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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> teamed up with LAist Studios to share an episode from the new season of their podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/1604648881\">Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary\u003c/a>.” It’s the story of Oscar Gomez, a radio DJ and Chicano student leader during a time of explosive anti-immigrant political rhetoric in the early 1990s. Some people thought Gomez was going to be the next Cesar Chavez. But then he died near the UC Santa Barbara campus, under mysterious circumstances. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KPCC reporter \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/people/adolfo-guzman-lopez\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez\u003c/a> first started digging into Gomez’s life and death back in 2019, when UC Davis awarded Gomez a posthumous degree. The new podcast investigates Gomez’s death and delves into his legacy — and reporting it prompted Guzman-Lopez to examine his own life, activism and journalism. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n September of 2021, I and a team of producers set out to find answers to the mysterious death of a 1990s Chicano college activist and college radio DJ. Over the next 10 months, as we interviewed people and looked for documents, I came to the realization that three-decade-old activism fundamentally shaped my three-decade-long journalism career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s certainly not what I expected to find when I first introduced our audience to Oscar Gomez in 2019. Oscar was a scholar-athlete at Baldwin Park High School who graduated in the spring of 1990, then enrolled at UC Davis that fall. In that same year California was entering a red-hot political climate driven by a backlash against increased immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 17, 1994, four years after Oscar’s freshman year, he was found dead on a Santa Barbara beach, apparently after a fall from a bluff near the UC Santa Barbara campus. My story \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/25-years-after-his-tragic-death-oscar-gomez-gets-his-college-degree\">detailed how he was awarded a posthumous degree\u003c/a> by UC Davis 25 years after his death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ralph Armbruster-Sandoval, professor of Chicana and Chicano studies, UCSB\"]‘I don’t think we’re at where we’re at today without these sacrifices and activism of the folks in the ’90s.’[/pullquote]I could have left the story there. I could have moved on. And I was about to move on. But the people I interviewed, Oscar’s activist friends, recounted stories of how Chicano college students resisted and reacted to the state’s politics, sometimes putting their own lives on the line, and that dislodged my own memories of my own activism in those years. In the past 30 years I’ve rarely talked publicly about how I was part of the early ’90s Chicano student movement, leading a student newspaper, producing a campus public affairs show and attending protests in California, some of the same protests that Oscar attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those personal connections led me to dig deeper. I spent months searching for documents and engaging in a deep process of thinking about how the activist and journalism work I did back then affects me today. I similarly dug deep into Oscar’s college activism and found overlaps between Oscar’s work and mine. The results are in the eight-episode LAist Studios podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/podcasts/imperfectparadise\">Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Time traveling back to the early ’90s\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doing this work has made me feel like I’ve been living in the years 1990-1994. Judith Segura-Mora was one of the people who triggered a waterfall of memories. She was the UC Davis student who recruited Oscar to a Chicano student organization on campus in 1990. We put two and two together and I recalled having seen her speak at the National Chicano Student Conference in Albuquerque in 1992. I paid my way there to write a story for Voz Fronteriza, the Chicano newspaper at UC San Diego. It was the first out-of-town reporting assignment in my fledgling reporting career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I talked to Judith at a reception for the Gomez family a day before Oscar’s degree ceremony. She introduced me to Eddie Salas, who was DJing at the reception. He helped on Oscar’s Chicano public affairs radio show, “\u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/user-532477086\">La Onda Xicana\u003c/a>” (also known as “La Onda Chicana”), and had many late-night conversations with Oscar about a variety of musicians. Hearing Eddie’s stories about “La Onda Chicana” took me back to my own public affairs college radio show, “Radio Califas.” My show sparked an interest in the new rock bands coming out of Mexico and Latin America, an interest that would lead me to write music and concert reviews for many years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919735\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1172px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919735\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station.jpg\" alt=\"young man behind a DJ booth wearing a leather jacket and glasses smiles into the camera as a record sits on a turntable in the foreground\" width=\"1172\" height=\"922\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station.jpg 1172w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-800x629.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-1020x802.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-160x126.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1172px) 100vw, 1172px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez producing ‘Radio Califas’ at UCSD’s station, KSDT. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Adolfo Guzman-Lopez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I found a box of cassettes of my show. I was surprised at the list of interviews: the film director Robert Rodriguez talking about his first film, the LA poet Marisela Norte, the renowned Chicana journalist Elizabeth Martínez, ethnic studies scholar George Lipsitz guest-DJing while he talked about 1960s and ’70s music. And I remembered that I convinced UC San Diego ethnic studies professor Jorge Mariscal to give me and the other students working on the show academic credit for our efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class was Lit/Writing 121 Reportage. Its four units and the A grade I earned raised my grade-point average enough to allow me to graduate from UC San Diego in 1993. Looking at the diversity of Latino arts, culture and politics on the show, I’d say our Radio Califas production team delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the podcast production team and I tried to find out what happened to Oscar for “Forgotten Revolutionary,” we heard many more stories of 1990s activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nValentino Gutierrez, now a high school teacher in Pico Rivera, told us of going on hunger strike to expand Chicano studies while he was an undergrad at UC Santa Barbara. Margarita Berta-Avila, a fellow student and friend of Oscar’s at UC Davis, told us how strongly she felt about the Chicano movement despite not being Mexican American (her parents are from El Salvador and Peru). Other friends of Oscar’s, like Sabrina Enrique, talked of the sexism of the 1990s movement that I believed then was a thing of the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The emotional toll of activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I heard former activists, including Judith, talk about the emotional toll so much activism took on her and her fellow student activists. She said her grades and mental health suffered. Mining my own feelings and looking at my academic transcript, I remembered how mine did, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think we’re at where we’re at today without these sacrifices and activism of the folks in the ’90s,” said Ralph Armbruster-Sandoval, a professor of Chicana and Chicano studies at UCSB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t feel like they’ve always been properly recognized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The activism of 1990s college students survives in memories and on mostly analog platforms. These students’ newspapers, film print photographs and cassette audio recordings remain in dusty boxes in attics and garages, and in some university archives, if they’ve survived at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that contributes, Ambruster-Sandoval said, to 1990s Chicano student activism being a “lost period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919727\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira.jpg\" alt=\"aerial black and white photo of young activists holding signs reading 'Columbus had no green card' and 'Chicano power' and 'brown is beautiful'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Activists hold signs at an anti-Columbus protest on Oct. 10, 1992, in San Ysidro. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gene Chavira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For about 25 years, that’s what the early 1990s college activist experience felt like to me. Every time I take out copies of the UC San Diego newspaper, Voz Fronteriza, that contain my writings, the pages seem to be more yellow and more brittle. I have cassette copies of my radio shows that need to be digitized before time erases their content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As I began a mainstream journalism career in the late 1990s, I heard people in my first newsroom say journalism that came out of activism and even ethnic journalism fell into the category of “advocacy journalism.” There is some truth to that. But the comments left a chilling effect that led me to put away my college journalism experiences and lock them up in favor of a traditional “objective” approach. I was at the very beginning of a paid journalism career and I didn’t want another target on my back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to tell Oscar’s story for the podcast, I had to tell my own story as a 1990s activist because he and I moved in some of the same activist circles and attended some of the same marches, including the protest in downtown Santa Barbara to support Chicano Studies Professor Rudy Acuña on Feb. 1, 1992. Acuña had been turned down for a faculty position in Chicano studies at UC Santa Barbara the year before and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1992-09-26-me-1047-story.html\">would sue the university\u003c/a>, alleging bias against him for his activism, race and age. Acuña’s 1972 book, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.zinnedproject.org/materials/occupied-america-history-of-chicanos\">Occupied America: A History of Chicanos\u003c/a>,” and subsequent scholarship led many to consider him a founder of Chicano studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s where I met Oscar and talked to him briefly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s red-hot politics brought Oscar, me and thousands of other students to those Santa Barbara streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919724\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919724\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz.jpg\" alt=\"black and white photo of smiling students holding large banner reading 'voz fronteriza'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez (second from right, in vest) and other San Diego college students who collaborated on the UC San Diego Chicano student newspaper, Voz Fronteriza, attend a rally in Santa Barbara on Feb. 1, 1992. The tall man in the center is Arnulfo Casillas, a Chicano education and cultural activist in Los Angeles and Santa Barbara who had worked on Voz Fronteriza in the late 1970s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gene Chavira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state’s institutions were being stretched to the limit after large numbers of people immigrated to the U.S. in the late 1980s to escape \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essays/latin-american-debt-crisis#:~:text=The%20spark%20for%20the%20crisis,at%20that%20point%20totaled%20%2480\">economic crisis in Mexico\u003c/a> and violent civil wars in Central America, both situations stoked by U.S. policies. Anti-immigrant groups responded with nativist proposals to take away the civil rights of immigrants. They successfully proposed ballot measures like \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/proposition-187-what-you-need-to-know\">Proposition 187\u003c/a> that targeted undocumented immigrants and their kids. (A federal judge ruled in 1997 that \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1997-nov-15-mn-54053-story.html\">Prop. 187 was unconstitutional\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those anti-immigrant sentiments led me, Oscar and many other Chicano students to feel like we each had a target on our backs. And that environment spilled onto campuses, too, as Agustín Orozco, my friend from UC San Diego, describes\u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/opinion/commentary/story/2022-07-07/opinion-agustin-orozco-activism?fbclid=IwAR1kOhMJRMLU5L0uLSdABE1qxNyIxZJLDV4d1B5wltj8F6De93gQORvBZwM\"> in this essay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Our shared, yet different, backgrounds\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oscar and I were both Chicanos but different in many ways. He was a middle-class U.S. citizen raised in the suburbs of LA County. My mother cleaned houses for a living. She and I moved to San Diego when I was 7 years old. We overstayed our tourist visas and only received the authorization to stay permanently about a decade later, when the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, most often described as amnesty, became law in my senior year of high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oscar responded to the xenophobia by joining the Chicano student organization on campus, then producing a weekly college radio show that mixed various types of music with in-studio interviews and field recordings from protests and marches he attended in different parts of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before this podcast, my identity as a Chicano felt stuck in the 1990s. But I’ve adopted a fuller understanding of what Chicano, Chicana, Chicanx, Latino and Latinx activism has led to. I now see how the student activism of the 1990s helped lead to the intersectional coalition building of current times, and the exploration of Indigenous philosophy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more that we could find out about these people and what they went through and, you know, even in this case, how they passed away or were killed, you know, the more we can share truth with people,” said Israel Calderon, a history teacher at Oscar’s alma mater, Baldwin Park High School, and a childhood friend of Oscar.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Liberate your mind’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That’s one of the reasons Calderon and some of \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/luchascholar/\">Oscar’s friends and relatives created a foundation in Oscar’s name\u003c/a> to raise money and hand out scholarships to Baldwin Park area high school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re more interested in promoting Oscar’s message to “liberate your mind” and help those who need help than they are to mythologize Oscar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of a young man in a white shirt and black cap crouches on an empty roadway\" width=\"800\" height=\"559\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching-160x112.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oscar Gomez in an undated photo, circa 1992. \u003ccite>(Courtesy KCSB)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A story that aired last year on NPR reminded me to keep my reporting focused on the human experience. It was a story about then-NPR host Lulu Garcia-Navarro leaving the network. The reporter described how Garcia-Navarro had \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/publiceditor/2006/06/05/5452082/are-npr-reporters-too-involved-in-their-stories\">defended her deeply personal interviewing and reporting approaches\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As journalists we do not check our humanity at the door. What we must do is try and give an accurate representation of what is happening before us to the best of our ability, leaving aside our prejudices,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How and whether I compartmentalize my humanity in the work I do is a question this podcast has raised for me and for others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I doing what we had set out to? Have I compromised?” said Margarita Berta-Avila, who’s now a leader with the California Faculty Association, the union for California State University professors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said thinking of Oscar, 28 years after his death, has been an opportunity to check her ideals from her college years and ask whether she’s become jaded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have spent 21 years telling people’s stories at Southern California Public Radio. I have, to the best of my ability, tried to tell stories about people living deep moments in their lives, and of policies that would affect people in one way or another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I feel like I’ve kept a part of my humanity checked at the door at times, fearing that some kind of bias would creep in. There is no bias in connecting deeply with human experiences and letting my own humanity live in that moment, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that insight, I have El Bandido de Aztlan, Oscar Gomez, to thank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "I Told the Story of a Forgotten Chicano Revolutionary in a Podcast. Turns Out It Was My Story, Too | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> teamed up with LAist Studios to share an episode from the new season of their podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/1604648881\">Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary\u003c/a>.” It’s the story of Oscar Gomez, a radio DJ and Chicano student leader during a time of explosive anti-immigrant political rhetoric in the early 1990s. Some people thought Gomez was going to be the next Cesar Chavez. But then he died near the UC Santa Barbara campus, under mysterious circumstances. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KPCC reporter \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/people/adolfo-guzman-lopez\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez\u003c/a> first started digging into Gomez’s life and death back in 2019, when UC Davis awarded Gomez a posthumous degree. The new podcast investigates Gomez’s death and delves into his legacy — and reporting it prompted Guzman-Lopez to examine his own life, activism and journalism. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n September of 2021, I and a team of producers set out to find answers to the mysterious death of a 1990s Chicano college activist and college radio DJ. Over the next 10 months, as we interviewed people and looked for documents, I came to the realization that three-decade-old activism fundamentally shaped my three-decade-long journalism career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s certainly not what I expected to find when I first introduced our audience to Oscar Gomez in 2019. Oscar was a scholar-athlete at Baldwin Park High School who graduated in the spring of 1990, then enrolled at UC Davis that fall. In that same year California was entering a red-hot political climate driven by a backlash against increased immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 17, 1994, four years after Oscar’s freshman year, he was found dead on a Santa Barbara beach, apparently after a fall from a bluff near the UC Santa Barbara campus. My story \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/25-years-after-his-tragic-death-oscar-gomez-gets-his-college-degree\">detailed how he was awarded a posthumous degree\u003c/a> by UC Davis 25 years after his death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>I could have left the story there. I could have moved on. And I was about to move on. But the people I interviewed, Oscar’s activist friends, recounted stories of how Chicano college students resisted and reacted to the state’s politics, sometimes putting their own lives on the line, and that dislodged my own memories of my own activism in those years. In the past 30 years I’ve rarely talked publicly about how I was part of the early ’90s Chicano student movement, leading a student newspaper, producing a campus public affairs show and attending protests in California, some of the same protests that Oscar attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those personal connections led me to dig deeper. I spent months searching for documents and engaging in a deep process of thinking about how the activist and journalism work I did back then affects me today. I similarly dug deep into Oscar’s college activism and found overlaps between Oscar’s work and mine. The results are in the eight-episode LAist Studios podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/podcasts/imperfectparadise\">Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Time traveling back to the early ’90s\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doing this work has made me feel like I’ve been living in the years 1990-1994. Judith Segura-Mora was one of the people who triggered a waterfall of memories. She was the UC Davis student who recruited Oscar to a Chicano student organization on campus in 1990. We put two and two together and I recalled having seen her speak at the National Chicano Student Conference in Albuquerque in 1992. I paid my way there to write a story for Voz Fronteriza, the Chicano newspaper at UC San Diego. It was the first out-of-town reporting assignment in my fledgling reporting career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I talked to Judith at a reception for the Gomez family a day before Oscar’s degree ceremony. She introduced me to Eddie Salas, who was DJing at the reception. He helped on Oscar’s Chicano public affairs radio show, “\u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/user-532477086\">La Onda Xicana\u003c/a>” (also known as “La Onda Chicana”), and had many late-night conversations with Oscar about a variety of musicians. Hearing Eddie’s stories about “La Onda Chicana” took me back to my own public affairs college radio show, “Radio Califas.” My show sparked an interest in the new rock bands coming out of Mexico and Latin America, an interest that would lead me to write music and concert reviews for many years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919735\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1172px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919735\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station.jpg\" alt=\"young man behind a DJ booth wearing a leather jacket and glasses smiles into the camera as a record sits on a turntable in the foreground\" width=\"1172\" height=\"922\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station.jpg 1172w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-800x629.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-1020x802.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-160x126.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1172px) 100vw, 1172px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez producing ‘Radio Califas’ at UCSD’s station, KSDT. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Adolfo Guzman-Lopez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I found a box of cassettes of my show. I was surprised at the list of interviews: the film director Robert Rodriguez talking about his first film, the LA poet Marisela Norte, the renowned Chicana journalist Elizabeth Martínez, ethnic studies scholar George Lipsitz guest-DJing while he talked about 1960s and ’70s music. And I remembered that I convinced UC San Diego ethnic studies professor Jorge Mariscal to give me and the other students working on the show academic credit for our efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class was Lit/Writing 121 Reportage. Its four units and the A grade I earned raised my grade-point average enough to allow me to graduate from UC San Diego in 1993. Looking at the diversity of Latino arts, culture and politics on the show, I’d say our Radio Califas production team delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the podcast production team and I tried to find out what happened to Oscar for “Forgotten Revolutionary,” we heard many more stories of 1990s activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nValentino Gutierrez, now a high school teacher in Pico Rivera, told us of going on hunger strike to expand Chicano studies while he was an undergrad at UC Santa Barbara. Margarita Berta-Avila, a fellow student and friend of Oscar’s at UC Davis, told us how strongly she felt about the Chicano movement despite not being Mexican American (her parents are from El Salvador and Peru). Other friends of Oscar’s, like Sabrina Enrique, talked of the sexism of the 1990s movement that I believed then was a thing of the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The emotional toll of activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I heard former activists, including Judith, talk about the emotional toll so much activism took on her and her fellow student activists. She said her grades and mental health suffered. Mining my own feelings and looking at my academic transcript, I remembered how mine did, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think we’re at where we’re at today without these sacrifices and activism of the folks in the ’90s,” said Ralph Armbruster-Sandoval, a professor of Chicana and Chicano studies at UCSB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t feel like they’ve always been properly recognized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The activism of 1990s college students survives in memories and on mostly analog platforms. These students’ newspapers, film print photographs and cassette audio recordings remain in dusty boxes in attics and garages, and in some university archives, if they’ve survived at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that contributes, Ambruster-Sandoval said, to 1990s Chicano student activism being a “lost period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919727\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira.jpg\" alt=\"aerial black and white photo of young activists holding signs reading 'Columbus had no green card' and 'Chicano power' and 'brown is beautiful'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Activists hold signs at an anti-Columbus protest on Oct. 10, 1992, in San Ysidro. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gene Chavira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For about 25 years, that’s what the early 1990s college activist experience felt like to me. Every time I take out copies of the UC San Diego newspaper, Voz Fronteriza, that contain my writings, the pages seem to be more yellow and more brittle. I have cassette copies of my radio shows that need to be digitized before time erases their content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As I began a mainstream journalism career in the late 1990s, I heard people in my first newsroom say journalism that came out of activism and even ethnic journalism fell into the category of “advocacy journalism.” There is some truth to that. But the comments left a chilling effect that led me to put away my college journalism experiences and lock them up in favor of a traditional “objective” approach. I was at the very beginning of a paid journalism career and I didn’t want another target on my back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to tell Oscar’s story for the podcast, I had to tell my own story as a 1990s activist because he and I moved in some of the same activist circles and attended some of the same marches, including the protest in downtown Santa Barbara to support Chicano Studies Professor Rudy Acuña on Feb. 1, 1992. Acuña had been turned down for a faculty position in Chicano studies at UC Santa Barbara the year before and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1992-09-26-me-1047-story.html\">would sue the university\u003c/a>, alleging bias against him for his activism, race and age. Acuña’s 1972 book, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.zinnedproject.org/materials/occupied-america-history-of-chicanos\">Occupied America: A History of Chicanos\u003c/a>,” and subsequent scholarship led many to consider him a founder of Chicano studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s where I met Oscar and talked to him briefly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s red-hot politics brought Oscar, me and thousands of other students to those Santa Barbara streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919724\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919724\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz.jpg\" alt=\"black and white photo of smiling students holding large banner reading 'voz fronteriza'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez (second from right, in vest) and other San Diego college students who collaborated on the UC San Diego Chicano student newspaper, Voz Fronteriza, attend a rally in Santa Barbara on Feb. 1, 1992. The tall man in the center is Arnulfo Casillas, a Chicano education and cultural activist in Los Angeles and Santa Barbara who had worked on Voz Fronteriza in the late 1970s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gene Chavira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state’s institutions were being stretched to the limit after large numbers of people immigrated to the U.S. in the late 1980s to escape \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essays/latin-american-debt-crisis#:~:text=The%20spark%20for%20the%20crisis,at%20that%20point%20totaled%20%2480\">economic crisis in Mexico\u003c/a> and violent civil wars in Central America, both situations stoked by U.S. policies. Anti-immigrant groups responded with nativist proposals to take away the civil rights of immigrants. They successfully proposed ballot measures like \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/proposition-187-what-you-need-to-know\">Proposition 187\u003c/a> that targeted undocumented immigrants and their kids. (A federal judge ruled in 1997 that \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1997-nov-15-mn-54053-story.html\">Prop. 187 was unconstitutional\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those anti-immigrant sentiments led me, Oscar and many other Chicano students to feel like we each had a target on our backs. And that environment spilled onto campuses, too, as Agustín Orozco, my friend from UC San Diego, describes\u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/opinion/commentary/story/2022-07-07/opinion-agustin-orozco-activism?fbclid=IwAR1kOhMJRMLU5L0uLSdABE1qxNyIxZJLDV4d1B5wltj8F6De93gQORvBZwM\"> in this essay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Our shared, yet different, backgrounds\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oscar and I were both Chicanos but different in many ways. He was a middle-class U.S. citizen raised in the suburbs of LA County. My mother cleaned houses for a living. She and I moved to San Diego when I was 7 years old. We overstayed our tourist visas and only received the authorization to stay permanently about a decade later, when the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, most often described as amnesty, became law in my senior year of high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oscar responded to the xenophobia by joining the Chicano student organization on campus, then producing a weekly college radio show that mixed various types of music with in-studio interviews and field recordings from protests and marches he attended in different parts of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before this podcast, my identity as a Chicano felt stuck in the 1990s. But I’ve adopted a fuller understanding of what Chicano, Chicana, Chicanx, Latino and Latinx activism has led to. I now see how the student activism of the 1990s helped lead to the intersectional coalition building of current times, and the exploration of Indigenous philosophy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more that we could find out about these people and what they went through and, you know, even in this case, how they passed away or were killed, you know, the more we can share truth with people,” said Israel Calderon, a history teacher at Oscar’s alma mater, Baldwin Park High School, and a childhood friend of Oscar.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Liberate your mind’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That’s one of the reasons Calderon and some of \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/luchascholar/\">Oscar’s friends and relatives created a foundation in Oscar’s name\u003c/a> to raise money and hand out scholarships to Baldwin Park area high school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re more interested in promoting Oscar’s message to “liberate your mind” and help those who need help than they are to mythologize Oscar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of a young man in a white shirt and black cap crouches on an empty roadway\" width=\"800\" height=\"559\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching-160x112.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oscar Gomez in an undated photo, circa 1992. \u003ccite>(Courtesy KCSB)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A story that aired last year on NPR reminded me to keep my reporting focused on the human experience. It was a story about then-NPR host Lulu Garcia-Navarro leaving the network. The reporter described how Garcia-Navarro had \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/publiceditor/2006/06/05/5452082/are-npr-reporters-too-involved-in-their-stories\">defended her deeply personal interviewing and reporting approaches\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As journalists we do not check our humanity at the door. What we must do is try and give an accurate representation of what is happening before us to the best of our ability, leaving aside our prejudices,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How and whether I compartmentalize my humanity in the work I do is a question this podcast has raised for me and for others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I doing what we had set out to? Have I compromised?” said Margarita Berta-Avila, who’s now a leader with the California Faculty Association, the union for California State University professors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said thinking of Oscar, 28 years after his death, has been an opportunity to check her ideals from her college years and ask whether she’s become jaded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have spent 21 years telling people’s stories at Southern California Public Radio. I have, to the best of my ability, tried to tell stories about people living deep moments in their lives, and of policies that would affect people in one way or another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I feel like I’ve kept a part of my humanity checked at the door at times, fearing that some kind of bias would creep in. There is no bias in connecting deeply with human experiences and letting my own humanity live in that moment, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that insight, I have El Bandido de Aztlan, Oscar Gomez, to thank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5 p.m. July 11: \u003c/strong>Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center staff moved Pedro Figueroa out of solitary confinement on July 8, shortly after KQED published this story, according to his attorney. Mohamed Mousa remains in what’s officially known as “administrative segregation,” his attorney said. Both men were found guilty of “inciting or engaging in a demonstration,” charges allegedly related to a monthslong labor strike by immigration detainees seeking higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with The GEO Group, which operates the immigration detention center, declined to confirm the status of the men, and referred questions to ICE. The agency did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, July 8:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nTwo immigrant detainees have been held in solitary confinement for over a week for backing a labor strike seeking better wages and conditions at the privately run facility where they are held in Bakersfield, the men told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged retaliation fuels fear and intimidation, according to interviews with the men, their attorneys and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohamed Mousa and Pedro Figueroa said they were moved to a restricted housing unit after signing a declaration on June 28 that they and 15 others were joining a months-long peaceful work stoppage by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detainees who are paid $1 a day to clean dormitories and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Pedro Figueroa, ICE detainee\"]‘I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right … What did I do wrong?’[/pullquote]Employees with The GEO Group, a large private prison company that operates the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield, transferred the men separately to “administrative segregation” on June 29 and June 30, according to GEO forms viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what they’re doing to retaliate against people who speak up. This is what they’re doing to intimidate us, which I am intimidated,” Figueroa, 33, said by phone as he sat in what he described as a small, windowless cell detainees refer to as “the hole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right,” added Figueroa, a former incarcerated firefighter who battled the massive August Complex fire in 2020. “I’m trying to understand, what did I do wrong?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documents show GEO staffers charged Figueroa and Mousa with “inciting or engaging in a demonstration” and “conduct that disrupts/interferes with the security or operation of the facility.” Both are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/pbnds2011r2016.pdf\">labeled as high offenses under ICE guidelines\u003c/a> for the detention center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa and Mousa said they are kept in their cells — about 6 by 12 feet, with a sink, toilet and a cot — for 22 hours a day or longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives you anxiety, raises your stress level. It raises your depression level,” said Mousa, a 41-year-old immigrant from Egypt and former film student in Los Angeles. “It’s a terrible place to be. It’s like they dig a grave and throw you in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upon request, Mousa and Figueroa have access to a phone and an electronic tablet, which guards push through a slit in the room’s metal door. Calls and entertainment, such as music or books, may cost anywhere between $0.03 and $0.11 per minute, the detainees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for GEO, \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20220502005931/en/The-GEO-Group-Reports-First-Quarter-2022-Results\">which reported total revenues of $551 million in the first quarter of 2022\u003c/a>, rebuffed allegations that the detainees are being punished for protesting their working and living conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strikers, including more than a dozen so-called “housing porters,” are calling for California’s $15 per hour minimum wage, fair treatment by Mesa Verde’s administration and more nutritious meals, among other demands. Some detainees at the facility have refused to work since April 28, but their demands have been largely ignored by GEO and ICE, said Esperanza Cuautle, a community organizer with Pangea Legal Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919181\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 648px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919181\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg\" alt=\"a smiling bald man holds a chainsaw wearing work clothing\" width=\"648\" height=\"1017\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg 648w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp-160x251.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 648px) 100vw, 648px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedro Figueroa poses at the Antelope Fire camp in Siskiyou County in 2021. When he was incarcerated, before his ICE detention, Figueroa won a spot in the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation’s fire camp program, and helped battle wildfires. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Figueroa family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The GEO spokesperson repeatedly denied a labor strike is taking place at Mesa Verde and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917597/immigrant-detainees-strike-over-working-conditions-california-regulators-investigate\">Golden State Annex, a nearby detention center also operated by the multinational company\u003c/a>, arguing that the detained workers are part of a voluntary program. But he declined to answer what demonstration or disruption the detainees were charged with engaging in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to strongly reject these baseless allegations,” said the spokesperson for the Florida-based company. “Our facilities, including the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center, provide high-quality services in accordance with all federal contract requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center is maintained in accordance with all applicable federal sanitation standards, with or without the contributions of Voluntary Work Program participants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesa Verde currently detains 51 men, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">ICE’s most recent detention statistics\u003c/a>. Figueroa and Mousa were arrested by the agency after being released from state prisons for felony convictions, according to court records and their attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, however, felt no choice but to take a plea deal and continues to maintain his innocence, according to his lawyer, Katie Kavanagh, with the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mousa entered the U.S. lawfully in 2006, and has since been granted protections against deportation by two separate immigration judges, but ICE has appealed, said Kelsey Morales, an immigration attorney with the Alameda County Public Defender’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, the father of four children born in the U.S., was brought to the country as a baby. He grew up in Orange County, according to Kavanagh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detainees often opt to work for $1 a day to help their families afford what they describe as costly phone calls and commissary items such as dental floss and tortillas — and to ensure clean living areas, which they say no other janitorial service maintains at Mesa Verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eunice Cho, attorney, ACLU\"]‘These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs.’[/pullquote]In California, immigrant detainees paid $1 a day in privately run facilities are entitled to pursue civil remedy for unpaid wages, and are considered “employees” based on a ruling by a federal judge in 2018, said Christina Cano, a spokesperson with the Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees the enforcement of minimum wage laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, for-profit operators of immigration detention centers commonly use the voluntary work program to do cleaning, maintenance, laundry and other tasks that keep facilities running, saving money on labor costs, according to Eunice Cho, an attorney with the ACLU National Prison Project in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs,” Cho said. “Private prison companies have often used punishment to ask for more people to perform labor, doing things like threatening and putting people into solitary confinement, denying food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts in California, Washington and other states are currently deciding whether these labor practices constitute illegal forced labor or minimum wage law violations, and whether companies like GEO are accountable, according to Cho.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11917597 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GoldenStateAnnex-1020x698.jpg']Moreover, immigrants who are detained by the federal government while they fight deportation — a civil, not criminal proceeding — have the right to freedom of speech, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s long settled that the First Amendment prohibits the use of solitary confinement as punishment for speaking up against conditions of confinement in prisons and detention centers,” Cho said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether ICE agrees. ICE did not return requests for comment on the rule, the labor strike or retaliation allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reports of potentially exploitative work and retaliation at Mesa Verde are “alarming,” said a spokesperson for U.S. Senator Alex Padilla, D-Calif.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office is working to gather additional information and ensure there is proper oversight,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, South Bay Congressmember Zoe Lofgren, D-San José, who chairs the Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship, said she has “long been concerned” about immigration authorities’ use of for-profit prisons and conditions for detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These new allegations are troubling, yet sadly unsurprising,” said Lofgren, who \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-correa-ca-dems-urge-dhs-close-three-ice-detention-centers\">led 22 Democratic colleagues in urging the Biden administration to close three detention centers in California\u003c/a>, including one operated by GEO. “I take these allegations seriously and expect a complete and thorough investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5 p.m. July 11: \u003c/strong>Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center staff moved Pedro Figueroa out of solitary confinement on July 8, shortly after KQED published this story, according to his attorney. Mohamed Mousa remains in what’s officially known as “administrative segregation,” his attorney said. Both men were found guilty of “inciting or engaging in a demonstration,” charges allegedly related to a monthslong labor strike by immigration detainees seeking higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with The GEO Group, which operates the immigration detention center, declined to confirm the status of the men, and referred questions to ICE. The agency did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, July 8:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nTwo immigrant detainees have been held in solitary confinement for over a week for backing a labor strike seeking better wages and conditions at the privately run facility where they are held in Bakersfield, the men told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged retaliation fuels fear and intimidation, according to interviews with the men, their attorneys and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohamed Mousa and Pedro Figueroa said they were moved to a restricted housing unit after signing a declaration on June 28 that they and 15 others were joining a months-long peaceful work stoppage by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detainees who are paid $1 a day to clean dormitories and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right … What did I do wrong?’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Employees with The GEO Group, a large private prison company that operates the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield, transferred the men separately to “administrative segregation” on June 29 and June 30, according to GEO forms viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what they’re doing to retaliate against people who speak up. This is what they’re doing to intimidate us, which I am intimidated,” Figueroa, 33, said by phone as he sat in what he described as a small, windowless cell detainees refer to as “the hole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right,” added Figueroa, a former incarcerated firefighter who battled the massive August Complex fire in 2020. “I’m trying to understand, what did I do wrong?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documents show GEO staffers charged Figueroa and Mousa with “inciting or engaging in a demonstration” and “conduct that disrupts/interferes with the security or operation of the facility.” Both are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/pbnds2011r2016.pdf\">labeled as high offenses under ICE guidelines\u003c/a> for the detention center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa and Mousa said they are kept in their cells — about 6 by 12 feet, with a sink, toilet and a cot — for 22 hours a day or longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives you anxiety, raises your stress level. It raises your depression level,” said Mousa, a 41-year-old immigrant from Egypt and former film student in Los Angeles. “It’s a terrible place to be. It’s like they dig a grave and throw you in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upon request, Mousa and Figueroa have access to a phone and an electronic tablet, which guards push through a slit in the room’s metal door. Calls and entertainment, such as music or books, may cost anywhere between $0.03 and $0.11 per minute, the detainees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for GEO, \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20220502005931/en/The-GEO-Group-Reports-First-Quarter-2022-Results\">which reported total revenues of $551 million in the first quarter of 2022\u003c/a>, rebuffed allegations that the detainees are being punished for protesting their working and living conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strikers, including more than a dozen so-called “housing porters,” are calling for California’s $15 per hour minimum wage, fair treatment by Mesa Verde’s administration and more nutritious meals, among other demands. Some detainees at the facility have refused to work since April 28, but their demands have been largely ignored by GEO and ICE, said Esperanza Cuautle, a community organizer with Pangea Legal Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919181\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 648px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919181\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg\" alt=\"a smiling bald man holds a chainsaw wearing work clothing\" width=\"648\" height=\"1017\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg 648w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp-160x251.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 648px) 100vw, 648px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedro Figueroa poses at the Antelope Fire camp in Siskiyou County in 2021. When he was incarcerated, before his ICE detention, Figueroa won a spot in the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation’s fire camp program, and helped battle wildfires. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Figueroa family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The GEO spokesperson repeatedly denied a labor strike is taking place at Mesa Verde and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917597/immigrant-detainees-strike-over-working-conditions-california-regulators-investigate\">Golden State Annex, a nearby detention center also operated by the multinational company\u003c/a>, arguing that the detained workers are part of a voluntary program. But he declined to answer what demonstration or disruption the detainees were charged with engaging in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to strongly reject these baseless allegations,” said the spokesperson for the Florida-based company. “Our facilities, including the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center, provide high-quality services in accordance with all federal contract requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center is maintained in accordance with all applicable federal sanitation standards, with or without the contributions of Voluntary Work Program participants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesa Verde currently detains 51 men, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">ICE’s most recent detention statistics\u003c/a>. Figueroa and Mousa were arrested by the agency after being released from state prisons for felony convictions, according to court records and their attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, however, felt no choice but to take a plea deal and continues to maintain his innocence, according to his lawyer, Katie Kavanagh, with the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mousa entered the U.S. lawfully in 2006, and has since been granted protections against deportation by two separate immigration judges, but ICE has appealed, said Kelsey Morales, an immigration attorney with the Alameda County Public Defender’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, the father of four children born in the U.S., was brought to the country as a baby. He grew up in Orange County, according to Kavanagh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detainees often opt to work for $1 a day to help their families afford what they describe as costly phone calls and commissary items such as dental floss and tortillas — and to ensure clean living areas, which they say no other janitorial service maintains at Mesa Verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, immigrant detainees paid $1 a day in privately run facilities are entitled to pursue civil remedy for unpaid wages, and are considered “employees” based on a ruling by a federal judge in 2018, said Christina Cano, a spokesperson with the Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees the enforcement of minimum wage laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, for-profit operators of immigration detention centers commonly use the voluntary work program to do cleaning, maintenance, laundry and other tasks that keep facilities running, saving money on labor costs, according to Eunice Cho, an attorney with the ACLU National Prison Project in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs,” Cho said. “Private prison companies have often used punishment to ask for more people to perform labor, doing things like threatening and putting people into solitary confinement, denying food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts in California, Washington and other states are currently deciding whether these labor practices constitute illegal forced labor or minimum wage law violations, and whether companies like GEO are accountable, according to Cho.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Moreover, immigrants who are detained by the federal government while they fight deportation — a civil, not criminal proceeding — have the right to freedom of speech, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s long settled that the First Amendment prohibits the use of solitary confinement as punishment for speaking up against conditions of confinement in prisons and detention centers,” Cho said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether ICE agrees. ICE did not return requests for comment on the rule, the labor strike or retaliation allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reports of potentially exploitative work and retaliation at Mesa Verde are “alarming,” said a spokesperson for U.S. Senator Alex Padilla, D-Calif.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office is working to gather additional information and ensure there is proper oversight,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, South Bay Congressmember Zoe Lofgren, D-San José, who chairs the Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship, said she has “long been concerned” about immigration authorities’ use of for-profit prisons and conditions for detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These new allegations are troubling, yet sadly unsurprising,” said Lofgren, who \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-correa-ca-dems-urge-dhs-close-three-ice-detention-centers\">led 22 Democratic colleagues in urging the Biden administration to close three detention centers in California\u003c/a>, including one operated by GEO. “I take these allegations seriously and expect a complete and thorough investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Days after the U.S. Supreme Court allowed more people to carry concealed weapons, California lawmakers on Tuesday moved to limit where firearms may be carried and who can have them, while struggling to stay within the high court’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"State Sen. Anthony Portantino\"]‘We’re going to push the envelope, but we’re going to do it in a constitutional way.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They aim to restrict concealed carry to those 21 and older; require applicants to disclose all prior arrests, criminal convictions and restraining or protective orders; require in-person interviews with the applicant and at least three character references; and allow sheriffs and police chiefs to consider applicants’ public statements as they weigh whether the individual is dangerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to push the envelope, but we’re going to do it in a constitutional way,” said Democratic Sen. Anthony Portantino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the latest example of California, where Democrats hold sway, pushing back against recent decisions by conservative U.S. Supreme Court justices. On Monday, lawmakers advanced a gun control measure modeled after a recent high court ruling in a \u003ca class=\"\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-lawsuits-california-gun-politics-fbcbafe3c374f93655af87fc63864d7f\">Texas abortion case\u003c/a>, and adopted a ballot measure that would enshrine \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/voting-rights-abortion-us-supreme-court-health-california-3f47c8590953208130087b32ff38e5f0\">a right to abortion in the California Constitution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-guns-decision-58d01ef8bd48e816d5f8761ffa84e3e8\">Supreme Court last week rejected a New York law\u003c/a> requiring that people seeking a license to carry a gun in public demonstrate a particular need, such as a direct threat to their safety. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/us-supreme-court-gun-politics-new-york-violence-kathy-hochul-ebe58ea297c154a25a62650dec935529\">California is among a half-dozen states with a similar requirement\u003c/a>, and Attorney General Rob Bonta said the ruling renders that portion of California’s law immediately unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lawmakers won’t act on the replacement legislation until August, after they return from a monthlong summer recess and make further amendments. And even then they won’t seek to impose the new standards immediately, which would require a two-thirds vote, instead waiting to have the legislation take effect in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/us-supreme-court-new-york-gun-politics-legislature-kathy-hochul-37a3ab677121c9d9d60778bc055e31a4\">New York, meanwhile, plans a special session of its legislature Thursday\u003c/a> to consider gun legislation that also could impose new requirements for a carry permit, perhaps as many as 20 hours of mandatory live-fire training, along with a substantial list of areas where carrying is prohibited.[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Daniel Reid, Western regional director, National Rifle Association\"]‘This amendment is not improving California’s concealed carry laws — it’s in defiance of this court opinion.’[/pullquote]The \u003ca class=\"\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB918\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California legislation\u003c/a> was advanced Tuesday by the Assembly Public Safety Committee on a 5-2 vote over the objections of gun owners’ rights advocates who said it goes too far and predicted that it, too, would be ruled unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This amendment is not improving California’s concealed carry laws — it’s in defiance of this court opinion,” said Daniel Reid, the National Rifle Association’s Western regional director. “We’re seeing a complete redrafting of places where law-abiding citizens can carry in the state of California. It’s an incredibly confusing patchwork.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said lawmakers are using a “shell game” to substitute new rules for the one outlawed by the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would bar concealed weapons from schools and universities, government and judicial buildings, medical facilities, public transportation, any place where alcohol is sold and consumed, public parks and playgrounds, and special events that require a permit.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"concealed-carry\"]No other state uses those kinds of restrictions, said Sam Paredes, executive director of Gun Owners of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill will never become law,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal would allow anyone whose application is denied to receive a hearing before a Superior Court judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applicants would be required to provide fingerprints each time they applied for a permit, regardless of whether they had previously submitted their fingerprints to the state Department of Justice, which opponents called redundant and designed to drive up the cost and bureaucracy of obtaining a license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would require the applicant to be the licensed owner of the specific firearm for which they sought a license, which opponents said would make it more difficult for spouses to be licensed for weapons they jointly owned, potentially putting them in legal jeopardy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said the Supreme Court ruling doesn’t undermine other requirements of California’s law, including that those seeking to carry concealed weapons demonstrate “good moral character.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheriffs and police chiefs are required to perform background checks before issuing permits. The applicant must have training in carrying a concealed weapon, and must live or work in the city or county where they are seeking the permit, and the sheriff or police chief may require psychological testing.[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Sam Paredes, executive director, Gun Owners of California\"]‘This bill will never become law.’[/pullquote]\u003ca href=\"https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/data-stories/firearms-data-portal\">California officials issued about 40,000 permits last year\u003c/a>, down from more than 100,000 during the peak year of 2016, according to information newly posted on the state Department of Justice’s website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County had by far the most, at more than 65,000, followed by Fresno and Sacramento counties with more than 45,000 permits. By contrast, Los Angeles County, with about a quarter of the state’s population, issued about 3,600 permits, and San Francisco just 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the database for some period also publicly disclosed the names and other identifying information on the state’s permit holders, in what the California Rifle and Pistol Association called an “unconscionable breach” of confidential information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta’s office said it was investigating the exposure of personal information, adding that “any unauthorized release of personal information is unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They aim to restrict concealed carry to those 21 and older; require applicants to disclose all prior arrests, criminal convictions and restraining or protective orders; require in-person interviews with the applicant and at least three character references; and allow sheriffs and police chiefs to consider applicants’ public statements as they weigh whether the individual is dangerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to push the envelope, but we’re going to do it in a constitutional way,” said Democratic Sen. Anthony Portantino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the latest example of California, where Democrats hold sway, pushing back against recent decisions by conservative U.S. Supreme Court justices. On Monday, lawmakers advanced a gun control measure modeled after a recent high court ruling in a \u003ca class=\"\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-lawsuits-california-gun-politics-fbcbafe3c374f93655af87fc63864d7f\">Texas abortion case\u003c/a>, and adopted a ballot measure that would enshrine \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/voting-rights-abortion-us-supreme-court-health-california-3f47c8590953208130087b32ff38e5f0\">a right to abortion in the California Constitution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-guns-decision-58d01ef8bd48e816d5f8761ffa84e3e8\">Supreme Court last week rejected a New York law\u003c/a> requiring that people seeking a license to carry a gun in public demonstrate a particular need, such as a direct threat to their safety. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/us-supreme-court-gun-politics-new-york-violence-kathy-hochul-ebe58ea297c154a25a62650dec935529\">California is among a half-dozen states with a similar requirement\u003c/a>, and Attorney General Rob Bonta said the ruling renders that portion of California’s law immediately unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lawmakers won’t act on the replacement legislation until August, after they return from a monthlong summer recess and make further amendments. And even then they won’t seek to impose the new standards immediately, which would require a two-thirds vote, instead waiting to have the legislation take effect in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/us-supreme-court-new-york-gun-politics-legislature-kathy-hochul-37a3ab677121c9d9d60778bc055e31a4\">New York, meanwhile, plans a special session of its legislature Thursday\u003c/a> to consider gun legislation that also could impose new requirements for a carry permit, perhaps as many as 20 hours of mandatory live-fire training, along with a substantial list of areas where carrying is prohibited.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The \u003ca class=\"\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB918\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California legislation\u003c/a> was advanced Tuesday by the Assembly Public Safety Committee on a 5-2 vote over the objections of gun owners’ rights advocates who said it goes too far and predicted that it, too, would be ruled unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This amendment is not improving California’s concealed carry laws — it’s in defiance of this court opinion,” said Daniel Reid, the National Rifle Association’s Western regional director. “We’re seeing a complete redrafting of places where law-abiding citizens can carry in the state of California. It’s an incredibly confusing patchwork.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said lawmakers are using a “shell game” to substitute new rules for the one outlawed by the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would bar concealed weapons from schools and universities, government and judicial buildings, medical facilities, public transportation, any place where alcohol is sold and consumed, public parks and playgrounds, and special events that require a permit.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>No other state uses those kinds of restrictions, said Sam Paredes, executive director of Gun Owners of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill will never become law,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal would allow anyone whose application is denied to receive a hearing before a Superior Court judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applicants would be required to provide fingerprints each time they applied for a permit, regardless of whether they had previously submitted their fingerprints to the state Department of Justice, which opponents called redundant and designed to drive up the cost and bureaucracy of obtaining a license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would require the applicant to be the licensed owner of the specific firearm for which they sought a license, which opponents said would make it more difficult for spouses to be licensed for weapons they jointly owned, potentially putting them in legal jeopardy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said the Supreme Court ruling doesn’t undermine other requirements of California’s law, including that those seeking to carry concealed weapons demonstrate “good moral character.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheriffs and police chiefs are required to perform background checks before issuing permits. The applicant must have training in carrying a concealed weapon, and must live or work in the city or county where they are seeking the permit, and the sheriff or police chief may require psychological testing.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/data-stories/firearms-data-portal\">California officials issued about 40,000 permits last year\u003c/a>, down from more than 100,000 during the peak year of 2016, according to information newly posted on the state Department of Justice’s website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County had by far the most, at more than 65,000, followed by Fresno and Sacramento counties with more than 45,000 permits. By contrast, Los Angeles County, with about a quarter of the state’s population, issued about 3,600 permits, and San Francisco just 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the database for some period also publicly disclosed the names and other identifying information on the state’s permit holders, in what the California Rifle and Pistol Association called an “unconscionable breach” of confidential information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta’s office said it was investigating the exposure of personal information, adding that “any unauthorized release of personal information is unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "even-without-roe-v-wade-abortion-is-still-legal-in-california-heres-what-you-need-to-know",
"title": "Even Without Roe v. Wade, Abortion Is Still Legal in California. Here's What You Need to Know",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/24/1102305878/supreme-court-abortion-roe-v-wade-decision-overturn\">Roe v. Wade, the 1973 ruling that guaranteed the federal constitutional right to an abortion, has been overturned as of Friday, June 24, 2022.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many across the country awaited this outcome with a mix of fear, anger and disappointment, ever since a Supreme Court draft opinion in the case of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization was leaked in May. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913033/heres-what-could-happen-if-roe-v-wade-is-overturned\">Individual states now have the power to ban any and all abortion procedures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You may be worrying about what will happen here in California — or perhaps you’re unclear on what our state’s abortion laws already are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read on for what you need to know about abortion in California, including when someone can get an abortion, what kind of abortions are available and what resources are available for people without insurance or those who live far away from abortion clinics. We’ll keep updating this post as we get more information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Can’t find an answer to something you’re concerned about? \u003ca href=\"#ask\">Send us your question here.\u003c/a> Here’s a quick breakdown of the guide. Click on the links below to skip to a specific section:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#now\">\u003cstrong>What are California’s abortion laws right now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#insurance\">\u003cstrong>Do insurance companies cover the cost of an abortion?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#uninsured\">\u003cstrong>What options exist for people without insurance?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#distance\">\u003cstrong>Is there help available for people who live far away from an abortion provider?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#types\">\u003cstrong>What kinds of abortions are available in California?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#support\">\u003cstrong>What can I do to take action in support of abortion access around the United States?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"now\">\u003c/a>What are California’s abortion laws right now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California guarantees the right to abortion in statute and the state constitution. Our state’s abortion laws are the strongest in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers also are working to enshrine the right to an abortion and to use or refuse contraceptives. Both officials and abortion providers have made it very clear that abortion access in California will not change because of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know about current abortion laws in California:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You can get an abortion in California, for any reason, until roughly six months after conception\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pregnant person of any age can seek an abortion for any reason at any time until the point where the fetus could survive outside the womb – known as “viability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This point where a fetus is considered viable is roughly at the six-month mark of pregnancy. Some doctors may alternatively assess that cutoff for viability by how much a fetus weighs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As CalMatters writes, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/#249b8d04-67fe-4155-8200-0054543e6e27\">exactly how that threshold gets decided is “up to a physician’s ‘good faith medical judgement’\u003c/a> — in practicality, most doctors consider a fetus viable at 24 weeks or once a fetus weighs 500 grams.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, there are no enforced waiting periods between requesting an abortion and getting one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>After six months of pregnancy, you can only get an abortion in certain circumstances\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a fetus has reached the time or weight threshold of viability, an abortion is only possible if continuing the pregnancy threatens the pregnant person’s life or health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you’re under 18, you don’t need your parents’ permission to get an abortion in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minors don’t require parental consent to get an abortion in the state. This means that even if your parents don’t want you to get an abortion, you can legally go against their wishes and get one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ask\">Ask your questions about what comes after Roe.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11913111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11913111\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Image-from-iOS-4-scaled-e1651632298608.jpg\" alt='A large crowed assembles in downtown San Francisco. Many are chanting and holding up signs. One sign reads, \"My body, my choice.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds gathered outside the Phillip Burton Federal Building in San Francisco on May 3, 2022, in support of abortion rights after the Supreme Court’s draft opinion of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization was leaked. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"insurance\">\u003c/a>If you have insurance, California requires your providers to cover abortion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state requires private health insurance, including Covered California (aka “Obamacare”) plans, to cover abortions. This doesn’t mean getting an abortion with insurance is always free: Providers can charge co-pays and deductibles that can create out-of-pocket costs. According to the California Health Benefits Review Program, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/#fe40df41-11df-4ca1-9366-741b9265be25\">the current average out-of-pocket cost of a medication abortion is $306\u003c/a>, which jumps to $887 for a procedural abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For people with Medi-Cal, state funds are used to cover the costs of the procedure to guarantee this population free access to abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909017/california-makes-abortions-that-use-private-insurance-cheaper-in-response-to-other-states-proposed-restrictions\">abortion and all related services in California (like consultations and follow-up care) will be free\u003c/a>, thanks to a law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in March 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"uninsured\">\u003c/a>If you are uninsured, there are options for finding a free or low-cost abortion\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"https://files.medi-cal.ca.gov/pubsdoco/presumptive_eligibility/PE_for_PW_landing.aspx\">Presumptive Eligibility for Pregnant Women\u003c/a> (PE4PW) program offers temporary Medi-Cal coverage for outpatient prenatal services (which could include pregnancy-related services that don’t need you to stay in the hospital overnight) for lower-income California residents who are pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To access this program, you’ll need to visit a qualified provider, or QP (a Medi-Cal provider who’s enrolled in PE4PW and who provides prenatal care). \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/medi-cal/eligibility/Pages/Find-a-Qualified-Provider-to-Enroll.aspx\">Find a qualified provider (QP) near you\u003c/a> and contact them let them know you’d like to be enrolled in PE4PW. If you’re eligible for the program, that QP can enroll you online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also \u003ca href=\"https://abortionfunds.org/need-abortion/\">find information about accessing funds for an abortion\u003c/a> or abortion-related costs like transportation, lodging and child care with the \u003ca href=\"https://abortionfunds.org/need-abortion/\">National Network of Abortion Funds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917317\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917317\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-scaled.jpg\" alt='A person bears a very large sign made out of cardboard, which reads: \"Abortions are not just for the rich and white.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman holds a sign at the steps of the George Deukmejian Courthouse at a rally to defend abortion rights in Long Beach on Tuesday, May 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Brittany Murray/MediaNews Group/Long Beach Press-Telegram via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"distance\">\u003c/a>Help also is available if you live somewhere in California without abortion providers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just because abortion is legal under California law doesn’t mean it’s simple for everyone in California to access an abortion. Many people in California — especially in rural or lower-income areas — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11896908/for-many-rural-and-lower-income-californians-abortion-services-remain-hard-to-access\">still face barriers to accessing an abortion because of a lack of nearby providers and clinics\u003c/a>. In a 2017 study, the Guttmacher Institute reported that some \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/fact-sheet/state-facts-about-abortion-california#1\">40% of mostly rural counties in California had zero clinics that provided abortions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also the issue of prohibitive costs — not just for the procedure, but also extra travel needed to reach a provider — and anti-abortion sentiment in some areas. All of this can make it even harder for people in rural communities to find the abortion they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re in this position, there are California resources you can consult for practical and financial assistance to find an abortion, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://accessrj.org/\">Access Reproductive Justice\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.womenshealthspecialists.org/about/women-in-need-fund/\">Women in Need Fund\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://wrrap.org/\">Women’s Reproductive Rights Assistance Project\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Nationally, you can also \u003ca href=\"https://abortionfunds.org/need-abortion/\">find information about accessing funds for an abortion\u003c/a> or abortion-related costs like transportation and lodging from the \u003ca href=\"https://abortionfunds.org/need-abortion/\">National Network of Abortion Funds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"types\">\u003c/a>What kinds of abortions are available in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What kind of abortion you can get — whether that’s medication to induce abortion or a surgical procedure — depends on how long you’ve been pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first trimester (0-13 weeks), the types of abortion you can access are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Medication abortion (also known as the “abortion pill”)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vacuum aspiration (also known as surgical abortion)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In the second trimester (14-26 weeks), the types of abortion you can access are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Dilation and evacuation (usually under general anesthetic)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>An abortion in the third trimester (27-40 weeks) can only be performed if the life or health of the pregnant person is threatened.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What does this Supreme Court decision mean for other states?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913033/heres-what-could-happen-if-roe-v-wade-is-overturned\">Individual states now have the power to ban any and all abortion procedures.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/12/02/1061015753/abortion-roe-v-wade-trigger-laws-mississippi-jacksons-womens-health-organization\">20 states have laws that could restrict or ban abortion \u003c/a>now that the Supreme Court has overturned Roe, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a research group that supports abortion rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities of color and queer people in those states — specifically transgender people — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/05/1096365879/roe-wade-abortion-transgender-scotus-marriage-contraceptives-privacy-rights\">would be especially affected if Roe v. Wade is revoked, advocates say\u003c/a>. According to The Associated Press, \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory/minority-women-affected-abortion-banned-limited-82599673\">in conservative states that already limit access to abortions, Black and Latina women have abortions at higher rates than white women\u003c/a>. Women of color who have low incomes could have a harder time traveling out of state for an abortion, the AP said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is California planning to do to help people seeking abortions in places where it’s now restricted or banned?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is already preparing to be a haven for abortion access for people elsewhere in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion clinics are building new facilities closer to transit hubs and training more staff. A number of bills addressing abortion rights are aiming to expand the number of providers and amount of financial assistance available to out-of-state patients traveling to California for an abortion, and to legally protect the medical personnel who treat them. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912134/we-fill-the-gaps-california-preps-to-be-a-haven-for-abortion-rights\">Read more about what California is planning to do to offer abortion access to people denied it in their home states.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"support\">\u003c/a>What can I do to take action in support of abortion access around the United States?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Read more about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13912860/roe-v-wade-where-to-donate-abortion-reproductive-rights-supreme-court\">where to donate in support of abortion rights\u003c/a>, and how to support organizations on the ground, with this \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13912860/roe-v-wade-where-to-donate-abortion-reproductive-rights-supreme-court\">guide from KQED Arts and Culture\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re planning to attend a protest or a rally in support of abortion rights, remember we’re still in a pandemic, and protecting your personal health and safety is important while you march in support of the health of others. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13912860/roe-v-wade-where-to-donate-abortion-reproductive-rights-supreme-court\">Read our guide to staying safe during a protest\u003c/a>, from COVID concerns to possible police violence. If you find yourself in a situation where you feel compelled to record an encounter with police during a protest, we have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871364/recording-the-police-what-to-know-and-how-to-stay-safe-doing-it\">tips on how to do so safely and ethically\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"arts_13902723\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/2/2021/09/GettyImages-1233171982_COVER-1020x574.jpg\"]\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913033/heres-what-could-happen-if-roe-v-wade-is-overturned\">Abortion will now be most dramatically restricted in other states\u003c/a>, but remember: Just because abortion is legal under California law doesn’t mean it’s simple for everyone here to access an abortion. Along with lack of widespread access, prohibitive costs — including the need to travel far to reach a provider — and anti-abortion sentiment in some areas all make it harder for people across California to find the abortion they need. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11896908/for-many-rural-and-lower-income-californians-abortion-services-remain-hard-to-access\">Read more about how abortion access remains hard in lower-income or rural areas of the state.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For this reason, you might consider supporting California-based groups working to expand abortion access within the state itself. These groups include organizations like \u003ca href=\"https://accessrj.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Access Reproductive Justice\u003c/a>, which offers assistance with finances, transportation, lodging, child care and emotional issues for all individuals seeking abortions in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"ask\">\u003c/a>What else do you need to know?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>We know this news is affecting many of you greatly — sparking anger, fear and confusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We want to be able to provide you with the information you need. So if you have a question about Roe v. Wade being overturned that wasn’t answered here, send us your question below, via this comment box:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"9626\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/9626.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We may not be able to reach directly back out to everyone who asks a question. But what you submit will make our reporting on abortion access stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting from NPR and The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/24/1102305878/supreme-court-abortion-roe-v-wade-decision-overturn\">Roe v. Wade, the 1973 ruling that guaranteed the federal constitutional right to an abortion, has been overturned as of Friday, June 24, 2022.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many across the country awaited this outcome with a mix of fear, anger and disappointment, ever since a Supreme Court draft opinion in the case of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization was leaked in May. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913033/heres-what-could-happen-if-roe-v-wade-is-overturned\">Individual states now have the power to ban any and all abortion procedures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You may be worrying about what will happen here in California — or perhaps you’re unclear on what our state’s abortion laws already are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read on for what you need to know about abortion in California, including when someone can get an abortion, what kind of abortions are available and what resources are available for people without insurance or those who live far away from abortion clinics. We’ll keep updating this post as we get more information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Can’t find an answer to something you’re concerned about? \u003ca href=\"#ask\">Send us your question here.\u003c/a> Here’s a quick breakdown of the guide. Click on the links below to skip to a specific section:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#now\">\u003cstrong>What are California’s abortion laws right now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#insurance\">\u003cstrong>Do insurance companies cover the cost of an abortion?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#uninsured\">\u003cstrong>What options exist for people without insurance?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#distance\">\u003cstrong>Is there help available for people who live far away from an abortion provider?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#types\">\u003cstrong>What kinds of abortions are available in California?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#support\">\u003cstrong>What can I do to take action in support of abortion access around the United States?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"now\">\u003c/a>What are California’s abortion laws right now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California guarantees the right to abortion in statute and the state constitution. Our state’s abortion laws are the strongest in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers also are working to enshrine the right to an abortion and to use or refuse contraceptives. Both officials and abortion providers have made it very clear that abortion access in California will not change because of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know about current abortion laws in California:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You can get an abortion in California, for any reason, until roughly six months after conception\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pregnant person of any age can seek an abortion for any reason at any time until the point where the fetus could survive outside the womb – known as “viability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This point where a fetus is considered viable is roughly at the six-month mark of pregnancy. Some doctors may alternatively assess that cutoff for viability by how much a fetus weighs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As CalMatters writes, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/#249b8d04-67fe-4155-8200-0054543e6e27\">exactly how that threshold gets decided is “up to a physician’s ‘good faith medical judgement’\u003c/a> — in practicality, most doctors consider a fetus viable at 24 weeks or once a fetus weighs 500 grams.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, there are no enforced waiting periods between requesting an abortion and getting one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>After six months of pregnancy, you can only get an abortion in certain circumstances\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a fetus has reached the time or weight threshold of viability, an abortion is only possible if continuing the pregnancy threatens the pregnant person’s life or health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you’re under 18, you don’t need your parents’ permission to get an abortion in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minors don’t require parental consent to get an abortion in the state. This means that even if your parents don’t want you to get an abortion, you can legally go against their wishes and get one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ask\">Ask your questions about what comes after Roe.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11913111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11913111\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Image-from-iOS-4-scaled-e1651632298608.jpg\" alt='A large crowed assembles in downtown San Francisco. Many are chanting and holding up signs. One sign reads, \"My body, my choice.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds gathered outside the Phillip Burton Federal Building in San Francisco on May 3, 2022, in support of abortion rights after the Supreme Court’s draft opinion of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization was leaked. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"insurance\">\u003c/a>If you have insurance, California requires your providers to cover abortion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state requires private health insurance, including Covered California (aka “Obamacare”) plans, to cover abortions. This doesn’t mean getting an abortion with insurance is always free: Providers can charge co-pays and deductibles that can create out-of-pocket costs. According to the California Health Benefits Review Program, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/#fe40df41-11df-4ca1-9366-741b9265be25\">the current average out-of-pocket cost of a medication abortion is $306\u003c/a>, which jumps to $887 for a procedural abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For people with Medi-Cal, state funds are used to cover the costs of the procedure to guarantee this population free access to abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909017/california-makes-abortions-that-use-private-insurance-cheaper-in-response-to-other-states-proposed-restrictions\">abortion and all related services in California (like consultations and follow-up care) will be free\u003c/a>, thanks to a law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in March 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"uninsured\">\u003c/a>If you are uninsured, there are options for finding a free or low-cost abortion\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"https://files.medi-cal.ca.gov/pubsdoco/presumptive_eligibility/PE_for_PW_landing.aspx\">Presumptive Eligibility for Pregnant Women\u003c/a> (PE4PW) program offers temporary Medi-Cal coverage for outpatient prenatal services (which could include pregnancy-related services that don’t need you to stay in the hospital overnight) for lower-income California residents who are pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To access this program, you’ll need to visit a qualified provider, or QP (a Medi-Cal provider who’s enrolled in PE4PW and who provides prenatal care). \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/medi-cal/eligibility/Pages/Find-a-Qualified-Provider-to-Enroll.aspx\">Find a qualified provider (QP) near you\u003c/a> and contact them let them know you’d like to be enrolled in PE4PW. If you’re eligible for the program, that QP can enroll you online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also \u003ca href=\"https://abortionfunds.org/need-abortion/\">find information about accessing funds for an abortion\u003c/a> or abortion-related costs like transportation, lodging and child care with the \u003ca href=\"https://abortionfunds.org/need-abortion/\">National Network of Abortion Funds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917317\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917317\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-scaled.jpg\" alt='A person bears a very large sign made out of cardboard, which reads: \"Abortions are not just for the rich and white.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GettyImages-1395263690-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman holds a sign at the steps of the George Deukmejian Courthouse at a rally to defend abortion rights in Long Beach on Tuesday, May 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Brittany Murray/MediaNews Group/Long Beach Press-Telegram via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"distance\">\u003c/a>Help also is available if you live somewhere in California without abortion providers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just because abortion is legal under California law doesn’t mean it’s simple for everyone in California to access an abortion. Many people in California — especially in rural or lower-income areas — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11896908/for-many-rural-and-lower-income-californians-abortion-services-remain-hard-to-access\">still face barriers to accessing an abortion because of a lack of nearby providers and clinics\u003c/a>. In a 2017 study, the Guttmacher Institute reported that some \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/fact-sheet/state-facts-about-abortion-california#1\">40% of mostly rural counties in California had zero clinics that provided abortions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also the issue of prohibitive costs — not just for the procedure, but also extra travel needed to reach a provider — and anti-abortion sentiment in some areas. All of this can make it even harder for people in rural communities to find the abortion they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re in this position, there are California resources you can consult for practical and financial assistance to find an abortion, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://accessrj.org/\">Access Reproductive Justice\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.womenshealthspecialists.org/about/women-in-need-fund/\">Women in Need Fund\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://wrrap.org/\">Women’s Reproductive Rights Assistance Project\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Nationally, you can also \u003ca href=\"https://abortionfunds.org/need-abortion/\">find information about accessing funds for an abortion\u003c/a> or abortion-related costs like transportation and lodging from the \u003ca href=\"https://abortionfunds.org/need-abortion/\">National Network of Abortion Funds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"types\">\u003c/a>What kinds of abortions are available in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What kind of abortion you can get — whether that’s medication to induce abortion or a surgical procedure — depends on how long you’ve been pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first trimester (0-13 weeks), the types of abortion you can access are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Medication abortion (also known as the “abortion pill”)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vacuum aspiration (also known as surgical abortion)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In the second trimester (14-26 weeks), the types of abortion you can access are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Dilation and evacuation (usually under general anesthetic)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>An abortion in the third trimester (27-40 weeks) can only be performed if the life or health of the pregnant person is threatened.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What does this Supreme Court decision mean for other states?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913033/heres-what-could-happen-if-roe-v-wade-is-overturned\">Individual states now have the power to ban any and all abortion procedures.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/12/02/1061015753/abortion-roe-v-wade-trigger-laws-mississippi-jacksons-womens-health-organization\">20 states have laws that could restrict or ban abortion \u003c/a>now that the Supreme Court has overturned Roe, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a research group that supports abortion rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities of color and queer people in those states — specifically transgender people — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/05/1096365879/roe-wade-abortion-transgender-scotus-marriage-contraceptives-privacy-rights\">would be especially affected if Roe v. Wade is revoked, advocates say\u003c/a>. According to The Associated Press, \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory/minority-women-affected-abortion-banned-limited-82599673\">in conservative states that already limit access to abortions, Black and Latina women have abortions at higher rates than white women\u003c/a>. Women of color who have low incomes could have a harder time traveling out of state for an abortion, the AP said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is California planning to do to help people seeking abortions in places where it’s now restricted or banned?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is already preparing to be a haven for abortion access for people elsewhere in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion clinics are building new facilities closer to transit hubs and training more staff. A number of bills addressing abortion rights are aiming to expand the number of providers and amount of financial assistance available to out-of-state patients traveling to California for an abortion, and to legally protect the medical personnel who treat them. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912134/we-fill-the-gaps-california-preps-to-be-a-haven-for-abortion-rights\">Read more about what California is planning to do to offer abortion access to people denied it in their home states.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"support\">\u003c/a>What can I do to take action in support of abortion access around the United States?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Read more about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13912860/roe-v-wade-where-to-donate-abortion-reproductive-rights-supreme-court\">where to donate in support of abortion rights\u003c/a>, and how to support organizations on the ground, with this \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13912860/roe-v-wade-where-to-donate-abortion-reproductive-rights-supreme-court\">guide from KQED Arts and Culture\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re planning to attend a protest or a rally in support of abortion rights, remember we’re still in a pandemic, and protecting your personal health and safety is important while you march in support of the health of others. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13912860/roe-v-wade-where-to-donate-abortion-reproductive-rights-supreme-court\">Read our guide to staying safe during a protest\u003c/a>, from COVID concerns to possible police violence. If you find yourself in a situation where you feel compelled to record an encounter with police during a protest, we have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871364/recording-the-police-what-to-know-and-how-to-stay-safe-doing-it\">tips on how to do so safely and ethically\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913033/heres-what-could-happen-if-roe-v-wade-is-overturned\">Abortion will now be most dramatically restricted in other states\u003c/a>, but remember: Just because abortion is legal under California law doesn’t mean it’s simple for everyone here to access an abortion. Along with lack of widespread access, prohibitive costs — including the need to travel far to reach a provider — and anti-abortion sentiment in some areas all make it harder for people across California to find the abortion they need. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11896908/for-many-rural-and-lower-income-californians-abortion-services-remain-hard-to-access\">Read more about how abortion access remains hard in lower-income or rural areas of the state.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For this reason, you might consider supporting California-based groups working to expand abortion access within the state itself. These groups include organizations like \u003ca href=\"https://accessrj.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Access Reproductive Justice\u003c/a>, which offers assistance with finances, transportation, lodging, child care and emotional issues for all individuals seeking abortions in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"ask\">\u003c/a>What else do you need to know?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>We know this news is affecting many of you greatly — sparking anger, fear and confusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We want to be able to provide you with the information you need. So if you have a question about Roe v. Wade being overturned that wasn’t answered here, send us your question below, via this comment box:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We may not be able to reach directly back out to everyone who asks a question. But what you submit will make our reporting on abortion access stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting from NPR and The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "supreme-court-strikes-down-n-y-gun-law-is-californias-concealed-carry-law-next",
"title": "Supreme Court Strikes Down N.Y. Gun Law. Is California's Concealed Carry Law Next?",
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"headTitle": "Supreme Court Strikes Down N.Y. Gun Law. Is California’s Concealed Carry Law Next? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court on Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/23/1102995474/supreme-court-opinion-guns\">issued one of its most significant gun law rulings in more than a decade\u003c/a>, tossing out New York state’s tight restrictions on who can carry a concealed gun in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gun rights activists are celebrating \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/20-843_7j80.pdf\">the 6-3 decision\u003c/a>, while advocates for stricter gun laws decry it. Both agree that California’s similar law may be challenged next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling likely marks the most dramatic expansion of gun rights in the United States since 2008, when the Supreme Court clarified for the first time that the Second Amendment’s right “to keep and bear” firearms \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/07pdf/07-290.pdf\">applies to individual citizens\u003c/a>, not just state militia members. But that ruling only affirmed the right for “\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/07pdf/07-290.pdf\">self-defense within the home\u003c/a>,” leaving states with wide discretion over whether and how to restrict guns elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s ruling brings that constitutional right outside the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Confining the right to ‘bear’ arms to the home would make little sense,” Justice Clarence Thomas wrote for the court’s majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called the ruling “shameful” and a “dark day for America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a dangerous decision from a court hell bent on pushing a radical ideological agenda and infringing on the rights of states to protect our citizens from being gunned down in our streets, schools, and churches,” the governor \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1539993469644447744?s=20&t=sjv9Ft93Ni-II6qkD03XOg\">said on Twitter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1539993469644447744?s=20&t=yo2sTI8Si1Vm5jHOV9hEmw\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Alex Padilla joined Newsom in condemning the court’s ruling. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s decision will make our communities less safe, plain and simple,” Padilla said in a statement. “This dangerous decision misinterprets the Constitution and jeopardizes gun safety laws in a number of states, including California, which has some of the most effective gun safety measures in the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said in a statement that the high court is condoning mass shootings and the “ongoing tragedy of daily gun deaths plaguing our nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is unfathomable that, while families in Uvalde, Buffalo and countless other communities mourn their loved ones stolen by gun violence, a supermajority of the Supreme Court has chosen to endanger more American lives,” Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most states either issue concealed carry licenses upon request or do not require licenses at all. But in eight states, applicants are required to show a compelling need before being granted permission to tote around a concealed firearm. Until Thursday’s ruling, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/11/03/1049380749/gun-rights-supreme-court-arguments-new-york\">New York was one of those states\u003c/a>. California is another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know of no other constitutional right that an individual may exercise only after demonstrating to government officers some special need,” Thomas wrote, offering a description of New York’s concealed carry law, but also California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/81c2beb2-ad03-44b3-8083-a72264319fb8?src=embed\" title=\"Concealed carry regulations\" width=\"800\" height=\"798\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How easily a Californian is able to obtain a concealed weapon permit depends on where they live. That’s because in California these licenses are issued by local law enforcement — either city police chiefs or county sheriffs. And while state law requires applicants to demonstrate “good cause,” local law enforcement officials have wide latitude to define what that means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In counties with Republican sheriffs — \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/want-to-carry-a-concealed-gun-live-in-sacramento-not-san-francisco/\">Sacramento\u003c/a> and Tehama, for example — permits are issued to all qualified applicants so long as they pay the necessary fees, take a firearms safety class as required by state law and don’t have a criminal record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco sits on the opposite end of the spectrum.\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfsheriff.com/sites/default/files/2021-05/SFSD%2001-15%20CCW.pdf\"> According to county sheriff guidelines\u003c/a>, an applicant living in the city must “supply convincing evidence” that they are at “significant risk of danger” that local law enforcement “cannot adequately address” and “cannot reasonably be avoided by alternative measures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s ruling doesn’t immediately invalidate restrictive concealed carry policies like those in San Francisco. But it does make legal challenges against California’s entire discretionary system much more likely to succeed. In 2017, the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/26/us/politics/supreme-court-guns-public-california.html\">declined to hear a challenge to California’s concealed carry law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s ruling could have much more sweeping implications that touch on all areas of California gun laws – from the state’s ban on assault-style weapons and high-capacity magazines to its restrictions on “ghost guns.” That’s because the new ruling sets a higher bar for any firearm restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To justify its regulation, the government may not simply posit that the regulation promotes an important interest,” Thomas wrote. “Rather, the government must demonstrate that the regulation is consistent with this Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chuck Michel, president of the California Rifle & Pistol Association (the state’s National Rifle Association chapter), told CalMatters on Thursday that he plans to file a host of new legal briefs in existing court challenges against the state’s assault weapon ban, its background check requirements, its large capacity magazine ban and against Los Angeles County’s concealed carry restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said today’s ruling is “going to simplify the whole process of judging whether or not a gun law is constitutional” and that the State of California will now have a harder time arguing that its strict rules are legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='gun-control']At the same time the nation’s highest court expands the scope of the Second Amendment, Congress is on the verge of adding a few modest extra guardrails. In response to the mass shooting at an elementary school in Uvalde, Texas, in which a gunman killed 19 children and two teachers with a semi-automatic rifle, the U.S. Senate passed a\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/21/1106466279/senators-reach-final-bipartisan-agreement-on-a-gun-safety-bill\"> bipartisan gun bill\u003c/a> on Wednesday over the objections of the National Rifle Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed by the House of Representatives and signed by President Joe Biden, as is expected, the measure would ratchet up some background checks for younger would-be gun buyers. It would also provide funding to states interested in introducing “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/06/california-gun-laws-biden/\">red-flag laws\u003c/a>,” which make it easier for authorities to temporarily remove firearms from those deemed to be a threat to themselves or others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers in California are also considering their own raft of new gun bills. That includes legislation that would open gun vendors and manufacturers to an array of lawsuits for\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/12/texas-abortion-ban-newsom-assault-weapons/\"> violating state gun rules\u003c/a> or\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/05/california-gun-control-bill/\"> marketing guns and ammunition to minors\u003c/a> or others who aren’t allowed to own them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Supreme Court Strikes Down N.Y. Gun Law. Is California's Concealed Carry Law Next? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court on Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/23/1102995474/supreme-court-opinion-guns\">issued one of its most significant gun law rulings in more than a decade\u003c/a>, tossing out New York state’s tight restrictions on who can carry a concealed gun in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gun rights activists are celebrating \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/20-843_7j80.pdf\">the 6-3 decision\u003c/a>, while advocates for stricter gun laws decry it. Both agree that California’s similar law may be challenged next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling likely marks the most dramatic expansion of gun rights in the United States since 2008, when the Supreme Court clarified for the first time that the Second Amendment’s right “to keep and bear” firearms \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/07pdf/07-290.pdf\">applies to individual citizens\u003c/a>, not just state militia members. But that ruling only affirmed the right for “\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/07pdf/07-290.pdf\">self-defense within the home\u003c/a>,” leaving states with wide discretion over whether and how to restrict guns elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s ruling brings that constitutional right outside the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Confining the right to ‘bear’ arms to the home would make little sense,” Justice Clarence Thomas wrote for the court’s majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called the ruling “shameful” and a “dark day for America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a dangerous decision from a court hell bent on pushing a radical ideological agenda and infringing on the rights of states to protect our citizens from being gunned down in our streets, schools, and churches,” the governor \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1539993469644447744?s=20&t=sjv9Ft93Ni-II6qkD03XOg\">said on Twitter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Sen. Alex Padilla joined Newsom in condemning the court’s ruling. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s decision will make our communities less safe, plain and simple,” Padilla said in a statement. “This dangerous decision misinterprets the Constitution and jeopardizes gun safety laws in a number of states, including California, which has some of the most effective gun safety measures in the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said in a statement that the high court is condoning mass shootings and the “ongoing tragedy of daily gun deaths plaguing our nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is unfathomable that, while families in Uvalde, Buffalo and countless other communities mourn their loved ones stolen by gun violence, a supermajority of the Supreme Court has chosen to endanger more American lives,” Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most states either issue concealed carry licenses upon request or do not require licenses at all. But in eight states, applicants are required to show a compelling need before being granted permission to tote around a concealed firearm. Until Thursday’s ruling, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/11/03/1049380749/gun-rights-supreme-court-arguments-new-york\">New York was one of those states\u003c/a>. California is another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know of no other constitutional right that an individual may exercise only after demonstrating to government officers some special need,” Thomas wrote, offering a description of New York’s concealed carry law, but also California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/81c2beb2-ad03-44b3-8083-a72264319fb8?src=embed\" title=\"Concealed carry regulations\" width=\"800\" height=\"798\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How easily a Californian is able to obtain a concealed weapon permit depends on where they live. That’s because in California these licenses are issued by local law enforcement — either city police chiefs or county sheriffs. And while state law requires applicants to demonstrate “good cause,” local law enforcement officials have wide latitude to define what that means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In counties with Republican sheriffs — \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/want-to-carry-a-concealed-gun-live-in-sacramento-not-san-francisco/\">Sacramento\u003c/a> and Tehama, for example — permits are issued to all qualified applicants so long as they pay the necessary fees, take a firearms safety class as required by state law and don’t have a criminal record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco sits on the opposite end of the spectrum.\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfsheriff.com/sites/default/files/2021-05/SFSD%2001-15%20CCW.pdf\"> According to county sheriff guidelines\u003c/a>, an applicant living in the city must “supply convincing evidence” that they are at “significant risk of danger” that local law enforcement “cannot adequately address” and “cannot reasonably be avoided by alternative measures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s ruling doesn’t immediately invalidate restrictive concealed carry policies like those in San Francisco. But it does make legal challenges against California’s entire discretionary system much more likely to succeed. In 2017, the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/26/us/politics/supreme-court-guns-public-california.html\">declined to hear a challenge to California’s concealed carry law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s ruling could have much more sweeping implications that touch on all areas of California gun laws – from the state’s ban on assault-style weapons and high-capacity magazines to its restrictions on “ghost guns.” That’s because the new ruling sets a higher bar for any firearm restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To justify its regulation, the government may not simply posit that the regulation promotes an important interest,” Thomas wrote. “Rather, the government must demonstrate that the regulation is consistent with this Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chuck Michel, president of the California Rifle & Pistol Association (the state’s National Rifle Association chapter), told CalMatters on Thursday that he plans to file a host of new legal briefs in existing court challenges against the state’s assault weapon ban, its background check requirements, its large capacity magazine ban and against Los Angeles County’s concealed carry restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said today’s ruling is “going to simplify the whole process of judging whether or not a gun law is constitutional” and that the State of California will now have a harder time arguing that its strict rules are legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At the same time the nation’s highest court expands the scope of the Second Amendment, Congress is on the verge of adding a few modest extra guardrails. In response to the mass shooting at an elementary school in Uvalde, Texas, in which a gunman killed 19 children and two teachers with a semi-automatic rifle, the U.S. Senate passed a\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/21/1106466279/senators-reach-final-bipartisan-agreement-on-a-gun-safety-bill\"> bipartisan gun bill\u003c/a> on Wednesday over the objections of the National Rifle Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed by the House of Representatives and signed by President Joe Biden, as is expected, the measure would ratchet up some background checks for younger would-be gun buyers. It would also provide funding to states interested in introducing “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/06/california-gun-laws-biden/\">red-flag laws\u003c/a>,” which make it easier for authorities to temporarily remove firearms from those deemed to be a threat to themselves or others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers in California are also considering their own raft of new gun bills. That includes legislation that would open gun vendors and manufacturers to an array of lawsuits for\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/12/texas-abortion-ban-newsom-assault-weapons/\"> violating state gun rules\u003c/a> or\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/05/california-gun-control-bill/\"> marketing guns and ammunition to minors\u003c/a> or others who aren’t allowed to own them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "one-familys-quest-to-make-sure-california-creates-more-rules-for-childrens-day-camps",
"title": "One Family's Quest to Make Sure California Creates More Rules for Children's Day Camps",
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"headTitle": "One Family’s Quest to Make Sure California Creates More Rules for Children’s Day Camps | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As summer kicks off, more than a million California children are gearing up for horseback riding, swimming, archery, computer coding and hip hop day camps. As parents scout out fun activities for their kids, most are likely unaware of the risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike child care facilities and schools, children’s day camps are not required to conduct employee background checks, be licensed by the state, require CPR certification or report injuries or deaths to the state. No state agency conducts inspections for child safety, audits lifeguard certifications or reviews safety plans for activities that include zip-lining, swimming and shooting guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Doug Forbes, parent\"]‘What we found out was that nobody is watching over these camps. Millions of children are at operations that are completely unlicensed.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doug Forbes and his late wife Elena Matyas didn’t know this when they dropped their daughter Roxie off at the Summerkids camp in Altadena one morning in June of 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than an hour later they were racing toward the same hospital in Pasadena where Roxie was born. Their daughter had drowned in the camp pool. She was 6 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only as the couple sought answers about her final minutes of life did they discover the lack of oversight for children’s day camps in California. They filed an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/ForbesVSummerkidsLawsuit.pdf\">ongoing lawsuit against the camp for wrongful death\u003c/a> and began advocating for state officials to mandate regulations. The camp denies that it was negligent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we found out was that nobody is watching over these camps,” Forbes said. “Millions of children are at operations that are completely unlicensed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no statistics on how many camps there are or how many children attend each year. There also is no data on how many kids are injured, abused or die at day camps because the camps do not have to report those statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.acacamps.org/\">American Camp Association\u003c/a>, a camp membership organization, estimates there are more than 700 day camps in California that enroll more than 1.2 million kids each summer. Day camps run for weeks or months during the summer and sometimes during school breaks. Many also offer before and after care to accommodate parents’ work schedules.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-regulations-proposed\">Regulations proposed\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At the end of May, the state Assembly passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1737\">Assembly Bill 1737\u003c/a> to create some oversight for day camps — legislation carried by Pasadena Democratic Assemblymember Chris Holden in response to what happened to Roxie. Its fate is now in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California can’t have a group of “children who are susceptible to great bodily injury and potential death,” Holden said. “It would be totally irresponsible for us to continue operating this way as a state knowing what we know and the great harm that has happened to children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of about a dozen states that do not regulate day camps, according to Holden’s office. Most states, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.health.ny.gov/publications/3601/\">New York\u003c/a>, have regulations in place and some cities require camp operators to attend \u003ca href=\"https://www1.nyc.gov/assets/doh/downloads/pdf/about/healthcode/health-code-article48.pdf\">city-run orientations\u003c/a> and follow extensive rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holden’s bill would require all day camps to register with the state Department of Social Services, conduct background checks for all staff and require staff be trained as “mandated reporters,” people legally required to report suspicions of abuse. It would also require non-government camps with certain activities like ziplining, archery, river rafting and riflery to submit their operational and emergency plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Assemblymember Chris Holden\"]‘It’s very complicated trying to find who will be the regulator of this. Everybody says this needs to happen but no one wants to take hold of it.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, the Department of Social Services would also conduct random, unannounced inspections of all children’s camps annually. The bill exempts government-run camps from most requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, the proposal places oversight responsibility with the California Department of Social Services, which oversees child care throughout California. Originally, oversight of day camps was going to fall under the Department of Public Health but that was changed last week. Holden said neither agency wants to take this on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both agencies refused requests for interviews. In email responses, both departments said they don’t oversee day camps because day camps are not defined in state statute. State law only defines “\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=HSC&division=13.&title=&part=2.4.&chapter=&article=\">organized camps\u003c/a>,” which are overnight camps where kids stay five nights or more. These fall under the purview of the state Department of Public Health, which leaves oversight to local counties. The state does not require the counties to report anything about the camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Originally, Holden’s bill included licensing, regular inspections and a designated health supervisor. Those requirements were removed from the bill after lobbying by camp advocates and organizations representing county officials, as well as after meetings with the state departments of Public Health and Social Services. Now, the bill includes registration, random inspections, background checks for all staff and, depending on the type of activities a camp offers, the submission of operational and emergency plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very complicated trying to find who will be the regulator of this,” Holden said. “Everybody says this needs to happen but no one wants to take hold of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holden said he intends to try to strengthen the law in future years if this bill is enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Roxie drowned, Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/RoxieForbes_SheriffsIncident-Report.pdf\">reports show that the lifeguards who were poolside didn’t see her\u003c/a> until another camp counselor outside the pool area yelled at them that Roxie was floating face down in the shallow end of the pool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family’s lawsuit alleges that the camp was negligent and that the camp’s lifeguards were not trained properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We both jumped in the car that morning with her, went to camp, kissed her on the lips, said ‘Goodbye, I love you sweetheart.’ And boom, she’s gone,” Forbes said. “A six-year-old was left in a pool in need of help and nobody helped her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/ForbsVSummerkids_ResponsefromCamp.pdf\">response to the lawsuit\u003c/a>, the camp argues that none of the actions that day were “performed with the requisite malice, oppression, or fraud” for the camp to pay punitive damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there are no regulations for day camps the state has extensive regulations for child care facilities. At times, the distinction between the two types of businesses is not clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Roxie’s death, the Department of Social Services received two unrelated complaints that the Summerkids camp was operating as an unlicensed child care facility. The agency inspected the camp, determined it was operating an illegal child care program and cited the owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More on child care\" tag=\"child-care\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state attorney general’s office \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/DSSvSummerkidsLawsuit.pdf\">filed a lawsuit against the camp\u003c/a> on behalf of Social Services. It alleges the camp fits the definition of a child care and does not fall under any of the regulatory exclusions, which include health care facilities, cooperative agreements between parents, and public recreation programs. Neither Social Services nor the attorney general’s office would comment on the case, which is ongoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.summerkids.net/forms\">Summerkids\u003c/a> is still operating and opened this week for summer camp. The Department of Social Services had asked a judge to shut it down as part of the ongoing lawsuit, but said its request was rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summerkids camp owners are declining interviews because of the pending litigation, said attorney Steve Madison, who is representing the owners in the attorney general’s lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Summerkids very much denies that it was negligent in any way or caused the tragic death of Roxie,” said Madison, who is also a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofpasadena.net/district6/bio/\">member of the Pasadena city council\u003c/a>. He added that the camp maintains it “paid for the appropriate CPR training” for staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the camp is not a day care facility and never has been. Madison said day care sites are usually indoors and required to have a certain number of kids per square footage and are staffed by certified teachers. Summerkids is held outdoors and is staffed by college kids and alumni campers, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are numerous day camps in California that are not licensed as day care facilities under the statute that the AG has sued on,” Madison said. “They seem to be saying now that to be a recreational day camp you have to become this square peg in a round hole and apply to be a licensed day care facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law defines child care as providing “nonmedical care to children under 18 years of age in need of personal services, supervision, or assistance essential for sustaining the activities of daily living or for the protection of the individual on less than a 24-hour basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Social Service would not provide a more detailed description of the differences and whether differences have to do with the age of the children, the activities, the hours of the program or how parents view camps for their children. However, in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/child-care-licensing/resources-for-parents\">video on the agency’s website\u003c/a> about understanding licensed and unlicensed care, a narrator explains that one of the exempt groups from child care licensing is “public and non-profit programs designed to provide recreation on a part-time basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Assemblymember Chris Holden\"]‘It would be totally irresponsible for us to continue operating this way as a state knowing what we know and the great harm that has happened to children.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cathy Barankin, executive director of the California Collaboration for Youth, said she believes there is a vast difference between child care and day camps. Her organization represents the American Camp Association, Girl and Boy Scouts, and the Western Association of Independent Camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barankin said child care facilities operate during the school year, focus on child development and taking care of kids while parents are working, and are conducted mainly indoors by teachers. Day camps, she said, usually happen when kids are out of school, emphasize outdoor activities and are led by camp counselors who are usually college students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Stillson, president of the Western Association of Independent Camps and a camp operator in Los Angeles County, said the differences are also based on the activities of the camp and the duration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, there is not much clarity from the oversight bodies,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within weeks of Roxie’s death, her parents started the \u003ca href=\"https://www.meowmeowfoundation.org/\">Meow Meow Foundation\u003c/a>, named after Roxie’s favorite stuffed animal. The mission: to increase awareness about drowning prevention and improve day camp safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The foundation recently pulled its support from Holden’s bill because it no longer requires licensing and regular inspections, and allows for the American Camp Association to potentially be involved in how day camps report to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the second time the foundation and the family have withdrawn support for similar proposed regulations — the same thing happened two years ago after a bill was watered down and shelved by its author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forbes encourages parents to be wary of camps and ask questions. Roxie was born with a rare autoimmune disorder that kept her parents vigilant about her safety. So, he said, when they selected Summerkids, they asked a lot of questions about the protocols and workings of the camp — assuming state licensing and oversight was required.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-critics-of-proposed-day-camp-regulations\">Critics of proposed day camp regulations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some camp operators say they welcome safety regulations but are opposed to the current proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be regulated to make sure as an industry that we are able to provide the safest programs for children,” said Stillson, executive director of Valley Trails Summer day camp in Castaic and Tarzana. “Right now anyone who wants to set up a camp and call themselves a camp can do it, and no one is out there to tell them they can’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Stillson vehemently opposes the bill. He believes the Department of Social Services is not the right agency to oversee day camps, that the bill is too broad and that it should include city- and government-run camps, which serve thousands of children each summer, and that the state should recognize accreditation by the American Camp Association\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Collaboration for Youth also opposes the bill, saying it is too broad and onerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Day camps should be narrowly defined and overseen, not open to every single program that services children in the entire state,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Stillson and Barankin say camps belong under the purview of Public Health, which already oversees and inspects “organized camps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"President Mike Stillson, Western Association of Independent Camps\"]‘Right now anyone who wants to set up a camp and call themselves a camp can do it, and no one is out there to tell them they can’t.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forbes is still watching the bill closely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His wife, Elena Matyas will not see the work the foundation has been doing lead to meaningful change. In March, she died after a second bout with breast cancer, Forbes said — adding that he believes his wife was more susceptible to a recurrence because of her intense grief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So now he lives alone in the home the couple had once been renovating with their daughter in mind. Roxie would be 10 this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I live with ghosts. The silence is deafening,” said Forbes, as the family pool glistened unused beyond double glass sliding doors off the dining room. “What I do every day is a constant reminder of despair, but I have to do this work and I don’t want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three days after Roxie died, the Los Angeles County Department of Public Health inspected the pool at the camp and found nine violations. It shut the pool down until those violations were fixed. Counties do oversee public pools but do not regulate day camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If (they) would have gone out to inspect Summerkids’ pool before the camp season started, my daughter may be alive right now,” Forbes said. “We must manage each day knowing our little girl’s death could and should have been prevented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madison, Summerkids’ attorney, said that the camp tried to get a county permit after Roxie died, but it is exempt from licensing because it is not considered an organized camp. That may change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors voted to create an ordinance that would regulate both day and overnight camps. At the end of June, the board is expected to approve the detailed regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties are Forbes’ new focus, given the obstacles to strict statewide legislation. He’s got a list of California counties and he’s working his way through it, starting with the most populous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The camp world is the wild, wild west,” Forbes said. “They want the kids to let loose, but there are consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "One Family's Quest to Make Sure California Creates More Rules for Children's Day Camps | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As summer kicks off, more than a million California children are gearing up for horseback riding, swimming, archery, computer coding and hip hop day camps. As parents scout out fun activities for their kids, most are likely unaware of the risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike child care facilities and schools, children’s day camps are not required to conduct employee background checks, be licensed by the state, require CPR certification or report injuries or deaths to the state. No state agency conducts inspections for child safety, audits lifeguard certifications or reviews safety plans for activities that include zip-lining, swimming and shooting guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘What we found out was that nobody is watching over these camps. Millions of children are at operations that are completely unlicensed.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doug Forbes and his late wife Elena Matyas didn’t know this when they dropped their daughter Roxie off at the Summerkids camp in Altadena one morning in June of 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than an hour later they were racing toward the same hospital in Pasadena where Roxie was born. Their daughter had drowned in the camp pool. She was 6 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only as the couple sought answers about her final minutes of life did they discover the lack of oversight for children’s day camps in California. They filed an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/ForbesVSummerkidsLawsuit.pdf\">ongoing lawsuit against the camp for wrongful death\u003c/a> and began advocating for state officials to mandate regulations. The camp denies that it was negligent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we found out was that nobody is watching over these camps,” Forbes said. “Millions of children are at operations that are completely unlicensed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no statistics on how many camps there are or how many children attend each year. There also is no data on how many kids are injured, abused or die at day camps because the camps do not have to report those statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.acacamps.org/\">American Camp Association\u003c/a>, a camp membership organization, estimates there are more than 700 day camps in California that enroll more than 1.2 million kids each summer. Day camps run for weeks or months during the summer and sometimes during school breaks. Many also offer before and after care to accommodate parents’ work schedules.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-regulations-proposed\">Regulations proposed\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At the end of May, the state Assembly passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1737\">Assembly Bill 1737\u003c/a> to create some oversight for day camps — legislation carried by Pasadena Democratic Assemblymember Chris Holden in response to what happened to Roxie. Its fate is now in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California can’t have a group of “children who are susceptible to great bodily injury and potential death,” Holden said. “It would be totally irresponsible for us to continue operating this way as a state knowing what we know and the great harm that has happened to children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of about a dozen states that do not regulate day camps, according to Holden’s office. Most states, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.health.ny.gov/publications/3601/\">New York\u003c/a>, have regulations in place and some cities require camp operators to attend \u003ca href=\"https://www1.nyc.gov/assets/doh/downloads/pdf/about/healthcode/health-code-article48.pdf\">city-run orientations\u003c/a> and follow extensive rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holden’s bill would require all day camps to register with the state Department of Social Services, conduct background checks for all staff and require staff be trained as “mandated reporters,” people legally required to report suspicions of abuse. It would also require non-government camps with certain activities like ziplining, archery, river rafting and riflery to submit their operational and emergency plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s very complicated trying to find who will be the regulator of this. Everybody says this needs to happen but no one wants to take hold of it.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, the Department of Social Services would also conduct random, unannounced inspections of all children’s camps annually. The bill exempts government-run camps from most requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, the proposal places oversight responsibility with the California Department of Social Services, which oversees child care throughout California. Originally, oversight of day camps was going to fall under the Department of Public Health but that was changed last week. Holden said neither agency wants to take this on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both agencies refused requests for interviews. In email responses, both departments said they don’t oversee day camps because day camps are not defined in state statute. State law only defines “\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=HSC&division=13.&title=&part=2.4.&chapter=&article=\">organized camps\u003c/a>,” which are overnight camps where kids stay five nights or more. These fall under the purview of the state Department of Public Health, which leaves oversight to local counties. The state does not require the counties to report anything about the camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Originally, Holden’s bill included licensing, regular inspections and a designated health supervisor. Those requirements were removed from the bill after lobbying by camp advocates and organizations representing county officials, as well as after meetings with the state departments of Public Health and Social Services. Now, the bill includes registration, random inspections, background checks for all staff and, depending on the type of activities a camp offers, the submission of operational and emergency plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very complicated trying to find who will be the regulator of this,” Holden said. “Everybody says this needs to happen but no one wants to take hold of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holden said he intends to try to strengthen the law in future years if this bill is enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Roxie drowned, Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/RoxieForbes_SheriffsIncident-Report.pdf\">reports show that the lifeguards who were poolside didn’t see her\u003c/a> until another camp counselor outside the pool area yelled at them that Roxie was floating face down in the shallow end of the pool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family’s lawsuit alleges that the camp was negligent and that the camp’s lifeguards were not trained properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We both jumped in the car that morning with her, went to camp, kissed her on the lips, said ‘Goodbye, I love you sweetheart.’ And boom, she’s gone,” Forbes said. “A six-year-old was left in a pool in need of help and nobody helped her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/ForbsVSummerkids_ResponsefromCamp.pdf\">response to the lawsuit\u003c/a>, the camp argues that none of the actions that day were “performed with the requisite malice, oppression, or fraud” for the camp to pay punitive damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there are no regulations for day camps the state has extensive regulations for child care facilities. At times, the distinction between the two types of businesses is not clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Roxie’s death, the Department of Social Services received two unrelated complaints that the Summerkids camp was operating as an unlicensed child care facility. The agency inspected the camp, determined it was operating an illegal child care program and cited the owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state attorney general’s office \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/DSSvSummerkidsLawsuit.pdf\">filed a lawsuit against the camp\u003c/a> on behalf of Social Services. It alleges the camp fits the definition of a child care and does not fall under any of the regulatory exclusions, which include health care facilities, cooperative agreements between parents, and public recreation programs. Neither Social Services nor the attorney general’s office would comment on the case, which is ongoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.summerkids.net/forms\">Summerkids\u003c/a> is still operating and opened this week for summer camp. The Department of Social Services had asked a judge to shut it down as part of the ongoing lawsuit, but said its request was rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summerkids camp owners are declining interviews because of the pending litigation, said attorney Steve Madison, who is representing the owners in the attorney general’s lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Summerkids very much denies that it was negligent in any way or caused the tragic death of Roxie,” said Madison, who is also a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofpasadena.net/district6/bio/\">member of the Pasadena city council\u003c/a>. He added that the camp maintains it “paid for the appropriate CPR training” for staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the camp is not a day care facility and never has been. Madison said day care sites are usually indoors and required to have a certain number of kids per square footage and are staffed by certified teachers. Summerkids is held outdoors and is staffed by college kids and alumni campers, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are numerous day camps in California that are not licensed as day care facilities under the statute that the AG has sued on,” Madison said. “They seem to be saying now that to be a recreational day camp you have to become this square peg in a round hole and apply to be a licensed day care facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law defines child care as providing “nonmedical care to children under 18 years of age in need of personal services, supervision, or assistance essential for sustaining the activities of daily living or for the protection of the individual on less than a 24-hour basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Social Service would not provide a more detailed description of the differences and whether differences have to do with the age of the children, the activities, the hours of the program or how parents view camps for their children. However, in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/child-care-licensing/resources-for-parents\">video on the agency’s website\u003c/a> about understanding licensed and unlicensed care, a narrator explains that one of the exempt groups from child care licensing is “public and non-profit programs designed to provide recreation on a part-time basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cathy Barankin, executive director of the California Collaboration for Youth, said she believes there is a vast difference between child care and day camps. Her organization represents the American Camp Association, Girl and Boy Scouts, and the Western Association of Independent Camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barankin said child care facilities operate during the school year, focus on child development and taking care of kids while parents are working, and are conducted mainly indoors by teachers. Day camps, she said, usually happen when kids are out of school, emphasize outdoor activities and are led by camp counselors who are usually college students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Stillson, president of the Western Association of Independent Camps and a camp operator in Los Angeles County, said the differences are also based on the activities of the camp and the duration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, there is not much clarity from the oversight bodies,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within weeks of Roxie’s death, her parents started the \u003ca href=\"https://www.meowmeowfoundation.org/\">Meow Meow Foundation\u003c/a>, named after Roxie’s favorite stuffed animal. The mission: to increase awareness about drowning prevention and improve day camp safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The foundation recently pulled its support from Holden’s bill because it no longer requires licensing and regular inspections, and allows for the American Camp Association to potentially be involved in how day camps report to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the second time the foundation and the family have withdrawn support for similar proposed regulations — the same thing happened two years ago after a bill was watered down and shelved by its author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forbes encourages parents to be wary of camps and ask questions. Roxie was born with a rare autoimmune disorder that kept her parents vigilant about her safety. So, he said, when they selected Summerkids, they asked a lot of questions about the protocols and workings of the camp — assuming state licensing and oversight was required.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-critics-of-proposed-day-camp-regulations\">Critics of proposed day camp regulations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some camp operators say they welcome safety regulations but are opposed to the current proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be regulated to make sure as an industry that we are able to provide the safest programs for children,” said Stillson, executive director of Valley Trails Summer day camp in Castaic and Tarzana. “Right now anyone who wants to set up a camp and call themselves a camp can do it, and no one is out there to tell them they can’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Stillson vehemently opposes the bill. He believes the Department of Social Services is not the right agency to oversee day camps, that the bill is too broad and that it should include city- and government-run camps, which serve thousands of children each summer, and that the state should recognize accreditation by the American Camp Association\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Collaboration for Youth also opposes the bill, saying it is too broad and onerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Day camps should be narrowly defined and overseen, not open to every single program that services children in the entire state,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Stillson and Barankin say camps belong under the purview of Public Health, which already oversees and inspects “organized camps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forbes is still watching the bill closely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His wife, Elena Matyas will not see the work the foundation has been doing lead to meaningful change. In March, she died after a second bout with breast cancer, Forbes said — adding that he believes his wife was more susceptible to a recurrence because of her intense grief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So now he lives alone in the home the couple had once been renovating with their daughter in mind. Roxie would be 10 this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I live with ghosts. The silence is deafening,” said Forbes, as the family pool glistened unused beyond double glass sliding doors off the dining room. “What I do every day is a constant reminder of despair, but I have to do this work and I don’t want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three days after Roxie died, the Los Angeles County Department of Public Health inspected the pool at the camp and found nine violations. It shut the pool down until those violations were fixed. Counties do oversee public pools but do not regulate day camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If (they) would have gone out to inspect Summerkids’ pool before the camp season started, my daughter may be alive right now,” Forbes said. “We must manage each day knowing our little girl’s death could and should have been prevented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madison, Summerkids’ attorney, said that the camp tried to get a county permit after Roxie died, but it is exempt from licensing because it is not considered an organized camp. That may change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors voted to create an ordinance that would regulate both day and overnight camps. At the end of June, the board is expected to approve the detailed regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties are Forbes’ new focus, given the obstacles to strict statewide legislation. He’s got a list of California counties and he’s working his way through it, starting with the most populous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The camp world is the wild, wild west,” Forbes said. “They want the kids to let loose, but there are consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Araceli Guerra moved into her small, two-bedroom apartment in Concord three years ago, it wasn’t in the best shape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were cockroaches and mice. Some of the kitchen cabinets were missing doors. Still, Guerra was having trouble finding somewhere she could afford and was running out of time on her lease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were almost homeless,” she said in Spanish. “And the landlord didn’t ask for a security deposit or anything like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, she and her five children moved in. The landlord would periodically bring someone to fumigate the building, but it didn’t seem to matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cockroaches, the mice,” she said, “they never go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Shanti Singh, spokesperson, Tenants Together\"]‘As people get pushed out further and further, often inland, they’re moving to places where they don’t have any protections, and they’re trying to organize in those places.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, about three months ago, Guerra said things got really bad. Some new tenants moved in. They drink a lot. And Guerra said they use the alley behind the building to urinate, right below her apartment, which she said brought in even more vermin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So last month, Guerra called the city’s building inspector. A few days later, she got an eviction notice. She thinks it’s retaliation. KQED could not reach Guerra’s landlord for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Guerra says she’s getting headaches from the stress of thinking about where she and her family are going to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know what to do,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She may have new recourse under new tenant anti-harassment rules the Concord City Council approved Tuesday. The city is now the latest in a handful of cities across California to adopt such policies since the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housing.lacity.org/residents/tenant-anti-harassment\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Los Angeles\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://longbeach.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=M&ID=813432&GUID=280A311A-0B63-4965-8CDD-BE64B3D9540C\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Long Beach\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/ArchiveCenter/ViewFile/Item/11320\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Richmond\u003c/a> all have approved new rules to stop landlords from harassing their tenants. And councilmembers in Antioch and Chula Vista are considering similar legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917097\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11917097 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56616_20220609_TenantsRally-06-e1655239617317.jpg\" alt=\"A close-up of three paper hearts -- white, pastel pink, and pastel purple -- with handwritten notes in red and purple pen, clipped with tiny blue and red wooden clothespins to multicolored ribbons: red, green, sheer, dark pink. The backdrop is a shimmery, crimson tablecloth with a paisley border, and blurry below it, on the other side of what must be a table, is a green lawn and what looks like a pair of ankles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1360\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Prayers written on cut-out paper hearts hang from an altar during a tenants rally at Todos Santos Plaza in Concord on June 9, 2022. Tenants and their supporters gathered at the plaza in support of Concord’s proposed tenant anti-harassment ordinance. \u003ccite>(Amaya Nicole Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tenants’ rights organizations say the pandemic fueled an increase in calls about landlord harassment. They say they saw landlords shutting off utilities, threatening to call Immigration and Customs Enforcement, changing the locks, or taking other actions meant to intimidate tenants into leaving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti Singh, a spokesperson for the statewide organization Tenants Together, said the group’s tenant hotline was overwhelmed with calls during the pandemic – many of them complaints about alleged harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Harassment really, really went up during COVID from the beginning,” Singh said, “but especially as the rent relief program sort of wore on and people were waiting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11911666,news_11906451,news_11905386 label='Related Coverage']She said the slow rollout of rent relief, coupled with the eviction moratorium, meant frustrated landlords were looking for other ways to get their tenants to pay or leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Singh said another reason more tenants in cities like Concord are pushing for these proposals is that, over the past decade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11904495/a-suburb-with-an-eviction-problem\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more people of color and especially lower-income renters\u003c/a> have been moving away from expensive coastal cities in search of housing they can afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As people get pushed out further and further, often inland,” she said, “they’re moving to places where they don’t have any protections, and they’re trying to organize in those places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlord advocates have been pushing back against these new local policies, saying they’re unnecessary since the state already has \u003ca href=\"https://www.tobenerlaw.com/landlord-harassment/\">laws that prohibit landlords from harassing their tenants\u003c/a>. Joshua Howard, with the California Apartment Association, criticized the local policies for being overly broad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What these ordinances do is they invite excessive penalties on landlords for making what could be considered an innocent mistake,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917109\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1918px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11917109 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56627_20220609_TenantsRally-18-e1655243996802.jpg\" alt=\"Three people stand in a row outdoors before a backdrop of lush, green trees. The woman in the center, a middle-aged Latina with curly, shoulder-length black hair and wireless glasses, wears a short-sleeved black cassock with a white clerical collar, and a bright stole of a warm yellow that turns to orange, then pink, then purple on both sides. She has her eyes closed and her arms held out, palms up, and appears to be speaking. On both sides of her stands a middle-aged women, one with short gray hair, the other with white gray hair. Both are dressed casually in short-sleeved tops. The woman to her right stands slightly behind her, looking at her as she speaks, sunglasses tucked into her rose T-shirt and a purse hanging from one shoulder. The woman on her left bows her head, hands behind her back, the white wires of headphones coming from both ears.\" width=\"1918\" height=\"1279\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Leslie Taylor of the First Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) in Concord offers a prayer during a tenants rally and vigil at Todos Santos Plaza in Concord on June 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Amaya Nicole Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The local ordinances expand the definition of what can be considered harassment beyond what’s already allowed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/~asucrla/Harassment%20by%20Your%20Landlord\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state law\u003c/a>. In Concord, \u003ca href=\"https://stream.ci.concord.ca.us/OnBaseAgendaOnline/Documents/ViewDocument/Regular_Meeting_816_Agenda_Packet_6_14_2022_5_30_00_PM.pdf?meetingId=816&documentType=AgendaPacket&itemId=0&publishId=0&isSection=false\">that includes behaviors like\u003c/a> failing to accept rent payments, failing to make timely repairs, or entering the rental unit outside business hours unless requested to do so by the tenant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also add penalties — up to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.lacity.org/residents/tenant-anti-harassment\">$10,000 in Los Angeles\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://stream.ci.concord.ca.us/OnBaseAgendaOnline/Documents/ViewDocument/Regular_Meeting_816_Agenda_Packet_6_14_2022_5_30_00_PM.pdf?meetingId=816&documentType=AgendaPacket&itemId=0&publishId=0&isSection=false\">$5,000 in Concord\u003c/a> — for violating the city’s anti-harassment policy, on top of the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=1940.2.&lawCode=CIV\">$2,000 allowed under state law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So not only could the landlord be sued under state law, but they could also be sued now under the local law,” Howard said, blasting these policies as excessively punitive. “It creates a double penalty and a second mechanism to sue the owner and impose some significant fines, fees and penalties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant organizers say those penalties are necessary to send a strong message to landlords and property managers that harassment won’t be tolerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really does empower tenants,” Singh said. “What they know instinctively is that this [behavior] is wrong, but for it to be wrong legally actually gives them a lot of strength.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Araceli Guerra moved into her small, two-bedroom apartment in Concord three years ago, it wasn’t in the best shape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were cockroaches and mice. Some of the kitchen cabinets were missing doors. Still, Guerra was having trouble finding somewhere she could afford and was running out of time on her lease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were almost homeless,” she said in Spanish. “And the landlord didn’t ask for a security deposit or anything like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, she and her five children moved in. The landlord would periodically bring someone to fumigate the building, but it didn’t seem to matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cockroaches, the mice,” she said, “they never go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She may have new recourse under new tenant anti-harassment rules the Concord City Council approved Tuesday. The city is now the latest in a handful of cities across California to adopt such policies since the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housing.lacity.org/residents/tenant-anti-harassment\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Los Angeles\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://longbeach.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=M&ID=813432&GUID=280A311A-0B63-4965-8CDD-BE64B3D9540C\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Long Beach\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/ArchiveCenter/ViewFile/Item/11320\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Richmond\u003c/a> all have approved new rules to stop landlords from harassing their tenants. And councilmembers in Antioch and Chula Vista are considering similar legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917097\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11917097 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56616_20220609_TenantsRally-06-e1655239617317.jpg\" alt=\"A close-up of three paper hearts -- white, pastel pink, and pastel purple -- with handwritten notes in red and purple pen, clipped with tiny blue and red wooden clothespins to multicolored ribbons: red, green, sheer, dark pink. The backdrop is a shimmery, crimson tablecloth with a paisley border, and blurry below it, on the other side of what must be a table, is a green lawn and what looks like a pair of ankles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1360\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Prayers written on cut-out paper hearts hang from an altar during a tenants rally at Todos Santos Plaza in Concord on June 9, 2022. Tenants and their supporters gathered at the plaza in support of Concord’s proposed tenant anti-harassment ordinance. \u003ccite>(Amaya Nicole Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tenants’ rights organizations say the pandemic fueled an increase in calls about landlord harassment. They say they saw landlords shutting off utilities, threatening to call Immigration and Customs Enforcement, changing the locks, or taking other actions meant to intimidate tenants into leaving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti Singh, a spokesperson for the statewide organization Tenants Together, said the group’s tenant hotline was overwhelmed with calls during the pandemic – many of them complaints about alleged harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Harassment really, really went up during COVID from the beginning,” Singh said, “but especially as the rent relief program sort of wore on and people were waiting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>She said the slow rollout of rent relief, coupled with the eviction moratorium, meant frustrated landlords were looking for other ways to get their tenants to pay or leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Singh said another reason more tenants in cities like Concord are pushing for these proposals is that, over the past decade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11904495/a-suburb-with-an-eviction-problem\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more people of color and especially lower-income renters\u003c/a> have been moving away from expensive coastal cities in search of housing they can afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As people get pushed out further and further, often inland,” she said, “they’re moving to places where they don’t have any protections, and they’re trying to organize in those places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlord advocates have been pushing back against these new local policies, saying they’re unnecessary since the state already has \u003ca href=\"https://www.tobenerlaw.com/landlord-harassment/\">laws that prohibit landlords from harassing their tenants\u003c/a>. Joshua Howard, with the California Apartment Association, criticized the local policies for being overly broad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What these ordinances do is they invite excessive penalties on landlords for making what could be considered an innocent mistake,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917109\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1918px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11917109 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56627_20220609_TenantsRally-18-e1655243996802.jpg\" alt=\"Three people stand in a row outdoors before a backdrop of lush, green trees. The woman in the center, a middle-aged Latina with curly, shoulder-length black hair and wireless glasses, wears a short-sleeved black cassock with a white clerical collar, and a bright stole of a warm yellow that turns to orange, then pink, then purple on both sides. She has her eyes closed and her arms held out, palms up, and appears to be speaking. On both sides of her stands a middle-aged women, one with short gray hair, the other with white gray hair. Both are dressed casually in short-sleeved tops. The woman to her right stands slightly behind her, looking at her as she speaks, sunglasses tucked into her rose T-shirt and a purse hanging from one shoulder. The woman on her left bows her head, hands behind her back, the white wires of headphones coming from both ears.\" width=\"1918\" height=\"1279\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Leslie Taylor of the First Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) in Concord offers a prayer during a tenants rally and vigil at Todos Santos Plaza in Concord on June 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Amaya Nicole Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The local ordinances expand the definition of what can be considered harassment beyond what’s already allowed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/~asucrla/Harassment%20by%20Your%20Landlord\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state law\u003c/a>. In Concord, \u003ca href=\"https://stream.ci.concord.ca.us/OnBaseAgendaOnline/Documents/ViewDocument/Regular_Meeting_816_Agenda_Packet_6_14_2022_5_30_00_PM.pdf?meetingId=816&documentType=AgendaPacket&itemId=0&publishId=0&isSection=false\">that includes behaviors like\u003c/a> failing to accept rent payments, failing to make timely repairs, or entering the rental unit outside business hours unless requested to do so by the tenant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also add penalties — up to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.lacity.org/residents/tenant-anti-harassment\">$10,000 in Los Angeles\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://stream.ci.concord.ca.us/OnBaseAgendaOnline/Documents/ViewDocument/Regular_Meeting_816_Agenda_Packet_6_14_2022_5_30_00_PM.pdf?meetingId=816&documentType=AgendaPacket&itemId=0&publishId=0&isSection=false\">$5,000 in Concord\u003c/a> — for violating the city’s anti-harassment policy, on top of the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=1940.2.&lawCode=CIV\">$2,000 allowed under state law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So not only could the landlord be sued under state law, but they could also be sued now under the local law,” Howard said, blasting these policies as excessively punitive. “It creates a double penalty and a second mechanism to sue the owner and impose some significant fines, fees and penalties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant organizers say those penalties are necessary to send a strong message to landlords and property managers that harassment won’t be tolerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really does empower tenants,” Singh said. “What they know instinctively is that this [behavior] is wrong, but for it to be wrong legally actually gives them a lot of strength.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap] group of women, many of them mothers, sat in a circle in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood in early April, talking about the challenges they’ve faced and victories they’ve celebrated recently. The group, called Seeking Safety — a project of the Bayview-based organization \u003ca href=\"https://positivedirectionsequalschange.org/\">Positive Directions Equals Change\u003c/a> — provides support for women in recovery from substance use disorder and for the formerly incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This group is facilitated by other legal-system-impacted women like Lisa Wood, who spent time locked up in the 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of us who leave our children and go to prison come from broken cycles,” she said. “We don’t know how to put the pieces together and so we really need support before coming out of prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There isn’t a lot of support for women, especially mothers leaving prison and jail; and the support that does exist is mostly scattered among various nonprofits and government agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last several years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2022/01/Fall-2021-Population-Projections.pdf\">a record number of incarcerated people have been released in California\u003c/a>. The reasons include a number of early release laws that California has passed, and the fact that prisons became deadly hotbeds for COVID-19 during the pandemic. The state’s incarcerated population \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-prison-population-drops-sharply-but-overcrowding-still-threatens-prisoner-health/\">declined by more than 20%\u003c/a> in 2020 alone — and the rate of decline in women’s prisons was even greater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the number of incarcerated people being released at an all-time high, advocates say that more resources to help people reenter society could lower recidivism rates, help family instability and improve the mental health of formerly incarcerated people. But the obstacles facing those reentering society are daunting, and the amount of helpful resources, especially for mothers, hasn’t kept up with the need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lisa Wood\"]‘[My daughter] is in the same struggle that I was in all those years. Now I’m trying to break this cycle.’[/pullquote]\u003ca href=\"https://imrp.dpp.uconn.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/3351/2021/09/March-2015-Seven-out-of-ten.pdf\">Studies show\u003c/a> there can be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6124689/#R53\">even stronger negative effects\u003c/a> on the children of incarcerated parents, who can be three times more likely to become involved with the legal system themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the children of women who give birth while they’re incarcerated, the generational impacts \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4655430/\">can start when they are separated shortly after birth\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘My son followed me into that pattern’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lisa Wood watched crack destroy her community of West Philadelphia in the 1980s. She herself was introduced to drugs at 13 years old, and she spent 12 years in and out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I watched how the drugs changed my community, and saw how it destroyed the African American community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Wood was incarcerated for the first time in 1985, she was pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most women who are incarcerated in prisons and jails across the U.S. are mothers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2021/05/05/mothers-day-2021/\">according to the Prison Policy Initiative\u003c/a> — and an estimated 58,000 women every year are pregnant when they are admitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had my daughter in prison,” Wood said. “She went home at 3 days old.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much time incarcerated mothers spend with their newborns depends on a prison’s policy. Some women are only allowed a day or two before their child is either placed with relatives or in foster care. Wood had only a couple of days before her daughter went into the care of Wood’s mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was released in 1988, she had a 4-year-old son and 2-year-old daughter to take care of while she was still trying to manage her addiction. She struggled to get better and wound up returning to prison one more time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wood was at risk of an 18-year sentence after being arrested a third time because of the California habitual offender law, otherwise known as the “three strikes law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I said to the judge, you know, I’ve actually been a junkie my whole life and no one’s ever asked me, can I give you any treatment or help?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11832910,news_11882320,news_11904298 label='Related Coverage']The judge sentenced Wood to complete a residential drug addiction program with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.delanceystreetfoundation.org/\">Delancey Street Foundation\u003c/a> in San Francisco. If she didn’t complete the program, she would be back in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still was thinking of leaving and going back to hustling and the whole drug scene,” said Wood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she made the decision to stay in the Delancey Street program for six years and eventually started working in the intake department and mentoring other residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, while Wood was doing work on herself in Delancey Street, her children were growing older and facing their own challenges. Wood’s son went into prison for the first time at age 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son kind of followed me into that pattern that I was in with the gangs and drugs,” Wood said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was released when he was 25 and has been out for years. He and Wood have a great relationship today, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wood’s daughter still resents her absence and struggles with mental health and substance use disorder like Wood did. As a result Wood is now raising her daughter’s three sons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s in the same struggle that I was in all those years,” she said. “Now I’m trying to break this cycle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916828\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916828\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Woman laughing, holding bouquet as two other women smile and laugh in background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Wood holds a bouquet of candy after being recognized for her achievements at a Seeking Safety support meeting in San Francisco on April 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Seeking Safety, most of the women Wood sees are Black and brown. She’s trying to make the strong connections women like her need, and she knows that success is not guaranteed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can see the potential in them, but they can’t see it in themselves,” she said. “Until they’re able to see it, it doesn’t matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You’re pretty much on your own’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many formerly incarcerated parents have to navigate how to rekindle family relationships after they’re released. Damage from years of separation can be hard to repair, and advocates say parents are often given no help in child custody cases while incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week before Linette Galindo’s eldest son turned 7, back in 2004, she was incarcerated. Her sentence lasted almost 17 years. While she was away, her ex-husband, who had custody of her children, didn’t allow her regular communication with her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to fight through the courts to be able to at least try to get letters and pictures,” she said. “Which is very hard to do when it is just you by yourself trying to figure this out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in prison, Galindo’s ex-husband remarried and relocated her children to Colorado. For six years she didn’t know where her children were, she said. Like many mothers in her position, Galindo became a regular in the prison library and started studying child custody laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2019, a year before her release from the California Institution for Women in Chino, her ex-husband filed for adoption of their kids. Like many incarcerated parents, Galindo received no legal help in her adoption hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to represent myself,” she said. “I had to become an attorney.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galindo lost her case, and when she was released she tried contacting her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went on social media, like anybody would, and tried to find pictures of them on Facebook, Instagram. Just to see what they look like,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galindo’s ex-husband discovered she was looking for pictures of her children and reported it to her parole officer, who advised her to stop looking them up on social media, and she stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has now been out of prison for almost two years and is currently living in San Bernardino with her sister, working at a local factory for minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916833\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"591\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Linette Galindo (left), stands with her family in San Bernardino. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Linette Galindo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, she wants to become a drug and alcohol counselor to help women who have had similar experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my determination comes because one day I know my kids are going to come looking for me,” she said. “I believe that in my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘There’s not a lot of resources, especially for us undocumented people’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Much of the success for formerly incarcerated people reentering society depends on their social networks and how many barriers they have to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Garibay came to the U.S. from Mexico and was granted Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals status in 2013, prior to her incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay, 37, is a survivor of domestic violence and went to jail after an incident with an abusive ex-boyfriend. The case was later dismissed. Garibay served only four months in jail — but during that time, she was unable to reapply for DACA status, making her ineligible for government assistance, including food stamps and supplemental income, when she was released in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay, who lives in Fresno, slept in motels and sometimes even in cars, she recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A glimmer of hope arrived in March 2020, when a judge granted Garibay full custody of her daughter after she proved that the ex-boyfriend, who was her daughter’s caretaker, was not providing a safe living environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as I saw my daughter, she ran towards me and I ran towards her,” said Garibay. “We just didn’t want to let it go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after winning custody, she and her daughter still had very little money and nowhere to live, so they had to seek support from the abusive ex-boyfriend, who helped pay for an illegal sublet in Shafter, a small farming town in the Central Valley, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no other people that could help me out — so typical of a person who’s in an abusive relationship,” she said. “That toxic cycle continues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay ended up getting pregnant with the ex-boyfriend. Shortly after, they were evicted when the landlord found out they were illegally subletting, and Garibay took her daughter to live with a friend in Tehachapi. Garibay said that’s when she was diagnosed with depression and anxiety and started seeing a therapist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They saw how severe my depression was,” she said. “The thing that kept me going was my little girl. I need my little girl. My little girl needs me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916835\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916835\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay-160x188.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Garibay (left), with her daughter. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Laura Garibay)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://whopaysreport.org/who-pays-full-report/\">2015 study\u003c/a> found that half of formerly incarcerated people and their family members surveyed nationally experienced negative mental health impacts related to their incarceration, such as depression and anxiety; in California this \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/downloads/pdfdownloads/state-incarceration-trends-california.pdf\">disproportionately hits Black and Latinx incarcerated people\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Garibay finally separated from her ex-boyfriend, she was 7 months pregnant. Again, she was homeless. But she was going to a support group, which eventually referred her to a reentry program called Root & Rebound, which provides services in the Bay Area, Los Angeles and the Central Valley. They helped her find a place to live in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They said, you’re going to have to pack whatever you could fit in a car. That’s all we’re bringing,” she said. “We’re placing you in a program that has a lot of security. You’re going to be safe there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay was referred to another nonprofit program in Fresno called Rescue the Children, where she lived for 18 months and received clothing, housing and therapy. It’s common for women reentering society to have to seek out many different resources from different places because prisons and state governments don’t provide enough help, said Claudia Gonzalez, who works with Root & Rebound and helped Garibay navigate the resources available to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing is mandated. There’s no law stating that parole officers have to find resources for you,” said Gonzalez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay currently attends Fresno City College and is pursuing a career in the legal field. But she is still waiting for her DACA approval, which means she still can’t legally apply for jobs. Her college will stop paying for her housing in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What does this mean for me and my girls again?” she asked. “You know, it puts us back in a limbo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay depends on scholarship money and small amounts of government assistance that her two daughters get since they are U.S. citizens. There are still days when her depression feels overwhelming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a 1-year-old and I have a 13-year-old that depend on me,” she said. “They have nobody else, and because of that reason, that’s the reason I push forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> group of women, many of them mothers, sat in a circle in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood in early April, talking about the challenges they’ve faced and victories they’ve celebrated recently. The group, called Seeking Safety — a project of the Bayview-based organization \u003ca href=\"https://positivedirectionsequalschange.org/\">Positive Directions Equals Change\u003c/a> — provides support for women in recovery from substance use disorder and for the formerly incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This group is facilitated by other legal-system-impacted women like Lisa Wood, who spent time locked up in the 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of us who leave our children and go to prison come from broken cycles,” she said. “We don’t know how to put the pieces together and so we really need support before coming out of prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There isn’t a lot of support for women, especially mothers leaving prison and jail; and the support that does exist is mostly scattered among various nonprofits and government agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last several years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2022/01/Fall-2021-Population-Projections.pdf\">a record number of incarcerated people have been released in California\u003c/a>. The reasons include a number of early release laws that California has passed, and the fact that prisons became deadly hotbeds for COVID-19 during the pandemic. The state’s incarcerated population \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-prison-population-drops-sharply-but-overcrowding-still-threatens-prisoner-health/\">declined by more than 20%\u003c/a> in 2020 alone — and the rate of decline in women’s prisons was even greater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the number of incarcerated people being released at an all-time high, advocates say that more resources to help people reenter society could lower recidivism rates, help family instability and improve the mental health of formerly incarcerated people. But the obstacles facing those reentering society are daunting, and the amount of helpful resources, especially for mothers, hasn’t kept up with the need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘[My daughter] is in the same struggle that I was in all those years. Now I’m trying to break this cycle.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://imrp.dpp.uconn.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/3351/2021/09/March-2015-Seven-out-of-ten.pdf\">Studies show\u003c/a> there can be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6124689/#R53\">even stronger negative effects\u003c/a> on the children of incarcerated parents, who can be three times more likely to become involved with the legal system themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the children of women who give birth while they’re incarcerated, the generational impacts \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4655430/\">can start when they are separated shortly after birth\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘My son followed me into that pattern’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lisa Wood watched crack destroy her community of West Philadelphia in the 1980s. She herself was introduced to drugs at 13 years old, and she spent 12 years in and out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I watched how the drugs changed my community, and saw how it destroyed the African American community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Wood was incarcerated for the first time in 1985, she was pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most women who are incarcerated in prisons and jails across the U.S. are mothers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2021/05/05/mothers-day-2021/\">according to the Prison Policy Initiative\u003c/a> — and an estimated 58,000 women every year are pregnant when they are admitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had my daughter in prison,” Wood said. “She went home at 3 days old.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much time incarcerated mothers spend with their newborns depends on a prison’s policy. Some women are only allowed a day or two before their child is either placed with relatives or in foster care. Wood had only a couple of days before her daughter went into the care of Wood’s mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was released in 1988, she had a 4-year-old son and 2-year-old daughter to take care of while she was still trying to manage her addiction. She struggled to get better and wound up returning to prison one more time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wood was at risk of an 18-year sentence after being arrested a third time because of the California habitual offender law, otherwise known as the “three strikes law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I said to the judge, you know, I’ve actually been a junkie my whole life and no one’s ever asked me, can I give you any treatment or help?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The judge sentenced Wood to complete a residential drug addiction program with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.delanceystreetfoundation.org/\">Delancey Street Foundation\u003c/a> in San Francisco. If she didn’t complete the program, she would be back in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still was thinking of leaving and going back to hustling and the whole drug scene,” said Wood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she made the decision to stay in the Delancey Street program for six years and eventually started working in the intake department and mentoring other residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, while Wood was doing work on herself in Delancey Street, her children were growing older and facing their own challenges. Wood’s son went into prison for the first time at age 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son kind of followed me into that pattern that I was in with the gangs and drugs,” Wood said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was released when he was 25 and has been out for years. He and Wood have a great relationship today, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wood’s daughter still resents her absence and struggles with mental health and substance use disorder like Wood did. As a result Wood is now raising her daughter’s three sons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s in the same struggle that I was in all those years,” she said. “Now I’m trying to break this cycle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916828\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916828\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Woman laughing, holding bouquet as two other women smile and laugh in background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Wood holds a bouquet of candy after being recognized for her achievements at a Seeking Safety support meeting in San Francisco on April 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Seeking Safety, most of the women Wood sees are Black and brown. She’s trying to make the strong connections women like her need, and she knows that success is not guaranteed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can see the potential in them, but they can’t see it in themselves,” she said. “Until they’re able to see it, it doesn’t matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You’re pretty much on your own’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many formerly incarcerated parents have to navigate how to rekindle family relationships after they’re released. Damage from years of separation can be hard to repair, and advocates say parents are often given no help in child custody cases while incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week before Linette Galindo’s eldest son turned 7, back in 2004, she was incarcerated. Her sentence lasted almost 17 years. While she was away, her ex-husband, who had custody of her children, didn’t allow her regular communication with her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to fight through the courts to be able to at least try to get letters and pictures,” she said. “Which is very hard to do when it is just you by yourself trying to figure this out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in prison, Galindo’s ex-husband remarried and relocated her children to Colorado. For six years she didn’t know where her children were, she said. Like many mothers in her position, Galindo became a regular in the prison library and started studying child custody laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2019, a year before her release from the California Institution for Women in Chino, her ex-husband filed for adoption of their kids. Like many incarcerated parents, Galindo received no legal help in her adoption hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to represent myself,” she said. “I had to become an attorney.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galindo lost her case, and when she was released she tried contacting her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went on social media, like anybody would, and tried to find pictures of them on Facebook, Instagram. Just to see what they look like,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galindo’s ex-husband discovered she was looking for pictures of her children and reported it to her parole officer, who advised her to stop looking them up on social media, and she stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has now been out of prison for almost two years and is currently living in San Bernardino with her sister, working at a local factory for minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916833\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"591\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Linette Galindo (left), stands with her family in San Bernardino. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Linette Galindo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, she wants to become a drug and alcohol counselor to help women who have had similar experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my determination comes because one day I know my kids are going to come looking for me,” she said. “I believe that in my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘There’s not a lot of resources, especially for us undocumented people’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Much of the success for formerly incarcerated people reentering society depends on their social networks and how many barriers they have to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Garibay came to the U.S. from Mexico and was granted Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals status in 2013, prior to her incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay, 37, is a survivor of domestic violence and went to jail after an incident with an abusive ex-boyfriend. The case was later dismissed. Garibay served only four months in jail — but during that time, she was unable to reapply for DACA status, making her ineligible for government assistance, including food stamps and supplemental income, when she was released in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay, who lives in Fresno, slept in motels and sometimes even in cars, she recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A glimmer of hope arrived in March 2020, when a judge granted Garibay full custody of her daughter after she proved that the ex-boyfriend, who was her daughter’s caretaker, was not providing a safe living environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as I saw my daughter, she ran towards me and I ran towards her,” said Garibay. “We just didn’t want to let it go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after winning custody, she and her daughter still had very little money and nowhere to live, so they had to seek support from the abusive ex-boyfriend, who helped pay for an illegal sublet in Shafter, a small farming town in the Central Valley, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no other people that could help me out — so typical of a person who’s in an abusive relationship,” she said. “That toxic cycle continues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay ended up getting pregnant with the ex-boyfriend. Shortly after, they were evicted when the landlord found out they were illegally subletting, and Garibay took her daughter to live with a friend in Tehachapi. Garibay said that’s when she was diagnosed with depression and anxiety and started seeing a therapist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They saw how severe my depression was,” she said. “The thing that kept me going was my little girl. I need my little girl. My little girl needs me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916835\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916835\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay-160x188.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Garibay (left), with her daughter. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Laura Garibay)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://whopaysreport.org/who-pays-full-report/\">2015 study\u003c/a> found that half of formerly incarcerated people and their family members surveyed nationally experienced negative mental health impacts related to their incarceration, such as depression and anxiety; in California this \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/downloads/pdfdownloads/state-incarceration-trends-california.pdf\">disproportionately hits Black and Latinx incarcerated people\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Garibay finally separated from her ex-boyfriend, she was 7 months pregnant. Again, she was homeless. But she was going to a support group, which eventually referred her to a reentry program called Root & Rebound, which provides services in the Bay Area, Los Angeles and the Central Valley. They helped her find a place to live in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They said, you’re going to have to pack whatever you could fit in a car. That’s all we’re bringing,” she said. “We’re placing you in a program that has a lot of security. You’re going to be safe there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay was referred to another nonprofit program in Fresno called Rescue the Children, where she lived for 18 months and received clothing, housing and therapy. It’s common for women reentering society to have to seek out many different resources from different places because prisons and state governments don’t provide enough help, said Claudia Gonzalez, who works with Root & Rebound and helped Garibay navigate the resources available to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing is mandated. There’s no law stating that parole officers have to find resources for you,” said Gonzalez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay currently attends Fresno City College and is pursuing a career in the legal field. But she is still waiting for her DACA approval, which means she still can’t legally apply for jobs. Her college will stop paying for her housing in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What does this mean for me and my girls again?” she asked. “You know, it puts us back in a limbo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay depends on scholarship money and small amounts of government assistance that her two daughters get since they are U.S. citizens. There are still days when her depression feels overwhelming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a 1-year-old and I have a 13-year-old that depend on me,” she said. “They have nobody else, and because of that reason, that’s the reason I push forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>State Sen. Nancy Skinner\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Over the past several weeks, Californians have been rallying to support abortion rights, as a leaked draft Supreme Court ruling signaled that the court intends to reverse Roe v Wade.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Another heavily debated topic is gun control, in the wake of the tragic mass shooting in Uvalde, Texas, that left 19 children and two adults dead at an elementary school. State Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, co-authored a proposed state constitutional amendment to protect access to abortion, and she’s been supporting other bills to fast track gun safety legislation this year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guest:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">State Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Franciscans voted to oust District Attorney Chesa Boudin on Tuesday, in a recall election that drew national attention. On the state level, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Alex Padilla sailed to easy primary victories. We’ll break down Tuesday’s state and local primary results, including key Congressional races. We’ll also get the latest on the findings of the January 6 committee, which launched its hearings on Thursday. Plus: what new data tells us about the state of the economy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tal Kopan, San Francisco Chronicle Washington correspondent \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jeremy Owens, MarketWatch San Francisco Bureau chief\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: UC Gill Tract Community Farm\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week’s Something Beautiful is a bright and bustling community farm in Albany, the historical UC Gill Tract. Farmers work alongside students and families to produce healthy, locally-grown food to bolster the community’s food access. In collaboration with the University of California, the Tract provides education and conducts research on ecological farming and food justice, to nourish the body and mind of all participants.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>State Sen. Nancy Skinner\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Over the past several weeks, Californians have been rallying to support abortion rights, as a leaked draft Supreme Court ruling signaled that the court intends to reverse Roe v Wade.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Another heavily debated topic is gun control, in the wake of the tragic mass shooting in Uvalde, Texas, that left 19 children and two adults dead at an elementary school. State Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, co-authored a proposed state constitutional amendment to protect access to abortion, and she’s been supporting other bills to fast track gun safety legislation this year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guest:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">State Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Franciscans voted to oust District Attorney Chesa Boudin on Tuesday, in a recall election that drew national attention. On the state level, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Alex Padilla sailed to easy primary victories. We’ll break down Tuesday’s state and local primary results, including key Congressional races. We’ll also get the latest on the findings of the January 6 committee, which launched its hearings on Thursday. Plus: what new data tells us about the state of the economy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tal Kopan, San Francisco Chronicle Washington correspondent \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jeremy Owens, MarketWatch San Francisco Bureau chief\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: UC Gill Tract Community Farm\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week’s Something Beautiful is a bright and bustling community farm in Albany, the historical UC Gill Tract. Farmers work alongside students and families to produce healthy, locally-grown food to bolster the community’s food access. In collaboration with the University of California, the Tract provides education and conducts research on ecological farming and food justice, to nourish the body and mind of all participants.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]L[/dropcap]uvVon Brown approached the microphone toward the end of the reparations listening session on May 28 in Oakland, exactly two weeks to the day since a white supremacist gunman walked into a grocery store in Buffalo, New York, and started shooting Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown wanted to talk about her family and their lives on the Monterey Peninsula, the place she’s thought of as home for most of her life, the place she no longer recognizes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her mother was raised in Pacific Grove, one of three cities that make up the peninsula, which juts from California’s Central Coast like an unattached puzzle piece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a lot of Black history that’s here, not only in Monterey County, but all over California,” Brown told me last week, the day California’s Reparations Task Force released \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/reports\">its first report\u003c/a>. “It’s not preserved anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nine-member task force — the first statewide body in the country to study institutional and systemic anti-Black racism, a wretchedness spawned from the horrors of chattel slavery — made several recommendations in the nearly 500-page report. Racism in this country is linked to income inequality, education inequality, mass incarceration and the widening racial wealth gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what the task force says is needed to achieve racial equity in California: housing grants, state-backed mortgages, higher pay and free health care, for starters. The preliminary recommendations included the establishment of an agency to address past and potential future harms, and to assist people in filing eligibility claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the task force \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909471/unpacking-reparations-eligibility-in-california\">voted in favor of lineage-based reparations\u003c/a>, limiting eligibility to descendants of enslaved people or of free Black people living in the country in the 19th century. The group will release a comprehensive reparations plan next summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]Days before the report was released, inside the California Ballroom — a $300-an-hour art deco space used for weddings, conferences and family reunions on Franklin Street — the listening session, one of several planned this summer, was sparsely attended, with about four dozen people and as many more watching the livestream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I was expecting a scene reminiscent of the movement to secure reparations for people of Japanese descent incarcerated during WWII, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906015/how-japanese-americans-in-the-bay-area-are-carrying-forward-the-legacy-of-reparations\">for three days people testified in a packed auditorium\u003c/a> at Golden Gate University in San Francisco, as my colleague Annelise Finney reported in February, marking the 80th year of the executive order that forced people, many American citizens, to abandon their jobs, schools and homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this listening session was muted in comparison because, like the task force, which could produce a model for countrywide reparations, an argument must first be presented because the totality of America’s racist history isn’t taught in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The road to racial equity in America starts in California, which entered the union as a free state in 1850.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1849, delegates met in Monterey to draft the state’s constitution, declaring California a free state where “neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, unless for punishment of crimes, shall ever be tolerated.” California’s first governor, the repugnant racist Peter Hardeman Burnett, sanctioned campaigns to exterminate Indigenous populations. He also wanted to block Black people from entering the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t work out that way, but Black people have still had a hard row to hoe in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 20th century, Black people arrived on the Monterey Peninsula as fieldworkers, putting down roots in Pacific Grove. Brown’s grandmother was part of the Great Migration of Black folks fleeing Jim Crow-era lynchings and white mob violence in Arkansas and other southern states. Brown said her family — aunts, uncles and cousins — lived on the same street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916047\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916047\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56289_037_KQED_OaklandReparationsListeningSession_05282022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman looks towards the camera while holding a card standing in front of a microphone\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56289_037_KQED_OaklandReparationsListeningSession_05282022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56289_037_KQED_OaklandReparationsListeningSession_05282022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56289_037_KQED_OaklandReparationsListeningSession_05282022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56289_037_KQED_OaklandReparationsListeningSession_05282022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56289_037_KQED_OaklandReparationsListeningSession_05282022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">LuvVon Brown speaks during a reparations listening session at the California Ballroom in Oakland on May 28, 2022. Brown spoke about her family and their lives on the Monterey Peninsula, a place she no longer recognizes. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fort Ord, an Army base overlooking Monterey Bay that closed in 1994, drew Black families from around the country, with many, including Brown’s mother, settling in Seaside. Many areas of Monterey County, like Carmel and Del Rey Oaks, were off-limits because of restrictive housing covenants that barred Black people from owning property in certain areas, Brown said, citing “African Americans of Monterey County,” a history of the county by Jan Batiste Adkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>History is about all that’s left of the robust Black life that once thrived in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like when you go back there now, it’s completely different,” said Brown, 34, who believes that providing land should be a reparations priority. “It’s almost like every trace of the Black community is almost gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/seaside-ca/home-values/\">median home price in Seaside\u003c/a>, according to Zillow, an online real estate marketplace, is almost $800,000. Now a sales representative for a human resources management company, Brown graduated from Seaside High School in 2005. She then moved to Nashville, Tennessee. Many in her family, including her mother, followed, unable to sustain the high cost of living on the California coast. In the course of her lifetime, Brown has seen Black wealth evaporate in Seaside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just doesn’t feel like home because all of the families that grew up there are gone,” said Brown, who moved to the Bay Area during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area, while racially diverse, remains deeply segregated, according to analyses by researchers at UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. In \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/most-segregated-cities-bay-area-2020\">an October 2021 report\u003c/a> titled “The Most Segregated Cities and Neighborhoods in the San Francisco Bay Area,” researchers, using 2020 Census data, found “that the Bay Area is significantly more segregated than it was in 1970, 1980, or even 1990,” and said that eight of the nine counties “are more segregated as of 2020 than they were in 1970, and 7 of the 9 are more segregated in 2020 than they were in 1980.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11878403 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Screen-Shot-2021-06-21-at-8.36.32-PM-e1624333298534.png']Oakland is home to six of the 10 most segregated Black neighborhoods in the Bay Area, neighborhoods that were established because of racist housing covenants and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\">redlining\u003c/a>, the racist housing policy started during the New Deal that determined the loan-worthiness of neighborhoods across the country for government-backed mortgages using color-coded maps. If an area was redlined, more than likely that’s where Black people lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, Black neighborhoods were torn apart, houses and businesses demolished, to make room for the interstate highways that connected white, suburban homeowners to the cities they fled. The Great Recession, sparked in part by the foreclosure crisis 14 years ago, caused the median net worth of Black households nationally to drop 43%, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/12/12/racial-wealth-gaps-great-recession/\">2014 report by the Pew Research Center\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan think tank that conducts public opinion polling, demographic research and content analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black people just can’t afford to live in the cities they think of as home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://bayareaequityatlas.org/black-pop-bayarea\">Bay Area Equity Atlas\u003c/a>, a tool that tracks racial inequities, found that, on average, Black workers in the Bay Area earn about half of what white men earn. The median wage for Black women workers is $52,000, and Black men make $3,000 more, according to the Atlas, which used 2019 data. White men make $107,000, a figure that’s reinforced by the fact that only 33% of Black high school graduates are college-ready, compared to more than half of white graduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I reached out to Sarah Treuhaft, vice president of research at PolicyLink, a nonprofit research organization dedicated to advancing economic and social equity, to hear what the data tells us about the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It tells me that structural racism persists in this region. If there was no structural racism, we would not see these differences in earnings by race and gender,” she said. “There is no other reason for them, and we still even see these disparities when we look at people who have the same level of education. So it shows that there is continuing wage discrimination in the labor market and pay discrimination by race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s education system doesn’t provide equal opportunity, and we see it in the outcomes. Have you ever wondered how it is that 40% of the state’s unhoused population is Black while just 6.5% of the state’s population identifies as Black?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And get this: In Monterey County, the percentage of Black people who were unhoused was more than seven times higher than the county’s Black population, according to \u003ca href=\"https://chsp.org/monterey-and-san-benito-county-homeless-census-reports/\">the county’s 2019 homeless census\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s systemic racism at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Reparations Coverage' tag='california-reparations']“We know that people of color are more likely to live in communities that do not have well-funded schools and go to school with other low-income families,” Treuhaft said. “That leads to differences in educational outcomes in high school. We really need to address segregation by race and income to get at the root of these issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black people, who were kidnapped and transported to America, are the only group that hasn’t received reparations for “state-sanctioned racial discrimination, while slavery afforded some white families the ability to accrue tremendous wealth,” Rashawn Ray and Andre M. Perry, two senior fellows at the Brookings Institution, a nonprofit public policy and research group, \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/policy2020/bigideas/why-we-need-reparations-for-black-americans/\">wrote in an argument for reparations published a month into the pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In America, we have to admit that the United States was founded on the backs of slave labor that has never been repaid,” Ray, a sociologist, told me in an interview. “And so, collectively, all the research I’ve done suggests that the only way for us to truly heal and get past the stain of racism in America is to provide reparations to descendants of enslaved Black people, as well as to engage in reparations programs in states and specific localities to address housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Black Californians earned, on average, about $37,000 less than white Californians, according to the Associated Press, which \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-race-and-ethnicity-san-francisco-voter-registration-0cb66f61c4b9f0136c43a17408720d98\">hailed the reparations task force’s report\u003c/a> as a “watershed moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s save the lofty declarations for when Gov. Gavin Newsom signs a bill that grants reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California's Reparations Task Force could produce a model for the nation. But amid widening inequities in a state where many Black people can't afford to live in the place they consider home, it's not time to celebrate, writes KQED's Otis Taylor Jr.",
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"title": "No, the Reparations Task Force Report Isn't a 'Watershed Moment.' Action Will Be | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">L\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>uvVon Brown approached the microphone toward the end of the reparations listening session on May 28 in Oakland, exactly two weeks to the day since a white supremacist gunman walked into a grocery store in Buffalo, New York, and started shooting Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown wanted to talk about her family and their lives on the Monterey Peninsula, the place she’s thought of as home for most of her life, the place she no longer recognizes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her mother was raised in Pacific Grove, one of three cities that make up the peninsula, which juts from California’s Central Coast like an unattached puzzle piece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a lot of Black history that’s here, not only in Monterey County, but all over California,” Brown told me last week, the day California’s Reparations Task Force released \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/reports\">its first report\u003c/a>. “It’s not preserved anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nine-member task force — the first statewide body in the country to study institutional and systemic anti-Black racism, a wretchedness spawned from the horrors of chattel slavery — made several recommendations in the nearly 500-page report. Racism in this country is linked to income inequality, education inequality, mass incarceration and the widening racial wealth gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what the task force says is needed to achieve racial equity in California: housing grants, state-backed mortgages, higher pay and free health care, for starters. The preliminary recommendations included the establishment of an agency to address past and potential future harms, and to assist people in filing eligibility claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the task force \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909471/unpacking-reparations-eligibility-in-california\">voted in favor of lineage-based reparations\u003c/a>, limiting eligibility to descendants of enslaved people or of free Black people living in the country in the 19th century. The group will release a comprehensive reparations plan next summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Days before the report was released, inside the California Ballroom — a $300-an-hour art deco space used for weddings, conferences and family reunions on Franklin Street — the listening session, one of several planned this summer, was sparsely attended, with about four dozen people and as many more watching the livestream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I was expecting a scene reminiscent of the movement to secure reparations for people of Japanese descent incarcerated during WWII, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906015/how-japanese-americans-in-the-bay-area-are-carrying-forward-the-legacy-of-reparations\">for three days people testified in a packed auditorium\u003c/a> at Golden Gate University in San Francisco, as my colleague Annelise Finney reported in February, marking the 80th year of the executive order that forced people, many American citizens, to abandon their jobs, schools and homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this listening session was muted in comparison because, like the task force, which could produce a model for countrywide reparations, an argument must first be presented because the totality of America’s racist history isn’t taught in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The road to racial equity in America starts in California, which entered the union as a free state in 1850.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1849, delegates met in Monterey to draft the state’s constitution, declaring California a free state where “neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, unless for punishment of crimes, shall ever be tolerated.” California’s first governor, the repugnant racist Peter Hardeman Burnett, sanctioned campaigns to exterminate Indigenous populations. He also wanted to block Black people from entering the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t work out that way, but Black people have still had a hard row to hoe in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 20th century, Black people arrived on the Monterey Peninsula as fieldworkers, putting down roots in Pacific Grove. Brown’s grandmother was part of the Great Migration of Black folks fleeing Jim Crow-era lynchings and white mob violence in Arkansas and other southern states. Brown said her family — aunts, uncles and cousins — lived on the same street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916047\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916047\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56289_037_KQED_OaklandReparationsListeningSession_05282022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman looks towards the camera while holding a card standing in front of a microphone\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56289_037_KQED_OaklandReparationsListeningSession_05282022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56289_037_KQED_OaklandReparationsListeningSession_05282022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56289_037_KQED_OaklandReparationsListeningSession_05282022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56289_037_KQED_OaklandReparationsListeningSession_05282022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56289_037_KQED_OaklandReparationsListeningSession_05282022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">LuvVon Brown speaks during a reparations listening session at the California Ballroom in Oakland on May 28, 2022. Brown spoke about her family and their lives on the Monterey Peninsula, a place she no longer recognizes. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fort Ord, an Army base overlooking Monterey Bay that closed in 1994, drew Black families from around the country, with many, including Brown’s mother, settling in Seaside. Many areas of Monterey County, like Carmel and Del Rey Oaks, were off-limits because of restrictive housing covenants that barred Black people from owning property in certain areas, Brown said, citing “African Americans of Monterey County,” a history of the county by Jan Batiste Adkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>History is about all that’s left of the robust Black life that once thrived in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like when you go back there now, it’s completely different,” said Brown, 34, who believes that providing land should be a reparations priority. “It’s almost like every trace of the Black community is almost gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/seaside-ca/home-values/\">median home price in Seaside\u003c/a>, according to Zillow, an online real estate marketplace, is almost $800,000. Now a sales representative for a human resources management company, Brown graduated from Seaside High School in 2005. She then moved to Nashville, Tennessee. Many in her family, including her mother, followed, unable to sustain the high cost of living on the California coast. In the course of her lifetime, Brown has seen Black wealth evaporate in Seaside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just doesn’t feel like home because all of the families that grew up there are gone,” said Brown, who moved to the Bay Area during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area, while racially diverse, remains deeply segregated, according to analyses by researchers at UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. In \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/most-segregated-cities-bay-area-2020\">an October 2021 report\u003c/a> titled “The Most Segregated Cities and Neighborhoods in the San Francisco Bay Area,” researchers, using 2020 Census data, found “that the Bay Area is significantly more segregated than it was in 1970, 1980, or even 1990,” and said that eight of the nine counties “are more segregated as of 2020 than they were in 1970, and 7 of the 9 are more segregated in 2020 than they were in 1980.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Oakland is home to six of the 10 most segregated Black neighborhoods in the Bay Area, neighborhoods that were established because of racist housing covenants and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\">redlining\u003c/a>, the racist housing policy started during the New Deal that determined the loan-worthiness of neighborhoods across the country for government-backed mortgages using color-coded maps. If an area was redlined, more than likely that’s where Black people lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, Black neighborhoods were torn apart, houses and businesses demolished, to make room for the interstate highways that connected white, suburban homeowners to the cities they fled. The Great Recession, sparked in part by the foreclosure crisis 14 years ago, caused the median net worth of Black households nationally to drop 43%, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/12/12/racial-wealth-gaps-great-recession/\">2014 report by the Pew Research Center\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan think tank that conducts public opinion polling, demographic research and content analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black people just can’t afford to live in the cities they think of as home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://bayareaequityatlas.org/black-pop-bayarea\">Bay Area Equity Atlas\u003c/a>, a tool that tracks racial inequities, found that, on average, Black workers in the Bay Area earn about half of what white men earn. The median wage for Black women workers is $52,000, and Black men make $3,000 more, according to the Atlas, which used 2019 data. White men make $107,000, a figure that’s reinforced by the fact that only 33% of Black high school graduates are college-ready, compared to more than half of white graduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I reached out to Sarah Treuhaft, vice president of research at PolicyLink, a nonprofit research organization dedicated to advancing economic and social equity, to hear what the data tells us about the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It tells me that structural racism persists in this region. If there was no structural racism, we would not see these differences in earnings by race and gender,” she said. “There is no other reason for them, and we still even see these disparities when we look at people who have the same level of education. So it shows that there is continuing wage discrimination in the labor market and pay discrimination by race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s education system doesn’t provide equal opportunity, and we see it in the outcomes. Have you ever wondered how it is that 40% of the state’s unhoused population is Black while just 6.5% of the state’s population identifies as Black?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And get this: In Monterey County, the percentage of Black people who were unhoused was more than seven times higher than the county’s Black population, according to \u003ca href=\"https://chsp.org/monterey-and-san-benito-county-homeless-census-reports/\">the county’s 2019 homeless census\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s systemic racism at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We know that people of color are more likely to live in communities that do not have well-funded schools and go to school with other low-income families,” Treuhaft said. “That leads to differences in educational outcomes in high school. We really need to address segregation by race and income to get at the root of these issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black people, who were kidnapped and transported to America, are the only group that hasn’t received reparations for “state-sanctioned racial discrimination, while slavery afforded some white families the ability to accrue tremendous wealth,” Rashawn Ray and Andre M. Perry, two senior fellows at the Brookings Institution, a nonprofit public policy and research group, \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/policy2020/bigideas/why-we-need-reparations-for-black-americans/\">wrote in an argument for reparations published a month into the pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In America, we have to admit that the United States was founded on the backs of slave labor that has never been repaid,” Ray, a sociologist, told me in an interview. “And so, collectively, all the research I’ve done suggests that the only way for us to truly heal and get past the stain of racism in America is to provide reparations to descendants of enslaved Black people, as well as to engage in reparations programs in states and specific localities to address housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Black Californians earned, on average, about $37,000 less than white Californians, according to the Associated Press, which \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-race-and-ethnicity-san-francisco-voter-registration-0cb66f61c4b9f0136c43a17408720d98\">hailed the reparations task force’s report\u003c/a> as a “watershed moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s save the lofty declarations for when Gov. Gavin Newsom signs a bill that grants reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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