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In many cases, the government did not take steps to reunite them and lost track of which children belonged to which parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026959/families-separated-at-the-border-are-protected-by-a-2023-settlement-will-trump-honor-it\">ACLU filed a class action lawsuit against the federal government\u003c/a> for \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/ms-l-v-ice\">violating families’ right to due process\u003c/a> under the U.S. Constitution, and for separating them without cause. The Biden administration settled the lawsuit in December 2023 by agreeing to reunite families who were still separated and provide them with a pathway to asylum in the United States, including a temporary status called parole. Before approving the settlement, federal Judge Dana Sabraw of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California in San Diego said family separation “represents one of the most shameful chapters in the history of our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the special conditions granted to these families created a complex web of applications to fill out and documents to produce, the agreement also required the government to ensure access to lawyers who could guide them. The ACLU said those services are now at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11738375\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11738375\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl holds a sign during a demonstration outside of the San Francisco office of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on June 19, 2018 in San Francisco over the Trump administration family separation policy.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1276\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-1200x798.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A young girl holds a sign during a demonstration outside of the San Francisco office of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on June 19, 2018 in San Francisco over the Trump administration family separation policy. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Babies were horrifically ripped from their parents’ arms under the first Trump administration’s family separation policy,” said ACLU attorney Lee Gelernt, lead counsel in the family separation lawsuit. “Depriving these families of vital services needed to remedy these tragic events is just the latest cruelty inflicted upon the families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government claims it is only declining to renew the existing contract, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/documents/motion\">the ACLU’s filing\u003c/a>, and does not intend to allow legal services to lapse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, with less than a week before the contract expires, the ACLU said the government has yet to explain how it will do that. “Absent the contract,” the filing reads, “the legal services subcontractors have no choice but to stop services altogether.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ did not respond to requests for comment.[aside postID=news_12026959 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/CBP-family-border-1020x680.jpg']The program, formally called Legal Access Services for Reunified Families, was created in May 2024 through a contract between the DOJ and Acacia Center for Justice, a nonprofit immigrant legal defense organization based in Washington, D.C. Acacia distributed the funding to nine organizations around the country that have been providing legal services directly to families impacted by Zero Tolerance. Services include workshops on how to navigate immigration court proceedings, assistance with immigration applications and referrals to pro bono attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Acacia notes that the funding level of the existing contract only covered 12% of the thousands who qualify for legal guidance under the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acacia expected the contract to be renewed at the end of this month, and subcontractors had been slating waitlisted families for support starting May 1, according to declarations filed with the ACLU motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of them have parole that are ending now in May and June. So they are really desperate to receive services, and they kept calling us and we would tell them we have you on the list,” said Marien Velez-Alcaide, a managing attorney for the family reunification program at \u003ca href=\"https://alotrolado.org/\">Al Otro Lado\u003c/a>, one of the organizations that has received funding through Acacia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit operates on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border in San Diego, Los Angeles and Tijuana, and said it has served 140 people impacted by Zero Tolerance family separations, including 97 in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ informed Acacia of the non-renewal on April 11, less than a month before the contract was set to end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037592\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1545px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037592\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/DOJ-Acacia-letter.pdf.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1545\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/DOJ-Acacia-letter.pdf.png 1545w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/DOJ-Acacia-letter.pdf-800x1036.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/DOJ-Acacia-letter.pdf-1020x1320.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/DOJ-Acacia-letter.pdf-160x207.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/DOJ-Acacia-letter.pdf-1187x1536.png 1187w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1545px) 100vw, 1545px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A copy of a notice-of-termination letter sent by the U.S. Department of Justice to Acacia Center for Justice, a nonprofit immigrant legal defense organization that has been providing legal services to members of separated families in accordance with a 2023 settlement between the Biden Administration and the ACLU.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While the settlement agreement does not require the government to provide full legal representation to family members who were separated under Zero Tolerance, advocates say the support is vital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Family members who’ve been separated] don’t know what their rights are,” under the settlement, said Velez-Alcaide. “So it’s really fundamental for them to be able to receive assistance and know what they qualify for, what are the deadlines, how to fill out the applications.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a declaration filed with the ACLU motion, Velez-Alcaide wrote that she has heard from clients who are “terrified of the potential consequences for themselves and their families,” including being separated again if their immigration claims fail, or losing their jobs if they’re unable to obtain or renew work permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is family separation by another name,” said Zain Lakhani, director of migrant rights and justice at the Women’s Refugee Commission, at a virtual press conference convened by Acacia on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The apparent threat to legal services for separated families comes as the Trump administration continues to dismantle other supports for people seeking asylum in the United States, including a program providing legal representation for unaccompanied children. Many children were designated unaccompanied after they were separated from their families and have been represented by attorneys under that program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035874\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035874\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/gettyimages-2210243092-scaled-e1745537471811.jpeg\" alt=\"President Trump meets with President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador in the Oval Office on April 14, 2025.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump meets with President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador in the Oval Office on April 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some legal services providers have begun laying off staff in the wake of federal funding cuts across the immigration field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The risks for class members are skyrocketing, and the elimination of services means the further erosion of due process,” said Sara Van Hofwegen, managing director of legal access programs at the Acacia Center for Justice, during Thursday’s event. “These families who’ve endured so much trauma at the hand of our government have been told that the United States is not keeping our promise to help them rebuild their lives or assist them with their cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velez-Alcaide said Al Otro Lado has ramped up fundraising efforts to avoid having to leave separated families in the lurch after May 1, especially because the ACLU’s court challenge may move slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know how long it’s going to take, and a lot of these families don’t have the time to wait,” she said. “In the meantime, they’re living in fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californianewsroom#:~:text=About%20the%20California%20Newsroom&text=The%20California%20Newsroom%3A&text=provides%20one%2Don%2Done%20mentorship,UC%20Berkeley%20Journalism%20Fellows%20program.\">\u003cem>The California Newsroom\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a KQED-led collaboration of public media outlets throughout the state, with NPR as its national partner.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union has filed a motion in federal court to stop the Department of Justice from cutting off legal services for families who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785409/new-search-begins-for-deported-parents-of-separated-migrant-children\">forcibly separated\u003c/a> at the U.S.-Mexico border during the first Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026959/families-separated-at-the-border-are-protected-by-a-2023-settlement-will-trump-honor-it\">settlement agreement reached during the Biden Administration\u003c/a> requires the government to provide legal services to those families in order to help them navigate the complex U.S. immigration system. According to the ACLU’s motion, filed Wednesday in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California, the DOJ has declined to renew a contract for the services without specifying what will replace it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the “Zero Tolerance” immigration policy of Trump’s first term, federal agencies detained families entering the country illegally, took children away from their parents, sent them to separate facilities and eventually released them to other family members or to foster care. Nearly 5,000 family members were separated. In many cases, the government did not take steps to reunite them and lost track of which children belonged to which parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026959/families-separated-at-the-border-are-protected-by-a-2023-settlement-will-trump-honor-it\">ACLU filed a class action lawsuit against the federal government\u003c/a> for \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/ms-l-v-ice\">violating families’ right to due process\u003c/a> under the U.S. Constitution, and for separating them without cause. The Biden administration settled the lawsuit in December 2023 by agreeing to reunite families who were still separated and provide them with a pathway to asylum in the United States, including a temporary status called parole. Before approving the settlement, federal Judge Dana Sabraw of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California in San Diego said family separation “represents one of the most shameful chapters in the history of our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the special conditions granted to these families created a complex web of applications to fill out and documents to produce, the agreement also required the government to ensure access to lawyers who could guide them. The ACLU said those services are now at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11738375\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11738375\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl holds a sign during a demonstration outside of the San Francisco office of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on June 19, 2018 in San Francisco over the Trump administration family separation policy.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1276\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-1200x798.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A young girl holds a sign during a demonstration outside of the San Francisco office of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on June 19, 2018 in San Francisco over the Trump administration family separation policy. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Babies were horrifically ripped from their parents’ arms under the first Trump administration’s family separation policy,” said ACLU attorney Lee Gelernt, lead counsel in the family separation lawsuit. “Depriving these families of vital services needed to remedy these tragic events is just the latest cruelty inflicted upon the families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government claims it is only declining to renew the existing contract, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/documents/motion\">the ACLU’s filing\u003c/a>, and does not intend to allow legal services to lapse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, with less than a week before the contract expires, the ACLU said the government has yet to explain how it will do that. “Absent the contract,” the filing reads, “the legal services subcontractors have no choice but to stop services altogether.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The program, formally called Legal Access Services for Reunified Families, was created in May 2024 through a contract between the DOJ and Acacia Center for Justice, a nonprofit immigrant legal defense organization based in Washington, D.C. Acacia distributed the funding to nine organizations around the country that have been providing legal services directly to families impacted by Zero Tolerance. Services include workshops on how to navigate immigration court proceedings, assistance with immigration applications and referrals to pro bono attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Acacia notes that the funding level of the existing contract only covered 12% of the thousands who qualify for legal guidance under the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acacia expected the contract to be renewed at the end of this month, and subcontractors had been slating waitlisted families for support starting May 1, according to declarations filed with the ACLU motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of them have parole that are ending now in May and June. So they are really desperate to receive services, and they kept calling us and we would tell them we have you on the list,” said Marien Velez-Alcaide, a managing attorney for the family reunification program at \u003ca href=\"https://alotrolado.org/\">Al Otro Lado\u003c/a>, one of the organizations that has received funding through Acacia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit operates on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border in San Diego, Los Angeles and Tijuana, and said it has served 140 people impacted by Zero Tolerance family separations, including 97 in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ informed Acacia of the non-renewal on April 11, less than a month before the contract was set to end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037592\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1545px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037592\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/DOJ-Acacia-letter.pdf.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1545\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/DOJ-Acacia-letter.pdf.png 1545w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/DOJ-Acacia-letter.pdf-800x1036.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/DOJ-Acacia-letter.pdf-1020x1320.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/DOJ-Acacia-letter.pdf-160x207.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/DOJ-Acacia-letter.pdf-1187x1536.png 1187w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1545px) 100vw, 1545px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A copy of a notice-of-termination letter sent by the U.S. Department of Justice to Acacia Center for Justice, a nonprofit immigrant legal defense organization that has been providing legal services to members of separated families in accordance with a 2023 settlement between the Biden Administration and the ACLU.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While the settlement agreement does not require the government to provide full legal representation to family members who were separated under Zero Tolerance, advocates say the support is vital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Family members who’ve been separated] don’t know what their rights are,” under the settlement, said Velez-Alcaide. “So it’s really fundamental for them to be able to receive assistance and know what they qualify for, what are the deadlines, how to fill out the applications.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a declaration filed with the ACLU motion, Velez-Alcaide wrote that she has heard from clients who are “terrified of the potential consequences for themselves and their families,” including being separated again if their immigration claims fail, or losing their jobs if they’re unable to obtain or renew work permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is family separation by another name,” said Zain Lakhani, director of migrant rights and justice at the Women’s Refugee Commission, at a virtual press conference convened by Acacia on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The apparent threat to legal services for separated families comes as the Trump administration continues to dismantle other supports for people seeking asylum in the United States, including a program providing legal representation for unaccompanied children. Many children were designated unaccompanied after they were separated from their families and have been represented by attorneys under that program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035874\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035874\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/gettyimages-2210243092-scaled-e1745537471811.jpeg\" alt=\"President Trump meets with President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador in the Oval Office on April 14, 2025.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump meets with President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador in the Oval Office on April 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some legal services providers have begun laying off staff in the wake of federal funding cuts across the immigration field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The risks for class members are skyrocketing, and the elimination of services means the further erosion of due process,” said Sara Van Hofwegen, managing director of legal access programs at the Acacia Center for Justice, during Thursday’s event. “These families who’ve endured so much trauma at the hand of our government have been told that the United States is not keeping our promise to help them rebuild their lives or assist them with their cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velez-Alcaide said Al Otro Lado has ramped up fundraising efforts to avoid having to leave separated families in the lurch after May 1, especially because the ACLU’s court challenge may move slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know how long it’s going to take, and a lot of these families don’t have the time to wait,” she said. “In the meantime, they’re living in fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californianewsroom#:~:text=About%20the%20California%20Newsroom&text=The%20California%20Newsroom%3A&text=provides%20one%2Don%2Done%20mentorship,UC%20Berkeley%20Journalism%20Fellows%20program.\">\u003cem>The California Newsroom\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a KQED-led collaboration of public media outlets throughout the state, with NPR as its national partner.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been two years since a mass shooting at a mushroom farm in Half Moon Bay left seven people dead and shed light on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996924/aging-farmworkers-in-half-moon-bay-want-a-place-to-rest-with-dignity\">harsh and crowded living conditions\u003c/a> for many farmworkers. This summer, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">new homes\u003c/a> built nearby will become available to the farmworkers who remain there and others looking for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By mid-June, San Mateo County officials hope to open \u003ca href=\"https://www.half-moon-bay.ca.us/879/Stone-Pine-Cove-830-Stone-Pine---Afforda\">Stone Pine Cove\u003c/a>, a collection of 47 single-family homes located a mile away from downtown Half Moon Bay and east of Highway 1. About half of those homes will be available for purchase through a \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/san-mateo-county-receives-5-million-state-grant-improve-build-housing-farmworkers\">state grant program,\u003c/a> which partially subsidizes the homes for low-income farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look on the coastside and throughout San Mateo County, finding affordable housing is very difficult,” said Supervisor Ray Mueller, whose district includes Half Moon Bay. “It’s just a really exciting project both for what it means for our community and what it means for farmworker housing in the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homes are manufactured by \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/new-housing-farmworkers-taking-shape-stone-pine-cove-helps-fulfill-promise\">Skyline Homes\u003c/a>, a company specializing in factory-built mobile homes based in Woodland, northwest of Sacramento. Once constructed, the homes are trucked to the site in Half Moon Bay to be installed in the new community. As of January, about two-thirds of the site’s infrastructure, including the laying out of new roads and placement of utilities underground, has been completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11982817 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project, which should open to farmworkers by June 16, initially only included 28 homes on the site, Mueller said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After we identified the lot with the city of Half Moon Bay, we quickly did an assessment and realized it could accommodate even more homes,” he said. “We also, candidly, were able to find more funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials collected $16 million in federal, state and local funding, including at least \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/supervisors-approve-nearly-6-million-farm-labor-housing\">$6 million from the county’s own budget\u003c/a> to fund the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approvals for other housing developments for farmworkers are moving their way through the city and county. Just last June, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992290/half-moon-bay-farmworker-housing-to-go-forward-after-council-rejects-appeals\">city leaders approved a 40-unit affordable housing project\u003c/a> for very low-income senior farmworkers, despite receiving appeals from locals who sought to block the project because it could lead to more traffic and have impacts on parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Forty-seven homes will soon be open to farmworkers and families living and working in San Mateo County. It’s one of a handful of projects aimed at housing farmworkers living in crowded conditions. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been two years since a mass shooting at a mushroom farm in Half Moon Bay left seven people dead and shed light on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996924/aging-farmworkers-in-half-moon-bay-want-a-place-to-rest-with-dignity\">harsh and crowded living conditions\u003c/a> for many farmworkers. This summer, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">new homes\u003c/a> built nearby will become available to the farmworkers who remain there and others looking for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By mid-June, San Mateo County officials hope to open \u003ca href=\"https://www.half-moon-bay.ca.us/879/Stone-Pine-Cove-830-Stone-Pine---Afforda\">Stone Pine Cove\u003c/a>, a collection of 47 single-family homes located a mile away from downtown Half Moon Bay and east of Highway 1. About half of those homes will be available for purchase through a \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/san-mateo-county-receives-5-million-state-grant-improve-build-housing-farmworkers\">state grant program,\u003c/a> which partially subsidizes the homes for low-income farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look on the coastside and throughout San Mateo County, finding affordable housing is very difficult,” said Supervisor Ray Mueller, whose district includes Half Moon Bay. “It’s just a really exciting project both for what it means for our community and what it means for farmworker housing in the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homes are manufactured by \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/new-housing-farmworkers-taking-shape-stone-pine-cove-helps-fulfill-promise\">Skyline Homes\u003c/a>, a company specializing in factory-built mobile homes based in Woodland, northwest of Sacramento. Once constructed, the homes are trucked to the site in Half Moon Bay to be installed in the new community. As of January, about two-thirds of the site’s infrastructure, including the laying out of new roads and placement of utilities underground, has been completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project, which should open to farmworkers by June 16, initially only included 28 homes on the site, Mueller said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After we identified the lot with the city of Half Moon Bay, we quickly did an assessment and realized it could accommodate even more homes,” he said. “We also, candidly, were able to find more funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials collected $16 million in federal, state and local funding, including at least \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/supervisors-approve-nearly-6-million-farm-labor-housing\">$6 million from the county’s own budget\u003c/a> to fund the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approvals for other housing developments for farmworkers are moving their way through the city and county. Just last June, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992290/half-moon-bay-farmworker-housing-to-go-forward-after-council-rejects-appeals\">city leaders approved a 40-unit affordable housing project\u003c/a> for very low-income senior farmworkers, despite receiving appeals from locals who sought to block the project because it could lead to more traffic and have impacts on parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10:45 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032892/billionaire-influence-deepens-divisions-among-san-francisco-democrats\">San Francisco’s Democratic Party\u003c/a> is one step closer to considering a mandatory retirement age for some elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party’s central committee voted Wednesday night to adopt a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1naDx-W2k2DLqM0hWqjlMJq9XEdPaMQeT/view\">resolution\u003c/a> by member Eric Kingsbury, who said local and state Democrats should consider an age cap for representatives after major losses the party faced in recent years. He pointed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993449/pelosi-suggests-time-is-running-short-for-biden-to-reconsider-campaign\">former President Joe Biden\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11644860/justice-ginsburg-signals-her-intent-to-work-for-years-more\">Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg\u003c/a> holding on to their seats after showing signs of mental and physical decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen our fundamental rights and our democracy put at risk … because we’ve had situations where there have been octogenarians in key roles who were unfortunately not able to perform any longer,” Kingsbury told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is non-binding and encourages local and state Democrats to explore an age limit for government representatives, but not at the federal level. It does not suggest a specific age for the retirement requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kingsbury said the idea is not directed at Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/nancy-pelosi\">Nancy Pelosi\u003c/a>, who is 85. Pelosi is an ex officio member of the San Francisco Democratic County Central Committee; her representative at the meeting voted against the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11778714\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11778714\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco District Attorney candidate Nancy Tung in downtown San Francisco.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A portrait of Nancy Tung, who chairs San Francisco’s Democratic Party. The party is ready to consider a mandatory retirement age for some elected officials. \u003ccite>(Sheraz Sadiq/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If every politician at 85 were as capable and sharp and had the sort of fierce urgency that she does and is still so tapped into, then we wouldn’t have to have this conversation at all,” Kingsbury said. “Nancy Pelosi is not somebody that we should be having this conversation about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While uncommon for elected officials, mandatory retirement ages exist in other public professions, including airline pilots, state judges and public safety officers in some jurisdictions. “More than 30 U.S. states have implemented age limits for judges to balance institutional knowledge with public accountability,” the resolution reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Wednesday’s meeting, several party members including Supervisor Connie Chan balked at the idea, calling it ageist and offensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Age is not a problem. The problem is the quality of the candidate and their understanding of state, local and federal government,” said Chan, pointing to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036921/lee-takes-the-flats-taylor-wins-the-hills-but-labor-unions-deliver-the-city\">election last week of Barbara Lee\u003c/a>, 78, as mayor of Oakland. “Frankly it’s ageism and discrimination against people that have experience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the vote, several residents also voiced opposition to the resolution during public comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>South of Market resident Cole Bettles, who said he previously worked as an intern for Pelosi, criticized the proposal’s avoidance of federal representatives like her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a huge fan of Pelosi, I worked for her … but this is a complete joke if this does not include Pelosi,” said Bettles, calling the speaker emerita’s omission “unhinged, serious butt kissing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, supporters plan to bring the idea to the state Democratic Party convention in May as part of a broader \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/17uDbEKLax_Jg4S6J1qwcTjx5ERYRvT3Z/view\">package of resolutions\u003c/a> from the local party, which is now controlled by moderate Democrats after progressives lost several seats last year. Other resolutions focus on combating public corruption, increasing public safety staffing, building more housing in California and increased support for public education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan said she plans to fight against the proposal at the state level as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12035273 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/240108-LurieInaugurationDay-05-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032892/billionaire-influence-deepens-divisions-among-san-francisco-democrats\">Democrats have struggled to coalesce\u003c/a> around a united strategy against Republicans and President Donald Trump. Locally, two prominent groups — the Rose Pak Asian American Club and the Latinx Democratic Club — recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033207/sf-latinx-club-leaves-local-democratic-party\">opted not to recharter with the local Democratic Party\u003c/a>, citing disagreements over local party direction and leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although San Francisco is still overwhelmingly blue, the city had more voters choose Trump in the most recent presidential election than in prior years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most important lesson for Democrats is that we have gotten too far away from the kitchen table concerns of working people, working families and individuals, young people and immigrants,” said Nancy Tung, who chairs San Francisco’s Democratic Party. “We really need to refocus not just our message but our actions around things that are tangible and things that make a difference in people’s lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tung said shifts to the center reflect how voters want to see change in the party, locally and nationally. She and Kingsbury are both moderate Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than at the group’s regular meeting place in a state building, local Democrats gathered Wednesday night to vote on the package of resolutions at West Bay Pilipino Multi Service Center, part of an effort to connect the party to local communities around the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reorientation of the party, just like the reorientation of San Francisco, that has been a long time in the coming,” Tung said. “On the local level, we can change the conversation, or at least change the way that people feel about Democrats. And this has a trickle effect on state and national elections, that the Democratic Party is full of people who want the city to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10:45 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032892/billionaire-influence-deepens-divisions-among-san-francisco-democrats\">San Francisco’s Democratic Party\u003c/a> is one step closer to considering a mandatory retirement age for some elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party’s central committee voted Wednesday night to adopt a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1naDx-W2k2DLqM0hWqjlMJq9XEdPaMQeT/view\">resolution\u003c/a> by member Eric Kingsbury, who said local and state Democrats should consider an age cap for representatives after major losses the party faced in recent years. He pointed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993449/pelosi-suggests-time-is-running-short-for-biden-to-reconsider-campaign\">former President Joe Biden\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11644860/justice-ginsburg-signals-her-intent-to-work-for-years-more\">Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg\u003c/a> holding on to their seats after showing signs of mental and physical decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen our fundamental rights and our democracy put at risk … because we’ve had situations where there have been octogenarians in key roles who were unfortunately not able to perform any longer,” Kingsbury told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is non-binding and encourages local and state Democrats to explore an age limit for government representatives, but not at the federal level. It does not suggest a specific age for the retirement requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kingsbury said the idea is not directed at Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/nancy-pelosi\">Nancy Pelosi\u003c/a>, who is 85. Pelosi is an ex officio member of the San Francisco Democratic County Central Committee; her representative at the meeting voted against the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11778714\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11778714\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco District Attorney candidate Nancy Tung in downtown San Francisco.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/San-Francisco-District-Attorney_candidate_Nancy-Tung-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A portrait of Nancy Tung, who chairs San Francisco’s Democratic Party. The party is ready to consider a mandatory retirement age for some elected officials. \u003ccite>(Sheraz Sadiq/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If every politician at 85 were as capable and sharp and had the sort of fierce urgency that she does and is still so tapped into, then we wouldn’t have to have this conversation at all,” Kingsbury said. “Nancy Pelosi is not somebody that we should be having this conversation about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While uncommon for elected officials, mandatory retirement ages exist in other public professions, including airline pilots, state judges and public safety officers in some jurisdictions. “More than 30 U.S. states have implemented age limits for judges to balance institutional knowledge with public accountability,” the resolution reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Wednesday’s meeting, several party members including Supervisor Connie Chan balked at the idea, calling it ageist and offensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Age is not a problem. The problem is the quality of the candidate and their understanding of state, local and federal government,” said Chan, pointing to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036921/lee-takes-the-flats-taylor-wins-the-hills-but-labor-unions-deliver-the-city\">election last week of Barbara Lee\u003c/a>, 78, as mayor of Oakland. “Frankly it’s ageism and discrimination against people that have experience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the vote, several residents also voiced opposition to the resolution during public comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>South of Market resident Cole Bettles, who said he previously worked as an intern for Pelosi, criticized the proposal’s avoidance of federal representatives like her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a huge fan of Pelosi, I worked for her … but this is a complete joke if this does not include Pelosi,” said Bettles, calling the speaker emerita’s omission “unhinged, serious butt kissing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, supporters plan to bring the idea to the state Democratic Party convention in May as part of a broader \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/17uDbEKLax_Jg4S6J1qwcTjx5ERYRvT3Z/view\">package of resolutions\u003c/a> from the local party, which is now controlled by moderate Democrats after progressives lost several seats last year. Other resolutions focus on combating public corruption, increasing public safety staffing, building more housing in California and increased support for public education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan said she plans to fight against the proposal at the state level as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032892/billionaire-influence-deepens-divisions-among-san-francisco-democrats\">Democrats have struggled to coalesce\u003c/a> around a united strategy against Republicans and President Donald Trump. Locally, two prominent groups — the Rose Pak Asian American Club and the Latinx Democratic Club — recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033207/sf-latinx-club-leaves-local-democratic-party\">opted not to recharter with the local Democratic Party\u003c/a>, citing disagreements over local party direction and leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although San Francisco is still overwhelmingly blue, the city had more voters choose Trump in the most recent presidential election than in prior years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most important lesson for Democrats is that we have gotten too far away from the kitchen table concerns of working people, working families and individuals, young people and immigrants,” said Nancy Tung, who chairs San Francisco’s Democratic Party. “We really need to refocus not just our message but our actions around things that are tangible and things that make a difference in people’s lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tung said shifts to the center reflect how voters want to see change in the party, locally and nationally. She and Kingsbury are both moderate Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than at the group’s regular meeting place in a state building, local Democrats gathered Wednesday night to vote on the package of resolutions at West Bay Pilipino Multi Service Center, part of an effort to connect the party to local communities around the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reorientation of the party, just like the reorientation of San Francisco, that has been a long time in the coming,” Tung said. “On the local level, we can change the conversation, or at least change the way that people feel about Democrats. And this has a trickle effect on state and national elections, that the Democratic Party is full of people who want the city to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moderate San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie marked his first 100 days in office by sticking to a pledge to focus on local issues \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023569/lurie-tiptoes-around-trump-as-sf-leaders-challenge-executive-orders\">rather than national headlines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressive icon Barbara Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036919/barbara-lee-pledges-to-unite-oakland-in-first-remarks-as-mayor-elect\">promises to fight against Trump’s policies\u003c/a> when she takes over as Mayor of Oakland next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/shorts/ydsoaJBWBk4\">warned Democrats\u003c/a> that focusing on Trump’s immigration policies is a distraction from what the party should be talking about. He received forceful blowback from fellow Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, these messages underscore the confusion and competing priorities among elected Democrats as they search for a path forward following November’s electoral wipeout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stepping into that void, the San Francisco Democratic Party is working to reframe its message — from public safety to closing the achievement gap in public schools — and even floating the idea of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037076/san-francisco-democrats-consider-mandatory-retirement-ages-for-representatives\">age limits for elected officials\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have gotten too far away from the kitchen table concerns of working people, young people and immigrants,” said Nancy Tung, chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tung said this repositioning is a response to recent elections where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11904879/sf-school-board-recall-results-alison-collins-gabriela-lopez-and-faauuga-moliga-headed-for-recall\">voters recalled school board members\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">ousted a progressive district attorney\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013667/daniel-lurie-san-franciscos-next-mayor-what-will-that-look-like\">elected a moderate mayor\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12037076 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2300/12/GettyImages-2174968250-e1736293413905.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, it really was this reckoning in San Francisco politics that led to a change in the direction of where our government is going,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tung, who works in the office of District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, said, at the very least, party positions need a serious update.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last resolution that passed by the state party around police was to defund the police in 2020,” she added. “And what we’re hearing from voters is that people want to be safe on their streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Tung’s leadership, the San Francisco Democratic Party’s moderate-leaning majority is trying out resolutions on public safety, schools, housing and more. She hopes the state party will adopt – or at least discuss – these course corrections at its convention in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tung insists this is not a retreat from core Democratic values, like support for women’s access to abortion or LGBTQ+ rights. But she thinks it’s time to focus on results rather than “performative resolutions and just pontificating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will need to be the party that can get things done and that basic government services in our Democrat-controlled cities are not just functional, but excellent,” she told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024943\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024943\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi meets with KQED in her office in the San Francisco Federal Building on Jan. 30, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The most controversial proposal? A resolution suggesting the party consider age limits for elected officials. On the heels of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946670/dianne-feinstein-californias-longest-serving-us-senator-dies-at-age-90\">the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s\u003c/a> serious health decline during her final years in office, Tung said the party should encourage and cultivate younger leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The obvious question: Does this apply to 85-year-old Nancy Pelosi, who would be seeking a 21st term if she runs for reelection next year?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to criticize Nancy Pelosi for staying in office because she is exceptional,” Tung said, sidestepping any criticism of the iconic Democrat. “I think Nancy Pelosi is just phenomenal. She is one of a kind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saikat Chakrabarti begs to differ. The 39-year-old former staffer to Sen. Bernie Sanders and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez is running against Pelosi, hoping to force her into retirement. He sat down with me and my colleague Marisa Lagos last month for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033097/hes-challenging-nancy-pelosi-and-the-democratic-party\">\u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em> podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is absolutely about not just challenging Pelosi, but challenging the party as it is right now. The party is underwater with its own voters. Democrats are saying that they are mad at their own Democrats,” Chakrabarti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033173\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Saikat Chakrabarti in the KQED offices in San Francisco on March 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He argues Pelosi hasn’t done enough to position Democrats as the party of accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think she’s moved far enough on getting rid of the corrupting influence of money in politics, things like banning insider stock trading,” Chakrabarti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With no clear national leader and limited power in Washington, Democrats are struggling to settle on a message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the one hand, Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez are attracting \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/16/us/politics/bernie-sanders-aoc-trump-democrats.html\">tens of thousands of people\u003c/a> to rallies promoting economic populism, with stops in Trump-friendly territories like Bakersfield and Folsom. In San Francisco, Lurie supports the city’s sanctuary policies, but also resists getting drawn into national issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her first post-election press conference, Mayor-elect Lee promised not to let the president “divide and conquer” Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that we stay unified in pushing back and resisting what’s going to be devastating for Oakland. So that’s going to be up to us,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tung said she’s optimistic that the state and local Democratic party are responding to voters’ frustrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to see more leadership from national Democrats on these issues, yeah. And I don’t see it,” Tung said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moderate San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie marked his first 100 days in office by sticking to a pledge to focus on local issues \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023569/lurie-tiptoes-around-trump-as-sf-leaders-challenge-executive-orders\">rather than national headlines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressive icon Barbara Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036919/barbara-lee-pledges-to-unite-oakland-in-first-remarks-as-mayor-elect\">promises to fight against Trump’s policies\u003c/a> when she takes over as Mayor of Oakland next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/shorts/ydsoaJBWBk4\">warned Democrats\u003c/a> that focusing on Trump’s immigration policies is a distraction from what the party should be talking about. He received forceful blowback from fellow Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, these messages underscore the confusion and competing priorities among elected Democrats as they search for a path forward following November’s electoral wipeout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stepping into that void, the San Francisco Democratic Party is working to reframe its message — from public safety to closing the achievement gap in public schools — and even floating the idea of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037076/san-francisco-democrats-consider-mandatory-retirement-ages-for-representatives\">age limits for elected officials\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have gotten too far away from the kitchen table concerns of working people, young people and immigrants,” said Nancy Tung, chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tung said this repositioning is a response to recent elections where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11904879/sf-school-board-recall-results-alison-collins-gabriela-lopez-and-faauuga-moliga-headed-for-recall\">voters recalled school board members\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">ousted a progressive district attorney\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013667/daniel-lurie-san-franciscos-next-mayor-what-will-that-look-like\">elected a moderate mayor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, it really was this reckoning in San Francisco politics that led to a change in the direction of where our government is going,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tung, who works in the office of District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, said, at the very least, party positions need a serious update.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last resolution that passed by the state party around police was to defund the police in 2020,” she added. “And what we’re hearing from voters is that people want to be safe on their streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Tung’s leadership, the San Francisco Democratic Party’s moderate-leaning majority is trying out resolutions on public safety, schools, housing and more. She hopes the state party will adopt – or at least discuss – these course corrections at its convention in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tung insists this is not a retreat from core Democratic values, like support for women’s access to abortion or LGBTQ+ rights. But she thinks it’s time to focus on results rather than “performative resolutions and just pontificating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will need to be the party that can get things done and that basic government services in our Democrat-controlled cities are not just functional, but excellent,” she told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024943\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024943\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_Pelosi_DB_00406-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi meets with KQED in her office in the San Francisco Federal Building on Jan. 30, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The most controversial proposal? A resolution suggesting the party consider age limits for elected officials. On the heels of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946670/dianne-feinstein-californias-longest-serving-us-senator-dies-at-age-90\">the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s\u003c/a> serious health decline during her final years in office, Tung said the party should encourage and cultivate younger leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The obvious question: Does this apply to 85-year-old Nancy Pelosi, who would be seeking a 21st term if she runs for reelection next year?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to criticize Nancy Pelosi for staying in office because she is exceptional,” Tung said, sidestepping any criticism of the iconic Democrat. “I think Nancy Pelosi is just phenomenal. She is one of a kind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saikat Chakrabarti begs to differ. The 39-year-old former staffer to Sen. Bernie Sanders and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez is running against Pelosi, hoping to force her into retirement. He sat down with me and my colleague Marisa Lagos last month for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033097/hes-challenging-nancy-pelosi-and-the-democratic-party\">\u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em> podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is absolutely about not just challenging Pelosi, but challenging the party as it is right now. The party is underwater with its own voters. Democrats are saying that they are mad at their own Democrats,” Chakrabarti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033173\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250326-SAIKAT-CHAKRABARTI-ON-PB-MD-01-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Saikat Chakrabarti in the KQED offices in San Francisco on March 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He argues Pelosi hasn’t done enough to position Democrats as the party of accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think she’s moved far enough on getting rid of the corrupting influence of money in politics, things like banning insider stock trading,” Chakrabarti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With no clear national leader and limited power in Washington, Democrats are struggling to settle on a message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the one hand, Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez are attracting \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/16/us/politics/bernie-sanders-aoc-trump-democrats.html\">tens of thousands of people\u003c/a> to rallies promoting economic populism, with stops in Trump-friendly territories like Bakersfield and Folsom. In San Francisco, Lurie supports the city’s sanctuary policies, but also resists getting drawn into national issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her first post-election press conference, Mayor-elect Lee promised not to let the president “divide and conquer” Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that we stay unified in pushing back and resisting what’s going to be devastating for Oakland. So that’s going to be up to us,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tung said she’s optimistic that the state and local Democratic party are responding to voters’ frustrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to see more leadership from national Democrats on these issues, yeah. And I don’t see it,” Tung said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-lawmakers-push-housing-laws-to-boost-affordability",
"title": "California Lawmakers Push Housing Laws to Boost Affordability",
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"headTitle": "California Lawmakers Push Housing Laws to Boost Affordability | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:56 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several high-profile \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">housing \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/homelessness\">homelessness \u003c/a>bills are moving through key legislative committees this week, as lawmakers act with renewed urgency to address the affordability crisis facing Californians. While the housing shortage has long been a top concern at the Capitol, voters last fall made it clear that the high cost of living was their number one issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The urgency for action and for results on housing in the legislature this year could not be higher,” said Assemblymember Matt Haney, who chairs the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee and leads the Legislative Renters’ Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 160 housing-related bills have been introduced this year, \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/2025-california-legislative-preview-rebuilding-accelerating-production-and-strengthening-protections/\">according to\u003c/a> the Terner Center for Housing Innovation. Haney said it’s not just the quantity that’s notable — a new class of diverse lawmakers has come in hungry to take on the state’s greatest challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing more bills introduced that are bolder, that are bigger in terms of their impact than we’ve seen in the state legislature in a long time,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, a precarious budget picture will likely hamstring lawmakers’ ability to act. Delayed tax receipts from Southern California residents affected by January’s wildfires and the need to brace against federal budget cuts and tariffs are contributing to fiscal uncertainty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “For Rent” sign on a house in the Mission District of San Francisco on Tuesday, March 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Affordability: The word of the day\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Affordability, especially for renters, is the issue driving many of the most closely watched proposals. “We have seen a major signal from the electorate that affordability is a number one concern,” said Anya Svanoe, communications director at the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susannah Parsons, director of policy and legislation at the policy nonprofit All Home, called it “the word of the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That focus accompanies an increase in renter representation in Sacramento: The Legislative Renters’ Caucus now boasts 10 members, up from three when it launched a few years ago, and both the Senate and Assembly housing committees are chaired by lawmakers who rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This entire institution has not seen enough renters come through it, that’s the reality,” Senator Aisha Wahab, chair of the Senate Housing Committee, said during a Renters’ Caucus press conference Wednesday. “That is why we have the laws we have today. That is, we are still renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee will take up \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1157\">AB 1157,\u003c/a> which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034212/california-lawmakers-push-lower-rent-cap-expand-protections-property-owners-worried\">would amend the 2019 Tenant Protection Act\u003c/a>, lowering the state’s annual rent cap to 5%, down from 10%. It would also extend renter protections to single-family homes and make them permanent. The TPA is currently set to expire in 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12036599 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-10-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants’ advocates say lowering the cap is a crucial step to prevent displacement and homelessness, given \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-renters/\">nearly half\u003c/a> of Californians rent and about a third of renters are severely cost-burdened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, landlord groups like the California Apartment Association are pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It ignores the will of the voters and puts an unfair burden on housing providers,” said Embert Madison, State Advocacy and Compliance Counsel for the California Apartment Association, pointing to the fact that California voters have three times rejected state ballot measures to repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which restricts local rent control laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The devastating LA wildfires also generated a slate of bills \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB610\">aimed at protecting\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB380\">impacted renters\u003c/a> and ensuring a faster and more coordinated response to future disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of pretty dramatic events that have happened that kind of just amplify the urgency of tenant protections on top of the housing crisis that we already have,” said Shanti Singh of advocacy group Tenants Together, noting that the Trump administration’s cost-cutting measures could also threaten vulnerable renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other housing cost-focused bills this year include \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1248\">AB 1248\u003c/a>, which would require landlords to include all recurring charges in the advertised rent and ban them from adding new fees during a lease. Renter advocacy groups support the bill, while property owners’ groups don’t. “The focus shouldn’t be on making housing providers’ business more difficult to run,” California Rental Housing Association President Adam Pearce said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12022582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12022582\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"690\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825-160x108.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view of beachfront homes that burned in the Palisades Fire as wildfires cause damage and loss through the LA region on Jan.15, 2025, in Malibu, Los Angeles County. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB52\">SB 52 \u003c/a>would prohibit the use of AI algorithms to set rents, which critics say drives up rents and mimics price fixing. The technology is the subject of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/justice-department-sues-six-large-landlords-algorithmic-pricing-scheme-harms-millions\">federal antitrust lawsuit\u003c/a> and has already been banned in cities including Berkeley, San Francisco and San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB246\">AB 246\u003c/a> would protect seniors from eviction if their Social Security payments are interrupted, and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB436\">SB 436, authored by Wahab,\u003c/a> would extend the window that renters have to pay past-due rent after getting a three-day notice. It would allow tenants to pay the full amount owed or provide proof of approved rental assistance at any point before they’re evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As lawmakers continue to take aim at the supply side of the housing crisis with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033092/housing-legislation-snips-away-californias-red-tape\">sprawling package of over 20 bills designed\u003c/a> to cut red tape and speed up housing construction, Wahab cautioned they’re no panacea. “We’ve seen those bills, but has it translated to cost savings to the home buyer or the renter? No. But it has translated to cost savings for the developer,” she said. “This legislature needs to not only focus on production, they also need to start focusing on preservation of housing from multiple different angles, and that also includes protection of renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other affordability-focused measures include a proposed $10 billion affordable housing bond, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB736\">AB 736\u003c/a>/\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB417\">SB 417\u003c/a>, which supporters hope to put before voters in 2026. Matt Schwartz of the California Housing Partnership said it’s key to achieving the state’s housing goals, noting that there are 45,000 shovel-ready affordable homes awaiting funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar bond failed to make it onto the ballot last year, when education and climate bonds got approved. But Haney and advocates expect the housing bond to get its moment this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accountability for homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The legislature’s approach to homelessness this year centers on tightening oversight, strengthening local coordination, and rethinking enforcement practices. Lawmakers are advancing bills that aim to improve how funding is tracked, how cities and counties share responsibility for services, and how the state invests in supportive housing, behavioral health, and upstream solutions to prevent homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A controversial bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB16\">SB 16\u003c/a>, which would have required counties to shoulder half the cost of running homeless shelters and interim housing facilities, got a total overhaul Tuesday, removing those cost-sharing terms before it passed out of the Senate Housing Committee. The bill now directs the state to develop a plan for ending unsheltered homelessness within 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Association of Counties, which strongly opposed the measure as originally written, has now removed its opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037142 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/NO-TECH-FOR-APARTHEID-01-KQED-1-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other bills aim to strengthen transparency and oversight. The conversation around homelessness funding is increasingly shaped by skepticism over spending, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982237/california-audit-questions-state-homelessness-spending-san-jose\">audits\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/los-angeles-homeless-audit-spending-transparency-45a5aa98fc0d4ff88a08b8ad43b530a6\">have raised questions\u003c/a> about its efficacy, but Caroline Grinder, a lobbyist for the League of California Cities, said the focus on accountability risks placing unfair blame on cities. “We’re open to increased accountability and transparency,” she said, “Our cities are ready and willing to be partners in that, but we also know that needs to be paired with the investment to actually do the work and have the infrastructure to collect this data in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB750\">AB 750\u003c/a> would add new oversight to state-funded shelters, requiring annual inspections and clearer complaint processes. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1432\">AB 1432\u003c/a> would put in place new performance metrics for nonprofits receiving state or local funding for homelessness programs and allow more investment in programs that require sobriety, even if these programs don’t align with the state’s current “Housing First” model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB606\">SB 606,\u003c/a> which passed out of the Senate Committee on Human Services on Tuesday, would require local jurisdictions receiving state homelessness funding to submit a financial assessment of what it would take to achieve functional zero for unsheltered homelessness, and to demonstrate how they’re collaborating with small cities in their region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clusters of tents belonging to unhoused residents line the banks of Coyote Creek near Tully Road on Jan. 4, 2023, in San José, California. \u003ccite>(Dai Sugano/MediaNews Group/The Mercury News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow with the National Alliance to End Homelessness, warned that the bill’s focus on \u003cem>unsheltered\u003c/em> homelessness, rather than overall homelessness, could inadvertently pull resources away from permanent housing solutions and toward a “permanent state of shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some bills also reflect growing interest in connecting housing to health care and recovery. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB804\">AB 804\u003c/a> would make housing support a Medi-Cal benefit, integrating housing with the state’s health care system. “We see this as a really exciting and important bill,” Parsons said, “because of how many people experiencing homelessness can receive these services and ensure they are in supportive housing, that they have the wraparound support that is needed to stay stably housed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB255\">AB 255\u003c/a>, also heard this week, would create a new supportive recovery housing program for people coming out of substance use treatment. The bill allows abstinence-focused homes as part of a county’s supportive housing mix — capped at 25% — and includes eviction protections for residents who relapse. Visotzky is watching closely and said, “We want to make sure that that intent doesn’t lead to unintended consequences and doesn’t lead to loss of choice for folks for whom that’s not an appropriate intervention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocacy organizations like the National Alliance to End Homelessness are enthusiastically backing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB634\">SB 634\u003c/a>, which would bar local governments and state agencies from punishing unhoused people for basic survival activities, like sitting or sleeping, in public spaces. Paul Webster, a senior fellow at the Cicero Institute, a conservative leaning think tank, is not a fan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you take enforcement away, you are undercutting one of the great incentives to move people from the street into housing,” he said. Cicero has pushed legislation across the country banning public camping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is a response to the proliferation of such bans, enacted since the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court opened the door\u003c/a> for cities to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/bill/AB897/2025\">AB 897\u003c/a>, which would take California in the opposite direction, making squatting a misdemeanor, failed to pass out of committee Tuesday. And\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB748\"> SB 748 \u003c/a>would expand the eligible uses of state Encampment Resolution Funding to include towing and disposing of vehicles — a move some advocates say misuses homelessness resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037346 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AntiochHousingDevelopmentGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t think it makes sense to spend our valuable homeless program dollars on things like towing and disposing of people’s vehicles,” Visotzky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have for years been clamoring for an ongoing source of funding to address homelessness and affordable housing, and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1165\">AB 1165\u003c/a> is the latest legislative effort to do so. It would create the California Housing Justice Fund within the state’s General Fund, mandating ongoing annual allocations to address homelessness and housing unaffordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the legislative momentum around housing and homelessness, the state’s fiscal outlook will likely force lawmakers to triage, and bills that require significant new spending aren’t expected to fare well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know we’re going to have a May Revise, and the whole deck is going to be reshuffled,” Webster said, referring to upcoming revisions in the state budget. “Then it’s kind of like, well, what can we actually do?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, some advocates are prioritizing cost-neutral measures, and advocates and lawmakers say a number of proposals that don’t immediately add to the budget, like the affordable housing bond, could have a better shot than in years past, given the renewed sense of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in a rubber hits the road moment here,” Haney said. “We haven’t acted with enough boldness and urgency, and so enough is enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This story was updated to reflect the overhaul of Senate Bill 16.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Lawmakers are taking on the housing crisis with new urgency, focusing on affordability and accountability, but an uncertain economic picture may rein them in. ",
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"title": "California Lawmakers Push Housing Laws to Boost Affordability | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:56 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several high-profile \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">housing \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/homelessness\">homelessness \u003c/a>bills are moving through key legislative committees this week, as lawmakers act with renewed urgency to address the affordability crisis facing Californians. While the housing shortage has long been a top concern at the Capitol, voters last fall made it clear that the high cost of living was their number one issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The urgency for action and for results on housing in the legislature this year could not be higher,” said Assemblymember Matt Haney, who chairs the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee and leads the Legislative Renters’ Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 160 housing-related bills have been introduced this year, \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/2025-california-legislative-preview-rebuilding-accelerating-production-and-strengthening-protections/\">according to\u003c/a> the Terner Center for Housing Innovation. Haney said it’s not just the quantity that’s notable — a new class of diverse lawmakers has come in hungry to take on the state’s greatest challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing more bills introduced that are bolder, that are bigger in terms of their impact than we’ve seen in the state legislature in a long time,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, a precarious budget picture will likely hamstring lawmakers’ ability to act. Delayed tax receipts from Southern California residents affected by January’s wildfires and the need to brace against federal budget cuts and tariffs are contributing to fiscal uncertainty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “For Rent” sign on a house in the Mission District of San Francisco on Tuesday, March 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Affordability: The word of the day\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Affordability, especially for renters, is the issue driving many of the most closely watched proposals. “We have seen a major signal from the electorate that affordability is a number one concern,” said Anya Svanoe, communications director at the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susannah Parsons, director of policy and legislation at the policy nonprofit All Home, called it “the word of the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That focus accompanies an increase in renter representation in Sacramento: The Legislative Renters’ Caucus now boasts 10 members, up from three when it launched a few years ago, and both the Senate and Assembly housing committees are chaired by lawmakers who rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This entire institution has not seen enough renters come through it, that’s the reality,” Senator Aisha Wahab, chair of the Senate Housing Committee, said during a Renters’ Caucus press conference Wednesday. “That is why we have the laws we have today. That is, we are still renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee will take up \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1157\">AB 1157,\u003c/a> which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034212/california-lawmakers-push-lower-rent-cap-expand-protections-property-owners-worried\">would amend the 2019 Tenant Protection Act\u003c/a>, lowering the state’s annual rent cap to 5%, down from 10%. It would also extend renter protections to single-family homes and make them permanent. The TPA is currently set to expire in 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants’ advocates say lowering the cap is a crucial step to prevent displacement and homelessness, given \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-renters/\">nearly half\u003c/a> of Californians rent and about a third of renters are severely cost-burdened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, landlord groups like the California Apartment Association are pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It ignores the will of the voters and puts an unfair burden on housing providers,” said Embert Madison, State Advocacy and Compliance Counsel for the California Apartment Association, pointing to the fact that California voters have three times rejected state ballot measures to repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which restricts local rent control laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The devastating LA wildfires also generated a slate of bills \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB610\">aimed at protecting\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB380\">impacted renters\u003c/a> and ensuring a faster and more coordinated response to future disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of pretty dramatic events that have happened that kind of just amplify the urgency of tenant protections on top of the housing crisis that we already have,” said Shanti Singh of advocacy group Tenants Together, noting that the Trump administration’s cost-cutting measures could also threaten vulnerable renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other housing cost-focused bills this year include \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1248\">AB 1248\u003c/a>, which would require landlords to include all recurring charges in the advertised rent and ban them from adding new fees during a lease. Renter advocacy groups support the bill, while property owners’ groups don’t. “The focus shouldn’t be on making housing providers’ business more difficult to run,” California Rental Housing Association President Adam Pearce said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12022582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12022582\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"690\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825-160x108.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view of beachfront homes that burned in the Palisades Fire as wildfires cause damage and loss through the LA region on Jan.15, 2025, in Malibu, Los Angeles County. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB52\">SB 52 \u003c/a>would prohibit the use of AI algorithms to set rents, which critics say drives up rents and mimics price fixing. The technology is the subject of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/justice-department-sues-six-large-landlords-algorithmic-pricing-scheme-harms-millions\">federal antitrust lawsuit\u003c/a> and has already been banned in cities including Berkeley, San Francisco and San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB246\">AB 246\u003c/a> would protect seniors from eviction if their Social Security payments are interrupted, and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB436\">SB 436, authored by Wahab,\u003c/a> would extend the window that renters have to pay past-due rent after getting a three-day notice. It would allow tenants to pay the full amount owed or provide proof of approved rental assistance at any point before they’re evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As lawmakers continue to take aim at the supply side of the housing crisis with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033092/housing-legislation-snips-away-californias-red-tape\">sprawling package of over 20 bills designed\u003c/a> to cut red tape and speed up housing construction, Wahab cautioned they’re no panacea. “We’ve seen those bills, but has it translated to cost savings to the home buyer or the renter? No. But it has translated to cost savings for the developer,” she said. “This legislature needs to not only focus on production, they also need to start focusing on preservation of housing from multiple different angles, and that also includes protection of renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other affordability-focused measures include a proposed $10 billion affordable housing bond, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB736\">AB 736\u003c/a>/\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB417\">SB 417\u003c/a>, which supporters hope to put before voters in 2026. Matt Schwartz of the California Housing Partnership said it’s key to achieving the state’s housing goals, noting that there are 45,000 shovel-ready affordable homes awaiting funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar bond failed to make it onto the ballot last year, when education and climate bonds got approved. But Haney and advocates expect the housing bond to get its moment this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accountability for homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The legislature’s approach to homelessness this year centers on tightening oversight, strengthening local coordination, and rethinking enforcement practices. Lawmakers are advancing bills that aim to improve how funding is tracked, how cities and counties share responsibility for services, and how the state invests in supportive housing, behavioral health, and upstream solutions to prevent homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A controversial bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB16\">SB 16\u003c/a>, which would have required counties to shoulder half the cost of running homeless shelters and interim housing facilities, got a total overhaul Tuesday, removing those cost-sharing terms before it passed out of the Senate Housing Committee. The bill now directs the state to develop a plan for ending unsheltered homelessness within 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Association of Counties, which strongly opposed the measure as originally written, has now removed its opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other bills aim to strengthen transparency and oversight. The conversation around homelessness funding is increasingly shaped by skepticism over spending, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982237/california-audit-questions-state-homelessness-spending-san-jose\">audits\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/los-angeles-homeless-audit-spending-transparency-45a5aa98fc0d4ff88a08b8ad43b530a6\">have raised questions\u003c/a> about its efficacy, but Caroline Grinder, a lobbyist for the League of California Cities, said the focus on accountability risks placing unfair blame on cities. “We’re open to increased accountability and transparency,” she said, “Our cities are ready and willing to be partners in that, but we also know that needs to be paired with the investment to actually do the work and have the infrastructure to collect this data in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB750\">AB 750\u003c/a> would add new oversight to state-funded shelters, requiring annual inspections and clearer complaint processes. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1432\">AB 1432\u003c/a> would put in place new performance metrics for nonprofits receiving state or local funding for homelessness programs and allow more investment in programs that require sobriety, even if these programs don’t align with the state’s current “Housing First” model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB606\">SB 606,\u003c/a> which passed out of the Senate Committee on Human Services on Tuesday, would require local jurisdictions receiving state homelessness funding to submit a financial assessment of what it would take to achieve functional zero for unsheltered homelessness, and to demonstrate how they’re collaborating with small cities in their region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clusters of tents belonging to unhoused residents line the banks of Coyote Creek near Tully Road on Jan. 4, 2023, in San José, California. \u003ccite>(Dai Sugano/MediaNews Group/The Mercury News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow with the National Alliance to End Homelessness, warned that the bill’s focus on \u003cem>unsheltered\u003c/em> homelessness, rather than overall homelessness, could inadvertently pull resources away from permanent housing solutions and toward a “permanent state of shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some bills also reflect growing interest in connecting housing to health care and recovery. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB804\">AB 804\u003c/a> would make housing support a Medi-Cal benefit, integrating housing with the state’s health care system. “We see this as a really exciting and important bill,” Parsons said, “because of how many people experiencing homelessness can receive these services and ensure they are in supportive housing, that they have the wraparound support that is needed to stay stably housed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB255\">AB 255\u003c/a>, also heard this week, would create a new supportive recovery housing program for people coming out of substance use treatment. The bill allows abstinence-focused homes as part of a county’s supportive housing mix — capped at 25% — and includes eviction protections for residents who relapse. Visotzky is watching closely and said, “We want to make sure that that intent doesn’t lead to unintended consequences and doesn’t lead to loss of choice for folks for whom that’s not an appropriate intervention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocacy organizations like the National Alliance to End Homelessness are enthusiastically backing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB634\">SB 634\u003c/a>, which would bar local governments and state agencies from punishing unhoused people for basic survival activities, like sitting or sleeping, in public spaces. Paul Webster, a senior fellow at the Cicero Institute, a conservative leaning think tank, is not a fan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you take enforcement away, you are undercutting one of the great incentives to move people from the street into housing,” he said. Cicero has pushed legislation across the country banning public camping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is a response to the proliferation of such bans, enacted since the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court opened the door\u003c/a> for cities to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/bill/AB897/2025\">AB 897\u003c/a>, which would take California in the opposite direction, making squatting a misdemeanor, failed to pass out of committee Tuesday. And\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB748\"> SB 748 \u003c/a>would expand the eligible uses of state Encampment Resolution Funding to include towing and disposing of vehicles — a move some advocates say misuses homelessness resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t think it makes sense to spend our valuable homeless program dollars on things like towing and disposing of people’s vehicles,” Visotzky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have for years been clamoring for an ongoing source of funding to address homelessness and affordable housing, and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1165\">AB 1165\u003c/a> is the latest legislative effort to do so. It would create the California Housing Justice Fund within the state’s General Fund, mandating ongoing annual allocations to address homelessness and housing unaffordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the legislative momentum around housing and homelessness, the state’s fiscal outlook will likely force lawmakers to triage, and bills that require significant new spending aren’t expected to fare well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know we’re going to have a May Revise, and the whole deck is going to be reshuffled,” Webster said, referring to upcoming revisions in the state budget. “Then it’s kind of like, well, what can we actually do?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, some advocates are prioritizing cost-neutral measures, and advocates and lawmakers say a number of proposals that don’t immediately add to the budget, like the affordable housing bond, could have a better shot than in years past, given the renewed sense of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in a rubber hits the road moment here,” Haney said. “We haven’t acted with enough boldness and urgency, and so enough is enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This story was updated to reflect the overhaul of Senate Bill 16.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Former Oakland Youth Nonprofit Head Pleads Guilty to Stealing More Than $500,000",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former executive director of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/east-oakland\">East Oakland\u003c/a> youth boxing program pleaded guilty Wednesday in federal court to one count of mail fraud and one count of tax evasion in connection with embezzling at least $549,000 from the organization, a figure significantly higher than had been previously reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The theft included a substantial donation presented by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029450/steph-curry-surprised-oakland-youth-gym-with-50000-its-leader-kept-the-cash-feds-say\">Steph and Ayesha Curry\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after taking the helm at the East Oakland Boxing Association in late 2016, Solomon Howard — whose legal name is Howard Solomon — became an authorized signatory on the organization’s Wells Fargo bank accounts and began transferring funds and donations into personal and business accounts he controlled at other banks, according to court documents and the plea agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard, 38, used the embezzled funds and donations to pay for expenses that had no connection to his job — including a vacation rental, a new car and more than $100,000 of Amazon purchases — and falsely reported them as “program supplies” and other generic expenses, \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/SolomonHowardCharges.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to federal charges (PDF)\u003c/a> filed in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Howard acknowledged that he transferred the money without informing EOBA’s board or anyone else affiliated with the organization. He also admitted to tax evasion by failing to report the embezzled funds as income on his tax filings from 2017 through 2021, and by misstating expenses associated with two purported businesses he claimed were operating at a loss — causing an estimated $287,000 in tax losses to the IRS, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard is scheduled to be sentenced Aug. 14 by U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers. He faces a maximum sentence of 20 years in prison, a $250,000 fine or twice the gross gain from the fraud, and must pay at least $549,132 in restitution to the EOBA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard’s attorney, Randy Sue Pollock, declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960197\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960197\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-scaled.jpg\" alt='A man and a woman stand on a stage speaking with a huge banner behind the that says, \"Eat. Learn. Play.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Golden State Warriors’ star Stephen Curry (right) speaks next to his wife, Ayesha Curry, during a charity event at Stanford Golf Course in Stanford, Aug. 28, 2023. The Currys are major philanthropists in the Bay Area, and their Eat. Learn. Play. Foundation supports youth in Oakland, the Bay Area and beyond. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Howard also admitted to pocketing a $50,000 check that the Currys \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=2377252442587352\">presented to him in 2019\u003c/a> as part of an episode of Ellen DeGeneres’ show, “Ellen’s Greatest Night of Giveaways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the episode, Howard described the East Oakland Boxing Association as an after-school program “focused on keeping young folks off the streets and engaged in more holistic wellness activity.” He said it serves kids in “essentially kind of the forgotten part of Oakland, where a lot of poverty, crime, violence and negative activities happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the episode, the Currys delivered a box-truck full of supplies and revealed the surprise check, donated by the show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully it goes a long way, man,” Steph Curry told Howard as the two men hugged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a devastating moment for our community but one that EOBA had been preparing for,” the organization said in a statement shortly after the charges were announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12029450 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BoxingGetty-1020x701.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Founded in 1987, \u003ca href=\"https://www.eoba.org/youth-programs\">EOBA\u003c/a> offers boxing lessons to children and young adults, and provides a range of other youth development programming, including gardening, cooking and academic support. Most participants come from lower-income backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The kids that come to this program, they already don’t have much,” said Dawna Williams, EOBA’s interim executive director. That makes it that much harder to understand how “somebody [could] take it from them, what somebody entrusted us with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams said she was on the organization’s board of directors in 2021 when she began to notice numerous accounting irregularities. When she questioned Howard about it, he was suspiciously evasive, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were met with lots of excuses and things like that,” she said. “And that was just like, ‘Oh no, something’s not right here. Something is really off.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the board continued its probe, Howard abruptly laid off his entire staff of about nine people and then resigned, Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He terminated everyone to kind of cover his tracks, I think,” she said. “We hired an independent accounting expert to come in and review our books, because he had also terminated the bookkeeper.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like a DOGE moment here,” she added, referring to Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency.[aside postID=news_12030525 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-55804139_qed-1020x676.jpg']Williams said the board contacted the IRS in 2021, which referred the case to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew that we could not allow somebody to do this to the kids and do this to the people who trusted us with this funding,” she said. “We knew that we had to find justice here. However long it took, whatever it took, we had to find justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since leaving EOBA, Howard has become a “transformational life coach,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/solomonhoward/\">according to his LinkedIn profile\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He needs to have his day in court. And hopefully he makes some level of restitution,” Williams said. “I don’t think he’s remorseful at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said EOBA has since taken steps to ensure this will never happen again, including using an external bookkeeper and requiring multiple signatures on all checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The small mom-and-pop nonprofits, they do need to have someone who is professionally there to manage their books and have some level of oversight,” she said. “I’m happy for us to have that oversight. That just keeps us on our Ps and Qs, [so] this will never happen again for us.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former executive director of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/east-oakland\">East Oakland\u003c/a> youth boxing program pleaded guilty Wednesday in federal court to one count of mail fraud and one count of tax evasion in connection with embezzling at least $549,000 from the organization, a figure significantly higher than had been previously reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The theft included a substantial donation presented by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029450/steph-curry-surprised-oakland-youth-gym-with-50000-its-leader-kept-the-cash-feds-say\">Steph and Ayesha Curry\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after taking the helm at the East Oakland Boxing Association in late 2016, Solomon Howard — whose legal name is Howard Solomon — became an authorized signatory on the organization’s Wells Fargo bank accounts and began transferring funds and donations into personal and business accounts he controlled at other banks, according to court documents and the plea agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard, 38, used the embezzled funds and donations to pay for expenses that had no connection to his job — including a vacation rental, a new car and more than $100,000 of Amazon purchases — and falsely reported them as “program supplies” and other generic expenses, \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/SolomonHowardCharges.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to federal charges (PDF)\u003c/a> filed in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Howard acknowledged that he transferred the money without informing EOBA’s board or anyone else affiliated with the organization. He also admitted to tax evasion by failing to report the embezzled funds as income on his tax filings from 2017 through 2021, and by misstating expenses associated with two purported businesses he claimed were operating at a loss — causing an estimated $287,000 in tax losses to the IRS, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard is scheduled to be sentenced Aug. 14 by U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers. He faces a maximum sentence of 20 years in prison, a $250,000 fine or twice the gross gain from the fraud, and must pay at least $549,132 in restitution to the EOBA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard’s attorney, Randy Sue Pollock, declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960197\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960197\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-scaled.jpg\" alt='A man and a woman stand on a stage speaking with a huge banner behind the that says, \"Eat. Learn. Play.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/AP23247692842290-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Golden State Warriors’ star Stephen Curry (right) speaks next to his wife, Ayesha Curry, during a charity event at Stanford Golf Course in Stanford, Aug. 28, 2023. The Currys are major philanthropists in the Bay Area, and their Eat. Learn. Play. Foundation supports youth in Oakland, the Bay Area and beyond. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Howard also admitted to pocketing a $50,000 check that the Currys \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=2377252442587352\">presented to him in 2019\u003c/a> as part of an episode of Ellen DeGeneres’ show, “Ellen’s Greatest Night of Giveaways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the episode, Howard described the East Oakland Boxing Association as an after-school program “focused on keeping young folks off the streets and engaged in more holistic wellness activity.” He said it serves kids in “essentially kind of the forgotten part of Oakland, where a lot of poverty, crime, violence and negative activities happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the episode, the Currys delivered a box-truck full of supplies and revealed the surprise check, donated by the show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully it goes a long way, man,” Steph Curry told Howard as the two men hugged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a devastating moment for our community but one that EOBA had been preparing for,” the organization said in a statement shortly after the charges were announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Founded in 1987, \u003ca href=\"https://www.eoba.org/youth-programs\">EOBA\u003c/a> offers boxing lessons to children and young adults, and provides a range of other youth development programming, including gardening, cooking and academic support. Most participants come from lower-income backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The kids that come to this program, they already don’t have much,” said Dawna Williams, EOBA’s interim executive director. That makes it that much harder to understand how “somebody [could] take it from them, what somebody entrusted us with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams said she was on the organization’s board of directors in 2021 when she began to notice numerous accounting irregularities. When she questioned Howard about it, he was suspiciously evasive, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were met with lots of excuses and things like that,” she said. “And that was just like, ‘Oh no, something’s not right here. Something is really off.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the board continued its probe, Howard abruptly laid off his entire staff of about nine people and then resigned, Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He terminated everyone to kind of cover his tracks, I think,” she said. “We hired an independent accounting expert to come in and review our books, because he had also terminated the bookkeeper.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like a DOGE moment here,” she added, referring to Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Williams said the board contacted the IRS in 2021, which referred the case to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew that we could not allow somebody to do this to the kids and do this to the people who trusted us with this funding,” she said. “We knew that we had to find justice here. However long it took, whatever it took, we had to find justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since leaving EOBA, Howard has become a “transformational life coach,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/solomonhoward/\">according to his LinkedIn profile\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He needs to have his day in court. And hopefully he makes some level of restitution,” Williams said. “I don’t think he’s remorseful at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said EOBA has since taken steps to ensure this will never happen again, including using an external bookkeeper and requiring multiple signatures on all checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The small mom-and-pop nonprofits, they do need to have someone who is professionally there to manage their books and have some level of oversight,” she said. “I’m happy for us to have that oversight. That just keeps us on our Ps and Qs, [so] this will never happen again for us.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Where’s the Rain? After Bay Area’s Dry April, Storms Are Back in the Forecast",
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"content": "\u003cp>After an unusually \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033807/bay-area-forecast-changes-2-days-rain-beautiful-weekend\">dry April\u003c/a>, Northern California could get its first significant rainfall of the month — and last of the season — this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Weather Service is forecasting cool temperatures and light showers late this week, after much of the month has teased summertime temperatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will bring a bit of moisture to the area,” said Rachel Kennedy, a meteorologist with the weather service’s Bay Area office. “Not a whole lot of rain, but a little bit of rain as we’re starting to move into the end of our rainy season.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area has seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035963/april-showers-drop-rain-snow-possible-thunderstorms-bay-area\">only three days of rainfall\u003c/a>, totaling less than half an inch, in most places so far this month. Rainfall on Friday and Saturday could add up to a quarter-inch to April’s total, especially around the Santa Lucia and Santa Cruz mountains in the South Bay, Kennedy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Temperatures will start to slide down to the mid-60s inland and the high 50s closer to the coast on Tuesday, thanks to low cloud cover developing over Point Reyes and moving south through the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035965\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person walks on Haight Street in the rain in San Francisco on Nov. 22, 2024, during a storm bringing heavy rain and strong winds to the Bay Area. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Friday, chances for rain begin, with the weather service forecasting about a 45% likelihood of precipitation. Beginning Friday evening and extending through the end of rainfall on Saturday, there will be slim chances for thunderstorms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a dreary weekend, the clouds could part on the Bay Area’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033983/late-storms-boost-californias-snowpack-hitting-a-3-year-streak-not-seen-in-decades\">rainy season\u003c/a> for good, according to Kennedy, who said the region is headed for a big shift in the weather pattern at the start of next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this isn’t our full-on last hurrah, it’s going to be one of the last ones,” Kennedy said. “We may see a storm or two in early May, but we are not currently expecting that.”[aside postID=news_12036237 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/JupiterGetty-1020x673.jpg']The weather service expects a prolonged ridge to develop over the West Coast next Monday and Tuesday and extend through much of May, reducing the chance of any more rainfall this spring, Kennedy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The relatively dry April topped off a mixed bag of a rainy season across the region, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were in a La Niña winter, and in a La Niña winter, we do tend to see a very north and south split between areas that are above normal precipitation and areas that are below,” she said. “That’s pretty well represented in our area since we fall pretty much on the border of that split.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The North Bay saw rainfall totals up to 130% of their annual average, while San Francisco and the East Bay fell slightly short of their typical amounts. Some outliers in the South Bay hills, including the Santa Lucias and Santa Cruz mountains, got significant rainfall, but Kennedy said there’s a drop-off moving south into inland Monterey and San Benito counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our precipitation totals are much, much lower. We have sites that are 43% of normal, 50%, 57%,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the return of summer weather comes an increased risk, since California’s traditional fire season is around the corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The long-term forecasts in the Climate Prediction Center do show us trending warmer and then drier throughout our summer months, which generally is just something that we’re a little concerned with and keeping an eye on for fire season,” Kennedy said. “Especially in those areas in the interior of the Central Coast, which did not see a lot of rain this winter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After an unusually \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033807/bay-area-forecast-changes-2-days-rain-beautiful-weekend\">dry April\u003c/a>, Northern California could get its first significant rainfall of the month — and last of the season — this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Weather Service is forecasting cool temperatures and light showers late this week, after much of the month has teased summertime temperatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will bring a bit of moisture to the area,” said Rachel Kennedy, a meteorologist with the weather service’s Bay Area office. “Not a whole lot of rain, but a little bit of rain as we’re starting to move into the end of our rainy season.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area has seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035963/april-showers-drop-rain-snow-possible-thunderstorms-bay-area\">only three days of rainfall\u003c/a>, totaling less than half an inch, in most places so far this month. Rainfall on Friday and Saturday could add up to a quarter-inch to April’s total, especially around the Santa Lucia and Santa Cruz mountains in the South Bay, Kennedy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Temperatures will start to slide down to the mid-60s inland and the high 50s closer to the coast on Tuesday, thanks to low cloud cover developing over Point Reyes and moving south through the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035965\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/241122-StormHitsBayArea-27-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person walks on Haight Street in the rain in San Francisco on Nov. 22, 2024, during a storm bringing heavy rain and strong winds to the Bay Area. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Friday, chances for rain begin, with the weather service forecasting about a 45% likelihood of precipitation. Beginning Friday evening and extending through the end of rainfall on Saturday, there will be slim chances for thunderstorms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a dreary weekend, the clouds could part on the Bay Area’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033983/late-storms-boost-californias-snowpack-hitting-a-3-year-streak-not-seen-in-decades\">rainy season\u003c/a> for good, according to Kennedy, who said the region is headed for a big shift in the weather pattern at the start of next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this isn’t our full-on last hurrah, it’s going to be one of the last ones,” Kennedy said. “We may see a storm or two in early May, but we are not currently expecting that.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The weather service expects a prolonged ridge to develop over the West Coast next Monday and Tuesday and extend through much of May, reducing the chance of any more rainfall this spring, Kennedy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The relatively dry April topped off a mixed bag of a rainy season across the region, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were in a La Niña winter, and in a La Niña winter, we do tend to see a very north and south split between areas that are above normal precipitation and areas that are below,” she said. “That’s pretty well represented in our area since we fall pretty much on the border of that split.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The North Bay saw rainfall totals up to 130% of their annual average, while San Francisco and the East Bay fell slightly short of their typical amounts. Some outliers in the South Bay hills, including the Santa Lucias and Santa Cruz mountains, got significant rainfall, but Kennedy said there’s a drop-off moving south into inland Monterey and San Benito counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our precipitation totals are much, much lower. We have sites that are 43% of normal, 50%, 57%,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the return of summer weather comes an increased risk, since California’s traditional fire season is around the corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The long-term forecasts in the Climate Prediction Center do show us trending warmer and then drier throughout our summer months, which generally is just something that we’re a little concerned with and keeping an eye on for fire season,” Kennedy said. “Especially in those areas in the interior of the Central Coast, which did not see a lot of rain this winter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "rfk-jr-announced-phase-out-poisonous-food-dyes-critics-say-plan-lacks-teeth",
"title": "RFK Jr. Announced a Phase-Out of ‘Poisonous’ Food Dyes. Critics Say the Plan Lacks Teeth",
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"headTitle": "RFK Jr. Announced a Phase-Out of ‘Poisonous’ Food Dyes. Critics Say the Plan Lacks Teeth | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a> announced a major food safety initiative this week: a plan to phase out eight petroleum-based synthetic food dyes from the U.S. food supply. The policy, led by Health and Human Services Secretary \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/robert-f-kennedy-jr\">Robert F. Kennedy Jr.\u003c/a> and the Food and Drug Administration, marks a dramatic escalation in federal attention to artificial additives that health advocates say may pose risks to children’s health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a news conference, Kennedy described the plan as part of the administration’s “Make America Healthy Again” initiative, calling synthetic dyes “poisonous compounds” that offer no nutritional value. “That era is coming to an end,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FDA says it will revoke authorization for two dyes — Citrus Red No. 2 and Orange B — in the coming months, and work with manufacturers to eliminate six additional dyes by the end of 2026. These include Red 40, Yellow 5, Yellow 6, Blue 1, Blue 2 and Green 3. Red Dye No. 3, some of which California and other states have already outlawed, is also targeted for accelerated removal. The plan includes fast-tracking approval of natural alternatives like butterfly pea flower extract, gardenia blue and blue Galdieria extract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the goal of the plan is ambitious, the path to implementation is murky. Kennedy acknowledged the phase-out is based on an “understanding” with industry rather than a binding regulatory mandate. The agencies are requesting — rather than requiring — that manufacturers remove dyes from products sold in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer Reports, which has long advocated for eliminating harmful food dyes, called the policy a step in the right direction but warned it could take years to implement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037196\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037196\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CVS’s artificially colored jelly beans in Washington, DC, on March 24, 2011. \u003ccite>(Wendy Galietta/The Washington Post via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s encouraging to see the FDA working towards a ban on synthetic food dyes,” said Brian Ronholm, the organization’s director of food policy. “But this multistep plan relies on voluntary industry efforts that will simply prolong the amount of time it will take to get dangerous dyes out of our food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronholm urges states to continue adopting their own bans in the meantime. Earlier this year, West Virginia passed legislation restricting most artificial dyes, and more than two dozen other states are considering similar bills. Ronholm also raised concerns that recent staff and budget cuts at the FDA could hamper the agency’s ability to follow through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dyes in question are found in thousands of processed foods — everything from cereals to candies to beverages — primarily to enhance visual appeal. While the FDA continues to allow their use, researchers and public health experts have increasingly questioned their safety, particularly in light of newer studies linking synthetic dyes to behavioral changes in children.[aside postID=news_12035659 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/CTScanAP-1020x680.jpg']“It’s a slam dunk that some kids are being harmed by these toxic chemicals,” said Scott Faber, senior vice president for government affairs for the Environmental Working Group, a national environmental health organization. “It makes them less prepared to learn. And that is not only terrible for those kids, it makes everything harder for all the other kids in that classroom and the teachers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, California’s Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment released a comprehensive \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/media/downloads/risk-assessment/report/healthefftsassess041621.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">review (PDF)\u003c/a> of the scientific literature and concluded that synthetic food dyes can negatively affect neurobehavior in some children, especially those with ADHD. The agency determined that the safe intake levels set by the FDA for the additives may not sufficiently protect children because the animal studies used to set these levels were not designed for — or even capable of — detecting neurobehavioral impacts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That research helped lay the groundwork for \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2316\">California’s School Food Safety Act\u003c/a>, which bans six synthetic dyes from public school meals beginning in 2027. And the food industry must \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB418\">remove Red 3\u003c/a> — which has been banned in the European Union, the United Kingdom and China — in all products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups are already raising alarms about the new federal announcement. “There are not enough alternatives available to replace these products,” the International Association of Color Manufacturers said in a statement. “Supply chains will take an estimated five to 10 years to catch up and require importing more expensive ingredients grown in China, India and Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the political will behind the new plan appears strong. Kennedy’s move gives the Trump administration a headline-grabbing, bipartisan health reform — one that signals both skepticism of corporate food practices and responsiveness to growing parental concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether it results in meaningful improvements to public health — or stalls under legal and logistical challenges — remains to be seen. But with California leading and momentum building in other states, this could be the moment the U.S. rethinks the chemicals behind its rainbow-hued snacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "RFK Jr. says the era of petroleum-based dyes is ending. But with no firm mandate, watchdogs worry the FDA’s plan to clean up food could rely too much on industry goodwill.",
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"title": "RFK Jr. Announced a Phase-Out of ‘Poisonous’ Food Dyes. Critics Say the Plan Lacks Teeth | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a> announced a major food safety initiative this week: a plan to phase out eight petroleum-based synthetic food dyes from the U.S. food supply. The policy, led by Health and Human Services Secretary \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/robert-f-kennedy-jr\">Robert F. Kennedy Jr.\u003c/a> and the Food and Drug Administration, marks a dramatic escalation in federal attention to artificial additives that health advocates say may pose risks to children’s health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a news conference, Kennedy described the plan as part of the administration’s “Make America Healthy Again” initiative, calling synthetic dyes “poisonous compounds” that offer no nutritional value. “That era is coming to an end,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FDA says it will revoke authorization for two dyes — Citrus Red No. 2 and Orange B — in the coming months, and work with manufacturers to eliminate six additional dyes by the end of 2026. These include Red 40, Yellow 5, Yellow 6, Blue 1, Blue 2 and Green 3. Red Dye No. 3, some of which California and other states have already outlawed, is also targeted for accelerated removal. The plan includes fast-tracking approval of natural alternatives like butterfly pea flower extract, gardenia blue and blue Galdieria extract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the goal of the plan is ambitious, the path to implementation is murky. Kennedy acknowledged the phase-out is based on an “understanding” with industry rather than a binding regulatory mandate. The agencies are requesting — rather than requiring — that manufacturers remove dyes from products sold in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer Reports, which has long advocated for eliminating harmful food dyes, called the policy a step in the right direction but warned it could take years to implement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037196\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037196\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FoodDyeGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CVS’s artificially colored jelly beans in Washington, DC, on March 24, 2011. \u003ccite>(Wendy Galietta/The Washington Post via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s encouraging to see the FDA working towards a ban on synthetic food dyes,” said Brian Ronholm, the organization’s director of food policy. “But this multistep plan relies on voluntary industry efforts that will simply prolong the amount of time it will take to get dangerous dyes out of our food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronholm urges states to continue adopting their own bans in the meantime. Earlier this year, West Virginia passed legislation restricting most artificial dyes, and more than two dozen other states are considering similar bills. Ronholm also raised concerns that recent staff and budget cuts at the FDA could hamper the agency’s ability to follow through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dyes in question are found in thousands of processed foods — everything from cereals to candies to beverages — primarily to enhance visual appeal. While the FDA continues to allow their use, researchers and public health experts have increasingly questioned their safety, particularly in light of newer studies linking synthetic dyes to behavioral changes in children.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s a slam dunk that some kids are being harmed by these toxic chemicals,” said Scott Faber, senior vice president for government affairs for the Environmental Working Group, a national environmental health organization. “It makes them less prepared to learn. And that is not only terrible for those kids, it makes everything harder for all the other kids in that classroom and the teachers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, California’s Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment released a comprehensive \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/media/downloads/risk-assessment/report/healthefftsassess041621.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">review (PDF)\u003c/a> of the scientific literature and concluded that synthetic food dyes can negatively affect neurobehavior in some children, especially those with ADHD. The agency determined that the safe intake levels set by the FDA for the additives may not sufficiently protect children because the animal studies used to set these levels were not designed for — or even capable of — detecting neurobehavioral impacts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That research helped lay the groundwork for \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2316\">California’s School Food Safety Act\u003c/a>, which bans six synthetic dyes from public school meals beginning in 2027. And the food industry must \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB418\">remove Red 3\u003c/a> — which has been banned in the European Union, the United Kingdom and China — in all products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups are already raising alarms about the new federal announcement. “There are not enough alternatives available to replace these products,” the International Association of Color Manufacturers said in a statement. “Supply chains will take an estimated five to 10 years to catch up and require importing more expensive ingredients grown in China, India and Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the political will behind the new plan appears strong. Kennedy’s move gives the Trump administration a headline-grabbing, bipartisan health reform — one that signals both skepticism of corporate food practices and responsiveness to growing parental concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether it results in meaningful improvements to public health — or stalls under legal and logistical challenges — remains to be seen. But with California leading and momentum building in other states, this could be the moment the U.S. rethinks the chemicals behind its rainbow-hued snacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Bill to Reform Controversial California Environmental Law Clears First Legislative Hurdle",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:57 a.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill to exempt some housing projects from a controversial California law that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033092/housing-legislation-snips-away-californias-red-tape\">pro-building activists blame for slowing down development\u003c/a> cleared its first legislative hurdle this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, the State Assembly’s Natural Resources Committee approved AB 609, introduced by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Berkeley), which would exempt infill housing projects built within existing cities from review under the California Environmental Quality Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why does it take so long to build housing in California? CEQA, the California Environmental Quality Act, America’s premier environmental protection law, which for over 50 years has helped slow or stall countless bad projects that would have harmed the environment,” Wicks said during the hearing. “But it’s a very blunt tool. And in that time, it has also helped slow or stall countless good projects as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Originally passed in 1970, the landmark law requires developers to study any potential impact their project might have on the environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent years, CEQA has become a political lightning rod as housing activists have \u003ca href=\"https://cayimby.org/blog/how-nimbys-hijacked-ceqa/\">argued it has been used to slow or stop housing projects\u003c/a> from moving forward, while defenders \u003ca href=\"https://ceqaworks.org/ceqa-and-housing/\">say it hasn’t played a major role in deterring housing production\u003c/a> in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037002 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California State Capitol on Feb. 19, 2009, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>AB 609 is part of a package of bills authored by several legislators seeking to remove red tape at almost every step of the housing development process. SB 607, authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, would remove some of the work required by CEQA that proponents say is redundant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not everyone is on board with the proposed changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just have blinders on in terms of how much good CEQA — and looking at the environmental reviews — has done to preserve safety and safety for water and safety from fire,” said Susan Kirsch, president of Catalysts for Local Control.[aside postID=news_12033092 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/construction072011_qed-1020x645.jpg']Her group argues that local communities should have a say in what gets built in their neighborhoods. She said the bills from Wicks and Wiener take away power from local residents and give it to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The danger we’re running into is that the state is continuing to try to do things from the top-down, one-size-fits-all point of view and that some of these things should be left to local decision-making with local zoning and local wisdom and stewardship,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 609 now heads to the Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development for its next hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Lewis, a spokesperson for pro-housing group California YIMBY, said he felt optimistic about AB 609, but that any effort to reform CEQA would face strong opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Former Gov. Jerry Brown called CEQA reform ‘the lord’s work’ and there’s a reason that he framed it that way,” he said. “I would anticipate that, while this first hurdle is important, I don’t think it’s going to be the last one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:57 a.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill to exempt some housing projects from a controversial California law that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033092/housing-legislation-snips-away-californias-red-tape\">pro-building activists blame for slowing down development\u003c/a> cleared its first legislative hurdle this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, the State Assembly’s Natural Resources Committee approved AB 609, introduced by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Berkeley), which would exempt infill housing projects built within existing cities from review under the California Environmental Quality Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why does it take so long to build housing in California? CEQA, the California Environmental Quality Act, America’s premier environmental protection law, which for over 50 years has helped slow or stall countless bad projects that would have harmed the environment,” Wicks said during the hearing. “But it’s a very blunt tool. And in that time, it has also helped slow or stall countless good projects as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Originally passed in 1970, the landmark law requires developers to study any potential impact their project might have on the environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent years, CEQA has become a political lightning rod as housing activists have \u003ca href=\"https://cayimby.org/blog/how-nimbys-hijacked-ceqa/\">argued it has been used to slow or stop housing projects\u003c/a> from moving forward, while defenders \u003ca href=\"https://ceqaworks.org/ceqa-and-housing/\">say it hasn’t played a major role in deterring housing production\u003c/a> in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037002 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/saccapitoldome090911_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California State Capitol on Feb. 19, 2009, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>AB 609 is part of a package of bills authored by several legislators seeking to remove red tape at almost every step of the housing development process. SB 607, authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, would remove some of the work required by CEQA that proponents say is redundant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not everyone is on board with the proposed changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just have blinders on in terms of how much good CEQA — and looking at the environmental reviews — has done to preserve safety and safety for water and safety from fire,” said Susan Kirsch, president of Catalysts for Local Control.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Her group argues that local communities should have a say in what gets built in their neighborhoods. She said the bills from Wicks and Wiener take away power from local residents and give it to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The danger we’re running into is that the state is continuing to try to do things from the top-down, one-size-fits-all point of view and that some of these things should be left to local decision-making with local zoning and local wisdom and stewardship,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 609 now heads to the Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development for its next hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Lewis, a spokesperson for pro-housing group California YIMBY, said he felt optimistic about AB 609, but that any effort to reform CEQA would face strong opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Former Gov. Jerry Brown called CEQA reform ‘the lord’s work’ and there’s a reason that he framed it that way,” he said. “I would anticipate that, while this first hurdle is important, I don’t think it’s going to be the last one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This \u003ca href=\"https://publichealthwatch.org/2025/04/22/secret-deal-in-california-would-weaken-regulations-for-oil-refineries/\">article\u003c/a> was originally published by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://publichealthwatch.org/\">\u003cem>Public Health Watch\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a nonprofit investigative news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 6, 2012, a corroded, eight-inch pipe at Chevron’s oil refinery in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/richmond\">Richmond\u003c/a> cracked open, sending a white cloud hundreds of feet into the air. The cloud quickly engulfed the 19 refinery firefighters, managers and other workers who had been trying to fix what had been a small leak in the pipe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them went to ground, unable to see past their hands; most ran or crawled out of the way. Then the vapor ignited, trapping a firefighter in a truck. He, too, ran out, through what eyewitnesses called a wall of flame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was just the beginning. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/73746/new-photos-chevron-refinery-fire-and-its-aftermath\">The fire burned for hours\u003c/a>; the smoke choked the Bay Area for days. Fifteen thousand people sought medical care for breathing problems and exposure to the toxic plume; hospitals admitted 20, including one refinery worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Chemical Safety Board investigators \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/assets/1/17/chevron_final_investigation_report_2015-01-28.pdf?15397\">concluded\u003c/a> that the fire could have been prevented if Chevron had heeded its own inspectors’ pleas to replace the decaying pipe, and if federal and California regulations had mandated better safety practices. Then-Gov. Jerry Brown convened a working group of 13 state agencies and departments to appraise the safety of California’s refineries, clustered in the Bay Area and Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The safety measures rolled out over the next five years were among the strongest in the nation, giving workers unprecedented power to halt operations they felt were unsafe. Other rules were designed to protect communities near refineries from accidental chemical releases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037033\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1586px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037033 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PHOTO-2-Chevron-RUPTURED-PIPELINE-CSB.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1586\" height=\"1084\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PHOTO-2-Chevron-RUPTURED-PIPELINE-CSB.png 1586w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PHOTO-2-Chevron-RUPTURED-PIPELINE-CSB-800x547.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PHOTO-2-Chevron-RUPTURED-PIPELINE-CSB-1020x697.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PHOTO-2-Chevron-RUPTURED-PIPELINE-CSB-160x109.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PHOTO-2-Chevron-RUPTURED-PIPELINE-CSB-1536x1050.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1586px) 100vw, 1586px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Aug. 6, 2012, fire at the Chevron oil refinery in Richmond, California, began near the rupture of this 8-inch pipe, shown in this photo included in the U.S. Chemical Safety Board’s final investigative report. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of U.S. Chemical Safety Board)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, more than 12 years after the Chevron fire, regulators are poised to weaken two key regulations that had been challenged in court by the Western States Petroleum Association, or WSPA, a trade association that lobbies heavily in California. A settlement of two lawsuits reached behind closed doors in September calls for easing some of those rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union leaders and community advocates — who were excluded from the settlement negotiations — say the proposed changes would put workers and the public at greater risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be looking at the possibility of rolling back these regulations is dangerous and alarming for our communities,” said Marie Choi, communications director for the Asian Pacific Environmental Network, or APEN, a watchdog group. “We can’t let industry write the rules.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.google.com/maps/d/u/1/embed?mid=1IWp_ArXOUH-HGhBlVqnqw8n3IFJPXAs&ehbc=2E312F&noprof=1\" width=\"675\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Environmental Protection Agency, known as CalEPA, set a Tuesday deadline to \u003ca href=\"https://calepa.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Final-CalARP-Notice-of-Proposed-Rulemaking.pdf\">accept public comment\u003c/a> on proposed changes to its accidental release program. The agency will make an internal decision afterward on whether to accept the changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the state’s Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board, part of the Department of Industrial Relations, or DIR, is independently considering changes to safety rules affecting workers. A decision by the board may not come until 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalEPA said that the revisions are needed to provide clarity and consistency in applying the rules.[aside postID=news_12036242 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/ValeroBenicia-1020x765.jpg']“Petroleum refineries have stated that certain terms and provisions of the [accidental release program] regulations are vague and confusing, making it difficult for them to comply,” the agency wrote in a statement accompanying the proposed amendments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement to \u003cem>Public Health Watch\u003c/em>, a spokeswoman for DIR wrote that the agency and CalEPA “remain committed to protecting refinery workers and ensuring refinery operations meet all safety and environmental standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta, whose office represented the state in the two lawsuits, responded to requests for comment from \u003cem>Public Health Watch\u003c/em> by referring the questions to the affected agencies. WSPA did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moves have left environmental and labor advocates questioning the transparency of the negotiations. Lawyers for the Steelworkers were asked to sign off on the settlement of the lawsuit last September. They refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, our biggest thing was that we were left out of a process in which we had the right to participate,” said Mike Smith, who heads the Steelworkers’ National Oil Bargaining Program in Pittsburgh and was a union staff representative for six years at Local 5 in Martinez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t understand how this happened,” said Julia May, a senior scientist with Communities for a Better Environment, an advocacy group that helped craft the original process safety management rule. “We’ve had a bad history of [refinery] accidents in California due to cutting corners on maintenance, due to not listening to the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Read the full story at \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://publichealthwatch.org/\">\u003cem>Public Health Watch\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This \u003ca href=\"https://publichealthwatch.org/2025/04/22/secret-deal-in-california-would-weaken-regulations-for-oil-refineries/\">article\u003c/a> was originally published by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://publichealthwatch.org/\">\u003cem>Public Health Watch\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a nonprofit investigative news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 6, 2012, a corroded, eight-inch pipe at Chevron’s oil refinery in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/richmond\">Richmond\u003c/a> cracked open, sending a white cloud hundreds of feet into the air. The cloud quickly engulfed the 19 refinery firefighters, managers and other workers who had been trying to fix what had been a small leak in the pipe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them went to ground, unable to see past their hands; most ran or crawled out of the way. Then the vapor ignited, trapping a firefighter in a truck. He, too, ran out, through what eyewitnesses called a wall of flame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was just the beginning. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/73746/new-photos-chevron-refinery-fire-and-its-aftermath\">The fire burned for hours\u003c/a>; the smoke choked the Bay Area for days. Fifteen thousand people sought medical care for breathing problems and exposure to the toxic plume; hospitals admitted 20, including one refinery worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Chemical Safety Board investigators \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/assets/1/17/chevron_final_investigation_report_2015-01-28.pdf?15397\">concluded\u003c/a> that the fire could have been prevented if Chevron had heeded its own inspectors’ pleas to replace the decaying pipe, and if federal and California regulations had mandated better safety practices. Then-Gov. Jerry Brown convened a working group of 13 state agencies and departments to appraise the safety of California’s refineries, clustered in the Bay Area and Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The safety measures rolled out over the next five years were among the strongest in the nation, giving workers unprecedented power to halt operations they felt were unsafe. Other rules were designed to protect communities near refineries from accidental chemical releases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037033\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1586px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037033 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PHOTO-2-Chevron-RUPTURED-PIPELINE-CSB.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1586\" height=\"1084\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PHOTO-2-Chevron-RUPTURED-PIPELINE-CSB.png 1586w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PHOTO-2-Chevron-RUPTURED-PIPELINE-CSB-800x547.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PHOTO-2-Chevron-RUPTURED-PIPELINE-CSB-1020x697.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PHOTO-2-Chevron-RUPTURED-PIPELINE-CSB-160x109.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PHOTO-2-Chevron-RUPTURED-PIPELINE-CSB-1536x1050.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1586px) 100vw, 1586px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Aug. 6, 2012, fire at the Chevron oil refinery in Richmond, California, began near the rupture of this 8-inch pipe, shown in this photo included in the U.S. Chemical Safety Board’s final investigative report. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of U.S. Chemical Safety Board)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, more than 12 years after the Chevron fire, regulators are poised to weaken two key regulations that had been challenged in court by the Western States Petroleum Association, or WSPA, a trade association that lobbies heavily in California. A settlement of two lawsuits reached behind closed doors in September calls for easing some of those rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union leaders and community advocates — who were excluded from the settlement negotiations — say the proposed changes would put workers and the public at greater risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be looking at the possibility of rolling back these regulations is dangerous and alarming for our communities,” said Marie Choi, communications director for the Asian Pacific Environmental Network, or APEN, a watchdog group. “We can’t let industry write the rules.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.google.com/maps/d/u/1/embed?mid=1IWp_ArXOUH-HGhBlVqnqw8n3IFJPXAs&ehbc=2E312F&noprof=1\" width=\"675\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Environmental Protection Agency, known as CalEPA, set a Tuesday deadline to \u003ca href=\"https://calepa.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Final-CalARP-Notice-of-Proposed-Rulemaking.pdf\">accept public comment\u003c/a> on proposed changes to its accidental release program. The agency will make an internal decision afterward on whether to accept the changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the state’s Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board, part of the Department of Industrial Relations, or DIR, is independently considering changes to safety rules affecting workers. A decision by the board may not come until 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalEPA said that the revisions are needed to provide clarity and consistency in applying the rules.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Petroleum refineries have stated that certain terms and provisions of the [accidental release program] regulations are vague and confusing, making it difficult for them to comply,” the agency wrote in a statement accompanying the proposed amendments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement to \u003cem>Public Health Watch\u003c/em>, a spokeswoman for DIR wrote that the agency and CalEPA “remain committed to protecting refinery workers and ensuring refinery operations meet all safety and environmental standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta, whose office represented the state in the two lawsuits, responded to requests for comment from \u003cem>Public Health Watch\u003c/em> by referring the questions to the affected agencies. WSPA did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moves have left environmental and labor advocates questioning the transparency of the negotiations. Lawyers for the Steelworkers were asked to sign off on the settlement of the lawsuit last September. They refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, our biggest thing was that we were left out of a process in which we had the right to participate,” said Mike Smith, who heads the Steelworkers’ National Oil Bargaining Program in Pittsburgh and was a union staff representative for six years at Local 5 in Martinez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t understand how this happened,” said Julia May, a senior scientist with Communities for a Better Environment, an advocacy group that helped craft the original process safety management rule. “We’ve had a bad history of [refinery] accidents in California due to cutting corners on maintenance, due to not listening to the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Read the full story at \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://publichealthwatch.org/\">\u003cem>Public Health Watch\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For many people, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/google\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Google\u003c/a> search is the default, as obvious and unremarkable as water is to fish. That could soon change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, the U.S. Department of Justice and a group of states,\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-moves-join-federal-lawsuit-against-google\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> later joined by California\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/press-release/file/1328941/dl\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">accused Google\u003c/a> of illegally stifling competition by paying to have its search engine as the default on web browsers and phones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the complaint, the DOJ argued, “Largely as a result of Google’s exclusionary agreements and anticompetitive conduct, Google in recent years has accounted for nearly 90 percent of all general-search-engine queries in the United States, and almost 95 percent of queries on mobile devices.” Google’s monopoly in general search services thus provided the company “extraordinary power as the gateway to the internet, which it uses to promote its own web content and increase its profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, U.S. District Judge Amit Mehta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906758/will-the-government-break-up-google\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">agreed\u003c/a>, ruling after a 10-week trial that “Google is a monopolist, and it has acted as one to maintain its monopoly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, during a remedies phase expected to stretch over several weeks, attorneys for the Justice Department and Google will present competing visions of how to remedy the company’s monopolistic behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Google search case, in my opinion, is the most important case about the Internet since the Internet was invented,” said Doha Mekki, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/atr/staff-profile/doha-mekki-acting-assistant-attorney-general\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">formerly a top antitrust official at the DOJ\u003c/a>, and currently a senior fellow at UC Berkeley’s Center for Consumer Law and Economic Justice. “The idea that we have to trust all of our innovation and ingenuity to this small set of companies is actually deeply un-American.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999023\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After a judge ruled that Google held an illegal monopoly on search, legal analysts are split on whether the case will break up the company or influence other antitrust lawsuits. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During her decade-long tenure at the Justice Department, Mekki had a front-row seat to a series of major antitrust cases the agency has pursued since the first Trump Administration, including cases against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036411/googles-ad-dominance-is-illegal-federal-judge-rules\">Google over its advertising technology\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035855/metas-purchased-dominance-social-media-ftc-trial\">Facebook\u003c/a> over its purchases of WhatsApp and Instagram.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mekki argues this Google antitrust case comes at a pivotal moment when large tech companies are jostling for a lead position in the development of generative artificial intelligence. “AI has done nothing to disturb the Internet search monopoly. ChatGPT has not displaced Google search,” Mekki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silicon Valley giant has already said it will appeal. “The U.S. Department of Justice’s 2020 search distribution lawsuit is a backwards-looking case at a time of intense \u003ca href=\"https://storage.googleapis.com/gweb-uniblog-publish-prod/documents/AI_has_Transformed_the_Tech_Industry_-_Google_Docs.pdf\">competition\u003c/a> and unprecedented innovation. With new services like ChatGPT (and foreign competitors like DeepSeek) thriving, DOJ’s sweeping remedy proposals are both unnecessary and harmful,” Lee-Anne Mulholland, Google’s Vice President for Regulatory Affairs, \u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/outreach-initiatives/public-policy/doj-search-remedies-apr-2025/\">wrote\u003c/a> in a blog post.[aside postID=news_12036411 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481-1020x703.jpg']In the company’s early days, Google’s search service was widely praised for its credibility. But over time, the company began to prioritize ad revenue, and its highly profitable advertising business has been powered by data harvested from user activity on Google Search and Chrome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly three decades since Larry Page and Sergey Brin launched Google as a research project at Stanford University, the company has drawn criticism because of its practice of topping search results with paid product placements and even \u003ca href=\"https://www.malwarebytes.com/blog/scams/2024/04/google-ad-for-facebook-redirects-to-scam\">scam links\u003c/a>. “We heard throughout the investigation and trial of this case that Internet search is not what it used to be, that the Google search page is now more littered with ads, and there’s more routing to Google’s products and services,” Mekki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ is seeking strong remedies to address Google’s unlawful monopoly in the online search market, including proposing that Google be required to sell its Chrome browser and barring Google from entering into agreements that set its search engine as the default on devices and browsers, such as those it has with Apple. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems like a bad idea to have people paying tens of billions of dollars to buy placement of their search engines,” said Mark Lemley, who teaches intellectual property, antitrust and internet law at Stanford Law School. “We’d probably be better off in a world in which Apple couldn’t just auction off to the highest bidder what search engine you were going to use. But Apple’s not the defendant in this case. Google is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lemley added that Judge Mehta’s challenge is to respond to a search market where there aren’t many viable alternatives to Google search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lemley argues that the court might consider giving consumers a choice screen from which they can select Google or one of its rivals, like Bing. “My guess is most people choose Google, and so it’s not obvious that the Google monopoly in search is much diminished if that happens, but at least we’re giving [consumers] an option up front.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Google faces a possible breakup in another landmark antitrust case. The decision could shake up internet search and send shockwaves through the tech world.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For many people, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/google\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Google\u003c/a> search is the default, as obvious and unremarkable as water is to fish. That could soon change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, the U.S. Department of Justice and a group of states,\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-moves-join-federal-lawsuit-against-google\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> later joined by California\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/press-release/file/1328941/dl\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">accused Google\u003c/a> of illegally stifling competition by paying to have its search engine as the default on web browsers and phones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the complaint, the DOJ argued, “Largely as a result of Google’s exclusionary agreements and anticompetitive conduct, Google in recent years has accounted for nearly 90 percent of all general-search-engine queries in the United States, and almost 95 percent of queries on mobile devices.” Google’s monopoly in general search services thus provided the company “extraordinary power as the gateway to the internet, which it uses to promote its own web content and increase its profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, U.S. District Judge Amit Mehta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906758/will-the-government-break-up-google\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">agreed\u003c/a>, ruling after a 10-week trial that “Google is a monopolist, and it has acted as one to maintain its monopoly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, during a remedies phase expected to stretch over several weeks, attorneys for the Justice Department and Google will present competing visions of how to remedy the company’s monopolistic behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Google search case, in my opinion, is the most important case about the Internet since the Internet was invented,” said Doha Mekki, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/atr/staff-profile/doha-mekki-acting-assistant-attorney-general\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">formerly a top antitrust official at the DOJ\u003c/a>, and currently a senior fellow at UC Berkeley’s Center for Consumer Law and Economic Justice. “The idea that we have to trust all of our innovation and ingenuity to this small set of companies is actually deeply un-American.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999023\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After a judge ruled that Google held an illegal monopoly on search, legal analysts are split on whether the case will break up the company or influence other antitrust lawsuits. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During her decade-long tenure at the Justice Department, Mekki had a front-row seat to a series of major antitrust cases the agency has pursued since the first Trump Administration, including cases against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036411/googles-ad-dominance-is-illegal-federal-judge-rules\">Google over its advertising technology\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035855/metas-purchased-dominance-social-media-ftc-trial\">Facebook\u003c/a> over its purchases of WhatsApp and Instagram.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mekki argues this Google antitrust case comes at a pivotal moment when large tech companies are jostling for a lead position in the development of generative artificial intelligence. “AI has done nothing to disturb the Internet search monopoly. ChatGPT has not displaced Google search,” Mekki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silicon Valley giant has already said it will appeal. “The U.S. Department of Justice’s 2020 search distribution lawsuit is a backwards-looking case at a time of intense \u003ca href=\"https://storage.googleapis.com/gweb-uniblog-publish-prod/documents/AI_has_Transformed_the_Tech_Industry_-_Google_Docs.pdf\">competition\u003c/a> and unprecedented innovation. With new services like ChatGPT (and foreign competitors like DeepSeek) thriving, DOJ’s sweeping remedy proposals are both unnecessary and harmful,” Lee-Anne Mulholland, Google’s Vice President for Regulatory Affairs, \u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/outreach-initiatives/public-policy/doj-search-remedies-apr-2025/\">wrote\u003c/a> in a blog post.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the company’s early days, Google’s search service was widely praised for its credibility. But over time, the company began to prioritize ad revenue, and its highly profitable advertising business has been powered by data harvested from user activity on Google Search and Chrome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly three decades since Larry Page and Sergey Brin launched Google as a research project at Stanford University, the company has drawn criticism because of its practice of topping search results with paid product placements and even \u003ca href=\"https://www.malwarebytes.com/blog/scams/2024/04/google-ad-for-facebook-redirects-to-scam\">scam links\u003c/a>. “We heard throughout the investigation and trial of this case that Internet search is not what it used to be, that the Google search page is now more littered with ads, and there’s more routing to Google’s products and services,” Mekki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ is seeking strong remedies to address Google’s unlawful monopoly in the online search market, including proposing that Google be required to sell its Chrome browser and barring Google from entering into agreements that set its search engine as the default on devices and browsers, such as those it has with Apple. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems like a bad idea to have people paying tens of billions of dollars to buy placement of their search engines,” said Mark Lemley, who teaches intellectual property, antitrust and internet law at Stanford Law School. “We’d probably be better off in a world in which Apple couldn’t just auction off to the highest bidder what search engine you were going to use. But Apple’s not the defendant in this case. Google is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lemley added that Judge Mehta’s challenge is to respond to a search market where there aren’t many viable alternatives to Google search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lemley argues that the court might consider giving consumers a choice screen from which they can select Google or one of its rivals, like Bing. “My guess is most people choose Google, and so it’s not obvious that the Google monopoly in search is much diminished if that happens, but at least we’re giving [consumers] an option up front.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "wall-war-vet-fight-land-one-familys-50-year-battle-livermore",
"title": "A Wall, a War Vet and a Fight for Land: One Family’s 50-Year Battle in Livermore",
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"headTitle": "A Wall, a War Vet and a Fight for Land: One Family’s 50-Year Battle in Livermore | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tashenia Pearson’s street in Livermore looks like a postcard for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> suburban dream — wide driveways, manicured lawns, flags fluttering in the breeze. Evergreen trees lean over fences and neighborhood kids splash in backyard pools year-round.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Pearson, the tranquility is a facade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like I’m in the 1920s in Mississippi,” she said one warm afternoon in March as she sat on her front patio under the shade of a wooden pergola. “Not California in 2025.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to a 6-foot wall of cement blocks that runs along the side of her property, dividing her home from the neighbors next door. The gray wall leans to the side. Behind it sits more than 700 square feet of land she owns but has never been allowed to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearson pays property taxes on the land she’s been fighting to reclaim for the past five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wall on Pearson’s lot is part of a bigger story — and a long history — of exclusion, belonging and repair. In the Bay Area and America, owning land is a foundation for wealth and mobility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the first state to establish both a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparations task force\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://tribalaffairs.ca.gov/cthc/\">truth and healing council\u003c/a> for Indigenous residents, California is grappling with its legacy of racist land seizures — a reckoning reflected in settlements like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">Section 14 in Palm Springs\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956963/how-black-californians-had-their-land-stolen\">Bruce’s Beach in Manhattan Beach\u003c/a>, and recent land returns to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956856/how-a-coast-miwok-group-are-buying-back-a-piece-of-their-ancestral-land-in-marin\">tribes like the Coast Miwok in Marin\u003c/a>. In Livermore, a wealthy city built on unceded Ohlone land that once excluded Black families, the history of land dispossession is playing out in a suburban backyard dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035415 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"804\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-800x322.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1020x410.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-160x64.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1536x617.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1920x772.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Tashenia Pearson’s home in Livermore photographed in the 1980’s. Right: Tashenia Pearson and her brother Robert play on swings in their backyard in 1975 in front of the wall that was illegally built on their property. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Tashenia Pearson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This story begins in 1971, when Lacerial and Opaline Pearson bought the four-bedroom, mid-century ranch-style home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacerial, an Alabama native, served two decades in the U.S. Army and fought in the Korean War. After an honorable discharge, he and Opaline moved to Stockton in the late 1960s. Lacerial took a job driving a mail truck for the United States Postal Service in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a boom time in Livermore, with neighborhoods sprouting across former farmland and construction reshaping the once-sleepy suburb. The expansion of Interstate 580 turned the rural town into a destination for families. Developers such as H.C. Elliott advertised full-sized lots in desirable neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacerial wanted a shorter commute and Opaline, who was raised in Oklahoma, desired fruit trees and a pool. Using a Department of Veterans Affairs loan, they became the first Black family in the subdivision.[aside postID=news_11956963 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/LandTakenthumb_1-1020x574.png']But when the Pearsons moved in, they discovered a wall had been built just a few feet from their house, cutting off nearly a third of their side yard — land they owned — and giving it to the house next door. Their neighbors claimed to have a “recreational easement” over the land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Easements are typically tools for shared use, according to Eli Moore, a property law and racial exclusion expert at UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually, an easement is about allowing limited access — like using someone’s driveway to reach your house or a conservation easement restricting development,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, people are very creative with how they perpetuate racism,” said Moore, adding that after the Fair Housing Act passed in 1968, developers and realtors devised covert ways to exclude Black families, like raising prices or steering them to certain neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An easement can allow owners to share their property for recreational use. It generally does not include the right to build on the land or to block the property owner from using it. Pearson unraveled the story of how her family’s land was appropriated through meticulous research and documents she found in her parents’ safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035412\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035412\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1363\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-800x545.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-1020x695.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-1536x1047.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-1920x1308.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lacerial Pearson (center left), Tashenia Pearson’s father, in Wonju, Korea, in 1951. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Months before the Pearsons arrived in March 1971, the neighboring property — also built by H.C. Elliott — was sold. The sale explicitly included an easement extending 7 feet into what would become the Pearsons’ property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet five months later, when the Pearsons bought their home from H.C. Elliott, their deed made no mention of the easement. In a letter to the \u003cem>Oakland Tribune\u003c/em>, Opaline pleaded for help. “We find we are paying taxes on the seven feet which we cannot use,” she wrote. “We were not informed about this easement before we purchased the home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wrote to the VA, saying the wall was not in their deed or in the plans they had reviewed. The VA agreed — it should be removed. H.C. Elliott, the builder, promised it would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t. H.C. Elliott, now Elliott Homes, Inc., did not respond for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two years of trying to get the wall removed, Lacerial and Opaline Pearson signed paperwork formalizing the easement and wall agreement with their neighbors — effectively cementing a loss they were forced to accept. The document cites “valuable consideration,” but it’s unclear what, if anything, they received in return — or why they agreed to sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035411 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The boundary between Tashenia Pearson’s property (left) and her neighbors’ (right). Pearson says the lamp post represents the true property line and that her neighbors’ wall and fencing were built 7 feet into her property. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pearson, a toddler at the time, now believes they did it out of resignation, not genuine consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were from the Jim Crow South,” Pearson, who turns 55 on Tuesday, said of her parents. “They weren’t just going to give away their land. They must’ve felt they had no choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Livermore has a history of racism. In 1968, three years before the Pearsons moved in, residents packed a Livermore City Council meeting to talk about race. According to archived meeting minutes viewed by KQED, Black residents described being told, “We do not rent to Negroes” or “I personally have nothing against Negroes, but the other tenants would not like it.” One speaker said it was widely known in the community that some builders refused to sell to Black families.[aside postID=news_11991098 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']Pearson recalled frequently being called the N-word as a child by a boy on her street. She said their Christmas decorations were smashed, bikes were stolen and their house was egged. Opaline, who helped found the first Black church in Livermore, talked constantly about getting their land back — of lazy afternoons with family, lounging in a pool. But the surveyor she hired in the 1980s was denied access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember the look on my mom’s face — disappointment,” Pearson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wall stood for the rest of her parents’ lives, just three feet from their side window, tilting a little more with each passing decade. Her mother never built the pool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opaline passed away in 2003, Lacerial in 2012. Pearson returned from Houston, where she was raising her son, to care for her parents in their final years. Pearson and her brother inherited the property, and in 2019, her brother signed over his share, making her the sole owner. She began remodeling, with thoughts of potentially selling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During renovations, she looked into removing the wall. By then, the neighbors had installed an outdoor shower against the wall, causing water to flood onto Pearson’s side. The city told her she’d need a surveyor to confirm the property lines. But when she shared her plan to survey the property — and possibly rebuild the wall — her new neighbors, Jenelle and Ryan Watson, refused to let the surveyor onto their property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035410\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035410 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The side of Tashenia Pearson’s home in Livermore. Because of the wall separating Pearson’s property from the neighbors’, there isn’t enough room to install a side gate. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, Pearson filed a civil suit in Alameda County to assert her rights to conduct a survey. Using aerial and underground imaging, the survey ultimately confirmed the property boundaries. Pearson discovered she was paying property taxes and insurance on land that extended far beyond the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A structural evaluation commissioned as part of the civil suit found the wall to be dangerously unstable in 2022. In 2023, an arbitrator in the civil case ruled that the 1973 easement agreement was binding and ordered Pearson and the Watsons to share responsibility for maintaining the wall. The arbitration, however, left unresolved Pearson’s key concerns about the wall’s safety and potential code violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, tensions between the neighbors escalated. The Watsons expanded their use of the easement, adding fences, sprinklers and landscaping — actions Pearson contested as unauthorized. Pearson said the Watsons installed floodlights that shone onto her property. The couple accused her of harassment and filed for a restraining order. She filed a counterclaim. A judge granted the Watsons’ in part and denied Pearson’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenelle Watson, in an email, said she and her husband have used their land in accordance with the exclusive recreational easement that was part of their deed when they purchased the home in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This dispute has been about property rights and easement use,” Watson told KQED. “I’ve addressed everything through legal channels. I do not believe race has played any role in this matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watson said she simply wants to protect her property rights and has followed the legal process, noting that similar easement agreements and exclusive-use provisions exist in other properties within their tract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035413\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035413 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tashenia Pearson and her brother Robert play in the snow in their front yard in Livermore in 1976. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pearson has repeatedly appealed to Livermore officials for inspections and enforcement. In 2022, the city ordered the Watsons to remove a lattice topper they had installed on the wall, as it exceeded height regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, the city of Livermore stated that, while it does not typically inspect private property, city inspectors examined the wall in 2021 and 2022 and found no structural or safety risks. The city stated that, since the California Building Code exempts walls that do not exceed 6 feet, it does not believe it is responsible for requiring a permit or repairing the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the original issue of why Lacerial and Opaline’s 1971 deed contained no mention of an easement, the city said grant deeds and easements are out of its purview. “The easement should have been disclosed,” the city said. “We do not know why this did not occur.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearson feels stuck. If she rents her home, she’s worried about liability — what if the wall falls onto her electrical line? If she sells, she can’t imagine a buyer paying full price. She’s racked up debt paying attorney fees throughout the lengthy dispute.[aside postID=news_12005251 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Hannah-Waiters-1020x765.jpg']“It’s hurtful to not be treated equally,” she said. “I’m 50-something years old and I’m still dealing with this. It’s embarrassing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, a new law firm, Sethi Orchid Minor LLP, took Pearson’s case. Rahul Sethi, who specializes in property law, said it’s one of the most complex easement disputes he’s seen. The reason he wanted to get involved is the history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a whole connection to the past,” he said. “I see it as this open sore that just hasn’t been dealt with in 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oshea Orchid, another attorney at the firm, put it more bluntly: “In our view, this is how systemic discrimination just continues on,” she said. What seemed like a small issue in 1971 changed the Pearsons’ lives dramatically, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Builders, the city — they thought they could get away with this because it’s easier to push around minorities who can’t easily fight back,” she added. “This is how generational wealth is denied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035409\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The wall separating Tashenia Pearson’s property from her neighbors’. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pearson carries on with quiet determination, guided by her parents’ memory and a steadfast belief that justice, however delayed, will come. Inside the home she shares with her 27-year-old son, the walls are lined with her father’s medals from the Korean War. There’s a painted portrait of her mother, commissioned by a local artist, and a photo of Pearson and her brother playing in the backyard as children, next to her son’s framed abstract artwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, the wall stands as a symbol of decades of unresolved racial injustice in a city where Black residents have never made up more than 2% of the population. The Pearson family’s story is about more than property lines. It’s about who is heard when they say something was taken from them, and who is told to move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My parents paid for something they never stepped foot on,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.anyaviolet.com\">\u003cem>Anya Schultz\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is an investigative reporter and audio producer based in the Bay Area. She was awarded the Pulitzer Prize in 2023 for her work on the investigative series \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://peabodyawards.com/award-profile/stolen-surviving-st-michaels/\">\u003cem>Stolen: Surviving St. Michael’s\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "A Wall, a War Vet and a Fight for Land: One Family’s 50-Year Battle in Livermore | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tashenia Pearson’s street in Livermore looks like a postcard for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> suburban dream — wide driveways, manicured lawns, flags fluttering in the breeze. Evergreen trees lean over fences and neighborhood kids splash in backyard pools year-round.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Pearson, the tranquility is a facade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like I’m in the 1920s in Mississippi,” she said one warm afternoon in March as she sat on her front patio under the shade of a wooden pergola. “Not California in 2025.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to a 6-foot wall of cement blocks that runs along the side of her property, dividing her home from the neighbors next door. The gray wall leans to the side. Behind it sits more than 700 square feet of land she owns but has never been allowed to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearson pays property taxes on the land she’s been fighting to reclaim for the past five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wall on Pearson’s lot is part of a bigger story — and a long history — of exclusion, belonging and repair. In the Bay Area and America, owning land is a foundation for wealth and mobility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the first state to establish both a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparations task force\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://tribalaffairs.ca.gov/cthc/\">truth and healing council\u003c/a> for Indigenous residents, California is grappling with its legacy of racist land seizures — a reckoning reflected in settlements like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">Section 14 in Palm Springs\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956963/how-black-californians-had-their-land-stolen\">Bruce’s Beach in Manhattan Beach\u003c/a>, and recent land returns to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956856/how-a-coast-miwok-group-are-buying-back-a-piece-of-their-ancestral-land-in-marin\">tribes like the Coast Miwok in Marin\u003c/a>. In Livermore, a wealthy city built on unceded Ohlone land that once excluded Black families, the history of land dispossession is playing out in a suburban backyard dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035415 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"804\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-800x322.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1020x410.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-160x64.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1536x617.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1920x772.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Tashenia Pearson’s home in Livermore photographed in the 1980’s. Right: Tashenia Pearson and her brother Robert play on swings in their backyard in 1975 in front of the wall that was illegally built on their property. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Tashenia Pearson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This story begins in 1971, when Lacerial and Opaline Pearson bought the four-bedroom, mid-century ranch-style home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacerial, an Alabama native, served two decades in the U.S. Army and fought in the Korean War. After an honorable discharge, he and Opaline moved to Stockton in the late 1960s. Lacerial took a job driving a mail truck for the United States Postal Service in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a boom time in Livermore, with neighborhoods sprouting across former farmland and construction reshaping the once-sleepy suburb. The expansion of Interstate 580 turned the rural town into a destination for families. Developers such as H.C. Elliott advertised full-sized lots in desirable neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacerial wanted a shorter commute and Opaline, who was raised in Oklahoma, desired fruit trees and a pool. Using a Department of Veterans Affairs loan, they became the first Black family in the subdivision.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But when the Pearsons moved in, they discovered a wall had been built just a few feet from their house, cutting off nearly a third of their side yard — land they owned — and giving it to the house next door. Their neighbors claimed to have a “recreational easement” over the land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Easements are typically tools for shared use, according to Eli Moore, a property law and racial exclusion expert at UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually, an easement is about allowing limited access — like using someone’s driveway to reach your house or a conservation easement restricting development,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, people are very creative with how they perpetuate racism,” said Moore, adding that after the Fair Housing Act passed in 1968, developers and realtors devised covert ways to exclude Black families, like raising prices or steering them to certain neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An easement can allow owners to share their property for recreational use. It generally does not include the right to build on the land or to block the property owner from using it. Pearson unraveled the story of how her family’s land was appropriated through meticulous research and documents she found in her parents’ safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035412\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035412\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1363\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-800x545.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-1020x695.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-1536x1047.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-1920x1308.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lacerial Pearson (center left), Tashenia Pearson’s father, in Wonju, Korea, in 1951. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Months before the Pearsons arrived in March 1971, the neighboring property — also built by H.C. Elliott — was sold. The sale explicitly included an easement extending 7 feet into what would become the Pearsons’ property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet five months later, when the Pearsons bought their home from H.C. Elliott, their deed made no mention of the easement. In a letter to the \u003cem>Oakland Tribune\u003c/em>, Opaline pleaded for help. “We find we are paying taxes on the seven feet which we cannot use,” she wrote. “We were not informed about this easement before we purchased the home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wrote to the VA, saying the wall was not in their deed or in the plans they had reviewed. The VA agreed — it should be removed. H.C. Elliott, the builder, promised it would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t. H.C. Elliott, now Elliott Homes, Inc., did not respond for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two years of trying to get the wall removed, Lacerial and Opaline Pearson signed paperwork formalizing the easement and wall agreement with their neighbors — effectively cementing a loss they were forced to accept. The document cites “valuable consideration,” but it’s unclear what, if anything, they received in return — or why they agreed to sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035411 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The boundary between Tashenia Pearson’s property (left) and her neighbors’ (right). Pearson says the lamp post represents the true property line and that her neighbors’ wall and fencing were built 7 feet into her property. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pearson, a toddler at the time, now believes they did it out of resignation, not genuine consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were from the Jim Crow South,” Pearson, who turns 55 on Tuesday, said of her parents. “They weren’t just going to give away their land. They must’ve felt they had no choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Livermore has a history of racism. In 1968, three years before the Pearsons moved in, residents packed a Livermore City Council meeting to talk about race. According to archived meeting minutes viewed by KQED, Black residents described being told, “We do not rent to Negroes” or “I personally have nothing against Negroes, but the other tenants would not like it.” One speaker said it was widely known in the community that some builders refused to sell to Black families.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Pearson recalled frequently being called the N-word as a child by a boy on her street. She said their Christmas decorations were smashed, bikes were stolen and their house was egged. Opaline, who helped found the first Black church in Livermore, talked constantly about getting their land back — of lazy afternoons with family, lounging in a pool. But the surveyor she hired in the 1980s was denied access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember the look on my mom’s face — disappointment,” Pearson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wall stood for the rest of her parents’ lives, just three feet from their side window, tilting a little more with each passing decade. Her mother never built the pool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opaline passed away in 2003, Lacerial in 2012. Pearson returned from Houston, where she was raising her son, to care for her parents in their final years. Pearson and her brother inherited the property, and in 2019, her brother signed over his share, making her the sole owner. She began remodeling, with thoughts of potentially selling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During renovations, she looked into removing the wall. By then, the neighbors had installed an outdoor shower against the wall, causing water to flood onto Pearson’s side. The city told her she’d need a surveyor to confirm the property lines. But when she shared her plan to survey the property — and possibly rebuild the wall — her new neighbors, Jenelle and Ryan Watson, refused to let the surveyor onto their property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035410\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035410 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The side of Tashenia Pearson’s home in Livermore. Because of the wall separating Pearson’s property from the neighbors’, there isn’t enough room to install a side gate. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, Pearson filed a civil suit in Alameda County to assert her rights to conduct a survey. Using aerial and underground imaging, the survey ultimately confirmed the property boundaries. Pearson discovered she was paying property taxes and insurance on land that extended far beyond the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A structural evaluation commissioned as part of the civil suit found the wall to be dangerously unstable in 2022. In 2023, an arbitrator in the civil case ruled that the 1973 easement agreement was binding and ordered Pearson and the Watsons to share responsibility for maintaining the wall. The arbitration, however, left unresolved Pearson’s key concerns about the wall’s safety and potential code violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, tensions between the neighbors escalated. The Watsons expanded their use of the easement, adding fences, sprinklers and landscaping — actions Pearson contested as unauthorized. Pearson said the Watsons installed floodlights that shone onto her property. The couple accused her of harassment and filed for a restraining order. She filed a counterclaim. A judge granted the Watsons’ in part and denied Pearson’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenelle Watson, in an email, said she and her husband have used their land in accordance with the exclusive recreational easement that was part of their deed when they purchased the home in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This dispute has been about property rights and easement use,” Watson told KQED. “I’ve addressed everything through legal channels. I do not believe race has played any role in this matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watson said she simply wants to protect her property rights and has followed the legal process, noting that similar easement agreements and exclusive-use provisions exist in other properties within their tract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035413\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035413 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tashenia Pearson and her brother Robert play in the snow in their front yard in Livermore in 1976. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pearson has repeatedly appealed to Livermore officials for inspections and enforcement. In 2022, the city ordered the Watsons to remove a lattice topper they had installed on the wall, as it exceeded height regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, the city of Livermore stated that, while it does not typically inspect private property, city inspectors examined the wall in 2021 and 2022 and found no structural or safety risks. The city stated that, since the California Building Code exempts walls that do not exceed 6 feet, it does not believe it is responsible for requiring a permit or repairing the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the original issue of why Lacerial and Opaline’s 1971 deed contained no mention of an easement, the city said grant deeds and easements are out of its purview. “The easement should have been disclosed,” the city said. “We do not know why this did not occur.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearson feels stuck. If she rents her home, she’s worried about liability — what if the wall falls onto her electrical line? If she sells, she can’t imagine a buyer paying full price. She’s racked up debt paying attorney fees throughout the lengthy dispute.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s hurtful to not be treated equally,” she said. “I’m 50-something years old and I’m still dealing with this. It’s embarrassing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, a new law firm, Sethi Orchid Minor LLP, took Pearson’s case. Rahul Sethi, who specializes in property law, said it’s one of the most complex easement disputes he’s seen. The reason he wanted to get involved is the history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a whole connection to the past,” he said. “I see it as this open sore that just hasn’t been dealt with in 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oshea Orchid, another attorney at the firm, put it more bluntly: “In our view, this is how systemic discrimination just continues on,” she said. What seemed like a small issue in 1971 changed the Pearsons’ lives dramatically, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Builders, the city — they thought they could get away with this because it’s easier to push around minorities who can’t easily fight back,” she added. “This is how generational wealth is denied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035409\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The wall separating Tashenia Pearson’s property from her neighbors’. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pearson carries on with quiet determination, guided by her parents’ memory and a steadfast belief that justice, however delayed, will come. Inside the home she shares with her 27-year-old son, the walls are lined with her father’s medals from the Korean War. There’s a painted portrait of her mother, commissioned by a local artist, and a photo of Pearson and her brother playing in the backyard as children, next to her son’s framed abstract artwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, the wall stands as a symbol of decades of unresolved racial injustice in a city where Black residents have never made up more than 2% of the population. The Pearson family’s story is about more than property lines. It’s about who is heard when they say something was taken from them, and who is told to move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My parents paid for something they never stepped foot on,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.anyaviolet.com\">\u003cem>Anya Schultz\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is an investigative reporter and audio producer based in the Bay Area. She was awarded the Pulitzer Prize in 2023 for her work on the investigative series \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://peabodyawards.com/award-profile/stolen-surviving-st-michaels/\">\u003cem>Stolen: Surviving St. Michael’s\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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}
},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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}
},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.cityarts.net/",
"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
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