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"content": "\u003cp>A few times a week, I FaceTime my dad to check in. He’s in Boston; I’m in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/berkeley\">Berkeley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lately, I’ve been trying to speak to him in his native language, Mandarin Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wǎn shàng hǎo,” I say. \u003cem>Good evening\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He answers quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nǐ zài gàn shénme?” he asks. \u003cem>What are you doing?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I know what I want to say: “I’m doing homework.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’ve learned that word before, but it disappears the moment I need it. I can feel him waiting while I rack my brain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, I stumble through the sentence in a mixture of Chinese and English: Chinglish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’ve been wondering for a long time why I never learned to speak my heritage language fluently. I’m trying my best, but I can’t help but feel like I’m a failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking complete sentences in Mandarin is new for me. Until a few months ago, I could barely do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou and her dad, Zou Yongan, in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square during their first visit to China in 2003. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anna Zou)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My mom is a white American. My dad is from a small town in Hubei Province, China. After meeting my mom while they were both teaching English at Yangtze University, he moved to the U.S. in 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they were expecting me, my dad imagined raising a bilingual child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have the roots in Chinese culture,” he would say. “Ideally, I expect you to be in both cultures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first few years of my life, my dad spoke to me exclusively in Mandarin. However, like many other American-born children of immigrants, my dad said we ran into one roadblock.[aside postID=news_12086123 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/1.png']“When I would speak Chinese to you, even when you understood, you were always responding in English.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He assumed I would become bilingual naturally. Instead, I resisted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a kid, I obviously didn’t understand what I was rejecting. I felt out of place at weekend Chinese school as the only biracial kid in class. The other students’ parents were both native Mandarin speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simultaneously, I wanted to fit in with the kids from my elementary school, whose parents were both native English speakers. They spent their weekends playing instead of memorizing characters. To me, learning Chinese was an onerous obligation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of my earliest memories is sitting on my dad’s lap in the back of a Chinese school classroom, crying over a textbook I couldn’t understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I remember feeling embarrassed, like I was already failing at something I was supposed to inherit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As I got older, my dad stopped speaking Mandarin to me altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We then communicated mostly in English, talking about practical things like rides or schedules. But now that I’m in my twenties and my dad is getting older, I’ve started wanting something more: a closer relationship with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou speaks in Mandarin with her father on a FaceTime call from her home in Berkeley on June 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sometimes I wondered if my rejection of his language felt, to him, like a rejection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last semester, while attending graduate school at UC Berkeley, I enrolled in a Chinese for Heritage Speakers course. The class was designed for students who grew up hearing Mandarin at home but never fully learned to read or write it. For some students, it’s an easy A. For me, it was anything but.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One assignment required us to record two-minute video blogs in Mandarin. For the first vlog, I did more than 30 takes — I kept mixing up shū, meaning “book,” and shù, meaning “tree.” Every mistake felt like proof that I was light-years behind everyone else in the class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But my professor, Cai Weisi, known to her students as Cai Laoshi — “Teacher Cai” — said many of her heritage speaker students share similar feelings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086578\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086578\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou sits at her home in Berkeley on June 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After more than 15 years of teaching the course, she’s heard countless stories from students who grew up resenting weekend language schools or feeling ashamed of not speaking fluently. They’ve shaped how she’s raising her own daughter to learn Mandarin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the very beginning, I already decided to not send her to any Chinese school,” she told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pushing children too hard, she said, can sometimes drive them away from their heritage languages altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hearing that felt validating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086583\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou holds a photo of her grandparents at her home in Berkeley on June 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I wasn’t the only one struggling. One of Cai Laoshi’s past students, Sofia Guo, told me her first Mandarin vlogs mortified her. But as her language skills improved, she said her relationship with her parents did too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can see my parents as people, adults who have their own personalities and they express themselves better in Chinese than in English. Of course, they could say all those same things in English … but you can see it on their faces. They light up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listening to her, I realized I wasn’t just missing a connection with my dad. I was missing a connection with an entire side of my family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, whenever my dad called relatives in China, I was too ashamed of my Mandarin to chat. Three months into my class, I decided to try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087639\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087639\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou (right) with her dad’s older sister, or Gugu, at her house in their hometown of Songzi, China during the summer of 2007. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anna Zou)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My dad called his older sister, my gūgu, who still lives in our family’s hometown of Songzi. Her internet connection was spotty, and her accent is different from the Mandarin I learned in school. But for the first time in a while, I could understand enough to keep up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I told her I wanted to visit China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Huānyíng nǐ huí jiā,” she said. We will welcome you back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I always knew Songzi was where my family came from. What surprised me was realizing that my relatives there considered it my home, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before we hung up, my aunt told me my Chinese sounded good, and my dad agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087637\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087637\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1360\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED-1536x1044.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou on her dad’s shoulders at a traditional Chinese courtyard hotel in Beijing, 2007. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anna Zou)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My dad and I are far from having deep philosophical conversations in Mandarin. I’m still a beginner — I forget words and mispronounce tones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But my dad said something has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a while, I felt like we were a little distant,” he told me. “Now I feel like you’re getting closer to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This Father’s Day, I’ll tell my dad something I’ve never been able to tell him before in his native language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>爸爸，父亲节快乐。bābā, fùqīn jié kuàilè\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Happy Father’s Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A few times a week, I FaceTime my dad to check in. He’s in Boston; I’m in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/berkeley\">Berkeley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lately, I’ve been trying to speak to him in his native language, Mandarin Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wǎn shàng hǎo,” I say. \u003cem>Good evening\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He answers quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nǐ zài gàn shénme?” he asks. \u003cem>What are you doing?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I know what I want to say: “I’m doing homework.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’ve learned that word before, but it disappears the moment I need it. I can feel him waiting while I rack my brain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, I stumble through the sentence in a mixture of Chinese and English: Chinglish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’ve been wondering for a long time why I never learned to speak my heritage language fluently. I’m trying my best, but I can’t help but feel like I’m a failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking complete sentences in Mandarin is new for me. Until a few months ago, I could barely do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-tiananmen-square-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou and her dad, Zou Yongan, in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square during their first visit to China in 2003. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anna Zou)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My mom is a white American. My dad is from a small town in Hubei Province, China. After meeting my mom while they were both teaching English at Yangtze University, he moved to the U.S. in 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they were expecting me, my dad imagined raising a bilingual child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have the roots in Chinese culture,” he would say. “Ideally, I expect you to be in both cultures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first few years of my life, my dad spoke to me exclusively in Mandarin. However, like many other American-born children of immigrants, my dad said we ran into one roadblock.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When I would speak Chinese to you, even when you understood, you were always responding in English.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He assumed I would become bilingual naturally. Instead, I resisted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a kid, I obviously didn’t understand what I was rejecting. I felt out of place at weekend Chinese school as the only biracial kid in class. The other students’ parents were both native Mandarin speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simultaneously, I wanted to fit in with the kids from my elementary school, whose parents were both native English speakers. They spent their weekends playing instead of memorizing characters. To me, learning Chinese was an onerous obligation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of my earliest memories is sitting on my dad’s lap in the back of a Chinese school classroom, crying over a textbook I couldn’t understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I remember feeling embarrassed, like I was already failing at something I was supposed to inherit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As I got older, my dad stopped speaking Mandarin to me altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We then communicated mostly in English, talking about practical things like rides or schedules. But now that I’m in my twenties and my dad is getting older, I’ve started wanting something more: a closer relationship with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou speaks in Mandarin with her father on a FaceTime call from her home in Berkeley on June 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sometimes I wondered if my rejection of his language felt, to him, like a rejection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last semester, while attending graduate school at UC Berkeley, I enrolled in a Chinese for Heritage Speakers course. The class was designed for students who grew up hearing Mandarin at home but never fully learned to read or write it. For some students, it’s an easy A. For me, it was anything but.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One assignment required us to record two-minute video blogs in Mandarin. For the first vlog, I did more than 30 takes — I kept mixing up shū, meaning “book,” and shù, meaning “tree.” Every mistake felt like proof that I was light-years behind everyone else in the class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But my professor, Cai Weisi, known to her students as Cai Laoshi — “Teacher Cai” — said many of her heritage speaker students share similar feelings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086578\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086578\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou sits at her home in Berkeley on June 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After more than 15 years of teaching the course, she’s heard countless stories from students who grew up resenting weekend language schools or feeling ashamed of not speaking fluently. They’ve shaped how she’s raising her own daughter to learn Mandarin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the very beginning, I already decided to not send her to any Chinese school,” she told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pushing children too hard, she said, can sometimes drive them away from their heritage languages altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hearing that felt validating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086583\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260605-FathersDay-13-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou holds a photo of her grandparents at her home in Berkeley on June 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I wasn’t the only one struggling. One of Cai Laoshi’s past students, Sofia Guo, told me her first Mandarin vlogs mortified her. But as her language skills improved, she said her relationship with her parents did too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can see my parents as people, adults who have their own personalities and they express themselves better in Chinese than in English. Of course, they could say all those same things in English … but you can see it on their faces. They light up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listening to her, I realized I wasn’t just missing a connection with my dad. I was missing a connection with an entire side of my family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, whenever my dad called relatives in China, I was too ashamed of my Mandarin to chat. Three months into my class, I decided to try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087639\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087639\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-gugu-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou (right) with her dad’s older sister, or Gugu, at her house in their hometown of Songzi, China during the summer of 2007. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anna Zou)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My dad called his older sister, my gūgu, who still lives in our family’s hometown of Songzi. Her internet connection was spotty, and her accent is different from the Mandarin I learned in school. But for the first time in a while, I could understand enough to keep up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I told her I wanted to visit China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Huānyíng nǐ huí jiā,” she said. We will welcome you back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I always knew Songzi was where my family came from. What surprised me was realizing that my relatives there considered it my home, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before we hung up, my aunt told me my Chinese sounded good, and my dad agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087637\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087637\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1360\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/me-and-dad-in-beijing2-KQED-1536x1044.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Zou on her dad’s shoulders at a traditional Chinese courtyard hotel in Beijing, 2007. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anna Zou)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My dad and I are far from having deep philosophical conversations in Mandarin. I’m still a beginner — I forget words and mispronounce tones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But my dad said something has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a while, I felt like we were a little distant,” he told me. “Now I feel like you’re getting closer to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This Father’s Day, I’ll tell my dad something I’ve never been able to tell him before in his native language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>爸爸，父亲节快乐。bābā, fùqīn jié kuàilè\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Happy Father’s Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "new-commission-takes-aim-at-californias-broken-public-defense-system",
"title": "New Commission Takes Aim at California’s Broken Public Defense System",
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"headTitle": "New Commission Takes Aim at California’s Broken Public Defense System | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new commission made up of legislators, public defenders, academics and advocates seeks to push \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> — one of just two states that don’t pay for basic public defense — to begin providing resources and enforcing minimum standards for county public defender systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Independent Commission on Public Defense includes three assemblymembers and two senators — among them Jesse Arreguín and Nick Schultz, chairs of the Senate and Assembly Public Safety Committees — as well as chief public defenders from several counties, retired judges, the directors of criminal justice nonprofits, and the heads of organizations representing thousands of defense attorneys in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have discussed the problem of our public defense system for years,” said Schultz, a Democrat from Burbank and former prosecutor who has sponsored legislation to improve public defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal is to “move past discussion and study, and come up with an actionable road map of what we need to do to really build out the robust public defense infrastructure that Californians are rightfully entitled to,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commissioners plan to develop a five-year plan to phase in state funding, along with enforceable standards like caseload limits and access to defense investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023544\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023544\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Jesse Arreguín speaks during a press conference with leaders from community groups throughout Alameda County in the Fruitvale neighborhood of Oakland on Jan. 22, 2025, to discuss support for immigrant families in the Bay Area after President Donald Trump promised mass deportations. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/public-defense-investigators/\">CalMatters investigation last year\u003c/a> found that criminal defendants across the state are routinely convicted without anyone investigating the charges against them, significantly increasing the likelihood of wrongful convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many California counties \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/public-defense-investigators-takeaways/\">do not employ a single defense investigator\u003c/a> who can interview witnesses, review police reports, visit crime scenes and retrieve video surveillance footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/12/the-walmart-of-public-defense/\">also found\u003c/a> that lawyers in some rural counties are handling caseloads that far exceed even the most permissive standards, making them less likely than other defense attorneys to challenge the prosecution’s evidence in legal motions and take their cases to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the state has resisted stepping in. After a proposed bill that would have created an official state commission to address the issue was abandoned, two advocacy groups, the Wren Collective and UC Berkeley’s Criminal Law and Justice Center, decided to form an independent commission and began assembling participants who could develop and act on reforms.[aside postID=news_12088076 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/250418-SFPDFile-01-BL_qed.jpg']These types of commissions, which have facilitated significant improvements in other states’ public defender systems, are usually established by the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It became clear that this was an issue that was not a high priority for Sacramento, especially during a budget crisis,” said Chesa Boudin, the Berkeley center’s founding director and a former San Francisco district attorney. It also became clear, Boudin said, that “there was a tremendous gap between what experts understood to be the crisis and the public perception of California government as a kind of progressive leader in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decades since the U.S. Supreme Court established the right to an attorney in state court criminal proceedings, California has saddled its counties with the responsibility of providing lawyers to poor people accused of crimes. Many of those counties have opted for the cheapest path: paying private lawyers and firms a flat fee to represent indigent defendants, regardless of how many cases they handle or how much time they spend on each case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got some offices that have an incredibly high caliber of representation that they can provide, and you have other offices that are doing these flat-fee contracts where the quality has been documented to be pretty bad,” said Eve Brensike Primus, a law professor at the University of Michigan. Primus is the only member of the new commission from outside of California. She was asked to join because of her extensive research and writing about the structure of indigent defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An indigent defense commission in Michigan, which was formed by the legislature in 2013, has led to significant reforms and a substantial influx in state funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11930102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1408774696.jpg\" alt=\"A young white man with a beard stands in a blue suit outside a gray building\" width=\"1024\" height=\"705\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1408774696.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1408774696-800x551.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1408774696-1020x702.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1408774696-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former District Attorney Chesa Boudin is seen outside the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on Dec. 30, 2020. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California commission’s work, Primus said, can serve “as a catalyst for political actors to do the right thing and start to fund and improve indigent defense delivery, or as fodder for lawsuits that then can try to get the judiciary to push the political actors to do what is necessary to provide for effective representation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission is scheduled to hold its first in-person meeting, which will be open to the public, in Berkeley in October, with additional meetings planned for Los Angeles, the Central Valley and Northern California over the next 12 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commissioners say they will work in subcommittees in-between these quarterly sessions to develop a concrete fiscal plan for the state, draft legislative language, and establish minimum standards for how counties should structure their public defender offices, compensate their attorneys, provide access to experts, and report on their work. Any recommendations would then need to be approved by the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/06/california-public-defense-commission/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new commission made up of legislators, public defenders, academics and advocates seeks to push \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> — one of just two states that don’t pay for basic public defense — to begin providing resources and enforcing minimum standards for county public defender systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Independent Commission on Public Defense includes three assemblymembers and two senators — among them Jesse Arreguín and Nick Schultz, chairs of the Senate and Assembly Public Safety Committees — as well as chief public defenders from several counties, retired judges, the directors of criminal justice nonprofits, and the heads of organizations representing thousands of defense attorneys in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have discussed the problem of our public defense system for years,” said Schultz, a Democrat from Burbank and former prosecutor who has sponsored legislation to improve public defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal is to “move past discussion and study, and come up with an actionable road map of what we need to do to really build out the robust public defense infrastructure that Californians are rightfully entitled to,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commissioners plan to develop a five-year plan to phase in state funding, along with enforceable standards like caseload limits and access to defense investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023544\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023544\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Jesse Arreguín speaks during a press conference with leaders from community groups throughout Alameda County in the Fruitvale neighborhood of Oakland on Jan. 22, 2025, to discuss support for immigrant families in the Bay Area after President Donald Trump promised mass deportations. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/public-defense-investigators/\">CalMatters investigation last year\u003c/a> found that criminal defendants across the state are routinely convicted without anyone investigating the charges against them, significantly increasing the likelihood of wrongful convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many California counties \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/public-defense-investigators-takeaways/\">do not employ a single defense investigator\u003c/a> who can interview witnesses, review police reports, visit crime scenes and retrieve video surveillance footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/12/the-walmart-of-public-defense/\">also found\u003c/a> that lawyers in some rural counties are handling caseloads that far exceed even the most permissive standards, making them less likely than other defense attorneys to challenge the prosecution’s evidence in legal motions and take their cases to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the state has resisted stepping in. After a proposed bill that would have created an official state commission to address the issue was abandoned, two advocacy groups, the Wren Collective and UC Berkeley’s Criminal Law and Justice Center, decided to form an independent commission and began assembling participants who could develop and act on reforms.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>These types of commissions, which have facilitated significant improvements in other states’ public defender systems, are usually established by the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It became clear that this was an issue that was not a high priority for Sacramento, especially during a budget crisis,” said Chesa Boudin, the Berkeley center’s founding director and a former San Francisco district attorney. It also became clear, Boudin said, that “there was a tremendous gap between what experts understood to be the crisis and the public perception of California government as a kind of progressive leader in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decades since the U.S. Supreme Court established the right to an attorney in state court criminal proceedings, California has saddled its counties with the responsibility of providing lawyers to poor people accused of crimes. Many of those counties have opted for the cheapest path: paying private lawyers and firms a flat fee to represent indigent defendants, regardless of how many cases they handle or how much time they spend on each case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got some offices that have an incredibly high caliber of representation that they can provide, and you have other offices that are doing these flat-fee contracts where the quality has been documented to be pretty bad,” said Eve Brensike Primus, a law professor at the University of Michigan. Primus is the only member of the new commission from outside of California. She was asked to join because of her extensive research and writing about the structure of indigent defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An indigent defense commission in Michigan, which was formed by the legislature in 2013, has led to significant reforms and a substantial influx in state funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11930102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1408774696.jpg\" alt=\"A young white man with a beard stands in a blue suit outside a gray building\" width=\"1024\" height=\"705\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1408774696.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1408774696-800x551.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1408774696-1020x702.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1408774696-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former District Attorney Chesa Boudin is seen outside the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on Dec. 30, 2020. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California commission’s work, Primus said, can serve “as a catalyst for political actors to do the right thing and start to fund and improve indigent defense delivery, or as fodder for lawsuits that then can try to get the judiciary to push the political actors to do what is necessary to provide for effective representation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission is scheduled to hold its first in-person meeting, which will be open to the public, in Berkeley in October, with additional meetings planned for Los Angeles, the Central Valley and Northern California over the next 12 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commissioners say they will work in subcommittees in-between these quarterly sessions to develop a concrete fiscal plan for the state, draft legislative language, and establish minimum standards for how counties should structure their public defender offices, compensate their attorneys, provide access to experts, and report on their work. Any recommendations would then need to be approved by the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/06/california-public-defense-commission/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco Police Audit Shows Feds ‘Improperly’ Accessed License Plate Data Hundreds of Times",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066989/california-cities-double-down-on-license-plate-readers-as-federal-surveillance-grows\">license plate reader\u003c/a> data has been improperly accessed hundreds of times by out-of-state and federal agencies since last May, police officials said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Department said that an audit of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989977/san-franciscos-new-license-plate-readers-are-leading-to-arrests-and-concerns-about-privacy\">controversial surveillance technology\u003c/a> — which some Bay Area cities have abandoned over data-sharing concerns — revealed that the Northern California Regional Intelligence Center, or NCRIC, an anti-crime organization that shares information between law enforcement agencies, repeatedly queried SFPD and more than 500 law enforcement agencies statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco introduced automated license plate readers operated by Flock Safety in 2024, and the department has credited the technology with “revolutionizing” the way it solves crimes and identifies suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the revelations from the audit have already drawn renewed scrutiny of the partnership — after cities across the Bay Area have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082887/berkeley-extends-surveillance-contract-with-flock-safety-but-rejects-major-expansion\">reconsidered\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069705/santa-cruz-the-first-in-california-to-terminate-its-contract-with-flock-safety\">terminated contracts\u003c/a> in the last year following reports that some customers’ data had been \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/06/california-police-sharing-license-plate-reader-data/\">illegally accessed by out-of-state agencies\u003c/a>, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, without their knowledge and in violation of California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a 2015 state law, California public agencies are barred from sharing license plate reader data with federal and out-of-state agencies, and they are subject to strict privacy policies on such information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Local law enforcement continue not to care, not [to] pay attention to these sensitive databases that we have,” said Brian Hofer, whose nonprofit, Secure Justice, sued Oakland over reports of illegal data sharing last year. He said the organization plans to file a separate suit over the new findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069708\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1406\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty-1536x1080.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In an aerial view, an automated license plate reader is seen mounted on a pole on June 13, 2024, in San Francisco, California. The city of San Francisco has installed 100 automated license plate readers across the city and plans to install 300 more in the coming weeks as officials look to technology to help combat crime in the city. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Civil liberties organizations have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080233/san-jose-residents-sue-city-saying-flock-safety-cameras-allow-mass-surveillance\">sued San José\u003c/a> related to its Flock cameras, alleging that the technology creates an unconstitutional “mass surveillance system.” Critics fear the data could be used against immigrants and women seeking reproductive care, as the Trump administration moves to expand deportations and limit abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flock advertises its data-sharing offerings, which allow customers to share camera data with other contracted agencies on either a national, state or one-to-one sharing level. In part, the tool is intended to increase coordination between neighboring departments, such as being able to track a suspect vehicle that travels from one jurisdiction to another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many Bay Area agencies have said that they do not participate in the “National Lookup,” and instead share their data on a one-to-one basis with neighboring departments, some have alleged that the wider sharing setting was reactivated by Flock without their knowledge, allowing out-of-state agencies to access their information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, SFPD allowed NCRIC to access its data, but said that the partner organization gave access to analysts from a third-party group, the West States Information Network, “during night hours.” SFPD Chief Derrick Lew said analysts from WSIN, an agency that provides law enforcement coordination and analytical support, conducted the searches on behalf of other agencies and did not know about California’s state law prohibiting data sharing out of state. The department has since disabled both NCRIC and WSIN’s access to the city’s camera network, Lew said.[aside postID=news_12082887 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/050726BERKELEY-FLOCK-RALLY_GH_010-KQED.jpg']Hofer said Secure Justice has been warning about illegal inquiries for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was always a known speculative concern, and for the last two-and-a-half years of doing audits, it’s been a proven concern,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NCRIC Executive Director Mike Sena said the organization’s protocol is not to share data with federal and out-of-state agencies. He said that was not part of WSIN’s protocol before the audit, but that its policies have been “corrected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a Flock spokesperson said the breach “was not the result of a software malfunction, platform issue, unauthorized access or any failure of the Flock system. It involved searches conducted by authorized users at a California state agency that were later determined to be inconsistent with California’s ALPR data-sharing requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear, according to Lew, if any of the outside organizations accessed any SFPD data. Not every query “hits,” or leads to relevant information, he explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the searches, he said, were queries related to criminal activity and “serious” crime, including homicide, child sexual abuse and drug and gun trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lew said the “queries of concern” conducted by NCRIC don’t include any that reference immigration enforcement or reproductive rights. He confirmed that the department is not aware of data being accessed by ICE or the Department of Homeland Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hofer said that doesn’t guarantee the searches weren’t conducted for a related purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just stopped putting things in writing,” he said. “Before all these public record requests and scandals started blowing up, people were actually honest. When they would do a search for ICE, they would literally type in, ‘looking for ICE, investigation number …’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, a federal law enforcement agency in Texas told local officers to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.404media.co/police-told-to-be-as-vague-as-permissible-about-why-they-use-flock/\">as “vague as permissible\u003c/a>” in their Flock database searches, instructing them to say it is for the purpose, for example, of “investigation.” Hofer said Flock has also removed features that track the name of the officer who conducts a search, and suppressed searches with terms like immigration enforcement and abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066989/california-cities-double-down-on-license-plate-readers-as-federal-surveillance-grows\">license plate reader\u003c/a> data has been improperly accessed hundreds of times by out-of-state and federal agencies since last May, police officials said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Department said that an audit of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989977/san-franciscos-new-license-plate-readers-are-leading-to-arrests-and-concerns-about-privacy\">controversial surveillance technology\u003c/a> — which some Bay Area cities have abandoned over data-sharing concerns — revealed that the Northern California Regional Intelligence Center, or NCRIC, an anti-crime organization that shares information between law enforcement agencies, repeatedly queried SFPD and more than 500 law enforcement agencies statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco introduced automated license plate readers operated by Flock Safety in 2024, and the department has credited the technology with “revolutionizing” the way it solves crimes and identifies suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the revelations from the audit have already drawn renewed scrutiny of the partnership — after cities across the Bay Area have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082887/berkeley-extends-surveillance-contract-with-flock-safety-but-rejects-major-expansion\">reconsidered\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069705/santa-cruz-the-first-in-california-to-terminate-its-contract-with-flock-safety\">terminated contracts\u003c/a> in the last year following reports that some customers’ data had been \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/06/california-police-sharing-license-plate-reader-data/\">illegally accessed by out-of-state agencies\u003c/a>, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, without their knowledge and in violation of California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a 2015 state law, California public agencies are barred from sharing license plate reader data with federal and out-of-state agencies, and they are subject to strict privacy policies on such information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Local law enforcement continue not to care, not [to] pay attention to these sensitive databases that we have,” said Brian Hofer, whose nonprofit, Secure Justice, sued Oakland over reports of illegal data sharing last year. He said the organization plans to file a separate suit over the new findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069708\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1406\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/SFFlockSafetyGetty-1536x1080.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In an aerial view, an automated license plate reader is seen mounted on a pole on June 13, 2024, in San Francisco, California. The city of San Francisco has installed 100 automated license plate readers across the city and plans to install 300 more in the coming weeks as officials look to technology to help combat crime in the city. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Civil liberties organizations have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080233/san-jose-residents-sue-city-saying-flock-safety-cameras-allow-mass-surveillance\">sued San José\u003c/a> related to its Flock cameras, alleging that the technology creates an unconstitutional “mass surveillance system.” Critics fear the data could be used against immigrants and women seeking reproductive care, as the Trump administration moves to expand deportations and limit abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flock advertises its data-sharing offerings, which allow customers to share camera data with other contracted agencies on either a national, state or one-to-one sharing level. In part, the tool is intended to increase coordination between neighboring departments, such as being able to track a suspect vehicle that travels from one jurisdiction to another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many Bay Area agencies have said that they do not participate in the “National Lookup,” and instead share their data on a one-to-one basis with neighboring departments, some have alleged that the wider sharing setting was reactivated by Flock without their knowledge, allowing out-of-state agencies to access their information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, SFPD allowed NCRIC to access its data, but said that the partner organization gave access to analysts from a third-party group, the West States Information Network, “during night hours.” SFPD Chief Derrick Lew said analysts from WSIN, an agency that provides law enforcement coordination and analytical support, conducted the searches on behalf of other agencies and did not know about California’s state law prohibiting data sharing out of state. The department has since disabled both NCRIC and WSIN’s access to the city’s camera network, Lew said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Hofer said Secure Justice has been warning about illegal inquiries for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was always a known speculative concern, and for the last two-and-a-half years of doing audits, it’s been a proven concern,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NCRIC Executive Director Mike Sena said the organization’s protocol is not to share data with federal and out-of-state agencies. He said that was not part of WSIN’s protocol before the audit, but that its policies have been “corrected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a Flock spokesperson said the breach “was not the result of a software malfunction, platform issue, unauthorized access or any failure of the Flock system. It involved searches conducted by authorized users at a California state agency that were later determined to be inconsistent with California’s ALPR data-sharing requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear, according to Lew, if any of the outside organizations accessed any SFPD data. Not every query “hits,” or leads to relevant information, he explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the searches, he said, were queries related to criminal activity and “serious” crime, including homicide, child sexual abuse and drug and gun trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lew said the “queries of concern” conducted by NCRIC don’t include any that reference immigration enforcement or reproductive rights. He confirmed that the department is not aware of data being accessed by ICE or the Department of Homeland Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hofer said that doesn’t guarantee the searches weren’t conducted for a related purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just stopped putting things in writing,” he said. “Before all these public record requests and scandals started blowing up, people were actually honest. When they would do a search for ICE, they would literally type in, ‘looking for ICE, investigation number …’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, a federal law enforcement agency in Texas told local officers to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.404media.co/police-told-to-be-as-vague-as-permissible-about-why-they-use-flock/\">as “vague as permissible\u003c/a>” in their Flock database searches, instructing them to say it is for the purpose, for example, of “investigation.” Hofer said Flock has also removed features that track the name of the officer who conducts a search, and suppressed searches with terms like immigration enforcement and abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has become a ritual in recent California elections: Officials’ warnings that with millions of vote-by-mail ballots to count, the result of many races \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">will be unclear on election night\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A shift in results as more of said vote-by-mail ballots are counted in the following days. False claims from President Donald Trump that the slow count is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077491/california-vote-by-mail-faces-legal-political-challenges-from-trump-allies\">evidence of fraud\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/10/opinion/california-slow-vote-primary.html\">Media admonishments\u003c/a> of California’s system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Add in conspiracy theories from a certain former cast member of \u003cem>The Hills,\u003c/em> and this year’s primary election followed the script to a T.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what could California actually do to speed up its vote counting process?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Boost funding\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Compared with in-person voting, counting mail-in votes takes more time and resources \u003cem>after\u003c/em> the ballots are returned. Those ballots have to be reviewed for proper signatures, opened and prepared for the count — tasks that require more workers and machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County election officials have said that with greater resources, they could expedite their count, as Gov. Gavin Newsom urged last month. The California Voter Foundation, an election advocacy group, asked for $91.1 million for election offices in the upcoming state budget, including $55.5 million to hire additional staffers, purchase equipment and add office space, and $35 million to promote early ballot returns.[aside postID=news_12087807 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250312-MATT-MAHAN-ON-PB-MD-06-KQED.jpg?ver=1741907806']“The state has done a very good job of providing voters with lots of access and lots of opportunities to vote and protections to make sure their ballot gets counted,” said Kim Alexander, the foundation’s president. “But they haven’t done a good job of giving the counties the resources that they need to implement those protections and that accessibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander pointed to the 2020 general election as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847064/inside-californias-pandemic-election-how-covid-19-changes-could-shape-the-future-of-voting\">shining example\u003c/a> of getting what you pay for. That year, with a massive infusion of federal and state dollars, saw sky-high turnout, the fastest vote count this decade and record-low rates of rejected ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it remains to be seen whether the budget that Newsom and legislative leaders are negotiating will have any new funding for election administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spending plan approved by the state Legislature this week sets aside $5 million for voter outreach and education. But Alexander said she hasn’t heard a commitment for any extra election administration dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and legislators have the rest of the month to reach a budget deal before the next fiscal year begins July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Alter voter behavior\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California law allows mailed ballots that are postmarked on Election Day to be counted even if they arrive up to a week later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not necessarily those later-arriving ballots that are to blame for the state’s vote-counting logjam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bigger issue — and representing a much larger share of votes — is the crunch of ballots that voters return on Election Day and the days before. On June 5, the Friday after Election Day, California counties reported that over 2.5 million ballots received through Election Day remained uncounted — compared to just under 400,000 received after Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think in today’s world, we are wanting more expedited results, and the way we would get those are early mail-in ballots,” Assemblymember Natasha Johnson, R-Lake Elsinore, said. “That’s the story I think we need to start telling and sharing: Vote by mail and vote early.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But voter behavior can take time to change — and it can vary in response to the contours of a particular race. In this year’s competitive primary for governor, for example, many Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">held on to their ballots\u003c/a> longer than usual as they weighed the candidates’ chances in a fast-shifting field.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enact legislative changes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some state lawmakers are looking to change the rules around mail-in voting in hopes of speeding up the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 1420 from Sen. Laura Richardson, D-San Pedro, would make it easier for counties to adopt a system known as “sign, scan and go.” The program allows voters to fill out their ballot at home, bring it to a voting location and provide their signature on the spot — a hybrid of vote-by-mail and in-person voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richardson said the bill “could potentially avoid the delay of doing the verification on the back end when it’s a part of thousands and thousands of other ballots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Placer County used the system in November 2024 and reported saving 3 1/2 days of ballot counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Matt Moreles, registrar of voters in Santa Clara County, said the program might not be a good fit for large counties like his, which had more than three times as many votes cast as rural Placer County in November 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of handing off their ballot in a signed envelope to an election worker or dropping it in a box, voters would have to line up and provide their signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You really are just trading one problem for another,” Moreles said. “Yes, you might save a little bit of time in signature checking on the back end, but you’re going to have longer lines at vote centers or polling places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreles said not enough attention is paid to the fact that voters overwhelmingly prefer to fill out their ballot at home. The pandemic that spurred California’s adoption of universal vote-by-mail has passed, and Californians are now well aware of the lag in counting that comes with voting at home, yet less than a quarter of voters statewide have returned to casting their vote at a polling place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about it this way,” Moreles said. “If you have something where 95% of my voters are choosing this as the way that they want to cast their ballot, I think that’s a resounding success, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has become a ritual in recent California elections: Officials’ warnings that with millions of vote-by-mail ballots to count, the result of many races \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">will be unclear on election night\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A shift in results as more of said vote-by-mail ballots are counted in the following days. False claims from President Donald Trump that the slow count is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077491/california-vote-by-mail-faces-legal-political-challenges-from-trump-allies\">evidence of fraud\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/10/opinion/california-slow-vote-primary.html\">Media admonishments\u003c/a> of California’s system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Add in conspiracy theories from a certain former cast member of \u003cem>The Hills,\u003c/em> and this year’s primary election followed the script to a T.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what could California actually do to speed up its vote counting process?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Boost funding\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Compared with in-person voting, counting mail-in votes takes more time and resources \u003cem>after\u003c/em> the ballots are returned. Those ballots have to be reviewed for proper signatures, opened and prepared for the count — tasks that require more workers and machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County election officials have said that with greater resources, they could expedite their count, as Gov. Gavin Newsom urged last month. The California Voter Foundation, an election advocacy group, asked for $91.1 million for election offices in the upcoming state budget, including $55.5 million to hire additional staffers, purchase equipment and add office space, and $35 million to promote early ballot returns.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The state has done a very good job of providing voters with lots of access and lots of opportunities to vote and protections to make sure their ballot gets counted,” said Kim Alexander, the foundation’s president. “But they haven’t done a good job of giving the counties the resources that they need to implement those protections and that accessibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander pointed to the 2020 general election as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847064/inside-californias-pandemic-election-how-covid-19-changes-could-shape-the-future-of-voting\">shining example\u003c/a> of getting what you pay for. That year, with a massive infusion of federal and state dollars, saw sky-high turnout, the fastest vote count this decade and record-low rates of rejected ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it remains to be seen whether the budget that Newsom and legislative leaders are negotiating will have any new funding for election administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spending plan approved by the state Legislature this week sets aside $5 million for voter outreach and education. But Alexander said she hasn’t heard a commitment for any extra election administration dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and legislators have the rest of the month to reach a budget deal before the next fiscal year begins July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Alter voter behavior\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California law allows mailed ballots that are postmarked on Election Day to be counted even if they arrive up to a week later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not necessarily those later-arriving ballots that are to blame for the state’s vote-counting logjam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bigger issue — and representing a much larger share of votes — is the crunch of ballots that voters return on Election Day and the days before. On June 5, the Friday after Election Day, California counties reported that over 2.5 million ballots received through Election Day remained uncounted — compared to just under 400,000 received after Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think in today’s world, we are wanting more expedited results, and the way we would get those are early mail-in ballots,” Assemblymember Natasha Johnson, R-Lake Elsinore, said. “That’s the story I think we need to start telling and sharing: Vote by mail and vote early.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But voter behavior can take time to change — and it can vary in response to the contours of a particular race. In this year’s competitive primary for governor, for example, many Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">held on to their ballots\u003c/a> longer than usual as they weighed the candidates’ chances in a fast-shifting field.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enact legislative changes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some state lawmakers are looking to change the rules around mail-in voting in hopes of speeding up the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 1420 from Sen. Laura Richardson, D-San Pedro, would make it easier for counties to adopt a system known as “sign, scan and go.” The program allows voters to fill out their ballot at home, bring it to a voting location and provide their signature on the spot — a hybrid of vote-by-mail and in-person voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richardson said the bill “could potentially avoid the delay of doing the verification on the back end when it’s a part of thousands and thousands of other ballots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Placer County used the system in November 2024 and reported saving 3 1/2 days of ballot counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Matt Moreles, registrar of voters in Santa Clara County, said the program might not be a good fit for large counties like his, which had more than three times as many votes cast as rural Placer County in November 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of handing off their ballot in a signed envelope to an election worker or dropping it in a box, voters would have to line up and provide their signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You really are just trading one problem for another,” Moreles said. “Yes, you might save a little bit of time in signature checking on the back end, but you’re going to have longer lines at vote centers or polling places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreles said not enough attention is paid to the fact that voters overwhelmingly prefer to fill out their ballot at home. The pandemic that spurred California’s adoption of universal vote-by-mail has passed, and Californians are now well aware of the lag in counting that comes with voting at home, yet less than a quarter of voters statewide have returned to casting their vote at a polling place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about it this way,” Moreles said. “If you have something where 95% of my voters are choosing this as the way that they want to cast their ballot, I think that’s a resounding success, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "bay-area-cities-ask-us-judge-to-block-trump-from-cutting-funds-over-dei-immigration",
"title": "Bay Area Cities Ask US Judge to Block Trump From Cutting Funds Over DEI, Immigration",
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"headTitle": "Bay Area Cities Ask US Judge to Block Trump From Cutting Funds Over DEI, Immigration | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As their budget deadline approaches, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area \u003c/a>cities asked a federal judge in San Francisco on Wednesday to temporarily block the Trump administration from denying funding over local policies linked to gender, diversity, equity and inclusion and immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara, Santa Cruz and Redwood City are among 11 California and Oregon jurisdictions suing a slew of federal departments over conditions they say are unconstitutional and designed to coerce them into adhering to the president’s policy agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs’ attorneys argue that the president’s executive orders and grant program conditions put municipalities in an “untenable” position, forced to choose between “acquiescing in unlawful conditions or forfeiting critical federal funding necessary to carry out essential public safety, public health, and environmental programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Orrick did not issue a ruling during Wednesday’s hearing, but he appeared poised to grant the municipalities’ request for a preliminary injunction — under a narrow scope. He said if the cities and counties had applied for a specific grant that had a condition related to one of the policy issues in the suit, there is a threat of harm that gives the city or county the right to bring the motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He raised questions about whether the municipalities had standing to bring a case regarding grants that they hadn’t yet applied for, signaling that he might instead plan to expand his injunction to applicable grants whenever the cities or counties do apply in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I was a municipality, I wouldn’t be all that concerned about what I am going to do,” he said during the brief hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088034\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1997px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088034\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1997\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed.jpg 1997w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1997px) 100vw, 1997px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Phillip Burton Federal Building and United States Courthouse in San Francisco, California, on March 6, 2018. \u003ccite>(Lauren Hanussak/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Orrick said he would issue a written order “as soon as possible,” after prosecuting attorney Jim Ross noted that cities and counties have to finalize their budgets for the coming fiscal year before July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit is one of many filed across the U.S. stemming from President Donald Trump’s threats to withhold federal funding from local governments that don’t comply with the administration’s policy views on diversity, equity and inclusion, gender and immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The directives — which include the “Ending Taxpayer Subsidization of Open Borders” and “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity” orders issued last year — call for the heads of federal agencies, including the Department of Homeland Security, Department of Justice and Department of Interior, to include terms in their grants and contracts that prohibit recipients from operating DEI programs and “promot[ing] gender ideology,” and require that they comply with federal immigration officials.[aside postID=news_12087600 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CoalOaklandGetty.jpg']The suit alleges that the orders’ vague and ambiguous language violates the Constitution’s Due Process and Spending clauses, and allows the administration to condition funding as a “mechanism of retaliation” against municipalities that have viewpoints or policies that don’t align with the administration’s. They also say that DHS’s updated “standard terms and conditions” require entities to violate their sanctuary policies, and other departments’ new grant and contract terms similarly restrict funding for entities that support DEI initiatives or transgender people in violation of antidiscrimination laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs have asked the court to establish that the funding conditions are unlawful and unconstitutional, and prohibit the administration from conditioning congressionally authorized funds on those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Constitution vests Congress — not the Executive — with the authority to make laws and\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>appropriate federal funds,” the suit said. “While the Executive Branch is charged with faithfully executing the laws enacted by Congress, that duty does not include the power to unilaterally rewrite or expand the statutory terms under which federal funds are awarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These actions exceed Defendants’ constitutional and statutory authority, erode the separation of powers, and disregard core constitutional and statutory protections,” it continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Santa Clara, Redwood City and Santa Cruz have sued for a preliminary injunction blocking the administration from cutting off or conditioning the use of federal funds over local policies linked to gender and sanctuary status.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As their budget deadline approaches, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area \u003c/a>cities asked a federal judge in San Francisco on Wednesday to temporarily block the Trump administration from denying funding over local policies linked to gender, diversity, equity and inclusion and immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara, Santa Cruz and Redwood City are among 11 California and Oregon jurisdictions suing a slew of federal departments over conditions they say are unconstitutional and designed to coerce them into adhering to the president’s policy agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs’ attorneys argue that the president’s executive orders and grant program conditions put municipalities in an “untenable” position, forced to choose between “acquiescing in unlawful conditions or forfeiting critical federal funding necessary to carry out essential public safety, public health, and environmental programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Orrick did not issue a ruling during Wednesday’s hearing, but he appeared poised to grant the municipalities’ request for a preliminary injunction — under a narrow scope. He said if the cities and counties had applied for a specific grant that had a condition related to one of the policy issues in the suit, there is a threat of harm that gives the city or county the right to bring the motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He raised questions about whether the municipalities had standing to bring a case regarding grants that they hadn’t yet applied for, signaling that he might instead plan to expand his injunction to applicable grants whenever the cities or counties do apply in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I was a municipality, I wouldn’t be all that concerned about what I am going to do,” he said during the brief hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088034\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1997px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088034\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1997\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed.jpg 1997w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/COURTHOUSE_007_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1997px) 100vw, 1997px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Phillip Burton Federal Building and United States Courthouse in San Francisco, California, on March 6, 2018. \u003ccite>(Lauren Hanussak/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Orrick said he would issue a written order “as soon as possible,” after prosecuting attorney Jim Ross noted that cities and counties have to finalize their budgets for the coming fiscal year before July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit is one of many filed across the U.S. stemming from President Donald Trump’s threats to withhold federal funding from local governments that don’t comply with the administration’s policy views on diversity, equity and inclusion, gender and immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The directives — which include the “Ending Taxpayer Subsidization of Open Borders” and “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity” orders issued last year — call for the heads of federal agencies, including the Department of Homeland Security, Department of Justice and Department of Interior, to include terms in their grants and contracts that prohibit recipients from operating DEI programs and “promot[ing] gender ideology,” and require that they comply with federal immigration officials.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The suit alleges that the orders’ vague and ambiguous language violates the Constitution’s Due Process and Spending clauses, and allows the administration to condition funding as a “mechanism of retaliation” against municipalities that have viewpoints or policies that don’t align with the administration’s. They also say that DHS’s updated “standard terms and conditions” require entities to violate their sanctuary policies, and other departments’ new grant and contract terms similarly restrict funding for entities that support DEI initiatives or transgender people in violation of antidiscrimination laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs have asked the court to establish that the funding conditions are unlawful and unconstitutional, and prohibit the administration from conditioning congressionally authorized funds on those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Constitution vests Congress — not the Executive — with the authority to make laws and\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>appropriate federal funds,” the suit said. “While the Executive Branch is charged with faithfully executing the laws enacted by Congress, that duty does not include the power to unilaterally rewrite or expand the statutory terms under which federal funds are awarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These actions exceed Defendants’ constitutional and statutory authority, erode the separation of powers, and disregard core constitutional and statutory protections,” it continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/east-bay\">East Bay\u003c/a> lawmakers are proposing new legislation this week in an effort to halt the Trump administration’s push to open a long-opposed export terminal in West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Lateefah Simon of Oakland filed an amendment on Tuesday that would block the use of energy and water funds for coal projects. This followed new legislation that East Bay Assemblymember Mia Bonta announced on Monday that would require a full environmental review before granting new or expanded approval of such operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislative opposition comes after President Donald Trump announced last month that he would direct $75 million toward the construction of the Oakland Bulk and Oversized Terminal — as part of a nearly $700 million investment in the country’s lagging coal industry. The funds reinvigorate efforts to open a terminal in the West Coast city, which has been opposed and delayed by Oakland residents and officials for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The beautiful people of West Oakland, Alameda, and Emeryville have fought for clean air, for their children’s health, and for their right to breathe for generations,” Bonta said in a statement on Monday. “Donald Trump used a Cold War emergency law to try to override all of that. He will not succeed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 4, Trump announced that he would direct the hundreds of millions of dollars toward keeping ailing coal facilities open, creating two new coal plants in Alaska and West Virginia, and constructing the Oakland export terminal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Oakland Army Base closed in 1999, East Bay developer Phil Tagami planned to open a bulk export facility on a portion of the site. Though initially, he said the terminal would not handle coal, in 2015, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10585739/oakland-mayor-port-developer-in-dispute-over-plan-to-ship-coal\">plans to partner with Utah \u003c/a>and allow up to 10 million tons of the state’s coal to be sent through the facility became public, prompting widespread outrage from Oaklanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076630\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076630\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic Assemblymember Mia Bonta speaks during a meeting of the California State Assembly at the California State Capitol on Aug. 21, 2025, in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Residents and environmental justice advocates say the terminal would worsen air quality in West Oakland, which already suffers from some of the highest asthma-related emergency room visit and hospitalization \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/~/media/files/ab617-community-health/air-pollution-and-health-risks_oakland-060418-pdf.pdf?la=en\">rates\u003c/a> in the country due to pollution from highways and industrial operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They worry that coal dust from uncovered trains traveling through the city could add to that burden. According to Bonta, the terminal would have the capacity to export up to 10 million short tons of coal annually — which equates to multiple trains-worth a day arriving in West Oakland through the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shipping coal through Oakland would exacerbate the real emergencies of global warming and public health in vulnerable communities along the Union Pacific tracks that would bring the coal to Oakland,” No Coal in Oakland, a coalition that’s been organizing in opposition to the project for more than a decade, said in a statement following Trump’s announcement. “If the terminal is built, coal dust and diesel exhaust will spew from multiple mile-long coal trains passing through our communities each day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, the city council passed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11641853/oakland-heads-to-trial-over-coal-ban\">ban on handling or exporting coal\u003c/a> in Oakland. Though Tagami sued, city officials and local environmental justice groups have stalled the project for a decade, as multiple legal challenges played out in court.[aside postID=forum_2010101914067 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2026/06/TrumpCoalAP.jpg']Last year, the state supreme court declined to take up the case. That leaves funding as one of the last major hurdles to building the terminal. Coal-producing states now hope the Trump administration’s funding infusion could be the key to finally bringing the Oakland facility to fruition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wyoming Gov. Mark Gordon, who joined the president during his June 4 announcement, said Taiwan and Japan have recently decided to reinvest in coal as a “reliable, dispatchable, secure source of energy,” which can be extracted from the coal mines in the Powder River Basin, a 20,000 square mile stretch of coal-rich land in southeast Montana and northeast Wyoming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be able to open that Oakland port is absolutely essential for the lifeblood of our state and for our coal mines,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the U.S.’s coal industry has been largely locked out of the West Coast — as liberal states have rejected projects that could be used to transfer fuel from coal producers to Asia. The American coal industry had also waned, eclipsed by less expensive natural gas and renewable energy, before the Trump administration announced it would focus on “\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/04/reinvigorating-americas-beautiful-clean-coal-industry-and-amending-executive-order-14241/\">reinvigorating America’s beautiful, clean coal industry\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds Trump has proposed for the Oakland terminal and other coal industry investments were originally to be used for reducing carbon dioxide emissions from polluting industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s invoked the Defense Production Act, a wartime law that gives the president broad emergency powers to support domestic industries needed to maintain domestic security, saying that the U.S. faces a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/declaring-a-national-energy-emergency/\">national energy emergency\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB40\">AB 40\u003c/a>, the “Community First Coal Review Act,” would require local agencies to conduct an environmental impact report before granting discretionary approval for new or expanded coal handling, storage, or export terminal that would exceed a capacity of 5 million short tons per year. It would also require updated environmental reviews when there are changes to the type or quantity of coal, or after 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The maze and part of the old Oakland Army Base are seen from this drone view in West Oakland, California, on Tuesday, Nov. 23, 2021. \u003ccite>(Jane Tyska/Digital First Media/East Bay Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Simon’s amendment, which will be considered alongside the Energy and Water Development and Related Agencies Appropriations Act (H.R. 9022) in Congress next week, would block funding for coal projects at the federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal would ensure that none of the funds made available through the appropriations bill could be used to implement or enforce Trump’s pro-coal push — including his emergency declaration in April that demanded expanding coal supply chain capacity or various Department of Energy funding notices issued since. It specifically prevents dispersing money for the Oakland project, called the “West Gateway Terminal Project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was sent to Congress to work for and represent the people of the East Bay. They have been clear in the last week and for years prior — no coal in Oakland,” Simon said in a statement. “I will leave no stone unturned in Congress possible to stop this terminal … Our families and our bodies should not have to bear the burden of the Trump Administration’s cruel and backwards decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“West Oaklanders should not be blindly subjected to more air pollution and a multitude of health harms so the Trump administration can prop up the failing coal industry,” said Colin O’Brien, the deputy managing attorney of Earthjustice’s California regional office. “We stand with West Oakland residents who demand to know exactly how this project may harm their community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/east-bay\">East Bay\u003c/a> lawmakers are proposing new legislation this week in an effort to halt the Trump administration’s push to open a long-opposed export terminal in West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Lateefah Simon of Oakland filed an amendment on Tuesday that would block the use of energy and water funds for coal projects. This followed new legislation that East Bay Assemblymember Mia Bonta announced on Monday that would require a full environmental review before granting new or expanded approval of such operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislative opposition comes after President Donald Trump announced last month that he would direct $75 million toward the construction of the Oakland Bulk and Oversized Terminal — as part of a nearly $700 million investment in the country’s lagging coal industry. The funds reinvigorate efforts to open a terminal in the West Coast city, which has been opposed and delayed by Oakland residents and officials for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The beautiful people of West Oakland, Alameda, and Emeryville have fought for clean air, for their children’s health, and for their right to breathe for generations,” Bonta said in a statement on Monday. “Donald Trump used a Cold War emergency law to try to override all of that. He will not succeed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 4, Trump announced that he would direct the hundreds of millions of dollars toward keeping ailing coal facilities open, creating two new coal plants in Alaska and West Virginia, and constructing the Oakland export terminal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Oakland Army Base closed in 1999, East Bay developer Phil Tagami planned to open a bulk export facility on a portion of the site. Though initially, he said the terminal would not handle coal, in 2015, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10585739/oakland-mayor-port-developer-in-dispute-over-plan-to-ship-coal\">plans to partner with Utah \u003c/a>and allow up to 10 million tons of the state’s coal to be sent through the facility became public, prompting widespread outrage from Oaklanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076630\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076630\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2231342596-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic Assemblymember Mia Bonta speaks during a meeting of the California State Assembly at the California State Capitol on Aug. 21, 2025, in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Residents and environmental justice advocates say the terminal would worsen air quality in West Oakland, which already suffers from some of the highest asthma-related emergency room visit and hospitalization \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/~/media/files/ab617-community-health/air-pollution-and-health-risks_oakland-060418-pdf.pdf?la=en\">rates\u003c/a> in the country due to pollution from highways and industrial operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They worry that coal dust from uncovered trains traveling through the city could add to that burden. According to Bonta, the terminal would have the capacity to export up to 10 million short tons of coal annually — which equates to multiple trains-worth a day arriving in West Oakland through the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shipping coal through Oakland would exacerbate the real emergencies of global warming and public health in vulnerable communities along the Union Pacific tracks that would bring the coal to Oakland,” No Coal in Oakland, a coalition that’s been organizing in opposition to the project for more than a decade, said in a statement following Trump’s announcement. “If the terminal is built, coal dust and diesel exhaust will spew from multiple mile-long coal trains passing through our communities each day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, the city council passed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11641853/oakland-heads-to-trial-over-coal-ban\">ban on handling or exporting coal\u003c/a> in Oakland. Though Tagami sued, city officials and local environmental justice groups have stalled the project for a decade, as multiple legal challenges played out in court.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last year, the state supreme court declined to take up the case. That leaves funding as one of the last major hurdles to building the terminal. Coal-producing states now hope the Trump administration’s funding infusion could be the key to finally bringing the Oakland facility to fruition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wyoming Gov. Mark Gordon, who joined the president during his June 4 announcement, said Taiwan and Japan have recently decided to reinvest in coal as a “reliable, dispatchable, secure source of energy,” which can be extracted from the coal mines in the Powder River Basin, a 20,000 square mile stretch of coal-rich land in southeast Montana and northeast Wyoming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be able to open that Oakland port is absolutely essential for the lifeblood of our state and for our coal mines,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the U.S.’s coal industry has been largely locked out of the West Coast — as liberal states have rejected projects that could be used to transfer fuel from coal producers to Asia. The American coal industry had also waned, eclipsed by less expensive natural gas and renewable energy, before the Trump administration announced it would focus on “\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/04/reinvigorating-americas-beautiful-clean-coal-industry-and-amending-executive-order-14241/\">reinvigorating America’s beautiful, clean coal industry\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds Trump has proposed for the Oakland terminal and other coal industry investments were originally to be used for reducing carbon dioxide emissions from polluting industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s invoked the Defense Production Act, a wartime law that gives the president broad emergency powers to support domestic industries needed to maintain domestic security, saying that the U.S. faces a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/declaring-a-national-energy-emergency/\">national energy emergency\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB40\">AB 40\u003c/a>, the “Community First Coal Review Act,” would require local agencies to conduct an environmental impact report before granting discretionary approval for new or expanded coal handling, storage, or export terminal that would exceed a capacity of 5 million short tons per year. It would also require updated environmental reviews when there are changes to the type or quantity of coal, or after 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1356445057-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The maze and part of the old Oakland Army Base are seen from this drone view in West Oakland, California, on Tuesday, Nov. 23, 2021. \u003ccite>(Jane Tyska/Digital First Media/East Bay Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Simon’s amendment, which will be considered alongside the Energy and Water Development and Related Agencies Appropriations Act (H.R. 9022) in Congress next week, would block funding for coal projects at the federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal would ensure that none of the funds made available through the appropriations bill could be used to implement or enforce Trump’s pro-coal push — including his emergency declaration in April that demanded expanding coal supply chain capacity or various Department of Energy funding notices issued since. It specifically prevents dispersing money for the Oakland project, called the “West Gateway Terminal Project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was sent to Congress to work for and represent the people of the East Bay. They have been clear in the last week and for years prior — no coal in Oakland,” Simon said in a statement. “I will leave no stone unturned in Congress possible to stop this terminal … Our families and our bodies should not have to bear the burden of the Trump Administration’s cruel and backwards decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“West Oaklanders should not be blindly subjected to more air pollution and a multitude of health harms so the Trump administration can prop up the failing coal industry,” said Colin O’Brien, the deputy managing attorney of Earthjustice’s California regional office. “We stand with West Oakland residents who demand to know exactly how this project may harm their community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Aisha Wahab Far Ahead in Special Election for Swalwell’s Former Seat",
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"content": "\u003cp>State Sen. Aisha Wahab is far ahead in early returns Tuesday night in the East Bay’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083627/eric-swalwell-special-election-california-governor-two-ballots-14th-district\">special primary\u003c/a> election for the congressional seat vacated by Eric Swalwell in mid-April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab was holding a little more than 42% of the votes in the first batch of results from the Alameda County Registrar of Voters, while former Dublin Mayor Melissa Hernandez was in a distant second place with just under 17%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Educator Rakhi Israni Singh was in third with about 13% of the votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just grateful to the voters,” Wahab said Tuesday night in an interview. “I genuinely try to work hard and work with all types of folks and stakeholders to really pass good policy. And I genuinely think that our constituents, the voters, clearly see the work that we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A total of 11 candidates threw their hats in the ring for the race, but only the top two finishers, regardless of party, will move on to a special general election to determine who earns the seat scheduled for Aug. 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If one candidate secures more than 50% of the votes in the primary, however, they will win the seat outright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab said given the number of candidates in the race, she feels it’s unlikely she’ll be able to earn more than 50% of the votes to win the race outright, but was encouraged by the large share of voters who supported her in a crowded field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087588\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087588\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Aisha Wahab speaks during the Bay Area Abortion Rights Coalition (BAARC) and commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of Roe v. Wade event at the City Hall in San Francisco, California, on Jan. 25, 2023. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I try really hard to pass policies that really help them. From capping HOA fees, to increasing the renter’s tax credit, to putting money for down payment assistance for first-time home buyers, capping insulin, you name it, we try to do it. And these are common-sense policies,” Wahab said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in the wealthy Bay Area, people are struggling. I’ve lived that struggle, I know that struggle and I think that that is largely what really motivates me to do the work I do every single day, and it translates to the voters,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called the special election after Swalwell resigned from Congress after multiple women leveled\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079746/rep-eric-swalwell-says-he-is-resigning-from-congress-amid-sexual-assault-allegations\"> sexual assault and misconduct allegations\u003c/a> against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unexpected race has thrown an extra wrinkle into an already hotly contested congressional election.[aside postID=news_12083627 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed.jpg']Swalwell had previously declared he would not seek reelection to Congress so he could run for governor, which prompted nine candidates to run for the seat in the standard June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that race, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085551/aisha-wahab-leading-race-for-swalwells-former-congressional-seat\">Wahab was the frontrunner\u003c/a>, earning more than 38% of the votes counted thus far, which is more than double the second-place finisher, Hernandez, who holds a little more than 17% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab and Hernandez, both Democrats, will face off in the November general election to determine who wins the seat for the next four-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The special primary and general election process will determine who will hold the seat for the remainder of Swalwell’s term, which ends in January. Democrats are hoping to fill the seat quickly, as Republicans control the House of Representatives by just a handful of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also on the ballot with Wahab, Hernandez and Singh are three other Democrats: Alisha Cordes, a business administrator; administrative law judge Sheriene Ridenour; and businessman Jot Thiara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four Republicans were running in the race: Wendy Huang, a real estate investor; florist Dena Maldonado; Tom Wong, a businessman; and Jack Wu, an educator. Victor Zevallos, a financial business strategist, was running as an independent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seat represents about 740,000 people across Castro Valley, Hayward, Livermore, Pleasanton and Union City, and parts of Dublin, Fremont and San Leandro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 429,000 registered voters live in the district, with about half of them registered Democrats. Nearly 18% are Republicans, and about 26% do not have a party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls were open until 8 p.m. Tuesday, as in a standard election, though early voting had been available since ballots were mailed to voters in mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State Sen. Aisha Wahab is far ahead in early returns Tuesday night in the East Bay’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083627/eric-swalwell-special-election-california-governor-two-ballots-14th-district\">special primary\u003c/a> election for the congressional seat vacated by Eric Swalwell in mid-April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab was holding a little more than 42% of the votes in the first batch of results from the Alameda County Registrar of Voters, while former Dublin Mayor Melissa Hernandez was in a distant second place with just under 17%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Educator Rakhi Israni Singh was in third with about 13% of the votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just grateful to the voters,” Wahab said Tuesday night in an interview. “I genuinely try to work hard and work with all types of folks and stakeholders to really pass good policy. And I genuinely think that our constituents, the voters, clearly see the work that we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A total of 11 candidates threw their hats in the ring for the race, but only the top two finishers, regardless of party, will move on to a special general election to determine who earns the seat scheduled for Aug. 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If one candidate secures more than 50% of the votes in the primary, however, they will win the seat outright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab said given the number of candidates in the race, she feels it’s unlikely she’ll be able to earn more than 50% of the votes to win the race outright, but was encouraged by the large share of voters who supported her in a crowded field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087588\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087588\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Aisha-Wahab-Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Aisha Wahab speaks during the Bay Area Abortion Rights Coalition (BAARC) and commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of Roe v. Wade event at the City Hall in San Francisco, California, on Jan. 25, 2023. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I try really hard to pass policies that really help them. From capping HOA fees, to increasing the renter’s tax credit, to putting money for down payment assistance for first-time home buyers, capping insulin, you name it, we try to do it. And these are common-sense policies,” Wahab said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in the wealthy Bay Area, people are struggling. I’ve lived that struggle, I know that struggle and I think that that is largely what really motivates me to do the work I do every single day, and it translates to the voters,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called the special election after Swalwell resigned from Congress after multiple women leveled\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079746/rep-eric-swalwell-says-he-is-resigning-from-congress-amid-sexual-assault-allegations\"> sexual assault and misconduct allegations\u003c/a> against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unexpected race has thrown an extra wrinkle into an already hotly contested congressional election.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Swalwell had previously declared he would not seek reelection to Congress so he could run for governor, which prompted nine candidates to run for the seat in the standard June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that race, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085551/aisha-wahab-leading-race-for-swalwells-former-congressional-seat\">Wahab was the frontrunner\u003c/a>, earning more than 38% of the votes counted thus far, which is more than double the second-place finisher, Hernandez, who holds a little more than 17% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab and Hernandez, both Democrats, will face off in the November general election to determine who wins the seat for the next four-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The special primary and general election process will determine who will hold the seat for the remainder of Swalwell’s term, which ends in January. Democrats are hoping to fill the seat quickly, as Republicans control the House of Representatives by just a handful of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also on the ballot with Wahab, Hernandez and Singh are three other Democrats: Alisha Cordes, a business administrator; administrative law judge Sheriene Ridenour; and businessman Jot Thiara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four Republicans were running in the race: Wendy Huang, a real estate investor; florist Dena Maldonado; Tom Wong, a businessman; and Jack Wu, an educator. Victor Zevallos, a financial business strategist, was running as an independent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seat represents about 740,000 people across Castro Valley, Hayward, Livermore, Pleasanton and Union City, and parts of Dublin, Fremont and San Leandro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 429,000 registered voters live in the district, with about half of them registered Democrats. Nearly 18% are Republicans, and about 26% do not have a party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls were open until 8 p.m. Tuesday, as in a standard election, though early voting had been available since ballots were mailed to voters in mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "8-dead-in-b-52-bomber-crash-at-edwards-air-force-base-in-southern-california",
"title": "8 Dead in B-52 Bomber Crash at Edwards Air Force Base in Southern California",
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"headTitle": "8 Dead in B-52 Bomber Crash at Edwards Air Force Base in Southern California | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A B-52 bomber \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/edwards-air-force-base-history-military-crash-99ba8ecd107faaa643df27c92f195841\">crashed shortly after takeoff\u003c/a> at a U.S. Air Force base in Southern California’s Mojave Desert and burst into flames Monday, killing all eight people aboard, military officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aerial footage showed virtually nothing left of the aircraft that went down around 11:20 a.m. during a routine test mission at Edwards Air Force Base, which is north of Los Angeles. Black smoke rose from a large swath of charred desert near the runway on the base, with emergency vehicles nearby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those on the B-52 included government contractors and uniformed military. Aircraft manufacturer Boeing confirmed Monday evening that two of its employees were on board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After reviewing footage of the crash, it was determined that no one could have survived, Col. James Hayes, the deputy commander for the 412 test wing at Edwards, said at a news conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We lost eight great Americans,” Hayes said, adding that officials were working to notify their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was not immediately clear what caused the crash, and it could take up to six months to complete an investigation, Hayes said, but shared that the B-52 was supporting the “radar modernization program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/boeing-co\">Boeing\u003c/a> B-52 Stratofortress is a long-range bomber that entered service in 1955. Designed to carry both conventional and nuclear weapons, it has been \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ap-top-news-north-korea-vietnam-war-vietnam-donald-trump-d27a1567e2334168a740631fdb7ed0c6\">used in conflicts involving the U.S. military from Vietnam\u003c/a> to Iran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uUL-ApL8Sps\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2025, Boeing sent a B-52 to Edwards with a new, modernized radar system. A test team planned to conduct ground and flight test activities on the aircraft throughout 2026 to feed a production decision, the air force said in a 2025 news release. The modern Active Electronically Scanned Array (AESA) radar system replaced the aircraft’s antiquated radar for efficacy. It was unclear if that was the same aircraft involved in Monday’s crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edwards Air Force Base is home to a large portion of the U.S. Air Force’s aircraft test and development efforts and is about 100 miles north of Los Angeles. The 412th Test Wing, which runs the base, also conducts developmental testing of all Air Force aircraft, weapons systems, software and components before purchase by the service as well as throughout their lifespan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast desert base is where \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/chuch-yeager-dies-at-97-air-force-f027e8960916cbd8094ab9f05ec2cbf2\">Air Force test pilot Chuck Yeager\u003c/a> reached a speed of Mach 1.05 and broke the sound barrier in 1947.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The airfield was closed most of Monday and all inbound aircraft were being diverted, but it reopened to people coming onto the base by late afternoon. Non-commercial visitor passes for the base were suspended as emergency crews doused the flames.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s too soon to say what might have happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Air Force Secretary Troy Meink said he is deeply saddened by the lives lost.[aside postID=news_12087600 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CoalOaklandGetty.jpg']“We mourn this loss and honor the service of our Airmen, civilians, and contractors who work every day to advance our mission,” he said in a post on X.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way the B-52 crashed so quickly after takeoff without getting very high or going far makes aviation safety expert Jeff Guzzetti suspect some kind of flight control malfunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s possible the controls were rigged wrong after maintenance, he said, or a catastrophic engine problem or a failure of a piece of equipment that was being tested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it was definitely a controllability issue. Now, whether that was tied to an engine failure, a flight control failure, or some new testing device failure, I’m not sure,” said Guzzetti, who used to investigate crashes for both the Federal Aviation Administration and the National Transportation Safety Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the Air Force has been flying B-52 bombers for more than 70 years, testing out new equipment on a plane can create new challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A flight test is always riskier than normal operations, so that’s why you have specially trained test pilots, and you should have other safety protocols,” Guzzetti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, fatal Air Force training accidents in the U.S. have included an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/pilot-ejection-seat-air-force-texas-245af4f7949346feecdd8032a92d031c\">instructor pilot who was killed\u003c/a> in 2024 when the ejection seat activated while the aircraft was still on the ground in Texas and an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/politics-alaska-idaho-accidents-obituaries-8ee9bd4f2c264476760707c6e7eec02e\">Air Force ROTC cadet’s death\u003c/a> in a 2022 accident involving a Humvee during a training exercise in Idaho. Two Air Force pilots were killed when a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/alabama-columbus-mississippi-montgomery-cda79d35aa7452b4e736b6a913fece7e\">trainer jet crashed\u003c/a> near an Alabama airport in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Toropin reported from Washington, D.C. AP Transportation Writer Josh Funk in Omaha, Nebraska, and AP reporters Hallie Golden in Seattle and Jennifer Kelleher in Honolulu contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Officials said Monday that emergency crews responded after the aircraft went down around 11:20 a.m. at Edwards Air Force Base north of Los Angeles. ",
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"title": "8 Dead in B-52 Bomber Crash at Edwards Air Force Base in Southern California | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A B-52 bomber \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/edwards-air-force-base-history-military-crash-99ba8ecd107faaa643df27c92f195841\">crashed shortly after takeoff\u003c/a> at a U.S. Air Force base in Southern California’s Mojave Desert and burst into flames Monday, killing all eight people aboard, military officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aerial footage showed virtually nothing left of the aircraft that went down around 11:20 a.m. during a routine test mission at Edwards Air Force Base, which is north of Los Angeles. Black smoke rose from a large swath of charred desert near the runway on the base, with emergency vehicles nearby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those on the B-52 included government contractors and uniformed military. Aircraft manufacturer Boeing confirmed Monday evening that two of its employees were on board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After reviewing footage of the crash, it was determined that no one could have survived, Col. James Hayes, the deputy commander for the 412 test wing at Edwards, said at a news conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We lost eight great Americans,” Hayes said, adding that officials were working to notify their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was not immediately clear what caused the crash, and it could take up to six months to complete an investigation, Hayes said, but shared that the B-52 was supporting the “radar modernization program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/boeing-co\">Boeing\u003c/a> B-52 Stratofortress is a long-range bomber that entered service in 1955. Designed to carry both conventional and nuclear weapons, it has been \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ap-top-news-north-korea-vietnam-war-vietnam-donald-trump-d27a1567e2334168a740631fdb7ed0c6\">used in conflicts involving the U.S. military from Vietnam\u003c/a> to Iran.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/uUL-ApL8Sps'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/uUL-ApL8Sps'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>In 2025, Boeing sent a B-52 to Edwards with a new, modernized radar system. A test team planned to conduct ground and flight test activities on the aircraft throughout 2026 to feed a production decision, the air force said in a 2025 news release. The modern Active Electronically Scanned Array (AESA) radar system replaced the aircraft’s antiquated radar for efficacy. It was unclear if that was the same aircraft involved in Monday’s crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edwards Air Force Base is home to a large portion of the U.S. Air Force’s aircraft test and development efforts and is about 100 miles north of Los Angeles. The 412th Test Wing, which runs the base, also conducts developmental testing of all Air Force aircraft, weapons systems, software and components before purchase by the service as well as throughout their lifespan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast desert base is where \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/chuch-yeager-dies-at-97-air-force-f027e8960916cbd8094ab9f05ec2cbf2\">Air Force test pilot Chuck Yeager\u003c/a> reached a speed of Mach 1.05 and broke the sound barrier in 1947.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The airfield was closed most of Monday and all inbound aircraft were being diverted, but it reopened to people coming onto the base by late afternoon. Non-commercial visitor passes for the base were suspended as emergency crews doused the flames.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s too soon to say what might have happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Air Force Secretary Troy Meink said he is deeply saddened by the lives lost.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We mourn this loss and honor the service of our Airmen, civilians, and contractors who work every day to advance our mission,” he said in a post on X.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way the B-52 crashed so quickly after takeoff without getting very high or going far makes aviation safety expert Jeff Guzzetti suspect some kind of flight control malfunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s possible the controls were rigged wrong after maintenance, he said, or a catastrophic engine problem or a failure of a piece of equipment that was being tested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it was definitely a controllability issue. Now, whether that was tied to an engine failure, a flight control failure, or some new testing device failure, I’m not sure,” said Guzzetti, who used to investigate crashes for both the Federal Aviation Administration and the National Transportation Safety Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the Air Force has been flying B-52 bombers for more than 70 years, testing out new equipment on a plane can create new challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A flight test is always riskier than normal operations, so that’s why you have specially trained test pilots, and you should have other safety protocols,” Guzzetti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, fatal Air Force training accidents in the U.S. have included an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/pilot-ejection-seat-air-force-texas-245af4f7949346feecdd8032a92d031c\">instructor pilot who was killed\u003c/a> in 2024 when the ejection seat activated while the aircraft was still on the ground in Texas and an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/politics-alaska-idaho-accidents-obituaries-8ee9bd4f2c264476760707c6e7eec02e\">Air Force ROTC cadet’s death\u003c/a> in a 2022 accident involving a Humvee during a training exercise in Idaho. Two Air Force pilots were killed when a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/alabama-columbus-mississippi-montgomery-cda79d35aa7452b4e736b6a913fece7e\">trainer jet crashed\u003c/a> near an Alabama airport in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Toropin reported from Washington, D.C. AP Transportation Writer Josh Funk in Omaha, Nebraska, and AP reporters Hallie Golden in Seattle and Jennifer Kelleher in Honolulu contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "after-pacifica-pier-damage-bay-area-leaders-urge-trump-to-restore-aid",
"title": "After Pacifica Pier Damage, Bay Area Leaders Urge Trump to Restore Aid",
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"content": "\u003cp>Bay Area officials are calling on the Trump administration to provide immediate aid for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/2001267/you-cant-beat-mother-nature-destroyed-cafe-gives-pacifica-look-at-climate-changed-future\">Pacifica’s\u003c/a> seawall after its pier and a beloved cafe \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087431/what-will-pacifica-do-about-its-iconic-but-crumbling-pier\">cracked\u003c/a> this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city last week decided to tear down the Chit Chat Cafe, situated at the end of the Pacific Municipal Pier, so that it wouldn’t crumble into the sea. The pier remains indefinitely closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressman \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sam-liccardo\">Sam Liccardo\u003c/a>, whose district includes Pacifica, demanded that the Trump administration reinstate the $50 million it revoked last year, so the city can rebuild the seawall. He is also asking for immediate financial aid to repair parts of the pier and to develop solutions for nearby areas facing significant coastal erosion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to save this pier,” Liccardo said in front of the dilapidated structure. “We need to do all that we can to protect Pacifica and our coast side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It turns out the climate doesn’t care whether or not we believe in climate change,” he continued. “If we do not act, the ocean will always win the battle over coastal erosion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Gordon Prescott, who attended the Chit Chat Cafe’s opening ceremony in 1973, its closure is devastating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-01-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gordon and Renee Prescott stand near the Pacifica Municipal Pier in Pacifica on June 15, 2026, after structural damage led to the pier’s closure and the demolition of the Chit Chat Cafe. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were two of the kids waiting in line when they cut the ribbon,” Prescott said. “It’s kind of like losing an old friend.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a June 12 \u003ca href=\"https://liccardo.house.gov/sites/evo-subsites/liccardo.house.gov/files/evo-media-document/6.12.26-liccardo-letter-to-fema-re-pacifica.pdf\">letter\u003c/a> to the Federal Emergency Management Agency, Liccardo said that, although the agency has short-listed the project under the Building Resilient Infrastructure and Communities program, the city has not been awarded funding because FEMA halted the program. But after a federal judge ordered the agency to make the funding available, FEMA \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/bric-fema-grant-disasters-resilience-mullin-ff0df0da60e3001e19f97bcb7778f41c\">reopened applications\u003c/a> for the resilience grant program in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo wrote that the project is undergoing environmental and historical preservation reviews, and that FEMA could then process the application for the award. He also asked the administration for an extension on a project to strengthen a nearby eroding bluff, where waves and erosion had forced the city to tear down three apartment buildings.[aside postID=news_12087431 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260609-PacificaPierUpdate-22-BL_qed.jpg']“It’s unfortunate that Pacifica has lost valuable time on a project that would prevent exactly the damage that occurred at the pier last week,” Liccardo wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also announced new bipartisan legislation, the “Ounce of Prevention” Act, a bill that Liccardo said would allow state and local governments to use Community Development Block Grants for disaster preparedness — not just after a catastrophe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Pacifica City Council last week unanimously voted to declare a local state of emergency around the pier. It is also seeking a state of emergency from the governor and help from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, the city is working to stabilize the pier by adding 150 boulders at the pier’s seawall connection. After that work is finished, City Manager Sean Charpentier said Pacifica will consider two options: bracing the pier from below with a pylon or removing it from the seawall to stabilize the first section of the structure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Construction in the coastal zone is very complicated, and we don’t have a time frame for when that would begin right now,” Charpentier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charpentier said that even before the most recent damages, the pier alone would cost around $21 million to fix. The sea wall regularly fails throughout the year, allowing waves to crash over the structure and flood Beach Boulevard. The city’s sea wall project, the Beach Boulevard Infrastructure Resiliency Project, would cost more than $80 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087651\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087651\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pacifica Mayor Christine Boles speaks during a news conference calling for federal aid for the Pacifica Municipal Pier on June 15, 2026, after structural damage led to the pier’s closure and the demolition of the Chit Chat Cafe. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pacifica Mayor Christine Boles said she hopes the administration reinstates funding so the city can move forward with a plan to rebuild the seawall. She fears that as seas continue to rise, Pacifica’s coastal issues will only worsen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We in Pacifica are the canary in the coal mine for the increasing effects of a warming ocean,” Boles said. “Sea level rise, coastal erosion, and flooding are already here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boles said the city is beginning to define a community vision for the changing coastline and potential solutions. It will likely hold community listening sessions this fall. But still, she noted, the city needs outside help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Individual cities cannot address these massive global climate threats on our own,” Boles said. “The state and federal government need to bring significantly higher amounts of financial support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087653\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087653\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-19-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-19-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-19-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-19-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Sam Liccardo speaks with Chit Chat Cafe owner Ginger Davis after a news conference calling for federal aid for the Pacifica Municipal Pier in Pacifica on June 15, 2026, after structural damage led to the pier’s closure and the demolition of the Chit Chat Cafe. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, locals are still reeling from the Chit Chat Cafe’s teardown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My husband Brandon and I are still in shock,” said Ginger Davis, one of the cafe’s owners. “We all knew that the pier had seen better days, but none of us expected it to end like this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community has raised more than $30,000 for the couple through a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gofundme.com/f/support-chit-chat-cafe-owners-after-pier-closure\">GoFundMe\u003c/a> page.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pacifica resident Lilia Bae Cadotte spent many early mornings fishing off the pier. She said she would like the city to reopen it as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Pacifica Pier is not just a pier,” Cadotte said. “She’s a home. She’s the gate that unlocks many doors for many people … and it is a source that provides us food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Bay Area officials are calling on the Trump administration to provide immediate aid for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/2001267/you-cant-beat-mother-nature-destroyed-cafe-gives-pacifica-look-at-climate-changed-future\">Pacifica’s\u003c/a> seawall after its pier and a beloved cafe \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087431/what-will-pacifica-do-about-its-iconic-but-crumbling-pier\">cracked\u003c/a> this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city last week decided to tear down the Chit Chat Cafe, situated at the end of the Pacific Municipal Pier, so that it wouldn’t crumble into the sea. The pier remains indefinitely closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressman \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sam-liccardo\">Sam Liccardo\u003c/a>, whose district includes Pacifica, demanded that the Trump administration reinstate the $50 million it revoked last year, so the city can rebuild the seawall. He is also asking for immediate financial aid to repair parts of the pier and to develop solutions for nearby areas facing significant coastal erosion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to save this pier,” Liccardo said in front of the dilapidated structure. “We need to do all that we can to protect Pacifica and our coast side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It turns out the climate doesn’t care whether or not we believe in climate change,” he continued. “If we do not act, the ocean will always win the battle over coastal erosion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Gordon Prescott, who attended the Chit Chat Cafe’s opening ceremony in 1973, its closure is devastating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-01-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gordon and Renee Prescott stand near the Pacifica Municipal Pier in Pacifica on June 15, 2026, after structural damage led to the pier’s closure and the demolition of the Chit Chat Cafe. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were two of the kids waiting in line when they cut the ribbon,” Prescott said. “It’s kind of like losing an old friend.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a June 12 \u003ca href=\"https://liccardo.house.gov/sites/evo-subsites/liccardo.house.gov/files/evo-media-document/6.12.26-liccardo-letter-to-fema-re-pacifica.pdf\">letter\u003c/a> to the Federal Emergency Management Agency, Liccardo said that, although the agency has short-listed the project under the Building Resilient Infrastructure and Communities program, the city has not been awarded funding because FEMA halted the program. But after a federal judge ordered the agency to make the funding available, FEMA \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/bric-fema-grant-disasters-resilience-mullin-ff0df0da60e3001e19f97bcb7778f41c\">reopened applications\u003c/a> for the resilience grant program in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo wrote that the project is undergoing environmental and historical preservation reviews, and that FEMA could then process the application for the award. He also asked the administration for an extension on a project to strengthen a nearby eroding bluff, where waves and erosion had forced the city to tear down three apartment buildings.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate that Pacifica has lost valuable time on a project that would prevent exactly the damage that occurred at the pier last week,” Liccardo wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also announced new bipartisan legislation, the “Ounce of Prevention” Act, a bill that Liccardo said would allow state and local governments to use Community Development Block Grants for disaster preparedness — not just after a catastrophe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Pacifica City Council last week unanimously voted to declare a local state of emergency around the pier. It is also seeking a state of emergency from the governor and help from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, the city is working to stabilize the pier by adding 150 boulders at the pier’s seawall connection. After that work is finished, City Manager Sean Charpentier said Pacifica will consider two options: bracing the pier from below with a pylon or removing it from the seawall to stabilize the first section of the structure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Construction in the coastal zone is very complicated, and we don’t have a time frame for when that would begin right now,” Charpentier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charpentier said that even before the most recent damages, the pier alone would cost around $21 million to fix. The sea wall regularly fails throughout the year, allowing waves to crash over the structure and flood Beach Boulevard. The city’s sea wall project, the Beach Boulevard Infrastructure Resiliency Project, would cost more than $80 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087651\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087651\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pacifica Mayor Christine Boles speaks during a news conference calling for federal aid for the Pacifica Municipal Pier on June 15, 2026, after structural damage led to the pier’s closure and the demolition of the Chit Chat Cafe. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pacifica Mayor Christine Boles said she hopes the administration reinstates funding so the city can move forward with a plan to rebuild the seawall. She fears that as seas continue to rise, Pacifica’s coastal issues will only worsen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We in Pacifica are the canary in the coal mine for the increasing effects of a warming ocean,” Boles said. “Sea level rise, coastal erosion, and flooding are already here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boles said the city is beginning to define a community vision for the changing coastline and potential solutions. It will likely hold community listening sessions this fall. But still, she noted, the city needs outside help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Individual cities cannot address these massive global climate threats on our own,” Boles said. “The state and federal government need to bring significantly higher amounts of financial support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087653\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087653\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-19-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-19-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-19-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260615-PacificaPier-19-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Sam Liccardo speaks with Chit Chat Cafe owner Ginger Davis after a news conference calling for federal aid for the Pacifica Municipal Pier in Pacifica on June 15, 2026, after structural damage led to the pier’s closure and the demolition of the Chit Chat Cafe. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, locals are still reeling from the Chit Chat Cafe’s teardown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My husband Brandon and I are still in shock,” said Ginger Davis, one of the cafe’s owners. “We all knew that the pier had seen better days, but none of us expected it to end like this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community has raised more than $30,000 for the couple through a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gofundme.com/f/support-chit-chat-cafe-owners-after-pier-closure\">GoFundMe\u003c/a> page.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pacifica resident Lilia Bae Cadotte spent many early mornings fishing off the pier. She said she would like the city to reopen it as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Pacifica Pier is not just a pier,” Cadotte said. “She’s a home. She’s the gate that unlocks many doors for many people … and it is a source that provides us food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Court Orders National Parks Signage, Including at Muir Woods, to Be Restored",
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"content": "\u003cp>A U.S. District Court ruling issued Friday ordered the Trump administration to restore \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055659/national-park-service-california-yosemite-muir-woods-trump-executive-order\">signage at national parks that was taken down last year\u003c/a>. That includes a sign at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049405/muir-woods-national-monument-exhibit-removal-trump-executive-order-national-parks-history-under-construction-sticky-notes\">Muir Woods National Monument\u003c/a> in Marin County that documented the contributions of women and Indigenous people to the founding of the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The signage, which was removed as part of a 2025 \u003ca href=\"https://www.doi.gov/document-library/secretary-order/so-3431-restoring-truth-and-sanity-american-history\">executive order\u003c/a>, includes anything on display that the administration deemed would “inappropriately disparage Americans past or living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://democracyforward.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/Parks-PI-Order.pdf\">her 63-page ruling\u003c/a>, Judge Angel Kelley documented exhibits on slavery, climate change and history that were taken down by leaders in President Donald Trump’s White House, who she said: “seek to rewrite the nation’s history with a white-out pen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parks advocacy groups, which filed a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/slavery-exhibit-climate-national-parks-trump-cb443d3d61c0df9613bc6dd37f7b0f07\">February lawsuit\u003c/a> challenging the order, celebrated the decision, especially amid the 250th anniversary of the founding of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s court ruling will help protect national parks from the administration’s unprecedented campaign to erase history and science at these one-of-a-kind places,” wrote Alan Spears, senior director for cultural resources at the National Parks Conservation Association, one of the plaintiff organizations. “National parks belong to the American people and censorship of any kind goes against the values these places represent. Americans count on national parks to help us understand our full, rich history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Department of the Interior spokesperson told KQED in an email that it is weighing an appeal given the ruling is “from a [President] Biden-appointed judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087613\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087613\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/NPSGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1277\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/NPSGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/NPSGetty-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/NPSGetty-1536x981.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Staff with the National Parks Service replace the plaques that were part of the ‘Freedom and Slavery in the Making of a New Nation’ exhibit at the President’s house on Feb. 19, 2026, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. On Jan. 22, 2926, the exhibit was removed as part of the Trump administration’s policies, and on President’s Day, U.S. District Judge Cynthia Rufe ordered the exhibit’s restoration. \u003ccite>(Matthew Hatcher/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jon Jarvis, former director of the National Park Service under President Barack Obama, said he anticipates an appeal, but even without one, it’s unlikely the administration will take immediate action to restore removed signs like the one at Muir Woods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This administration’s NPS has been “kind of a mess,” and has a “pattern of ignoring court decisions,” he said. “And I think implementation of this order will also be very messy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055659/national-park-service-california-yosemite-muir-woods-trump-executive-order\">removal process itself has been chaotic\u003c/a> since it was announced last year, Jarvis said.[aside postID=news_12087471 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Trailhead-Gays-LEDE.jpg']“There haven’t been a wholesale and comprehensive set of decisions made from [the executive order],” he said. “There have been some places that have been, let’s say, more aggressive about it … but in many cases, nothing’s ever actually been done to remove or adjust the signs.” Jarvis praised Kelley’s ruling as “well-justified.” He said it “will go in the sort of annals of park service legal lore,” in particular noting its focus on the park service’s education mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an affirmation of the park services, not only its mission and responsibilities, but its policy and its responsibility to tell America’s story authentically and to ensure that no one gets left out of that story,” Jarvis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parks advocacy groups nationwide have been\u003ca href=\"https://sites.google.com/umn.edu/save-our-signs/home\"> documenting what has been taken down\u003c/a> both physically and digitally on government websites as a result of the executive order. At sites across the state, including at Manzanar National Historic Site in Inyo County, where Japanese Americans were incarcerated during World War II, QR codes were posted soliciting public input on what should be taken down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The park service took down or revised a lot of signs, and they put them in storage, and they’ll come back out,” he said. “They’re either going to come back now, or they’re going to come back in a few years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A U.S. District Court ruling issued Friday ordered the Trump administration to restore \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055659/national-park-service-california-yosemite-muir-woods-trump-executive-order\">signage at national parks that was taken down last year\u003c/a>. That includes a sign at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049405/muir-woods-national-monument-exhibit-removal-trump-executive-order-national-parks-history-under-construction-sticky-notes\">Muir Woods National Monument\u003c/a> in Marin County that documented the contributions of women and Indigenous people to the founding of the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The signage, which was removed as part of a 2025 \u003ca href=\"https://www.doi.gov/document-library/secretary-order/so-3431-restoring-truth-and-sanity-american-history\">executive order\u003c/a>, includes anything on display that the administration deemed would “inappropriately disparage Americans past or living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://democracyforward.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/Parks-PI-Order.pdf\">her 63-page ruling\u003c/a>, Judge Angel Kelley documented exhibits on slavery, climate change and history that were taken down by leaders in President Donald Trump’s White House, who she said: “seek to rewrite the nation’s history with a white-out pen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parks advocacy groups, which filed a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/slavery-exhibit-climate-national-parks-trump-cb443d3d61c0df9613bc6dd37f7b0f07\">February lawsuit\u003c/a> challenging the order, celebrated the decision, especially amid the 250th anniversary of the founding of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s court ruling will help protect national parks from the administration’s unprecedented campaign to erase history and science at these one-of-a-kind places,” wrote Alan Spears, senior director for cultural resources at the National Parks Conservation Association, one of the plaintiff organizations. “National parks belong to the American people and censorship of any kind goes against the values these places represent. Americans count on national parks to help us understand our full, rich history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Department of the Interior spokesperson told KQED in an email that it is weighing an appeal given the ruling is “from a [President] Biden-appointed judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087613\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087613\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/NPSGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1277\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/NPSGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/NPSGetty-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/NPSGetty-1536x981.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Staff with the National Parks Service replace the plaques that were part of the ‘Freedom and Slavery in the Making of a New Nation’ exhibit at the President’s house on Feb. 19, 2026, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. On Jan. 22, 2926, the exhibit was removed as part of the Trump administration’s policies, and on President’s Day, U.S. District Judge Cynthia Rufe ordered the exhibit’s restoration. \u003ccite>(Matthew Hatcher/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jon Jarvis, former director of the National Park Service under President Barack Obama, said he anticipates an appeal, but even without one, it’s unlikely the administration will take immediate action to restore removed signs like the one at Muir Woods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This administration’s NPS has been “kind of a mess,” and has a “pattern of ignoring court decisions,” he said. “And I think implementation of this order will also be very messy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055659/national-park-service-california-yosemite-muir-woods-trump-executive-order\">removal process itself has been chaotic\u003c/a> since it was announced last year, Jarvis said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There haven’t been a wholesale and comprehensive set of decisions made from [the executive order],” he said. “There have been some places that have been, let’s say, more aggressive about it … but in many cases, nothing’s ever actually been done to remove or adjust the signs.” Jarvis praised Kelley’s ruling as “well-justified.” He said it “will go in the sort of annals of park service legal lore,” in particular noting its focus on the park service’s education mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an affirmation of the park services, not only its mission and responsibilities, but its policy and its responsibility to tell America’s story authentically and to ensure that no one gets left out of that story,” Jarvis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parks advocacy groups nationwide have been\u003ca href=\"https://sites.google.com/umn.edu/save-our-signs/home\"> documenting what has been taken down\u003c/a> both physically and digitally on government websites as a result of the executive order. At sites across the state, including at Manzanar National Historic Site in Inyo County, where Japanese Americans were incarcerated during World War II, QR codes were posted soliciting public input on what should be taken down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The park service took down or revised a lot of signs, and they put them in storage, and they’ll come back out,” he said. “They’re either going to come back now, or they’re going to come back in a few years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-admits-using-high-risk-ai-including-systems-it-failed-to-report-last-year",
"title": "California Admits Using High-Risk AI — Including Systems It Failed to Report Last Year",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year ago, California officials had to report under a new state law how they used automated systems to make important decisions about people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They said they never did — a startling answer for a number of reasons, sources \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/05/california-somehow-finds-no-ai-risks/\">told \u003cem>CalMatters\u003c/em> at the time\u003c/a>, including that there were several prominent examples to the contrary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the state has issued a more expansive answer: It is currently using six automated systems to make consequential decisions about the lives of Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The systems are used to do things like:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Predict whether incarcerated people will reoffend\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Evaluate whether unemployment claims are fraudulent\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Remotely administer exams for California State University students\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Detect when college students use generative AI to write assignments\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>That’s according to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/High-Risk-ADS-Report-for-Program-Year-2025.pdf\">report released Friday\u003c/a> by the state’s technology department. The report is required \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202320240ab302\">under a 2023 law mandating that\u003c/a> that state agencies annually disclose their use of “high-risk automated decision systems,” which the law defines as systems “used to assist or replace human discretionary decisions that have a legal or similarly significant effect, including decisions that materially impact access to, or approval for, housing or accommodations, education, employment, credit, healthcare, and criminal justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law was pushed by civil rights, privacy and civil liberties groups concerned about harms from AI-like systems. Numerous such systems have been shown to produce results biased against marginalized groups, including those used for \u003ca href=\"https://venturebeat.com/technology/examsofts-remote-bar-exam-sparks-privacy-and-facial-recognition-concerns\">high-stakes testing\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/machine-bias-risk-assessments-in-criminal-sentencing\">predicting recidivism\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/machine-learning/2023/08/14/ai-detection-tools-falsely-accuse-international-students-of-cheating\">detecting AI-generated texts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058035\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12058035 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2159671948-scaled-e1781542152687.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anthropic’s AI model, Claude, a Large Language Model (LLM) is displayed on an iPhone in Lafayette, California, on June 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Smith Collection/Gado via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/05/california-somehow-finds-no-ai-risks/\">\u003cem>CalMatters\u003c/em> flagged last year’s report\u003c/a> as surprising, noting that the state corrections department had reported using software to predict post-release behavior and that the employment department used a fraud detection system that paused benefits for 600,000 Californians between Christmas and New Year’s in 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4542\">according to a Legislative Analyst’s Office report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the report names six high-risk systems in use today, state agencies have used some for several years now. Those include COMPAS, which has been used by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to assign recidivism scores to inmates for at \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2023/06/Recidivism-Report-for-Offenders-Released-in-FY-2011-12.pdf\">least a decade\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The technology department said in the report that it found more systems for its report this year because it evaluated responses from state agencies more thoroughly, including by meeting with agencies and questioning them about their systems.[aside postID=news_12087201 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CollegeGraduationGetty.jpg']In addition to the six high-risk systems, the department’s report disclosed an additional six systems initially flagged as high risk but later determined not to be. One was AI used for legislative bill analysis by the California Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also notes two high-risk systems that are not currently in use: the Department of Cannabis Control is developing artificial intelligence to analyze whether marijuana packaging violates a law against appealing to children, and California State University discontinued use of a language model for reviewing job applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Results of the second annual survey come after cities like San José and San Francisco released their first AI inventories in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also come at a time when California-based AI companies like Anthropic and OpenAI are going public and seeking government contracts. Americans are \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2026/03/12/key-findings-about-how-americans-view-artificial-intelligence/\">split on whether they trust AI\u003c/a>, and surveys last year by \u003ca href=\"https://techequity.us/press_release/californians-are-more-concerned-than-excited-by-ai/\">TechEquity\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://carnegieendowment.org/research/2025/10/carnegie-california-ai-survey\">Carnegie California found\u003c/a> that the majority of Californians want safety over innovation. A Gallup poll to evaluate the opinions of Americans found similar results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb1248\">Senate Bill 1248\u003c/a>, a bill that would have prohibited state employees from using automated decision systems as the sole basis for decision-making, was killed last month in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/suspense-file-senate-assembly/\">rapid-fire appropriations process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s missing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the newly released report shares more information than last year’s, several questions remain about the state’s use of artificial intelligence and other automated systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report does not include generative AI pilot projects underway with support from the governor’s office to do things like help businesses file taxes, support state employees who work on homelessness and an AI assistant named Poppy that uses language models like Anthropic’s Claude to do things like draft documents, research policy, or build custom AI tools, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.genai.ca.gov/poppy/\">a state website\u003c/a>. The website says that 67 state departments provided input during the pilot phase, and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.genai.ca.gov/poppy/\">statewide rollout of Poppy begins next month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2155035557-scaled-e1760733694503.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The OpenAI ChatGPT logo. \u003ccite>(Jaap Arriens/NurPhoto via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/05/25/nx-s1-5772820/artificial-intelligence-education-technology-california-state-university\">California State University contract\u003c/a> with OpenAI to provide a version of ChatGPT is also not mentioned, though surveys of AI use in educational settings have found that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2026/02/ai-images-scandalized-a-california-elementary-school-now-the-state-is-pushing-new-safeguards/\">the technology can do more harm than good\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2023 law mandating the annual high-risk systems report excludes reporting by a number of state agencies, including the judicial branch and the University of California college system. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2026/05/ai-los-angeles-riverside-courts/\">Reporting by \u003cem>CalMatters\u003c/em> last month\u003c/a> found that a majority of the roughly 60 courts that operate statewide have adopted generative AI use policies. Courts in Los Angeles and Riverside counties have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2026/05/ai-los-angeles-riverside-courts/\">begun testing\u003c/a> an AI tool to act as a clerk, drafting orders and producing research memos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters\u003c/em> is compiling an inventory of automated decision-making systems in use by state and local agencies throughout California in order to provide transparency into how governments are using decision-making systems and AI. Know about an AI system in use by a state or local agency? Email \u003ca href=\"mailto:khari@calmatters.org\">khari@calmatters.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/06/california-admits-government-ai-risk-after-denying/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year ago, California officials had to report under a new state law how they used automated systems to make important decisions about people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They said they never did — a startling answer for a number of reasons, sources \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/05/california-somehow-finds-no-ai-risks/\">told \u003cem>CalMatters\u003c/em> at the time\u003c/a>, including that there were several prominent examples to the contrary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the state has issued a more expansive answer: It is currently using six automated systems to make consequential decisions about the lives of Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The systems are used to do things like:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Predict whether incarcerated people will reoffend\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Evaluate whether unemployment claims are fraudulent\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Remotely administer exams for California State University students\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Detect when college students use generative AI to write assignments\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>That’s according to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/High-Risk-ADS-Report-for-Program-Year-2025.pdf\">report released Friday\u003c/a> by the state’s technology department. The report is required \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202320240ab302\">under a 2023 law mandating that\u003c/a> that state agencies annually disclose their use of “high-risk automated decision systems,” which the law defines as systems “used to assist or replace human discretionary decisions that have a legal or similarly significant effect, including decisions that materially impact access to, or approval for, housing or accommodations, education, employment, credit, healthcare, and criminal justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law was pushed by civil rights, privacy and civil liberties groups concerned about harms from AI-like systems. Numerous such systems have been shown to produce results biased against marginalized groups, including those used for \u003ca href=\"https://venturebeat.com/technology/examsofts-remote-bar-exam-sparks-privacy-and-facial-recognition-concerns\">high-stakes testing\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/machine-bias-risk-assessments-in-criminal-sentencing\">predicting recidivism\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/machine-learning/2023/08/14/ai-detection-tools-falsely-accuse-international-students-of-cheating\">detecting AI-generated texts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058035\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12058035 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2159671948-scaled-e1781542152687.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anthropic’s AI model, Claude, a Large Language Model (LLM) is displayed on an iPhone in Lafayette, California, on June 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Smith Collection/Gado via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/05/california-somehow-finds-no-ai-risks/\">\u003cem>CalMatters\u003c/em> flagged last year’s report\u003c/a> as surprising, noting that the state corrections department had reported using software to predict post-release behavior and that the employment department used a fraud detection system that paused benefits for 600,000 Californians between Christmas and New Year’s in 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4542\">according to a Legislative Analyst’s Office report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the report names six high-risk systems in use today, state agencies have used some for several years now. Those include COMPAS, which has been used by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to assign recidivism scores to inmates for at \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2023/06/Recidivism-Report-for-Offenders-Released-in-FY-2011-12.pdf\">least a decade\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The technology department said in the report that it found more systems for its report this year because it evaluated responses from state agencies more thoroughly, including by meeting with agencies and questioning them about their systems.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In addition to the six high-risk systems, the department’s report disclosed an additional six systems initially flagged as high risk but later determined not to be. One was AI used for legislative bill analysis by the California Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also notes two high-risk systems that are not currently in use: the Department of Cannabis Control is developing artificial intelligence to analyze whether marijuana packaging violates a law against appealing to children, and California State University discontinued use of a language model for reviewing job applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Results of the second annual survey come after cities like San José and San Francisco released their first AI inventories in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also come at a time when California-based AI companies like Anthropic and OpenAI are going public and seeking government contracts. Americans are \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2026/03/12/key-findings-about-how-americans-view-artificial-intelligence/\">split on whether they trust AI\u003c/a>, and surveys last year by \u003ca href=\"https://techequity.us/press_release/californians-are-more-concerned-than-excited-by-ai/\">TechEquity\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://carnegieendowment.org/research/2025/10/carnegie-california-ai-survey\">Carnegie California found\u003c/a> that the majority of Californians want safety over innovation. A Gallup poll to evaluate the opinions of Americans found similar results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb1248\">Senate Bill 1248\u003c/a>, a bill that would have prohibited state employees from using automated decision systems as the sole basis for decision-making, was killed last month in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/suspense-file-senate-assembly/\">rapid-fire appropriations process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s missing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the newly released report shares more information than last year’s, several questions remain about the state’s use of artificial intelligence and other automated systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report does not include generative AI pilot projects underway with support from the governor’s office to do things like help businesses file taxes, support state employees who work on homelessness and an AI assistant named Poppy that uses language models like Anthropic’s Claude to do things like draft documents, research policy, or build custom AI tools, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.genai.ca.gov/poppy/\">a state website\u003c/a>. The website says that 67 state departments provided input during the pilot phase, and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.genai.ca.gov/poppy/\">statewide rollout of Poppy begins next month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2155035557-scaled-e1760733694503.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The OpenAI ChatGPT logo. \u003ccite>(Jaap Arriens/NurPhoto via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/05/25/nx-s1-5772820/artificial-intelligence-education-technology-california-state-university\">California State University contract\u003c/a> with OpenAI to provide a version of ChatGPT is also not mentioned, though surveys of AI use in educational settings have found that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2026/02/ai-images-scandalized-a-california-elementary-school-now-the-state-is-pushing-new-safeguards/\">the technology can do more harm than good\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2023 law mandating the annual high-risk systems report excludes reporting by a number of state agencies, including the judicial branch and the University of California college system. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2026/05/ai-los-angeles-riverside-courts/\">Reporting by \u003cem>CalMatters\u003c/em> last month\u003c/a> found that a majority of the roughly 60 courts that operate statewide have adopted generative AI use policies. Courts in Los Angeles and Riverside counties have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2026/05/ai-los-angeles-riverside-courts/\">begun testing\u003c/a> an AI tool to act as a clerk, drafting orders and producing research memos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters\u003c/em> is compiling an inventory of automated decision-making systems in use by state and local agencies throughout California in order to provide transparency into how governments are using decision-making systems and AI. Know about an AI system in use by a state or local agency? Email \u003ca href=\"mailto:khari@calmatters.org\">khari@calmatters.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/06/california-admits-government-ai-risk-after-denying/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Democrat Eric Jones Advances to Runoff Battle Against Longtime Napa Valley Congressman",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democratic former venture capitalist Eric Jones is advancing to the November general election against incumbent Rep. Mike Thompson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/congress-4th-district\">in Congressional District 4\u003c/a>, setting up an intraparty battle for the seat representing Napa Valley, the Sacramento suburbs and the rural North State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After trailing Republican Ray Riehle for more than a week, Jones surged past him in Friday’s vote count update, and at 5:14 p.m., the Associated Press declared Jones the second-place finisher in the top-two primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are finishing in a very strong position,” Jones told KQED after the update.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the results show that voters want change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Americans are suffering, we’ve never seen so much inequality in our country,” he said. “And our government, whether it’s in Sacramento or Washington, D.C., just ain’t focused on the problems that are plaguing everyday Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His campaign remained optimistic the whole time, banking on later ballots skewing more progressive. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">voted by mail earlier\u003c/a> than Democrats, boosting Riehle in early vote counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All those late absentee votes typically are younger, much more Democratic and working-class people of color who fit our base much more,” said Brian Parvizshahi, Jones’ campaign manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones was part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086710/how-did-the-generational-change-movement-do-in-californias-election\">a wave of younger Democrats\u003c/a> taking on some of the party’s longest-serving members of Congress. For the most part, incumbents held their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086015\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abby Delanoy wears an Eric Jones shirt at the Democratic candidate’s watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic challengers to 81-year-old Rep. John Garamendi in Solano and Contra Costa counties, as well as 71-year-old Rep. Brad Sherman and 87-year-old Rep. Maxine Waters, both in the Los Angeles area, did not make it into the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang was the only generational change candidate to outperform the incumbent, Rep. Doris Matsui, in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones put up the most serious challenge that Thompson has faced in years, but he remains 19 percentage points behind the incumbent, \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">with 98% of ballots counted.\u003c/span> Still, his campaign sees a path to victory in November.[aside label=\"Live 2026 Election Results\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/napa,Napa County: Stay informed with the latest results for elected leaders and measures passed' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/05/Aside-Results-2026-Local-Elections-Napa-County-1200x1200@2x.png]“The general electorate is a completely different electorate. It’s much more diverse, it’s much younger, and it’s voters who live with the day-to-day realities of this country … and the hardships that are facing everyone,” Jones said. “That’s dramatically different from the primary voter base. So we feel very good about our message resonating with the general electorate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Thompson, Jones focused his campaign messaging on affordability, but he ran on a progressive platform, calling for universal childcare, a $10,000 working-class tax refund, Medicare for All and expanded coverage for in-home nursing, dental, vision and hearing care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our entire campaign from day one has been about change,” Jones said. “It’s been about fighting for a new order in politics in our country and getting money out of politics and fighting for something better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has also pledged not to accept any corporate PAC money and wants to ban members of Congress from trading stocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The core of my platform is forcing corporations to actually follow the tax code we have on the books, closing corporate loopholes, and using that money to fund a tax cut for the working class in this country,” said Jones, who has the endorsement of Our Revolution, a progressive organization founded by Sen. Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085544/in-redrawn-napa-valley-house-seat-voters-appear-to-stick-with-incumbent-they-know\">easily cinched the first-place spot\u003c/a> on election night. A Vietnam War veteran, Thompson is a moderate Democrat who has served 14 terms in Congress with broad establishment support, including endorsements from Rep. Nancy Pelosi, Gov. Gavin Newsom, Sen. Adam Schiff and the state Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson has countered the generational argument of his opponent, noting his endorsements from youth voter groups such as Sacramento County Young Democrats and UC Davis College Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11705041\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11705041\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi.jpg\" alt=\"Rep. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi, pictured in Dec., 2017.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1259\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-800x525.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-1020x669.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-1200x787.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi, pictured in Dec. 2017. \u003ccite>(Zach Gibson/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think every generation has something to offer, and there are younger people coming into Congress, but you can’t have an entire Congress of brand new people,” Thompson said. “It’s important to have people who can provide advice and share knowledge with the younger members who are coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Thompson’s signature issues is gun reform, and he chairs the House Gun Violence Prevention Task Force. He’s also championed the wine industry as a vineyard owner and co-chair of the Congressional Wine Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones’ campaign manager Parvizshahi previously ran Rep. Ro Khanna’s 2014 and 2016 campaigns against Rep. Mike Honda. In 2014, Khanna gained 17 points between the primary and general election. He lost, but returned to defeat Honda in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi believes Jones could follow a similar trajectory, arguing that in addition to an expanded general electorate, the longer runway to November also offers time to build name recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson usually wins close to two-thirds of the vote in the general election, but in this month’s primary he has received only 41% of votes so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never good for an incumbent to be under 50%,” Parvizshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Grose, a political science professor at the University of Southern California, agreed the results may be a sign of voter dissatisfaction with the incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eric Jones, Democratic candidate for California’s 4th Congressional District, center, speaks to a supporter at his watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Thompson’s not doing that great, right? If that many people have decided to vote against the incumbent. So that’s a weakness potentially,” Grose said. “But also you can’t assume Republicans will vote for the other Democrat if it’s a D versus D race. They might just sit it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redistricting could work in Jones’ favor. After voters approved Proposition 50 last year, redrawing the state’s congressional maps, 47% of District 4 is new territory — weakening the powerful role of incumbency name recognition for Thompson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new District 4 map brought in more conservative, rural regions of the state, including all of Colusa, Yuba and Sutter counties and parts of Placer and Sacramento counties, while dropping much of its more Democratic territory in Sonoma and Lake counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether those voters back a progressive like Jones over a moderate Democrat like Thompson is an open question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Jones, who moved into the No. 2 spot on Friday as more votes were counted, will bring a progressive generational challenge to incumbent Rep. Mike Thompson.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democratic former venture capitalist Eric Jones is advancing to the November general election against incumbent Rep. Mike Thompson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/congress-4th-district\">in Congressional District 4\u003c/a>, setting up an intraparty battle for the seat representing Napa Valley, the Sacramento suburbs and the rural North State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After trailing Republican Ray Riehle for more than a week, Jones surged past him in Friday’s vote count update, and at 5:14 p.m., the Associated Press declared Jones the second-place finisher in the top-two primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are finishing in a very strong position,” Jones told KQED after the update.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the results show that voters want change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Americans are suffering, we’ve never seen so much inequality in our country,” he said. “And our government, whether it’s in Sacramento or Washington, D.C., just ain’t focused on the problems that are plaguing everyday Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His campaign remained optimistic the whole time, banking on later ballots skewing more progressive. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">voted by mail earlier\u003c/a> than Democrats, boosting Riehle in early vote counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All those late absentee votes typically are younger, much more Democratic and working-class people of color who fit our base much more,” said Brian Parvizshahi, Jones’ campaign manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones was part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086710/how-did-the-generational-change-movement-do-in-californias-election\">a wave of younger Democrats\u003c/a> taking on some of the party’s longest-serving members of Congress. For the most part, incumbents held their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086015\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abby Delanoy wears an Eric Jones shirt at the Democratic candidate’s watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic challengers to 81-year-old Rep. John Garamendi in Solano and Contra Costa counties, as well as 71-year-old Rep. Brad Sherman and 87-year-old Rep. Maxine Waters, both in the Los Angeles area, did not make it into the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang was the only generational change candidate to outperform the incumbent, Rep. Doris Matsui, in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones put up the most serious challenge that Thompson has faced in years, but he remains 19 percentage points behind the incumbent, \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">with 98% of ballots counted.\u003c/span> Still, his campaign sees a path to victory in November.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The general electorate is a completely different electorate. It’s much more diverse, it’s much younger, and it’s voters who live with the day-to-day realities of this country … and the hardships that are facing everyone,” Jones said. “That’s dramatically different from the primary voter base. So we feel very good about our message resonating with the general electorate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Thompson, Jones focused his campaign messaging on affordability, but he ran on a progressive platform, calling for universal childcare, a $10,000 working-class tax refund, Medicare for All and expanded coverage for in-home nursing, dental, vision and hearing care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our entire campaign from day one has been about change,” Jones said. “It’s been about fighting for a new order in politics in our country and getting money out of politics and fighting for something better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has also pledged not to accept any corporate PAC money and wants to ban members of Congress from trading stocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The core of my platform is forcing corporations to actually follow the tax code we have on the books, closing corporate loopholes, and using that money to fund a tax cut for the working class in this country,” said Jones, who has the endorsement of Our Revolution, a progressive organization founded by Sen. Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085544/in-redrawn-napa-valley-house-seat-voters-appear-to-stick-with-incumbent-they-know\">easily cinched the first-place spot\u003c/a> on election night. A Vietnam War veteran, Thompson is a moderate Democrat who has served 14 terms in Congress with broad establishment support, including endorsements from Rep. Nancy Pelosi, Gov. Gavin Newsom, Sen. Adam Schiff and the state Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson has countered the generational argument of his opponent, noting his endorsements from youth voter groups such as Sacramento County Young Democrats and UC Davis College Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11705041\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11705041\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi.jpg\" alt=\"Rep. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi, pictured in Dec., 2017.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1259\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-800x525.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-1020x669.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-1200x787.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi, pictured in Dec. 2017. \u003ccite>(Zach Gibson/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think every generation has something to offer, and there are younger people coming into Congress, but you can’t have an entire Congress of brand new people,” Thompson said. “It’s important to have people who can provide advice and share knowledge with the younger members who are coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Thompson’s signature issues is gun reform, and he chairs the House Gun Violence Prevention Task Force. He’s also championed the wine industry as a vineyard owner and co-chair of the Congressional Wine Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones’ campaign manager Parvizshahi previously ran Rep. Ro Khanna’s 2014 and 2016 campaigns against Rep. Mike Honda. In 2014, Khanna gained 17 points between the primary and general election. He lost, but returned to defeat Honda in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi believes Jones could follow a similar trajectory, arguing that in addition to an expanded general electorate, the longer runway to November also offers time to build name recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson usually wins close to two-thirds of the vote in the general election, but in this month’s primary he has received only 41% of votes so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never good for an incumbent to be under 50%,” Parvizshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Grose, a political science professor at the University of Southern California, agreed the results may be a sign of voter dissatisfaction with the incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eric Jones, Democratic candidate for California’s 4th Congressional District, center, speaks to a supporter at his watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Thompson’s not doing that great, right? If that many people have decided to vote against the incumbent. So that’s a weakness potentially,” Grose said. “But also you can’t assume Republicans will vote for the other Democrat if it’s a D versus D race. They might just sit it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redistricting could work in Jones’ favor. After voters approved Proposition 50 last year, redrawing the state’s congressional maps, 47% of District 4 is new territory — weakening the powerful role of incumbency name recognition for Thompson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new District 4 map brought in more conservative, rural regions of the state, including all of Colusa, Yuba and Sutter counties and parts of Placer and Sacramento counties, while dropping much of its more Democratic territory in Sonoma and Lake counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether those voters back a progressive like Jones over a moderate Democrat like Thompson is an open question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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