the agency provided a map. It included a large area shaded in green, covering much of the area west of Highway 101 and described as the “original project area proposed,” and a much smaller area in red, where the work was actually done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire provided a similar map for the Willits Fuel Reduction Project, where the agency’s public reports showed a project area of 11,965 acres. The data obtained by CapRadio and NPR’s California Newsroom, on the other hand, showed just 262 acres of fuel breaks and no prescribed burns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 90k acre figure was the overall project area, but not necessarily the area treated,” Cal Fire public information officer Daniel Berlant wrote when pressed, acknowledging the priority projects did not produce mitigation work across 90,000 acres.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t square with Newsom’s portrayal to the public, nor does it match how Cal Fire described the projects. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20972182-factsheet_proclamation-stateofemergency_final\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fact sheet\u003c/a> from 2019 claimed “the priority fuel reduction projects would treat approximately 90,000 acres.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forestry experts said the discrepancies in vegetation management data undermine the state’s ability to measure progress toward its ambitious fuel reduction targets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to be truthful,” said Scott Stephens, a professor of fire science at UC Berkeley. When treatment numbers are garbled or exaggerated, he added, “Then you wonder about public confidence [and if] funding is being used efficiently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state and federal government recently set an annual goal of treating 500,000 acres each by 2025, with Cal Fire developing a list of 500 projects to continuously work on and update to reach that end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to be really clear on what we’re reporting,” said John Battles, a professor of forest ecology at UC Berkeley. “Especially if there’s a million acre goal, with half coming from the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cal Fire fact sheet from 2019 claimed Newsom’s priority projects would knock out “about 20% of the [500,000 acre] goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, the actual acres treated represented less than 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite Newsom’s public pronouncements, Porter, the chief of Cal Fire, said the state was never going to be able to tackle all 90,000 acres in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t have all of the environmental clearance that we were going to need to do all of that work,” Porter said. “Nor did we have all of the agreements with landowners completely in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Total Acres Treated Plummets\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Newsom regularly points to the 35 priority projects as a badge of success. In a press release last month, he claimed the “emergency fuel reduction projects … played a critical role in containing wildfires last year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 4 million acres burned across the state in 2020 — the most since California began keeping track. Cal Fire did not provide an estimate for how much more land would have burned without the completion of the priority projects, and a review of fire data by the San Francisco Chronicle found the fire breaks were often too small to be effective. “When they did intercept a fire, the flames often pushed right through,” the paper reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the department says the fuel breaks and thinning did save some communities from fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A fuel break near Shaver Lake in Fresno County, for example, is credited with helping save about 70 homes in a nearby subdivision. And a fuel break in Butte County called Forbestown Ridge helped slow the advance of the North Complex Fire, allowing firefighters to develop a suppression plan and create contingency lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Newsom boasted about the 35 projects, fire prevention funding and productivity dwindled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom did not identify a new set of priority projects to tackle after declaring victory on the initial 35 in January 2020, even though Cal Fire’s recommendations underscored the urgent need to make this an ongoing effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California faces a massive backlog of forest management work,” the department states in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/media/5584/45-day-report-final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2019 report\u003c/a>. “Millions of acres are in need of treatment, and this work — once completed — must be repeated over the years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade ago, Cal Fire was treating a paltry 17,000 acres annually. That number has steadily climbed. Though Newsom misrepresented the number of acres treated in his “priority projects,” the overall amount of wildfire mitigation work carried out by Cal Fire spiked in his first year in office, to 64,000 acres. But in 2020, fuel reduction totals plummeted to less than 32,000 acres — a roughly 50% drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter acknowledges the decline, but claims there’s not much Cal Fire could do. Though Newsom claimed in July 2020 that California was “\u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2020/07/09/watch-live-gov-gavin-newsom-update-on-covid-19-and-fire-season-preparation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">up to the task\u003c/a>” of preventing wildfires and stopping the coronavirus at the same time, Porter said the reality of the pandemic presented barriers Cal Fire could not overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The record fire season also made prevention work more difficult. Fires broke out earlier than usual, leaving less time for prescribed burns and thinning. Crews responsible for fire prevention work are also tasked with fire suppression. After a spate of dry lightning that set multiple conflagration fires at once, crews shifted to an all-hands-on-deck suppression effort. Our “initial analysis is that what kept us from getting the work done was completely out of our control,” Porter said\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the significant drop in acres treated also shows the fragility of California’s existing wildfire prevention infrastructure — and the need to considerably strengthen it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got to get more strategic,” said Stephens. “We’re going to have to get much more nimble.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through late May of 2021, Cal Fire treated over 23,000 acres, putting it on track to exceed last year’s total, but fall short of the work done in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Big Spending Push, After Disinvestment\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The drop in wildfire prevention work occurred at a time when the state put fewer dollars toward fire prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2019 budget allocated $355 million for wildfire prevention and resource management. The following year, after the COVID-19 pandemic hit, Newsom slashed that to $203 million — a decrease of more than 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within months of enacting the budget last year, fire had consumed California. Over 4 million acres burned largely due to the long-term impacts of climate change and fuel buildup, combined with extraordinary weather events. But the cataclysmic fire season underscored the crucial need for increased and sustained spending on prevention — not disinvestment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Spending on prevention is the only way that this gets better, but we have to do it for a super long time,” said Wara of Stanford University’s Woods Institute. “We can’t firefight our way out of this problem.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By late 2020, it became clear the pandemic would not have a disastrous impact on state revenues. On the contrary, Newsom said the state had a nearly $76 billion surplus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Newsom is proposing $2 billion in spending on wildfires and emergency preparedness, with $1.2 billion going toward “wildfire resiliency.” The state Legislature’s version of the budget allocates over $1.5 billion for a “wildfire prevention and forest resilience package.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts anticipate there will be significantly more money for mitigation compared to past budgets — but it’ll still fall short.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see [it] as a very positive trend,” said Wara. “I still think that we are not spending enough. The significance of this problem for California justifies spending a lot more than we’re spending right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s $2 billion proposal included an early budget allocation for $536 million, signed in April, with the majority going toward forest health and fuel reduction programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berlant, the Cal Fire spokesman, says he believes the funding will help the department reach its treatment goals years ahead of schedule. But he acknowledges the agency can only keep that up with sustained funding — otherwise, fuel reduction could drop again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How we work to make that ongoing will be a continued discussion with the Legislature,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephens of UC Berkeley says retreating on wildfire prevention spending could undo progress made toward the state’s ambitious goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re not going to maintain the funding for [treatment] work, why even do it in the first place?” he said. “If you don’t continue this forever, you’re basically never going to get out of this hole.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Supreme Court on Wednesday tightened the leash on union representatives and their ability to organize farmworkers in California and elsewhere. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue in the case was a California law that allows union organizers to enter farms to speak to workers during non-working hours – before and after work, as well as during lunch – for a set a number of days each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By a 6-3 vote along ideological lines, the court \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20971158-cedar-point-nursery-et-al-v-hassid\">ruled\u003c/a> that the law – enacted nearly 50 years ago after a campaign by famed organizer Cesar Chavez – unconstitutionally appropriates private land by allowing organizers to go on farm property to drum up union support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision is a potentially mortal blow that threatens the very existence of the farmworkers union. However, the ruling stopped short of upending other laws that allow government officials to enter private property to inspect and enforce health and safety rules that cover everything from restaurants to toxic chemical sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court's decision on Wednesday was only the latest in a series of decisions that have aimed directly at the heart of organized labor in the United States. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recently, in 2018, the court hamstrung public-sector unions' efforts to raise money for collective bargaining. In that decision, the court by a 5-4 vote overturned a 40-year precedent that had allowed unions to collect limited \"fair share\" fees from workers not in the union but who benefited from the terms of the contract that the union negotiated. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case decided by the court on Wednesday began in 2015 at Cedar Point Nursery, near the Oregon border. The nursery's owner, Mike Fahner, claimed that union organizers entered the farm at 5 a.m. one morning, without the required notice, and began harassing his workers with bullhorns. The general counsel for the United Farm Workers, Mario Martinez, countered that the people with bullhorns were striking workers, not union organizers. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Labor Coverage' tag='labor']When Cedar Point filed a complaint with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board, the board found no illegal behavior and dismissed the complaint. Cedar Point, joined by another California grower, appealed all the way to the Supreme Court, arguing they should be able to exclude organizers from their farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court's decision could be disastrous for unions in general, but especially those that represent low-income workers. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The growers asserted that unions should have no problem organizing workers in the era of the internet. But many of the workers at Cedar Point don't own smartphones and don't have internet access. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What's more, many speak Spanish or indigenous languages and live scattered throughout the area, in motels, labor camps or with friends and family, often moving after just a few weeks when the seasonal harvest is over. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=In+A+Narrow+Ruling%2C+Supreme+Court+Hands+Farmworkers+Union+A+Loss&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Supreme Court on Wednesday tightened the leash on union representatives and their ability to organize farmworkers in California and elsewhere. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue in the case was a California law that allows union organizers to enter farms to speak to workers during non-working hours – before and after work, as well as during lunch – for a set a number of days each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By a 6-3 vote along ideological lines, the court \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20971158-cedar-point-nursery-et-al-v-hassid\">ruled\u003c/a> that the law – enacted nearly 50 years ago after a campaign by famed organizer Cesar Chavez – unconstitutionally appropriates private land by allowing organizers to go on farm property to drum up union support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision is a potentially mortal blow that threatens the very existence of the farmworkers union. However, the ruling stopped short of upending other laws that allow government officials to enter private property to inspect and enforce health and safety rules that cover everything from restaurants to toxic chemical sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court's decision on Wednesday was only the latest in a series of decisions that have aimed directly at the heart of organized labor in the United States. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recently, in 2018, the court hamstrung public-sector unions' efforts to raise money for collective bargaining. In that decision, the court by a 5-4 vote overturned a 40-year precedent that had allowed unions to collect limited \"fair share\" fees from workers not in the union but who benefited from the terms of the contract that the union negotiated. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case decided by the court on Wednesday began in 2015 at Cedar Point Nursery, near the Oregon border. The nursery's owner, Mike Fahner, claimed that union organizers entered the farm at 5 a.m. one morning, without the required notice, and began harassing his workers with bullhorns. The general counsel for the United Farm Workers, Mario Martinez, countered that the people with bullhorns were striking workers, not union organizers. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When Cedar Point filed a complaint with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board, the board found no illegal behavior and dismissed the complaint. Cedar Point, joined by another California grower, appealed all the way to the Supreme Court, arguing they should be able to exclude organizers from their farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court's decision could be disastrous for unions in general, but especially those that represent low-income workers. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The growers asserted that unions should have no problem organizing workers in the era of the internet. But many of the workers at Cedar Point don't own smartphones and don't have internet access. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What's more, many speak Spanish or indigenous languages and live scattered throughout the area, in motels, labor camps or with friends and family, often moving after just a few weeks when the seasonal harvest is over. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=In+A+Narrow+Ruling%2C+Supreme+Court+Hands+Farmworkers+Union+A+Loss&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>“Coming here, we lost it all.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Néstor, 14, says now about his journey to the United States three years ago. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His father, Melvin, says he received death threats from local gang members and leaving El Salvador was his best shot to protect his family. Néstor’s mother was pregnant at the time, and so just father and son made the journey north. Néstor still hasn’t had the opportunity to meet his new brother. “Whenever I think about that,” Néstor says in Spanish, “I feel like crying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families who migrate to the U.S. from Central and South America to seek asylum know they will be leaving behind loved ones. What roughly 5,500 of those families didn’t know is that if they made it all the way to the U.S.-Mexico border, they would also be separated. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Melvin, on being separated from his son\"]‘The most difficult part was not knowing anything about him, not even knowing where he was, not having any communication.’[/pullquote]Néstor and Melvin — they asked not to use their last name to protect their anonymity and safety as they apply for asylum — are among the families who were split apart by the Trump administration’s zero-tolerance policy in 2018. The policy was part of a strategy meant to curb legal and illegal immigration, but it’s been widely criticized by immigration advocates for being psychologically traumatic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melvin, 33, and Néstor shared with NPR some of the details of their story as they continue to process what happened to them and their asylum case makes its way through the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Parents Begged Detention Center Officials for Information\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Melvin and Néstor left their home in El Salvador on May 26, 2018. Néstor’s mom, pregnant with her third son, felt unable to make the dangerous journey. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is when I made the decision to bring [Néstor] because he was the oldest one,” Melvin says in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his dad covered over 1,000 miles as they made their way to the U.S. by car, raft and foot. Melvin sometimes carried his son, exhausted from the journey, in his arms and on his back. They say the journey was terrifying — navigating police extortion, death threats and physical suffering. They passed over the Rio Grande on a makeshift raft, scared for their lives. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Melvin and Néstor reached the U.S. border on June 5 — a few months after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions formally announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961048895/justice-department-rescinds-trumps-zero-tolerance-immigration-policy\">the zero-tolerance policy\u003c/a> — they hoped their journey was over and could begin the process of applying for asylum. Unaware they would be separated, they turned themselves in at the Port Isabel checkpoint in Texas and got in vans headed for detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were taken to separate facilities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11877128 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1232636077-1020x680.jpg']Néstor recalls being put in a van with other separated children and driven to a place he says looked like a prison. There were no cloth blankets. The children were given Mylar wraps to keep warm. Néstor doesn’t know how many days he was there. He lost count. He didn’t know where his father was. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>” ‘And the children? And the children?” Melvin says he and other parents begged detention center officials to tell them where their children were, but he says officials wouldn’t say. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877128/reunification-alone-is-not-enough-biden-task-force-finds-2100-children-may-still-be-separated-from-parents\">Biden administration-era task force\u003c/a> has found that the strategy was so unclear, it might have been that even those officials didn’t know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[I’d] cry at night, feel sad, and not know what the future would be, because for me, every day what they told me was ‘No, they’re going to deport you. They’re going to send you back and your kids are going to stay here. They’re going to get adopted.’ I would say, ‘No, how are you going to take away my son? That’s my son, he’s mine. You can’t, you can’t,” Melvin says. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Néstor was also asking for his father. He says the adults caring for him always said “soon,” but soon never came. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878929\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/c5d_2914-edit_custom-6cc5a8ed5d4b8ca48d3c5b0eef75bdaf5b881613-scaled-e1624391955465.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1372\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878929\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melvin (left) shows the notes his son, Néstor, wrote while they were separated. \u003ccite>(Jessica Pons/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, officials transferred Néstor north, more than 1,000 miles away from his father in Texas, to New York to stay with a foster mom. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says he cried at night, worried he had lost his whole family forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That fear was not unfounded. NPR’s immigration team \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/08/1004205868/bidens-task-force-has-reunited-36-migrant-families-with-hundreds-to-go\">has reported\u003c/a> that immigrant advocates believe at least 1,000 children remain separated from their parents. The Department of Homeland Security says it cannot find a record of reunification for at least 2,100 children, but that is partly due to poor record keeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most difficult part was not knowing anything about him, not even knowing where he was, not having any communication,” Melvin says. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>They’re Reunited, But There’s Still Fear\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On June 26, 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/19/630463522/5-things-to-know-about-migrant-family-reunification\">a federal judge ordered the government\u003c/a> to reunify separated families. Exactly two months later, Néstor and Melvin were reunited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Néstor had been apart from his dad for about two and a half months when a man came to New York to pick him up from his foster home and escort him to the airport to fly to California, where his dad was living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878928\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/c5d_2748-edit_custom-f5d106c8704a2fd81aa9353f92e641601020a008-scaled-e1624392037467.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1482\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878928\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Néstor (left) and his father Melvin left their home in El Salvador in 2018. They covered over 1,000 miles by car, raft and foot, and then they were taken to separate facilities when they reached the U.S. border. \u003ccite>(Jessica Pons/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Néstor says he gathered what little possessions he had — mostly notes he’d been writing to his father to try to maintain their connection — and he boarded a plane to Los Angeles. He recalls this next moment with an audible smile: When he saw his dad at the airport, he ran into his arms and instantly cried. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were mixed emotions, something unexplainable in that moment to see him arrive,” Melvin remembers. “After so much uncertainty of not knowing what would happen or know anything about him, it was something beautiful after so much pain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a joyous moment, but Néstor has struggled in many ways since. As the months passed, there were times when Néstor didn’t want to leave the house or play sports. He’s had nightmares. Melvin says he watched his son withdraw and feel unmotivated — something many separated children feel, says Melissa Tith, a therapist and a program supervisor at Seneca Family of Agencies, a nonprofit organization working to get free mental health support to people like Néstor. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/c5d_3096-edit_custom-49463e598f578c3ba4c6d1c1005e5f553618b515-scaled-e1624393197470.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1372\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878930\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melvin and Néstor are reunited and currently live together in Southern California as they wait for their asylum case to be processed. \u003ccite>(Jessica Pons/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Néstor and Melvin are living in Southern California while they wait for their asylum case to be processed. But as NPR has reported, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/01/982795844/biden-administration-considers-overhaul-of-asylum-system-at-southern-border\">that could take years\u003c/a>. And there is no guarantee they’ll get to stay. The Biden administration says it’s helping affected families with free therapy and is negotiating with immigration advocates about doing more. That could include granting legal status to families separated under zero tolerance, but there are no firm public commitments yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since October 2020, Néstor has been seeing a therapist weekly through Seneca. He says it’s helping. It’s a slow process of untangling the feelings and fear he experienced while separated and it may be a lifelong effort, Tith says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hardly have any more nightmares,” he says. He’s just graduated middle school and he’s excited to start high school. He says he wants to grow up to become a surgeon in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They both imagine a life in the U.S., but that future is far from certain. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most valuable thing is to have our family together and have good health,” Melvin says. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Joel Rose contributed to and Heidi Glenn edited the digital story. \u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Separated+At+The+Border%2C+A+Father+Reunites+With+His+Son.+But+Struggles+Remain&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“Coming here, we lost it all.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Néstor, 14, says now about his journey to the United States three years ago. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His father, Melvin, says he received death threats from local gang members and leaving El Salvador was his best shot to protect his family. Néstor’s mother was pregnant at the time, and so just father and son made the journey north. Néstor still hasn’t had the opportunity to meet his new brother. “Whenever I think about that,” Néstor says in Spanish, “I feel like crying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families who migrate to the U.S. from Central and South America to seek asylum know they will be leaving behind loved ones. What roughly 5,500 of those families didn’t know is that if they made it all the way to the U.S.-Mexico border, they would also be separated. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Néstor and Melvin — they asked not to use their last name to protect their anonymity and safety as they apply for asylum — are among the families who were split apart by the Trump administration’s zero-tolerance policy in 2018. The policy was part of a strategy meant to curb legal and illegal immigration, but it’s been widely criticized by immigration advocates for being psychologically traumatic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melvin, 33, and Néstor shared with NPR some of the details of their story as they continue to process what happened to them and their asylum case makes its way through the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Parents Begged Detention Center Officials for Information\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Melvin and Néstor left their home in El Salvador on May 26, 2018. Néstor’s mom, pregnant with her third son, felt unable to make the dangerous journey. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is when I made the decision to bring [Néstor] because he was the oldest one,” Melvin says in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his dad covered over 1,000 miles as they made their way to the U.S. by car, raft and foot. Melvin sometimes carried his son, exhausted from the journey, in his arms and on his back. They say the journey was terrifying — navigating police extortion, death threats and physical suffering. They passed over the Rio Grande on a makeshift raft, scared for their lives. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Melvin and Néstor reached the U.S. border on June 5 — a few months after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions formally announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961048895/justice-department-rescinds-trumps-zero-tolerance-immigration-policy\">the zero-tolerance policy\u003c/a> — they hoped their journey was over and could begin the process of applying for asylum. Unaware they would be separated, they turned themselves in at the Port Isabel checkpoint in Texas and got in vans headed for detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were taken to separate facilities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Néstor recalls being put in a van with other separated children and driven to a place he says looked like a prison. There were no cloth blankets. The children were given Mylar wraps to keep warm. Néstor doesn’t know how many days he was there. He lost count. He didn’t know where his father was. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>” ‘And the children? And the children?” Melvin says he and other parents begged detention center officials to tell them where their children were, but he says officials wouldn’t say. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877128/reunification-alone-is-not-enough-biden-task-force-finds-2100-children-may-still-be-separated-from-parents\">Biden administration-era task force\u003c/a> has found that the strategy was so unclear, it might have been that even those officials didn’t know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[I’d] cry at night, feel sad, and not know what the future would be, because for me, every day what they told me was ‘No, they’re going to deport you. They’re going to send you back and your kids are going to stay here. They’re going to get adopted.’ I would say, ‘No, how are you going to take away my son? That’s my son, he’s mine. You can’t, you can’t,” Melvin says. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Néstor was also asking for his father. He says the adults caring for him always said “soon,” but soon never came. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878929\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/c5d_2914-edit_custom-6cc5a8ed5d4b8ca48d3c5b0eef75bdaf5b881613-scaled-e1624391955465.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1372\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878929\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melvin (left) shows the notes his son, Néstor, wrote while they were separated. \u003ccite>(Jessica Pons/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, officials transferred Néstor north, more than 1,000 miles away from his father in Texas, to New York to stay with a foster mom. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says he cried at night, worried he had lost his whole family forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That fear was not unfounded. NPR’s immigration team \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/08/1004205868/bidens-task-force-has-reunited-36-migrant-families-with-hundreds-to-go\">has reported\u003c/a> that immigrant advocates believe at least 1,000 children remain separated from their parents. The Department of Homeland Security says it cannot find a record of reunification for at least 2,100 children, but that is partly due to poor record keeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most difficult part was not knowing anything about him, not even knowing where he was, not having any communication,” Melvin says. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>They’re Reunited, But There’s Still Fear\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On June 26, 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/19/630463522/5-things-to-know-about-migrant-family-reunification\">a federal judge ordered the government\u003c/a> to reunify separated families. Exactly two months later, Néstor and Melvin were reunited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Néstor had been apart from his dad for about two and a half months when a man came to New York to pick him up from his foster home and escort him to the airport to fly to California, where his dad was living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878928\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/c5d_2748-edit_custom-f5d106c8704a2fd81aa9353f92e641601020a008-scaled-e1624392037467.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1482\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878928\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Néstor (left) and his father Melvin left their home in El Salvador in 2018. They covered over 1,000 miles by car, raft and foot, and then they were taken to separate facilities when they reached the U.S. border. \u003ccite>(Jessica Pons/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Néstor says he gathered what little possessions he had — mostly notes he’d been writing to his father to try to maintain their connection — and he boarded a plane to Los Angeles. He recalls this next moment with an audible smile: When he saw his dad at the airport, he ran into his arms and instantly cried. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were mixed emotions, something unexplainable in that moment to see him arrive,” Melvin remembers. “After so much uncertainty of not knowing what would happen or know anything about him, it was something beautiful after so much pain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a joyous moment, but Néstor has struggled in many ways since. As the months passed, there were times when Néstor didn’t want to leave the house or play sports. He’s had nightmares. Melvin says he watched his son withdraw and feel unmotivated — something many separated children feel, says Melissa Tith, a therapist and a program supervisor at Seneca Family of Agencies, a nonprofit organization working to get free mental health support to people like Néstor. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/c5d_3096-edit_custom-49463e598f578c3ba4c6d1c1005e5f553618b515-scaled-e1624393197470.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1372\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878930\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melvin and Néstor are reunited and currently live together in Southern California as they wait for their asylum case to be processed. \u003ccite>(Jessica Pons/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Néstor and Melvin are living in Southern California while they wait for their asylum case to be processed. But as NPR has reported, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/01/982795844/biden-administration-considers-overhaul-of-asylum-system-at-southern-border\">that could take years\u003c/a>. And there is no guarantee they’ll get to stay. The Biden administration says it’s helping affected families with free therapy and is negotiating with immigration advocates about doing more. That could include granting legal status to families separated under zero tolerance, but there are no firm public commitments yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since October 2020, Néstor has been seeing a therapist weekly through Seneca. He says it’s helping. It’s a slow process of untangling the feelings and fear he experienced while separated and it may be a lifelong effort, Tith says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hardly have any more nightmares,” he says. He’s just graduated middle school and he’s excited to start high school. He says he wants to grow up to become a surgeon in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They both imagine a life in the U.S., but that future is far from certain. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most valuable thing is to have our family together and have good health,” Melvin says. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Joel Rose contributed to and Heidi Glenn edited the digital story. \u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Separated+At+The+Border%2C+A+Father+Reunites+With+His+Son.+But+Struggles+Remain&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 80% of large metropolitan regions in the United States, including the Bay Area, have become more racially segregated in recent decades, with detrimental economic, health and educational outcomes for many communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to findings from a \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/roots-structural-racism\">UC Berkeley housing study and map\u003c/a> released Monday that uses a new methodology to determine the degree of racial segregation in local and regional areas throughout the country. The report goes on to identify vast disparities in income and poverty levels, home values, rent prices and life expectancy between highly segregated communities of color and white communities.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Stephen Menendian, assistant director of the Other and Belonging Institute\"]‘All of the visible forms of racial inequality that we now recognize, they all map to and function because of racial residential segregation.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the board, segregated white neighborhoods fared the best while segregated Black and Latino neighborhoods fared the worst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, for example, life expectancy in largely white neighborhoods (84 years) is more than five years greater than in highly segregated Black and Latino neighborhoods (79 years), the report notes, citing figures from a separate \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/racial-segregation-san-francisco-bay-area-part-4\">2019 study\u003c/a>, while household incomes and home values are more than double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the new report also emphasizes that when Black or Latino people grow up in largely segregated, wealthier white neighborhoods, their life outcomes often improve significantly, underscoring that environment, not race, is in most cases the key determinant of success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of the visible forms of racial inequality that we now recognize — wealth disparities, health disparities, abusive policing, all the disparities in the criminal justice system — they all map to and function because of racial residential segregation,” said report lead author Stephen Menendian, assistant director of the UC Berkeley Othering & Belonging Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878879\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Screen-Shot-2021-06-21-at-8.36.32-PM-e1624333298534.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11878879 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Screen-Shot-2021-06-21-at-8.36.32-PM-e1624333298534.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot of the project’s interactive segregation map, showing segregation “scores” by census tract in the Bay Area, based on 2010 data. Scores can be viewed by metropolitan area, city or census tract. See the full map \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.gis-cdn.net/us_segregation_map/#2010\">here\u003c/a>. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Othering and Belonging Institute)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>COVID-19 brought that into stark relief, he noted. The pandemic disproportionately impacted people in highly segregated communities of color, who are more likely to be low-income front-line workers living in crowded housing conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you didn’t have racial residential segregation, most of those forms of racial inequality could be pretty straightforwardly dealt with,” added Menendian, who is white. “It’s something that has persisted and really not gone away for 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That finding flies in the face of the prevailing narrative that the United States has grown increasingly \u003cem>less\u003c/em> segregated since the civil rights era, when discrimination in housing was technically outlawed by the Fair Housing Act of 1968. And while the U.S. has grown significantly more racially diverse in the last half-century — largely due to the rapid growth of Latino and Asian populations — it has also become more racially segmented, Menendian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so, what we have basically in almost every metropolitan area is a sort of balkanization patchwork of enclaves,” he said, noting that political polarization also tends to increase in more segregated regions. “What’s different from the 1960s is that there are very few single-race neighborhoods anymore. There are almost no all-white or all-Black neighborhoods. But what has happened is that because of our increased diversity, it’s masked the persistence of segregation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://test-othering-and-belonging-institute.pantheon.berkeley.edu/roots-structural-racism\">report\u003c/a> uses a new measurement called the “divergence index,” based on U.S. Census Bureau data, to compare the racial makeup of a small geographic area, like a census tract, with that of a larger surrounding region, like a county or metropolitan area. Applying that methodology, the study ranks \u003ca href=\"https://test-othering-and-belonging-institute.pantheon.berkeley.edu/most-least-segregated-cities-regions\">all major U.S. cities and metropolitan areas\u003c/a> by their levels of segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That approach, Menendian argues, yields a much clearer illustration of racial segregation at the local level than more commonly used measurements that typically compare only a few racial groups within a single larger isolated geographic area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s more accurate because it captures more racial groups and gives you a better sense of the actual level of segregation in a region. And it’s more precise because it’s more granular. It can give you [segregation] scores in a much smaller level of geography,” Menendian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland for instance, is among the most racially diverse cities in the country. But zoom in on the map to specific neighborhoods, and a much different picture emerges of racial isolation in many communities, making it the 14th most segregated city in the country based on the study’s metric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the accompanying \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.gis-cdn.net/us_segregation_map/#2010\">mapping tool\u003c/a>, users can view segregation rates throughout the country between 1980 and 2019 by state, metropolitan region, city, all the way down to census tract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contrary to common perceptions of the United States, the report finds the most segregated regions in the country are in the Midwest and mid-Atlantic, followed by the West Coast — most typically in Democratic strongholds like Detroit, New York, Los Angeles and Philadelphia. By contrast, segregation rates are more often lower in more conservative, less urban regions like the Plains, the Mountain West and parts of the South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/segregation_map_preview_image_4x3-1.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11878864\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/segregation_map_preview_image_4x3-1.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"610\" height=\"458\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/segregation_map_preview_image_4x3-1.png 610w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/segregation_map_preview_image_4x3-1-160x120.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 610px) 100vw, 610px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a red state or red metro or red city problem exclusively,” said Craig Gurian, a long-time civil rights lawyer and executive director of the Anti-Discrimination Center. “In fact, blue areas of the country in terms of political affiliation come out quite vividly in terms of high segregation. It’s just about everywhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interestingly, cities with nearby military bases — like Colorado Springs and Killeen, Texas — tend to be the most racially integrated areas in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are places where people are brought together in a sustained, deliberate way,” Menendian said. “Because the structures of segregation and racial inequality are so deeply rooted in our society that it takes a sort of deliberate effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report stops short of directly explaining the underlying causes of residential segregation or proposing specific solutions. It also does not mention certain unintended consequences that have resulted from some integration efforts, such as gentrification and displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in explaining his findings, Menendian repeatedly alludes to the more than a century of local and federal exclusionary housing policies that have made racial segregation such a deeply entrenched aspect of America’s landscape. In the first half of the 20th century, he said, racial covenants and government-promoted discriminatory bank lending practices, known as redlining, emerged largely in reaction to the rapidly growing Black population in many northern cities during the Great Migration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And once those blatant forms of discrimination were ostensibly outlawed by the Fair Housing Act in 1968, scores of state and local governments adopted subtler but equally restrictive policies like land preservation ordinances and exclusionary zoning laws, Menendian said. The measures tamped down development, often barring the construction of affordable housing projects. In the Bay Area alone, he added, more than 80% of residential land is zoned exclusively for single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11840548,news_11839409,lowdown_18486\"]“After the enactment of the Fair Housing Act, municipalities had to find other ways to maintain their racial and economic exclusivity because they could no longer simply permit discrimination on the basis of race,” Menendian said. “So you have all of these alternative mechanisms that have been affirmed by the courts that screen people on the basis of socioeconomic status and perpetuate previous patterns of segregation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the initially successful (but ultimately fleeting) effort to integrate schools in the decades after the U.S. Supreme Court outlawed school segregation, “there was never really the same concerted effort to desegregate neighborhoods,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also notes that in recent decades many people of color have moved out of cities and into suburban communities that were previously largely off limits to them. But that transformation has taken place as the much of the white population of those places has also relocated, leaving many of those communities — places like Ferguson, Missouri, and Antioch in the East Bay — racially segregated and under-resourced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So there’s been a tremendous evolution in what racial residential segregation looks like,” Menendian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>America’s sharp racial inequalities won’t be remedied by simply pouring resources into disadvantaged areas, he said, underscoring that the only real fix is more integration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You wouldn’t have these resource disparities in the first place,” he said. “And instead of concentrating people who have lots of needs, you would intersperse them and they would have more resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menendian said the report is intended to “arm” policymakers and advocates, in the hopes they push for more inclusive housing policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What matters is whether the policies and politicians we support are making decisions that may even unintentionally perpetuate segregation,” he said. “The uprisings of the last few years are not going to die down as long as we have a deeply racially unjust and racially segregated society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 80% of large metropolitan regions in the United States, including the Bay Area, have become more racially segregated in recent decades, with detrimental economic, health and educational outcomes for many communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to findings from a \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/roots-structural-racism\">UC Berkeley housing study and map\u003c/a> released Monday that uses a new methodology to determine the degree of racial segregation in local and regional areas throughout the country. The report goes on to identify vast disparities in income and poverty levels, home values, rent prices and life expectancy between highly segregated communities of color and white communities.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the board, segregated white neighborhoods fared the best while segregated Black and Latino neighborhoods fared the worst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, for example, life expectancy in largely white neighborhoods (84 years) is more than five years greater than in highly segregated Black and Latino neighborhoods (79 years), the report notes, citing figures from a separate \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/racial-segregation-san-francisco-bay-area-part-4\">2019 study\u003c/a>, while household incomes and home values are more than double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the new report also emphasizes that when Black or Latino people grow up in largely segregated, wealthier white neighborhoods, their life outcomes often improve significantly, underscoring that environment, not race, is in most cases the key determinant of success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of the visible forms of racial inequality that we now recognize — wealth disparities, health disparities, abusive policing, all the disparities in the criminal justice system — they all map to and function because of racial residential segregation,” said report lead author Stephen Menendian, assistant director of the UC Berkeley Othering & Belonging Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878879\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Screen-Shot-2021-06-21-at-8.36.32-PM-e1624333298534.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11878879 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Screen-Shot-2021-06-21-at-8.36.32-PM-e1624333298534.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot of the project’s interactive segregation map, showing segregation “scores” by census tract in the Bay Area, based on 2010 data. Scores can be viewed by metropolitan area, city or census tract. See the full map \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.gis-cdn.net/us_segregation_map/#2010\">here\u003c/a>. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Othering and Belonging Institute)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>COVID-19 brought that into stark relief, he noted. The pandemic disproportionately impacted people in highly segregated communities of color, who are more likely to be low-income front-line workers living in crowded housing conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you didn’t have racial residential segregation, most of those forms of racial inequality could be pretty straightforwardly dealt with,” added Menendian, who is white. “It’s something that has persisted and really not gone away for 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That finding flies in the face of the prevailing narrative that the United States has grown increasingly \u003cem>less\u003c/em> segregated since the civil rights era, when discrimination in housing was technically outlawed by the Fair Housing Act of 1968. And while the U.S. has grown significantly more racially diverse in the last half-century — largely due to the rapid growth of Latino and Asian populations — it has also become more racially segmented, Menendian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so, what we have basically in almost every metropolitan area is a sort of balkanization patchwork of enclaves,” he said, noting that political polarization also tends to increase in more segregated regions. “What’s different from the 1960s is that there are very few single-race neighborhoods anymore. There are almost no all-white or all-Black neighborhoods. But what has happened is that because of our increased diversity, it’s masked the persistence of segregation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://test-othering-and-belonging-institute.pantheon.berkeley.edu/roots-structural-racism\">report\u003c/a> uses a new measurement called the “divergence index,” based on U.S. Census Bureau data, to compare the racial makeup of a small geographic area, like a census tract, with that of a larger surrounding region, like a county or metropolitan area. Applying that methodology, the study ranks \u003ca href=\"https://test-othering-and-belonging-institute.pantheon.berkeley.edu/most-least-segregated-cities-regions\">all major U.S. cities and metropolitan areas\u003c/a> by their levels of segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That approach, Menendian argues, yields a much clearer illustration of racial segregation at the local level than more commonly used measurements that typically compare only a few racial groups within a single larger isolated geographic area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s more accurate because it captures more racial groups and gives you a better sense of the actual level of segregation in a region. And it’s more precise because it’s more granular. It can give you [segregation] scores in a much smaller level of geography,” Menendian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland for instance, is among the most racially diverse cities in the country. But zoom in on the map to specific neighborhoods, and a much different picture emerges of racial isolation in many communities, making it the 14th most segregated city in the country based on the study’s metric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the accompanying \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.gis-cdn.net/us_segregation_map/#2010\">mapping tool\u003c/a>, users can view segregation rates throughout the country between 1980 and 2019 by state, metropolitan region, city, all the way down to census tract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contrary to common perceptions of the United States, the report finds the most segregated regions in the country are in the Midwest and mid-Atlantic, followed by the West Coast — most typically in Democratic strongholds like Detroit, New York, Los Angeles and Philadelphia. By contrast, segregation rates are more often lower in more conservative, less urban regions like the Plains, the Mountain West and parts of the South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/segregation_map_preview_image_4x3-1.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11878864\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/segregation_map_preview_image_4x3-1.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"610\" height=\"458\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/segregation_map_preview_image_4x3-1.png 610w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/segregation_map_preview_image_4x3-1-160x120.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 610px) 100vw, 610px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a red state or red metro or red city problem exclusively,” said Craig Gurian, a long-time civil rights lawyer and executive director of the Anti-Discrimination Center. “In fact, blue areas of the country in terms of political affiliation come out quite vividly in terms of high segregation. It’s just about everywhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interestingly, cities with nearby military bases — like Colorado Springs and Killeen, Texas — tend to be the most racially integrated areas in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are places where people are brought together in a sustained, deliberate way,” Menendian said. “Because the structures of segregation and racial inequality are so deeply rooted in our society that it takes a sort of deliberate effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report stops short of directly explaining the underlying causes of residential segregation or proposing specific solutions. It also does not mention certain unintended consequences that have resulted from some integration efforts, such as gentrification and displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in explaining his findings, Menendian repeatedly alludes to the more than a century of local and federal exclusionary housing policies that have made racial segregation such a deeply entrenched aspect of America’s landscape. In the first half of the 20th century, he said, racial covenants and government-promoted discriminatory bank lending practices, known as redlining, emerged largely in reaction to the rapidly growing Black population in many northern cities during the Great Migration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And once those blatant forms of discrimination were ostensibly outlawed by the Fair Housing Act in 1968, scores of state and local governments adopted subtler but equally restrictive policies like land preservation ordinances and exclusionary zoning laws, Menendian said. The measures tamped down development, often barring the construction of affordable housing projects. In the Bay Area alone, he added, more than 80% of residential land is zoned exclusively for single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“After the enactment of the Fair Housing Act, municipalities had to find other ways to maintain their racial and economic exclusivity because they could no longer simply permit discrimination on the basis of race,” Menendian said. “So you have all of these alternative mechanisms that have been affirmed by the courts that screen people on the basis of socioeconomic status and perpetuate previous patterns of segregation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the initially successful (but ultimately fleeting) effort to integrate schools in the decades after the U.S. Supreme Court outlawed school segregation, “there was never really the same concerted effort to desegregate neighborhoods,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also notes that in recent decades many people of color have moved out of cities and into suburban communities that were previously largely off limits to them. But that transformation has taken place as the much of the white population of those places has also relocated, leaving many of those communities — places like Ferguson, Missouri, and Antioch in the East Bay — racially segregated and under-resourced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So there’s been a tremendous evolution in what racial residential segregation looks like,” Menendian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>America’s sharp racial inequalities won’t be remedied by simply pouring resources into disadvantaged areas, he said, underscoring that the only real fix is more integration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You wouldn’t have these resource disparities in the first place,” he said. “And instead of concentrating people who have lots of needs, you would intersperse them and they would have more resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menendian said the report is intended to “arm” policymakers and advocates, in the hopes they push for more inclusive housing policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What matters is whether the policies and politicians we support are making decisions that may even unintentionally perpetuate segregation,” he said. “The uprisings of the last few years are not going to die down as long as we have a deeply racially unjust and racially segregated society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 6 p.m. Thursday, June 17\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As demand for air conditioning spikes amid a statewide siege of triple-digit heat, the agency that runs California’s electrical grid has extended an alert that asks consumers to conserve power. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.caiso.com/Documents/Flex-Alert-Extended-a-Second-Day-Through-Friday.pdf\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">Flex Alert\u003c/a> from the California Independent System Operator calls on residents to make a special effort to minimize electricity use between 5 p.m. and 10 p.m. Thursday and from 6 p.m. to 9 p.m. Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a media briefing Wednesday, the grid manager said it called the alert after forecasting a relatively small shortfall in power available to the grid as electricity demand peaks Thursday afternoon. With another hot day looming Friday, the agency decided to extend the alert into a second day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://flexalert.org/\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">Flex Alert\u003c/a> is a statewide request for consumers to take a series of steps Thursday and Friday evenings: \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Set thermostats to 78 degrees or higher, if health permits\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Avoid using major appliances\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Turn off all unnecessary lights\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Use fans for cooling and unplug unused electrical items\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>California ISO also suggests that consumers can take several steps to prepare before the alert takes effect, including: \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\"Precool\" homes and apartments by lowering air conditioner thermostat settings\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Use major appliances, like your dishwasher, and clothes washer and dryer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Close window coverings to keep your home or apartment cool\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Charge electric vehicles and electronic devices before the alert takes effect\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“We certainly know from experience, including last August and September, that Californians can make a huge difference in helping maintain overall grid stability by taking these very straight-forward and pragmatic steps to help conserve,” California ISO President and CEO Elliot Mainzer said during the media briefing. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California ISO had forecasted Thursday's power demand will peak at about 43,000 megawatts between 6 p.m. and 7 p.m. — an estimate that declined during the day as cool conditions prevailed in coastal Southern California. Friday's forecast peak is a bit lower -- about 41,400 megawatts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those estimates 10% to 12% less than the highest level of demand last Aug. 14, when the grid's reserve capacity was exhausted and California ISO directed the state's biggest electrical utilities to initiate rotating power outages. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11878348 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1228332986-1020x680.jpg']The agency said several factors make it unlikely that the state will see a return of rolling blackouts Thursday. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them: More natural gas-fired generation capacity within California; an increased level of battery storage for power generated by renewable sources like solar and wind; greater availability of power from the Pacific Northwest, which is largely unaffected by the current heat wave and thus has more electricity to export to California; and relatively mild temperatures along the California coast, which is reducing statewide demand. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heat wave that's stressing the power grid is forecast to bring triple-digit temperatures to much of the state through Saturday. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By early Thursday afternoon, the mercury had soared past the 110 mark in the state's southeastern desert region, with Palm Springs hitting 123 degrees by 4 p.m., shattering the record of 115 for June 17, set in 2017, and tying its all-time record. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, Travis Air Force Base, outside Fairfield in Solano County, reported a record-setting 110 degrees. The old record, 103, was set in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 6 p.m. Thursday, June 17\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As demand for air conditioning spikes amid a statewide siege of triple-digit heat, the agency that runs California’s electrical grid has extended an alert that asks consumers to conserve power. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.caiso.com/Documents/Flex-Alert-Extended-a-Second-Day-Through-Friday.pdf\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">Flex Alert\u003c/a> from the California Independent System Operator calls on residents to make a special effort to minimize electricity use between 5 p.m. and 10 p.m. Thursday and from 6 p.m. to 9 p.m. Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a media briefing Wednesday, the grid manager said it called the alert after forecasting a relatively small shortfall in power available to the grid as electricity demand peaks Thursday afternoon. With another hot day looming Friday, the agency decided to extend the alert into a second day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://flexalert.org/\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">Flex Alert\u003c/a> is a statewide request for consumers to take a series of steps Thursday and Friday evenings: \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Set thermostats to 78 degrees or higher, if health permits\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Avoid using major appliances\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Turn off all unnecessary lights\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Use fans for cooling and unplug unused electrical items\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>California ISO also suggests that consumers can take several steps to prepare before the alert takes effect, including: \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\"Precool\" homes and apartments by lowering air conditioner thermostat settings\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Use major appliances, like your dishwasher, and clothes washer and dryer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Close window coverings to keep your home or apartment cool\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Charge electric vehicles and electronic devices before the alert takes effect\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“We certainly know from experience, including last August and September, that Californians can make a huge difference in helping maintain overall grid stability by taking these very straight-forward and pragmatic steps to help conserve,” California ISO President and CEO Elliot Mainzer said during the media briefing. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California ISO had forecasted Thursday's power demand will peak at about 43,000 megawatts between 6 p.m. and 7 p.m. — an estimate that declined during the day as cool conditions prevailed in coastal Southern California. Friday's forecast peak is a bit lower -- about 41,400 megawatts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those estimates 10% to 12% less than the highest level of demand last Aug. 14, when the grid's reserve capacity was exhausted and California ISO directed the state's biggest electrical utilities to initiate rotating power outages. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The agency said several factors make it unlikely that the state will see a return of rolling blackouts Thursday. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them: More natural gas-fired generation capacity within California; an increased level of battery storage for power generated by renewable sources like solar and wind; greater availability of power from the Pacific Northwest, which is largely unaffected by the current heat wave and thus has more electricity to export to California; and relatively mild temperatures along the California coast, which is reducing statewide demand. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heat wave that's stressing the power grid is forecast to bring triple-digit temperatures to much of the state through Saturday. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By early Thursday afternoon, the mercury had soared past the 110 mark in the state's southeastern desert region, with Palm Springs hitting 123 degrees by 4 p.m., shattering the record of 115 for June 17, set in 2017, and tying its all-time record. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, Travis Air Force Base, outside Fairfield in Solano County, reported a record-setting 110 degrees. The old record, 103, was set in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "'Never Forget Where You Come From': California College Grad Honors Her Farmworker Parents With a Photo Shoot in the Fields",
"title": "'Never Forget Where You Come From': California College Grad Honors Her Farmworker Parents With a Photo Shoot in the Fields",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jennifer Rocha wanted to hear the rustle of her black graduation gown against the bell pepper bushes in the hot Coachella farm fields. She wanted to see the hem float above the dirt paths that she and her parents have spent years walking as a family while plucking heavy gallons of perfectly ripe fruits and vegetables that end up in America's grocery stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's why she decided to take her college graduation photos in the same fields where she has worked with her parents since she was in high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm proud that that's where I come from,\" says Rocha, who graduated from UC San Diego on Saturday. \"It's a huge part of who I am.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The whole reason I wanted to go back to the fields with my parents is because I wouldn't have the degree and the diploma if it wasn't for them. They sacrificed their backs, their sweat, their early mornings, late afternoons, working cold winters, hot summers just to give me and my sisters an education.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878214\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1425-1-_custom-3d9bb8e9094f81c7d43aa1dded4d7870adfe997d-scaled-e1623870926504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2501\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878214\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rocha began working in the fields in Coachella when she was a junior in high school. She continued the exhausting work through college. \u003ccite>(Branden Rodriguez/Instagram @branden.shoots)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The stunning pictures, in which she's in heels wearing full graduation regalia and picking veggies alongside her parents dressed in \"regular field picking work clothes,\" have struck a chord across social media, going viral over the past couple of days. But Rocha says it's the feedback from other children of immigrants who have reaped the rewards of having their parents do back-breaking work so they can succeed that she cherishes the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I really think that's why people like them so much,\" she says after a short pause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'They Just Didn't Have Those Options'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Rocha began working in the fields when she was a junior in high school. Her mom and dad, Angelica Maria and Jose Juan Rocha, had both labored in the fields of Michoacán, Mexico, as young children before emigrating to the U.S. And when they arrived, they put aside dreams of becoming doctors or taking up other professional careers, Rocha recalls. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They just didn't have those options,\" she says. Instead, they returned to the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And when we were older they started taking us so we could learn a lesson about the value of higher education,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878215\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1402-01cc392505097215fbc8efeee1945948aebfc84a-scaled-e1623871027477.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878215\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer Rocha picks bell peppers alongside her parents, Angelica Maria and Jose Juan Rocha, shortly before graduating from UC San Diego last week. \u003ccite>(Branden Rodriguez/Instagram @branden.shoots)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The message was simple: \"If you don't pursue a higher education, this is where you're going to end up. And the only way for you to learn is for us to take you for you to experience it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That meant juggling school and cross-country practice with overnight shifts, Rocha says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'Basically Doing Three Jobs at the Same Time'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\"I would get out of cross-country practice at around 2 p.m. and then my dad would pick me up and I would get home, change, eat something and then go right to work overnight because during that time we were planting strawberries overnight.\" The whole family would get home sometime between 2 and 3 a.m., she says, giving her enough time to \"shower, nap and then wake up like around 5:30 a.m. to get ready for school because I had to catch the city bus or else I was going to miss it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued the work through college even when she got a job with campus security. During winter, spring and summer breaks she would join her parents, hunching over different crops and hoisting as many barrels as she could manage onto her shoulders from the field to a sorting table for eight hours a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And then once I got the other job as a cadet [with the Beverly Hills Police Department], I was basically doing three jobs at the same time,\" she says, laughing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878216\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1705px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1705\" height=\"2560\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878216\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-scaled.jpg 1705w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-800x1201.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-1020x1532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-1023x1536.jpg 1023w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-1364x2048.jpg 1364w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-1920x2883.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1705px) 100vw, 1705px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rocha, who majored in sociology with an emphasis in law and society, is working in law enforcement and hopes to be a chief someday. \u003ccite>(Branden Rodriguez/Instagram @branden.shoots)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The photos, she says, show the world in which she is just one of the hard-working, smart people like her parents who are often invisible but can be relied on every day to do the nation's most menial and low-paying jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So I want you to recognize not just them, but also all the other migrant workers that we tend to forget about.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rocha says she hopes that anyone who's been moved by the photos will have a new perspective the next time they shop for food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When people go to the grocery store, [they] just grab vegetables and food without really putting thought into it,\" she says, sounding frustrated. \"They don't think, there are people that are drastically working hard and in hazardous conditions just to make sure that we have these foods accessible.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878213\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1381-7c355421359b6278495179485c44bd243a12e005-scaled-e1623870675757.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878213\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">When relaying why she chose the farm fields for her college graduation photo shoot, Jennifer Rocha explained it's because that's where her parents 'sacrificed their backs, their sweat, their early mornings, late afternoons, working cold winters, hot summers just to give me and my sisters an education.' \u003ccite>(Branden Rodriguez/Instagram @branden.shoots)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her favorite picture of the series is one in which she's flanked by her parents walking down a dirt path – the lead photo at the top of this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, she says, she couldn't see exactly what her parents were doing as the photographer snapped away. But when she caught a glimpse of their smiling faces, she says, \"It's just a joy and pride that they feel that now they have three girls with degrees.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It just made me feel like, 'Wow, I just made you guys proud.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rocha, who majored in sociology with an emphasis in law and society, is already pursuing her dream career in law enforcement. She hopes to be a chief someday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she'll take this moment in the limelight to encourage other young Latinos to hustle and set clear goals for themselves regardless of circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not impossible,\" she says. \"Just because your parents work in domestic labor jobs doesn't mean that you aren't going to be successful. It's going to be hard, but everything is possible. And never forget where you come from.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=A+College+Grad+Honored+Her+Parents+With+A+Photo+Shoot+In+The+Fields+Where+They+Worked&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Jennifer Rocha wanted to hear the rustle of her black graduation gown against the bell pepper bushes in the hot Coachella farm fields. She wanted to see the hem float above the dirt paths that she and her parents have spent years walking as a family while plucking heavy gallons of perfectly ripe fruits and vegetables that end up in America's grocery stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's why she decided to take her college graduation photos in the same fields where she has worked with her parents since she was in high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm proud that that's where I come from,\" says Rocha, who graduated from UC San Diego on Saturday. \"It's a huge part of who I am.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The whole reason I wanted to go back to the fields with my parents is because I wouldn't have the degree and the diploma if it wasn't for them. They sacrificed their backs, their sweat, their early mornings, late afternoons, working cold winters, hot summers just to give me and my sisters an education.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878214\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1425-1-_custom-3d9bb8e9094f81c7d43aa1dded4d7870adfe997d-scaled-e1623870926504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2501\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878214\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rocha began working in the fields in Coachella when she was a junior in high school. She continued the exhausting work through college. \u003ccite>(Branden Rodriguez/Instagram @branden.shoots)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The stunning pictures, in which she's in heels wearing full graduation regalia and picking veggies alongside her parents dressed in \"regular field picking work clothes,\" have struck a chord across social media, going viral over the past couple of days. But Rocha says it's the feedback from other children of immigrants who have reaped the rewards of having their parents do back-breaking work so they can succeed that she cherishes the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I really think that's why people like them so much,\" she says after a short pause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'They Just Didn't Have Those Options'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Rocha began working in the fields when she was a junior in high school. Her mom and dad, Angelica Maria and Jose Juan Rocha, had both labored in the fields of Michoacán, Mexico, as young children before emigrating to the U.S. And when they arrived, they put aside dreams of becoming doctors or taking up other professional careers, Rocha recalls. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They just didn't have those options,\" she says. Instead, they returned to the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And when we were older they started taking us so we could learn a lesson about the value of higher education,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878215\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1402-01cc392505097215fbc8efeee1945948aebfc84a-scaled-e1623871027477.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878215\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer Rocha picks bell peppers alongside her parents, Angelica Maria and Jose Juan Rocha, shortly before graduating from UC San Diego last week. \u003ccite>(Branden Rodriguez/Instagram @branden.shoots)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The message was simple: \"If you don't pursue a higher education, this is where you're going to end up. And the only way for you to learn is for us to take you for you to experience it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That meant juggling school and cross-country practice with overnight shifts, Rocha says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'Basically Doing Three Jobs at the Same Time'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\"I would get out of cross-country practice at around 2 p.m. and then my dad would pick me up and I would get home, change, eat something and then go right to work overnight because during that time we were planting strawberries overnight.\" The whole family would get home sometime between 2 and 3 a.m., she says, giving her enough time to \"shower, nap and then wake up like around 5:30 a.m. to get ready for school because I had to catch the city bus or else I was going to miss it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued the work through college even when she got a job with campus security. During winter, spring and summer breaks she would join her parents, hunching over different crops and hoisting as many barrels as she could manage onto her shoulders from the field to a sorting table for eight hours a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And then once I got the other job as a cadet [with the Beverly Hills Police Department], I was basically doing three jobs at the same time,\" she says, laughing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878216\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1705px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1705\" height=\"2560\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878216\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-scaled.jpg 1705w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-800x1201.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-1020x1532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-1023x1536.jpg 1023w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-1364x2048.jpg 1364w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1382_custom-c412142c06a1d715294a7a7534da45388fd53ac8-1920x2883.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1705px) 100vw, 1705px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rocha, who majored in sociology with an emphasis in law and society, is working in law enforcement and hopes to be a chief someday. \u003ccite>(Branden Rodriguez/Instagram @branden.shoots)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The photos, she says, show the world in which she is just one of the hard-working, smart people like her parents who are often invisible but can be relied on every day to do the nation's most menial and low-paying jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So I want you to recognize not just them, but also all the other migrant workers that we tend to forget about.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rocha says she hopes that anyone who's been moved by the photos will have a new perspective the next time they shop for food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When people go to the grocery store, [they] just grab vegetables and food without really putting thought into it,\" she says, sounding frustrated. \"They don't think, there are people that are drastically working hard and in hazardous conditions just to make sure that we have these foods accessible.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878213\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/copy-of-img_1381-7c355421359b6278495179485c44bd243a12e005-scaled-e1623870675757.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878213\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">When relaying why she chose the farm fields for her college graduation photo shoot, Jennifer Rocha explained it's because that's where her parents 'sacrificed their backs, their sweat, their early mornings, late afternoons, working cold winters, hot summers just to give me and my sisters an education.' \u003ccite>(Branden Rodriguez/Instagram @branden.shoots)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her favorite picture of the series is one in which she's flanked by her parents walking down a dirt path – the lead photo at the top of this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, she says, she couldn't see exactly what her parents were doing as the photographer snapped away. But when she caught a glimpse of their smiling faces, she says, \"It's just a joy and pride that they feel that now they have three girls with degrees.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It just made me feel like, 'Wow, I just made you guys proud.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rocha, who majored in sociology with an emphasis in law and society, is already pursuing her dream career in law enforcement. She hopes to be a chief someday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she'll take this moment in the limelight to encourage other young Latinos to hustle and set clear goals for themselves regardless of circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not impossible,\" she says. \"Just because your parents work in domestic labor jobs doesn't mean that you aren't going to be successful. It's going to be hard, but everything is possible. And never forget where you come from.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=A+College+Grad+Honored+Her+Parents+With+A+Photo+Shoot+In+The+Fields+Where+They+Worked&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Senate Democrats Rally for 'Dreamers' Bill, Facing Stiff GOP Opposition",
"title": "Senate Democrats Rally for 'Dreamers' Bill, Facing Stiff GOP Opposition",
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"content": "\u003cp>A bill that would offer a pathway to citizenship to millions of so-called Dreamers and other immigrants with temporary protections was widely opposed by Republican senators during a hearing at the U.S. Capitol Tuesday, many of whom staunchly advocated instead for stronger border security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing, held on the ninth anniversary of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program (DACA), which has protected nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/data/DACA_performancedata_fy2021_qtr1.pdf\">830,000\u003c/a> immigrants brought to the U.S. as children from being deported, highlighted the steep hurdles this legislation — and other efforts to offer legal status to undocumented immigrants — faces in a sharply divided Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"California Sen. Alex Padilla\"]'These immigrants have put their own health and their family's health on the line to keep America running.'[/pullquote]Under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/6\">American Dream and Promise Act\u003c/a>, which the U.S. House passed in March, 2.7 million Dreamers and nearly 400,000 people eligible for Temporary Protected Status (TPS) and other humanitarian protections could apply for permanent residency, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/content/american-dream-and-promise-act-2021-eligibility\">according to a study\u003c/a> by the Migration Policy Institute (MPI). About 24% of them live in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No state has more at stake in passing a solution for these individuals than California,” said Sen. Alex Padilla, D-California, chair of the Senate Immigration Subcommittee, who co-led Tuesday's Judiciary Committee hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla and other Democrats at the hearing strove to highlight the economic and social contributions of the immigrants who would benefit from the proposed legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 40,000 health care workers with DACA or TPS status risked their lives during the COVID-19 pandemic but don't have the certainty of permanent residency in the U.S. and could still be deported, Padilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These immigrants have put their own health and their family's health on the line to keep America running,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two immigrants who have cared for COVID-19 patients testified at the hearing: Rony Ponthieux, a TPS holder who works as a nurse in Miami and is the father of a U.S.-born son in the Army; and Manuel Bernal Mejia, a DACA recipient who is an emergency room physician in Chicago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I'm honored to serve my community during this pandemic and to help save lives when our country has collectively experienced great loss, even as I face my own uncertain future,” said Bernal Mejia, who grew up in Tennessee. “And while it is true that most Dreamers are not doctors, we all contribute to this country in our own special way. America is our home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Judiciary Committee has not yet scheduled a vote on the American Dream and Promise Act yet, an aide to Padilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress created \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status\">TPS\u003c/a> in 1990 to provide relief to immigrants in the U.S. who could not return safely to their home countries because of natural disasters, armed conflict or other conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DACA recipients must apply to renew their permits to live and work in the U.S. every two years, while TPS permits typically last \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status\">six to 18 months\u003c/a>, before the Department of Homeland Security decides whether to extend them. Immigrants from El Salvador and Nicaragua have been eligible for TPS more than 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration took multiple steps to terminate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11823165/weight-back-on-my-shoulders-young-daca-doctor-awaits-supreme-court-ruling\">DACA\u003c/a>, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714388/california-teen-leads-suit-to-keep-hundreds-of-thousands-of-immigrants-in-u-s\">TPS for most holders\u003c/a>, but was halted by the courts. A case challenging DACA's legality is still pending in a Texas district court, injecting more uncertainty into the future of current recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last 20 years, several versions of the DREAM Act failed to get the 60 votes needed to pass in the Senate. Meanwhile, public support for immigrants brought to the U.S. illegally as children has grown, with about \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/17/americans-broadly-support-legal-status-for-immigrants-brought-to-the-u-s-illegally-as-children/\">three-quarters\u003c/a> of Americans in favor of granting permanent legal status to Dreamers, according to the Pew Research Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday's three-hour hearing, some Republican senators expressed sympathy, especially for DACA holders, but seemed unwilling to move forward on a deal without beefing up border security measures and narrowing the scope of who would be eligible for legalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]“If we want to provide legal status for Dreamers, we must secure our border so that we don't find ourselves in the same situation again 20 or 30 years from now,” said Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, the ranking member of the Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several GOP lawmakers also criticized the bill as a broad “amnesty,” that they believed would incentivize illegal immigration at a time when unlawful border crossing efforts have spiked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, U.S. Customs and Border Protection encountered more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">180,000\u003c/a> immigrants along the southern border, 56% more than in January when President Biden took office. Republican senators linked that increase to the Biden administration's decisions to halt Trump-era restrictive policies such as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/21_0601_termination_of_mpp_program.pdf\">Migrant Protection Protocols\u003c/a> and construction of the border wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigration experts say extreme violence and poverty in Central America are the main factors pushing migrants to flee north, not U.S. immigration policies. During the Trump administration, they note, CBP arrests at the southern border nearly tripled, from 304,000 in 2017 to 851,000 in 2019, according to agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2020-Jan/U.S.%20Border%20Patrol%20Fiscal%20Year%20Southwest%20Border%20Sector%20Apprehensions%20%28FY%201960%20-%20FY%202019%29_0.pdf\">data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Judiciary Committee Chair Dick Durbin, D-Illinois, added that immigration authorities under Biden have expelled 74% of undocumented migrants arrested at the southern border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the Biden administration is up against large numbers, but they are clearly not welcoming and opening the door to everyone,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durbin, who introduced the first DREAM Act in the Senate two decades ago, said he would continue bipartisan discussions on legislation to offer Dreamers and TPS holders U.S. citizenship, as well as come up with a border security bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we can find justice for people who are eligible under TPS and the DREAM Act without suggesting that the door is open and anyone can come to this country without any kind of scrutiny whatsoever,” he said. “And I can assure you that the battle will continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill that aims to offer legal status to undocumented farmworkers, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11866519/nearly-half-a-million-california-farmworkers-could-gain-legal-status-under-new-bill\">Farm Workforce Modernization Act\u003c/a>, was also passed by the House in March but is still awaiting a hearing in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A bill that would offer a pathway to citizenship to millions of so-called Dreamers and other immigrants with temporary protections was widely opposed by Republican senators during a hearing at the U.S. Capitol Tuesday, many of whom staunchly advocated instead for stronger border security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing, held on the ninth anniversary of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program (DACA), which has protected nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/data/DACA_performancedata_fy2021_qtr1.pdf\">830,000\u003c/a> immigrants brought to the U.S. as children from being deported, highlighted the steep hurdles this legislation — and other efforts to offer legal status to undocumented immigrants — faces in a sharply divided Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/6\">American Dream and Promise Act\u003c/a>, which the U.S. House passed in March, 2.7 million Dreamers and nearly 400,000 people eligible for Temporary Protected Status (TPS) and other humanitarian protections could apply for permanent residency, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/content/american-dream-and-promise-act-2021-eligibility\">according to a study\u003c/a> by the Migration Policy Institute (MPI). About 24% of them live in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No state has more at stake in passing a solution for these individuals than California,” said Sen. Alex Padilla, D-California, chair of the Senate Immigration Subcommittee, who co-led Tuesday's Judiciary Committee hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla and other Democrats at the hearing strove to highlight the economic and social contributions of the immigrants who would benefit from the proposed legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 40,000 health care workers with DACA or TPS status risked their lives during the COVID-19 pandemic but don't have the certainty of permanent residency in the U.S. and could still be deported, Padilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These immigrants have put their own health and their family's health on the line to keep America running,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two immigrants who have cared for COVID-19 patients testified at the hearing: Rony Ponthieux, a TPS holder who works as a nurse in Miami and is the father of a U.S.-born son in the Army; and Manuel Bernal Mejia, a DACA recipient who is an emergency room physician in Chicago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I'm honored to serve my community during this pandemic and to help save lives when our country has collectively experienced great loss, even as I face my own uncertain future,” said Bernal Mejia, who grew up in Tennessee. “And while it is true that most Dreamers are not doctors, we all contribute to this country in our own special way. America is our home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Judiciary Committee has not yet scheduled a vote on the American Dream and Promise Act yet, an aide to Padilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress created \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status\">TPS\u003c/a> in 1990 to provide relief to immigrants in the U.S. who could not return safely to their home countries because of natural disasters, armed conflict or other conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DACA recipients must apply to renew their permits to live and work in the U.S. every two years, while TPS permits typically last \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status\">six to 18 months\u003c/a>, before the Department of Homeland Security decides whether to extend them. Immigrants from El Salvador and Nicaragua have been eligible for TPS more than 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration took multiple steps to terminate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11823165/weight-back-on-my-shoulders-young-daca-doctor-awaits-supreme-court-ruling\">DACA\u003c/a>, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714388/california-teen-leads-suit-to-keep-hundreds-of-thousands-of-immigrants-in-u-s\">TPS for most holders\u003c/a>, but was halted by the courts. A case challenging DACA's legality is still pending in a Texas district court, injecting more uncertainty into the future of current recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last 20 years, several versions of the DREAM Act failed to get the 60 votes needed to pass in the Senate. Meanwhile, public support for immigrants brought to the U.S. illegally as children has grown, with about \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/17/americans-broadly-support-legal-status-for-immigrants-brought-to-the-u-s-illegally-as-children/\">three-quarters\u003c/a> of Americans in favor of granting permanent legal status to Dreamers, according to the Pew Research Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday's three-hour hearing, some Republican senators expressed sympathy, especially for DACA holders, but seemed unwilling to move forward on a deal without beefing up border security measures and narrowing the scope of who would be eligible for legalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If we want to provide legal status for Dreamers, we must secure our border so that we don't find ourselves in the same situation again 20 or 30 years from now,” said Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, the ranking member of the Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several GOP lawmakers also criticized the bill as a broad “amnesty,” that they believed would incentivize illegal immigration at a time when unlawful border crossing efforts have spiked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, U.S. Customs and Border Protection encountered more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">180,000\u003c/a> immigrants along the southern border, 56% more than in January when President Biden took office. Republican senators linked that increase to the Biden administration's decisions to halt Trump-era restrictive policies such as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/21_0601_termination_of_mpp_program.pdf\">Migrant Protection Protocols\u003c/a> and construction of the border wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigration experts say extreme violence and poverty in Central America are the main factors pushing migrants to flee north, not U.S. immigration policies. During the Trump administration, they note, CBP arrests at the southern border nearly tripled, from 304,000 in 2017 to 851,000 in 2019, according to agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2020-Jan/U.S.%20Border%20Patrol%20Fiscal%20Year%20Southwest%20Border%20Sector%20Apprehensions%20%28FY%201960%20-%20FY%202019%29_0.pdf\">data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Judiciary Committee Chair Dick Durbin, D-Illinois, added that immigration authorities under Biden have expelled 74% of undocumented migrants arrested at the southern border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the Biden administration is up against large numbers, but they are clearly not welcoming and opening the door to everyone,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durbin, who introduced the first DREAM Act in the Senate two decades ago, said he would continue bipartisan discussions on legislation to offer Dreamers and TPS holders U.S. citizenship, as well as come up with a border security bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we can find justice for people who are eligible under TPS and the DREAM Act without suggesting that the door is open and anyone can come to this country without any kind of scrutiny whatsoever,” he said. “And I can assure you that the battle will continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill that aims to offer legal status to undocumented farmworkers, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11866519/nearly-half-a-million-california-farmworkers-could-gain-legal-status-under-new-bill\">Farm Workforce Modernization Act\u003c/a>, was also passed by the House in March but is still awaiting a hearing in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For Gina Vitelli, who lost her father to COVID-19 last December, California’s so-called return to pre-pandemic normal will never really be possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vitelli, who is based in Los Gatos, is a member of \u003ca href=\"https://covidsurvivorsforchange.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">COVID Survivors for Change\u003c/a>, a grassroots, nonpartisan group of COVID survivors across the country. The group aims to help survivors find ways to use their experiences to drive policy and cultural change. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vitelli, 53, said she wishes people would be a little bit more empathetic during this time of reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of what I see today on our support page is that people are just having an incredibly rough time having to listen to ‘going back to normal,’ ” she said. “For us it will never be the same. My dad lost his life in a very horrific way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When people talk about COVID so casually, she said it feels demoralizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rachel Maurice, COVID Survivors for Change member\"]‘I wish people would do something to be an advocate for positive change for the whole country. We’ve been saying that we’re in this together, but people now are acting like they’re not in this together anymore.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeing the flood of social media posts and news about reopening and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877902/california-promotes-tourism-industry-offering-dream-vacation-giveaways-to-spur-vaccinations-on-eve-of-reopening\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">taking trips\u003c/a>, Vitelli said she’d also like to see more done for those who have lost their lives, whether it’s a national holiday or something similar. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said it’s important to acknowledge all that was lost. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s difficult to see people that are not impacted by COVID just laughing and traveling here and there,” Vitelli said. “It’s just really difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Everybody’s Starting to Forget’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some survivors of COVID-19 are calling for direct financial support and more medical leave to help those hurt by the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rachel Maurice, who lives in Southern California, would have benefited from paid family leave last year when her 15-year-old daughter tested positive for COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice, 36, left work to care for her daughter and then had to quarantine for a total of three weeks, which she said resulted in her losing her job. Her daughter still has weak lungs due to COVID and has had to go to the hospital another two times due to the disease’s long-term effects. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wish that there would be some laws and protection that would allow survivors to take the time off,” Maurice said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also worries that many people are already forgetting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we just have a short-term memory,” Maurice said of the feeling that many Americans have mentally moved beyond the pandemic. “All the struggles we went through as a nation — everybody’s starting to forget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice participated in a virtual event on June 12 called “Summer 2021 COVID Survivor Summit,” a gathering for people who’ve had direct experiences with COVID-19, like getting sick from the virus and suffering long-term effects, or who’ve lost a loved one to coronavirus virtually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID Survivors for Change, which organized the event, is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirusliveupdates/news/11877829/covid-survivors-call-for-financial-support-for-memorials-medical-leave\">calling for national paid family and medical leave, funds for COVID memorials and programs supporting COVID survivors\u003c/a>, including scholarships for children impacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been over 62,500 COVID-19 deaths as of June 16 in California since the start of the pandemic, according to the California Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nation and the pandemic are “at an inflection moment,” said Chris Kocher, an event organizer with COVID Survivors for Change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is this emotional shift in the nation. People are looking to move on,” he said. “We hear a lot about this ‘get back to normal,’ right? These are very heartbreaking terms that are not available for millions of Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11877992 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/0692021_ReopeningJune15_PU_Sized_15-1020x680.jpg']“Yes, the pandemic is beginning to come to an end,” Kocher added. “But 40,000 children have lost a parent, [and] millions of Americans are living with the symptoms of long-COVID.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the summit on Saturday, survivors expressed concerns about lifting COVID restrictions, like masking and social distancing requirements, especially when young children remain unvaccinated and when it’s still unclear how to check an unmasked person’s vaccination status. Summit participants also learned how to lobby lawmakers and organize local marches and awareness campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would have liked the reopening to happen with a little more caution,” Maurice told KQED on June 15, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877992/whats-actually-changed-in-california-now-the-state-has-reopened\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California’s reopening day\u003c/a>. “I would have liked it better if there were more people being vaccinated and more education around the vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Maurice, the impacts of COVID on her family are still being felt today and she wishes everyone would do their part to take care of one another. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish people would do something to be an advocate for positive change for the whole country,” she said. “We’ve been saying that we’re in this together, but people now are acting like they’re not in this together anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For Gina Vitelli, who lost her father to COVID-19 last December, California’s so-called return to pre-pandemic normal will never really be possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vitelli, who is based in Los Gatos, is a member of \u003ca href=\"https://covidsurvivorsforchange.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">COVID Survivors for Change\u003c/a>, a grassroots, nonpartisan group of COVID survivors across the country. The group aims to help survivors find ways to use their experiences to drive policy and cultural change. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vitelli, 53, said she wishes people would be a little bit more empathetic during this time of reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of what I see today on our support page is that people are just having an incredibly rough time having to listen to ‘going back to normal,’ ” she said. “For us it will never be the same. My dad lost his life in a very horrific way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When people talk about COVID so casually, she said it feels demoralizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeing the flood of social media posts and news about reopening and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877902/california-promotes-tourism-industry-offering-dream-vacation-giveaways-to-spur-vaccinations-on-eve-of-reopening\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">taking trips\u003c/a>, Vitelli said she’d also like to see more done for those who have lost their lives, whether it’s a national holiday or something similar. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said it’s important to acknowledge all that was lost. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s difficult to see people that are not impacted by COVID just laughing and traveling here and there,” Vitelli said. “It’s just really difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Everybody’s Starting to Forget’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some survivors of COVID-19 are calling for direct financial support and more medical leave to help those hurt by the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rachel Maurice, who lives in Southern California, would have benefited from paid family leave last year when her 15-year-old daughter tested positive for COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice, 36, left work to care for her daughter and then had to quarantine for a total of three weeks, which she said resulted in her losing her job. Her daughter still has weak lungs due to COVID and has had to go to the hospital another two times due to the disease’s long-term effects. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wish that there would be some laws and protection that would allow survivors to take the time off,” Maurice said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also worries that many people are already forgetting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we just have a short-term memory,” Maurice said of the feeling that many Americans have mentally moved beyond the pandemic. “All the struggles we went through as a nation — everybody’s starting to forget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice participated in a virtual event on June 12 called “Summer 2021 COVID Survivor Summit,” a gathering for people who’ve had direct experiences with COVID-19, like getting sick from the virus and suffering long-term effects, or who’ve lost a loved one to coronavirus virtually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID Survivors for Change, which organized the event, is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirusliveupdates/news/11877829/covid-survivors-call-for-financial-support-for-memorials-medical-leave\">calling for national paid family and medical leave, funds for COVID memorials and programs supporting COVID survivors\u003c/a>, including scholarships for children impacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been over 62,500 COVID-19 deaths as of June 16 in California since the start of the pandemic, according to the California Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nation and the pandemic are “at an inflection moment,” said Chris Kocher, an event organizer with COVID Survivors for Change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is this emotional shift in the nation. People are looking to move on,” he said. “We hear a lot about this ‘get back to normal,’ right? These are very heartbreaking terms that are not available for millions of Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Yes, the pandemic is beginning to come to an end,” Kocher added. “But 40,000 children have lost a parent, [and] millions of Americans are living with the symptoms of long-COVID.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the summit on Saturday, survivors expressed concerns about lifting COVID restrictions, like masking and social distancing requirements, especially when young children remain unvaccinated and when it’s still unclear how to check an unmasked person’s vaccination status. Summit participants also learned how to lobby lawmakers and organize local marches and awareness campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would have liked the reopening to happen with a little more caution,” Maurice told KQED on June 15, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877992/whats-actually-changed-in-california-now-the-state-has-reopened\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California’s reopening day\u003c/a>. “I would have liked it better if there were more people being vaccinated and more education around the vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Maurice, the impacts of COVID on her family are still being felt today and she wishes everyone would do their part to take care of one another. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish people would do something to be an advocate for positive change for the whole country,” she said. “We’ve been saying that we’re in this together, but people now are acting like they’re not in this together anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The COVID-19 pandemic put a spotlight on the importance of child care, in-home care and support for the elderly as well as for members of the disability community across the nation. Now, one of the most contentious parts of negotiations with Republicans over President Biden’s infrastructure plan has to do with the administration’s inclusion of \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/04/why-care-work-infrastructure/618588/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$400 billion in spending for at-home care for the elderly and people with disabilities\u003c/a>, with the administration arguing that such domestic work is as essential to a functioning economy as roads and bridges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Mina Kim spoke with \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/brief/375509/ai-jen-poo\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ai-jen Poo\u003c/a>, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.domesticworkers.org/press/spokespersons/ai-jen-poo/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">National Domestic Workers Alliance\u003c/a>, about domestic workers and what it means to include this work in the infrastructure plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The following interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Why Care Work Is Best Described as Infrastructure\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ai-jen Poo:\u003c/strong> We’ve always talked about how domestic work, the work that happens inside of our homes to take care of our family members, our children, our loved ones with disabilities, our aging loved ones, really is the work that makes all other work possible. Having access to care makes it possible for all of us to go out into the world and do what we do every single day.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ai-jen Poo, director of the National Domestic Workers Alliance\"]‘If you think about the definition of infrastructure, it’s really that which enables society and the economy to function. And what could be more fundamental than having the ability to take care of your loved ones as you prepare to work and participate in our workforce and economy?’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you think about the definition of infrastructure, it’s really that which enables society and the economy to function. And what could be more fundamental than having the ability to take care of your loved ones as you prepare to work and participate in our workforce and economy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if you think about the traditional definition of infrastructure, roads, bridges, tunnels, all of the people who are rebuilding our bridges and fixing our tunnels, they need care, too. So maybe it’s the first form of infrastructure before anything else.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Single Greatest Opportunity in Generations’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>What do you think about the fact that care work is now in a presidential infrastructure bill?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ai-jen Poo:\u003c/strong> I think it’s the single greatest opportunity we’ve had in generations to establish the kind of policies and programs we need to support our ability to care for our families as we work. It’s necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the pandemic, many of us were simmering in a care crisis. We have a situation where the baby boom generation is aging into retirement at a rate of 10,000 people per day, turning 65 every 8 seconds. We’ve basically added an entire generation onto our lifespan and we haven’t adopted any of our systems or policy to support a quality of life and the care we need as we live longer. On both ends of the generational spectrum, we need more care than ever before at a time when we have less of it. Our default care infrastructure in previous generations was just expecting that women will stay home and be full-time family caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ai-jen Poo, director of the National Domestic Workers Alliance\"]‘The fact that the work as a profession has always been associated with women of color has profoundly shaped the way that we’ve treated this work in law, policy and in culture.’[/pullquote]We need programs, policies, systems and a strong care workforce to support us. There are over 2.5 million [care workers], and they’re overwhelmingly women — 92% women and majority women of color, including many immigrant women. This is actually the part of the economy with the highest concentration of undocumented immigrants of any workforce. They are also majority primary income earners for their families and majority mothers of small children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have a workforce who is essential not only to the families they support, but their own families and communities. And it’s also a workforce that has always been majority women of color. Some of the first domestic workers in the U.S. were enslaved Black women. And the fact that the work as a profession has always been associated with women of color has profoundly shaped the way that we’ve treated this work in law, policy and in culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in the 1930s, when we were putting our foundational labor laws into place, this workforce was excluded intentionally as a result of racism and the legacy of slavery in our country. And it created a situation of extreme insecurity when domestic workers entered a crisis like a pandemic — it just became incredibly exacerbated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11877959\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1355px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49609_015_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1355\" height=\"1003\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11877959\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49609_015_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021-qut.jpg 1355w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49609_015_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021-qut-800x592.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49609_015_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021-qut-1020x755.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49609_015_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021-qut-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1355px) 100vw, 1355px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Alex Padilla speaks with children during a visit to Mission Kids Preschool in San Francisco on June 1, 2021. The visit was part of Padilla’s ‘Infrastructure Listening Tour.’ \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Structural Problems in Pay and Working Conditions\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Could you talk a little bit more about some of the more common structural problems that you see regarding pay and working conditions?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ai-jen Poo:\u003c/strong> Eighty-two percent of domestic workers didn’t have a single paid sick day. When the second stay-at-home orders came down, you saw dramatic losses in jobs and income because there’s no job security, there’s no contract or work agreement. The wages are essentially poverty wages. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So most domestic workers didn’t have the savings to be able to fall back on. I remember in March of 2020, in the first weeks of the pandemic, we held a meeting on Zoom with some of our members and one of them held her phone up to the Zoom screen to show us that she literally had 1 cent left in her bank account.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Investing in the Care Economy Looks Like\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>When you say investment in care workers and the care economy, what does it look like?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ai-jen Poo:\u003c/strong> The Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/03/31/fact-sheet-the-american-jobs-plan/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">American Jobs Plan\u003c/a> proposed a $400 billion investment in Medicaid, home and community-based care. What that money would do is expand access to home and community-based services and care for the elderly, and people with disabilities. And it would support raising wages and access to benefits for the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, the average annual income of a home care worker is $17,000 per year. I don’t know a single community where that is sustainable, let alone enough to raise a family on. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ai-jen Poo, director of the National Domestic Workers Alliance\"]‘If you’re a parent or you’re a primary caregiver for a family member who needs assistance with activities of daily life, you know that it’s an impossible choice between work and family members who need you for their basic human needs.’[/pullquote]What we end up seeing is high rates of turnover because people simply cannot survive and sustain themselves doing this work … because the wages are so poor and the conditions are so tough, we have huge parts of this country that we call home care deserts or direct care deserts because people can’t get the support that they need in order to live in their communities. They end up either having to go into a nursing home or having to rely on overstretched family caregivers who have to make impossible choices about whether or not they can work. The money to Medicaid would specifically raise wages for the home care workforce and strengthen that workforce so that they can stay and sustain themselves doing this work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would expand access to the services for over 800,000 people who are on waiting lists and the millions more who don’t even know there’s a waiting list to wait on.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Cultural Shift\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>What evidence do you have that there is a tangible cultural shift happening here?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ai-jen Poo:\u003c/strong> I do feel this incredible rage, we call it the “mom’s rage,” that incredible frustration that moms are feeling and have felt throughout the pandemic. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re a parent or you’re a primary caregiver for a family member who needs assistance with activities of daily life, you know that it’s an impossible choice between work and family members who need you for their basic human needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The kind of rage that I’m feeling, especially from women who disproportionately bear the brunt of caregiving responsibilities in our country, and especially women of color who’ve been pushed out of the workforce by the millions, almost 5 million women pushed out of the workforce in the pandemic because of caregiving challenges. That is an indicator that something is very broken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we are to pull ourselves back from the regression to 1988 women’s workforce participation levels, we’re going to have to rebuild and build something really different. I think people know that in their guts. This cultural norm that we have around care being an individual responsibility and a responsibility of individual families is one that is very deep. It’s not like we’re going to move past it overnight. And it’s not that it isn’t the responsibility of women and families and individuals, but it is about what is our responsibility collectively to each other as a society to ensure that we have real choices and real agency when it comes to the people we love.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Protections for Undocumented Domestic Workers\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Can you comment on protections for undocumented domestic workers?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ai-jen Poo:\u003c/strong> There are a tremendous number of undocumented workers — essential workers in this industry. [aside tag=\"undocumented\" label=\"Related Stories\"] We’ve been working really hard to make sure that we seize upon this moment as we’re imagining an economic recovery that is inclusive and supportive of essential workers and includes undocumented domestic workers and care workers that have kept us safe through the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Alex Padilla from California has introduced legislation to create a path to citizenship for the 5 million essential workers across industries through this time of crisis, and so we are very busy trying to get support for that legislation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could be really transformative and it would be inclusive of domestic workers, so let the senator know that you really support his efforts and help us get people signed on to that bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The COVID-19 pandemic put a spotlight on the importance of child care, in-home care and support for the elderly as well as for members of the disability community across the nation. Now, one of the most contentious parts of negotiations with Republicans over President Biden’s infrastructure plan has to do with the administration’s inclusion of \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/04/why-care-work-infrastructure/618588/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$400 billion in spending for at-home care for the elderly and people with disabilities\u003c/a>, with the administration arguing that such domestic work is as essential to a functioning economy as roads and bridges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Mina Kim spoke with \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/brief/375509/ai-jen-poo\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ai-jen Poo\u003c/a>, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.domesticworkers.org/press/spokespersons/ai-jen-poo/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">National Domestic Workers Alliance\u003c/a>, about domestic workers and what it means to include this work in the infrastructure plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The following interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Why Care Work Is Best Described as Infrastructure\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ai-jen Poo:\u003c/strong> We’ve always talked about how domestic work, the work that happens inside of our homes to take care of our family members, our children, our loved ones with disabilities, our aging loved ones, really is the work that makes all other work possible. Having access to care makes it possible for all of us to go out into the world and do what we do every single day.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the pandemic, many of us were simmering in a care crisis. We have a situation where the baby boom generation is aging into retirement at a rate of 10,000 people per day, turning 65 every 8 seconds. We’ve basically added an entire generation onto our lifespan and we haven’t adopted any of our systems or policy to support a quality of life and the care we need as we live longer. On both ends of the generational spectrum, we need more care than ever before at a time when we have less of it. Our default care infrastructure in previous generations was just expecting that women will stay home and be full-time family caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>We need programs, policies, systems and a strong care workforce to support us. There are over 2.5 million [care workers], and they’re overwhelmingly women — 92% women and majority women of color, including many immigrant women. This is actually the part of the economy with the highest concentration of undocumented immigrants of any workforce. They are also majority primary income earners for their families and majority mothers of small children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have a workforce who is essential not only to the families they support, but their own families and communities. And it’s also a workforce that has always been majority women of color. Some of the first domestic workers in the U.S. were enslaved Black women. And the fact that the work as a profession has always been associated with women of color has profoundly shaped the way that we’ve treated this work in law, policy and in culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in the 1930s, when we were putting our foundational labor laws into place, this workforce was excluded intentionally as a result of racism and the legacy of slavery in our country. And it created a situation of extreme insecurity when domestic workers entered a crisis like a pandemic — it just became incredibly exacerbated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11877959\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1355px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49609_015_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1355\" height=\"1003\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11877959\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49609_015_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021-qut.jpg 1355w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49609_015_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021-qut-800x592.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49609_015_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021-qut-1020x755.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49609_015_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021-qut-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1355px) 100vw, 1355px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Alex Padilla speaks with children during a visit to Mission Kids Preschool in San Francisco on June 1, 2021. The visit was part of Padilla’s ‘Infrastructure Listening Tour.’ \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Structural Problems in Pay and Working Conditions\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Could you talk a little bit more about some of the more common structural problems that you see regarding pay and working conditions?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ai-jen Poo:\u003c/strong> Eighty-two percent of domestic workers didn’t have a single paid sick day. When the second stay-at-home orders came down, you saw dramatic losses in jobs and income because there’s no job security, there’s no contract or work agreement. The wages are essentially poverty wages. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So most domestic workers didn’t have the savings to be able to fall back on. I remember in March of 2020, in the first weeks of the pandemic, we held a meeting on Zoom with some of our members and one of them held her phone up to the Zoom screen to show us that she literally had 1 cent left in her bank account.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Investing in the Care Economy Looks Like\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>When you say investment in care workers and the care economy, what does it look like?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ai-jen Poo:\u003c/strong> The Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/03/31/fact-sheet-the-american-jobs-plan/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">American Jobs Plan\u003c/a> proposed a $400 billion investment in Medicaid, home and community-based care. What that money would do is expand access to home and community-based services and care for the elderly, and people with disabilities. And it would support raising wages and access to benefits for the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, the average annual income of a home care worker is $17,000 per year. I don’t know a single community where that is sustainable, let alone enough to raise a family on. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>What we end up seeing is high rates of turnover because people simply cannot survive and sustain themselves doing this work … because the wages are so poor and the conditions are so tough, we have huge parts of this country that we call home care deserts or direct care deserts because people can’t get the support that they need in order to live in their communities. They end up either having to go into a nursing home or having to rely on overstretched family caregivers who have to make impossible choices about whether or not they can work. The money to Medicaid would specifically raise wages for the home care workforce and strengthen that workforce so that they can stay and sustain themselves doing this work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would expand access to the services for over 800,000 people who are on waiting lists and the millions more who don’t even know there’s a waiting list to wait on.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Cultural Shift\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>What evidence do you have that there is a tangible cultural shift happening here?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ai-jen Poo:\u003c/strong> I do feel this incredible rage, we call it the “mom’s rage,” that incredible frustration that moms are feeling and have felt throughout the pandemic. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re a parent or you’re a primary caregiver for a family member who needs assistance with activities of daily life, you know that it’s an impossible choice between work and family members who need you for their basic human needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The kind of rage that I’m feeling, especially from women who disproportionately bear the brunt of caregiving responsibilities in our country, and especially women of color who’ve been pushed out of the workforce by the millions, almost 5 million women pushed out of the workforce in the pandemic because of caregiving challenges. That is an indicator that something is very broken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we are to pull ourselves back from the regression to 1988 women’s workforce participation levels, we’re going to have to rebuild and build something really different. I think people know that in their guts. This cultural norm that we have around care being an individual responsibility and a responsibility of individual families is one that is very deep. It’s not like we’re going to move past it overnight. And it’s not that it isn’t the responsibility of women and families and individuals, but it is about what is our responsibility collectively to each other as a society to ensure that we have real choices and real agency when it comes to the people we love.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Protections for Undocumented Domestic Workers\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Can you comment on protections for undocumented domestic workers?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ai-jen Poo:\u003c/strong> There are a tremendous number of undocumented workers — essential workers in this industry. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
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"soldout": {
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