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The Twisted History of America’s Marijuana Laws","title":"Reefer Madness! The Twisted History of America’s Marijuana Laws","headTitle":"The Lowdown | KQED News","content":"\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003cdiv>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: x-large\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #993300\">Teach with the Lowdown\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignnone wp-image-22868\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-400x143.jpg\" width=\"340\" height=\"122\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-400x143.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-800x286.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-768x274.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680.jpg 957w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 340px) 100vw, 340px\">Suggestions for nonfiction analysis, writing/discussion prompts and multimedia projects. Browse our lesson plan collection \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/category/lesson-plans-and-guides/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/The-History-of-Americas-Weed-Laws-lesson-plan.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Lesson Plan: Weed Laws (PDF)\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Talk about a buzz kill!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, just four days after recreational marijuana became legal to buy and sell in California, U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/01/04/u-s-to-end-lenient-policy-that-let-legal-pot-flourish/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nudged federal prosecutors\u003c/a> to \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">aggressively enforce the federal law that strictly prohibits the drug.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In announcing the Justice Department's new stance on the issue, Sessions reversed an Obama-era policy directing federal prosecutors and authorities to generally deprioritize marijuana enforcement, particularly in states that had voted to legalize it for \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">medical or recreational use.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sessions previously served as an Alabama senator and a federal prosecutor at the height of the drug war. He insists that marijuana is \"only slightly less awful\" than heroin, blaming it for spikes in violent crime. In May, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/sessions-issues-sweeping-new-criminal-charging-policy/2017/05/11/4752bd42-3697-11e7-b373-418f6849a004_story.html?utm_term=.c8b76a95c3e7\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ordered federal prosecutors\u003c/a> to pursue the most serious charges possible against low-level drug offenders, overriding his predecessor's push for more lenient sentencing guidelines.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New threats of a federal crackdown have been staunchly criticized by liberals who say it will only further the steep human costs of the nation's largely ineffective drug war. Some conservatives also have opposed the action, considering it a states' rights issue. And while some in law enforcement support the tougher approach, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/story/2017/03/jeff-sessions-marijuana-crackdown-senators-react-235616\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bipartisan group of senators\u003c/a> in March even urged Sessions to uphold existing Obama-era marijuana policy of allowing states to implement their own recreational marijuana laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's still unclear if this most recent change in federal enforcement policy will impact the rollout of California's newly relaxed weed laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/CJ6MnrTy-Hc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marijuana advocates argue that legalizing the drug will lower the number of racially skewed drug arrests. Contrary to Sessions' contention, they say it will also likely reduce violence by undercutting the black market and taking the trade away from criminal organizations. A regulated market, they argue, will also ensure that consumers are purchasing a safer, pure product. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sessions and other opponents argue that legalization will lead to increased use of the drug, particularly among children and teens, resulting in an uptick in harder drug use and violent criminal behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Marijuana is not the kind of thing that ought to be legalized,\" said Sessions. \"It ought not to be minimized. It is, in fact, a very real danger.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Meanwhile, marijuana has long reigned supreme as the nation’s most popular illicit drug. And \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Americans seem to be increasingly open to legalizing it: In a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://news.gallup.com/poll/221018/record-high-support-legalizing-marijuana.aspx\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">recent Gallup Poll\u003c/span>\u003c/a>,\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> 64 percent of respondents said they were for it, the highest (no pun intended) level of public support in the nearly half-century of polling on the issue.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll.png\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-29438\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"720\" height=\"372\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll.png 720w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll-160x83.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll-240x124.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll-375x194.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll-520x269.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 720px) 100vw, 720px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California's legal shift, which went into effect on Jan. 1, was set in motion when voters passed \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_64,_Marijuana_Legalization_(2016)\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 64\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in 2016, a full two decades after it became the first state to legalize medicinal marijuana.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For a place known for its trendsetting ways and love of all things green, California is actually a bit late to the rec room: It’s the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.newsweek.com/where-recreational-marijuana-legal-691593\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">sixth state\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to hop on board the legal weed train, trailing Colorado, Washington, Alaska, Oregon, Nevada and, yes, even the nation’s capital. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But as the nation’s most populous state, and biggest marijuana producer, California's legal shift is being considered a dramatic step toward mainstreaming what promises to be an incredibly lucrative industry.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Under the state's new rules, people who are 21 and older can legally purchase up to an ounce of weed and grow up to six plants per residence. Smoking in public, however, is still subject to fines (unless permitted by local jurisdiction). \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And because marijuana sales are now taxable, the shift promises to be a huge windfall for the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Recreational marijuana sales are projected to bring in roughly $5 billion in annual sales, and about 35 percent will go to local and state taxes, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://thehill.com/homenews/state-watch/337788-legal-pot-to-be-5-billion-business-in-california-study\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">according to a study\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> commissioned by the state regulatory agency tasked with overseeing the, um, budding new market.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government's most recent backlash against marijuana's latest resurgence is little surprise, given America's long, racially fueled war against the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What follows is a twisted history of a very contentious weed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cstrong>1600s to mid-1800s: Cannabis literally becomes part of the national fabric\u003c/strong>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-29417 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/hemp-farming-begins-taking-root-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"348\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/hemp-farming-begins-taking-root-2.jpg 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/hemp-farming-begins-taking-root-2-160x93.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/hemp-farming-begins-taking-root-2-240x139.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/hemp-farming-begins-taking-root-2-375x218.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/hemp-farming-begins-taking-root-2-520x302.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the early 1600s, the British government encouraged colonial farmers to produce hemp, a form of cannabis with low levels of the psychoactive ingredient THC. The extremely hardy, fast-growing plant was primarily used for the production of \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">rope, sails, clothing and paper, a fiber critical to the British and Spanish empires. In 1619, the Virginia Assembly passed a law that flat-out \u003ca href=\"http://oll.libertyfund.org/pages/1619-laws-enacted-by-the-first-general-assembly-of-virginia\">required farmers\u003c/a> to grow it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the 19th century, as hemp production waned, more potent forms of cannabis were used as ingredients in many medicinal products and sold openly in pharmacies.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cstrong>1900 - 1920s: \"The Marijuana Menace\"\u003c/strong>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_29418\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 500px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-29418\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"500\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed.jpg 635w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed-160x153.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed-240x230.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed-375x359.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed-520x498.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed-32x32.jpg 32w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 500px) 100vw, 500px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Front page of the Ogden Standard (Utah) from Sept. 25, 1915. \u003ccite>(flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the Mexican Revolution of 1910, a wave of Mexican immigrants poured into the southwestern U.S. and helped popularize the recreational use of the drug. Cannabis in Spanish was referred to as “marihuana” or \"mariguana\u003ci>\" (\"marijuana\"\u003c/i> is the Anglicized bastardization).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the drug grew more popular, it was negatively associated with Mexican immigrants. Anti-drug campaigners began to warn against the encroaching \"Marijuana Menace,\" describing the terrible crimes attributed to the drug and the Mexicans who used it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was only referred to as marijuana \"because anti-cannabis factions wanted to underscore the drug's 'Mexican-ness,' meant to play off of anti-immigrant sentiments,\" noted Matt Thompson from NPR's \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2013/07/14/201981025/the-mysterious-history-of-marijuana\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Code Switch blog.\u003c/a> (It's also the reason why some cannabis advocates today consider \"marijuana\" \u003ca href=\"https://www.shopharborside.com/learn/the-M-word.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a derogatory term\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rumors quickly spread of Mexicans distributing this \"demon weed,\" or \"locoweed,\" to unsuspecting American schoolchildren, wrote author Eric Schlosser in his 1994 Atlantic article \"\u003ca href=\"http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1994/08/reefer-madness/303476/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Reefer Madness\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In port cities along the Gulf Coast, the drug also became associated with West Indian immigrants, a connection broadly extended to African-Americans, jazz musicians, prostitutes and lower-class whites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\" 'The Marijuana Menace,' as sketched by anti-drug campaigners, was personified by inferior races and social deviants,\" Schlosser added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1913, California (of all places) \u003ca href=\"http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/009145099902600204?journalCode=cdxa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">passed the first state cannabis prohibition law.\u003c/a> The effort was sponsored by the state Board of Pharmacy as part of a larger anti-narcotics campaign (even though there was at the time still little public concern about cannabis). Proposed by Henry Finger, a powerful member of the board, the law was intended to supposedly prevent the spread of the drug's use by “Hindoo” immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Within the last year we in California have been getting a large influx of Hindoos and they have in turn started quite a demand for cannabis indica,\" wrote Finger \u003ca href=\"http://www.canorml.org/background/caloriginsmjproh.pdf\">in a 1911 letter\u003c/a> (page 18). \"They are a very undesirable lot and the habit is growing in California very fast; the fear is now that it is not being confined to the Hindoos alone but that they are initiating our whites into this habit.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cb>1930s: Reefer Madness\u003c/b>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_29419\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 326px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/reefer.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-29419\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/reefer.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"326\" height=\"489\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/reefer.jpeg 326w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/reefer-160x240.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/reefer-240x360.jpeg 240w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 326px) 100vw, 326px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A poster from a later release of the 1936 film. \u003ccite>(Wikipedia)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Widespread unemployment and poverty during the Great Depression furthered resentment and fear of immigrants and minorities, and fueled concerns about the perceived ills of the drug that had become associated with them. A flurry of pseudo-research linked the use of the drug to violence, crime and other socially deviant behaviors.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Harry J. Anslinger, the first commissioner of the newly created Federal Bureau of Narcotics, insisted that marijuana led to “insanity, criminality, and death.\" \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">By 1931, 29 states had outlawed it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The debut of \"Reefer Madness\" in 1936, one in a series of anti-marijuana propaganda films released at the time, helped fuel hysteria about the drug. Originally titled \"Tell Your Children,\" the film centers on a series of hyperbolic events that ensue when innocent high school students are lured into trying marijuana — from a hit-and-run accident to manslaughter, suicide, attempted rape, hallucinations and a rapid descent into madness. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aYHDzrdXHEA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Following a lurid national propaganda campaign against the \"evil weed,\" Congress passed the Marihuana Tax Act of 1937, the first time the drug was regulated and taxed by the government. The statute effectively criminalized marijuana, outlawing its possession and sale and restricting it to individuals who paid an excise tax for certain authorized medical and industrial uses.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cstrong>1960s-1970s: The counterculture and the crackdown\u003c/strong>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_29409\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-29409 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-1020x1536.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"964\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-1020x1536.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-160x241.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-800x1205.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-768x1156.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-1180x1777.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-960x1446.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-240x361.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-375x565.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-520x783.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman smokes a joint at the 1970 \"Honor America Day\" peace rally in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(David Fenton/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Widespread adoption of marijuana by both young hippies in the anti-war movement and the white middle class briefly resulted in more relaxed attitudes and enforcement. Reports commissioned by Presidents John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson found that marijuana use did not induce violence or lead to u\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">se of heavier drugs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But that high didn't last long. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As part of President Richard Nixon's anti-drug efforts, Congress in 1970 passed the Controlled Substances Act. It created various legal categories, or schedules, for different types of drugs, depending on their perceived public threat. Cannabis was placed alongside heroin and LSD into Schedule 1, the most restrictive category, reserved for drugs deemed to have no medical benefit and the highest potential for abuse. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Including cannabis in this category was more a reflection of \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\"Nixon’s animus toward the counterculture with which he associated marijuana than scientific, medical, or legal opinion,\" \u003c/span>Scott C. Martin, a history professor at Bowling Green State University, \u003ca href=\"http://time.com/4298038/marijuana-history-in-america/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">wrote \u003c/span>in Time magazine\u003c/a>. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Schedule I designation, he said, made it difficult even for physicians or scientists to procure marijuana for research studies. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the bipartisan Shafer Commission, an investigative committee appointed by Nixon to study drug abuse in America, went on to recommend that possession of small amounts of marijuana be decriminalized. In 1972, a year after Nixon declared his \"war on drugs,\" the commission presented its findings to Congress in a report titled:\"\u003ca href=\"https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015015647558;view=1up;seq=5\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Marihuana, A Signal of Misunderstanding\u003c/a>\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It noted that most marijuana users were not dangerous at all, but rather more \"timid, drowsy and passive.\" It concluded that cannabis did not pose any widespread danger to society, and recommended using social measures other than criminalization to discourage its use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the nation' increasingly restrictive drug laws, the commission stated:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\"Unless present policy is redirected, we will perpetuate the same problems, tolerate the same social costs, and find ourselves as we do now, no further along the road to a more rational legal and social approach than we were in 1914.\"\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not surprisingly, Nixon vehemently rejected his commission's findings, forging ahead with his anti-drug agenda, and the following year Congress\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> created the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), a merger of the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNND) and the Office of Drug Abuse Law Enforcement (ODALE).\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, though, did significantly influence state governments. A movement spearheaded by the newly established National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML) resulted in Oregon passing the first decriminalization statute in 1973. Over the next five years, \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=J4wYDQAAQBAJ&pg=PT58#v=onepage&q=nebraska&f=false\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">10 other states\u003c/a> followed suit, from California to (astoundingly) Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cb>1986: Mandatory minimum drug sentencing\u003c/b>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-29420\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-800x427.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-800x427.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-160x85.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-768x410.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-1020x545.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-1180x630.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-960x513.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-240x128.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-375x200.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-520x278.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700.jpg 1311w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">President Reagan in 1986 signed the Anti-Drug Abuse Act, instituting mandatory sentences for drug-related crimes. The legislation had actually been championed by Democrats, who saw a political opportunity to outdo Republicans by \"getting tough on drugs.\" The shift was in part a response to the nation's shock over the death of Celtics star draft pick Len Bias from a cocaine overdose.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_29445\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1429px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-29445 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1429\" height=\"914\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737.jpg 1429w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-160x102.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-800x512.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-768x491.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-1020x652.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-1180x755.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-960x614.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-240x154.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-375x240.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-520x333.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1429px) 100vw, 1429px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The astronomical surge in America's state and federal prison population was due in large part to increasingly strict drug laws enacted in the 1970s and 1980s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Sentencing Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The law increased \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">federal penalties for the sale and possession of an array of drugs, including marijuana, with the penalties based on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/snitch/primer/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">amount of the drug involved\u003c/a>. Under the law, possession of 100 marijuana plants received the same penalty as possession of 100 grams of heroin. A later amendment established a \"three strikes and you're out\" policy, requiring life sentences for repeat drug offenders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the wake of the law, drug-related arrests soared, spurring a massive increase in the state and federal prison populations. At the time of the law's enactment in1986, there were roughly 400,000 inmates in America's prison system. By 2015, the population had nearly quadrupled, to a peak of almost 1.5 million, giving the U.S. the dubious distinction as the largest jailer in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marijuana arrests factored heavily in this increase, accounting for more than half of all drug arrests, mostly for possession. African-Americans were, and still continue to be, arrested at dramatically higher rates than whites, despite similar rates of usage, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.aclu.org/files/assets/061413-mj-report-rfs-rel4.pdf\">the ACLU\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cb>1996: Dawn of the medical movement \u003c/b>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_29424\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-29424\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-800x531.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"531\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-800x531.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-768x510.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-1180x783.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-960x637.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Card-carrying medical marijuana patients at Los Angeles' first-ever cannabis farmers'market. \u003ccite>(Frederic J. Brown/AFP/Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With the passage of\u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_215,_the_Medical_Marijuana_Initiative_(1996)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Proposition 215\u003c/a> by a solid majority of voters, California bypassed federal law and became the first state to legalize the sale and medical use of cannabis for patients with AIDS, cancer and other serious and painful diseases. Twenty-eight \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">other states and Washington, D.C. \u003ca href=\"http://www.drugpolicy.org/issues/medical-marijuana\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have since passed legislation\u003c/a> authorizing medical use of the drug. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the legalization of marijuana medical use in 29 states, it still remains a Schedule 1 drug under federal law, making it difficult for researchers to study its medical effects, as explained in this Above the Noise video.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/WbIauaBdQHE\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cstrong>2012 to now: Recreation time!\u003c/strong>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-29422\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado voters in 2012 passed the nation's first recreational marijuana law, which went into effect in 2014. \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Colorado_Marijuana_Legalization_Initiative,_Amendment_64_(2012)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Amendment 64 \u003c/a>(apparently a popular number), regulates and taxes marijuana and allows adults to possess up to an ounce of the drug. Since then, five other states have followed suit.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Massachusetts will also be joining the party in July 2018. And Maine is likely to eventually hop on board, too: In 2016, Maine voters approved recreational marijuana sales, but the statute was initially vetoed by the state's Republican governor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n","disqusIdentifier":"24153 http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/?p=24153","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2018/01/05/reefer-madness-the-twisted-history-of-americas-weed-laws/","stats":{"hasVideo":true,"hasChartOrMap":false,"hasAudio":false,"hasPolis":false,"wordCount":2433,"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"paragraphCount":58},"modified":1515462096,"excerpt":"There’s nothing simple about pot politics.","headData":{"twImgId":"","twTitle":"","ogTitle":"","ogImgId":"","twDescription":"","description":"There’s nothing simple about pot politics.","title":"Reefer Madness! The Twisted History of America’s Marijuana Laws | KQED","ogDescription":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"Reefer Madness! The Twisted History of America’s Marijuana Laws","datePublished":"2018-01-05T17:19:20-08:00","dateModified":"2018-01-08T17:41:36-08:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"reefer-madness-the-twisted-history-of-americas-weed-laws","status":"publish","path":"/lowdown/24153/reefer-madness-the-twisted-history-of-americas-weed-laws","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003cdiv>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: x-large\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #993300\">Teach with the Lowdown\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignnone wp-image-22868\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-400x143.jpg\" width=\"340\" height=\"122\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-400x143.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-800x286.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-768x274.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680.jpg 957w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 340px) 100vw, 340px\">Suggestions for nonfiction analysis, writing/discussion prompts and multimedia projects. Browse our lesson plan collection \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/category/lesson-plans-and-guides/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/The-History-of-Americas-Weed-Laws-lesson-plan.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Lesson Plan: Weed Laws (PDF)\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Talk about a buzz kill!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, just four days after recreational marijuana became legal to buy and sell in California, U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/01/04/u-s-to-end-lenient-policy-that-let-legal-pot-flourish/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nudged federal prosecutors\u003c/a> to \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">aggressively enforce the federal law that strictly prohibits the drug.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In announcing the Justice Department's new stance on the issue, Sessions reversed an Obama-era policy directing federal prosecutors and authorities to generally deprioritize marijuana enforcement, particularly in states that had voted to legalize it for \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">medical or recreational use.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sessions previously served as an Alabama senator and a federal prosecutor at the height of the drug war. He insists that marijuana is \"only slightly less awful\" than heroin, blaming it for spikes in violent crime. In May, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/sessions-issues-sweeping-new-criminal-charging-policy/2017/05/11/4752bd42-3697-11e7-b373-418f6849a004_story.html?utm_term=.c8b76a95c3e7\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ordered federal prosecutors\u003c/a> to pursue the most serious charges possible against low-level drug offenders, overriding his predecessor's push for more lenient sentencing guidelines.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New threats of a federal crackdown have been staunchly criticized by liberals who say it will only further the steep human costs of the nation's largely ineffective drug war. Some conservatives also have opposed the action, considering it a states' rights issue. And while some in law enforcement support the tougher approach, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/story/2017/03/jeff-sessions-marijuana-crackdown-senators-react-235616\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bipartisan group of senators\u003c/a> in March even urged Sessions to uphold existing Obama-era marijuana policy of allowing states to implement their own recreational marijuana laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's still unclear if this most recent change in federal enforcement policy will impact the rollout of California's newly relaxed weed laws.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/CJ6MnrTy-Hc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/CJ6MnrTy-Hc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marijuana advocates argue that legalizing the drug will lower the number of racially skewed drug arrests. Contrary to Sessions' contention, they say it will also likely reduce violence by undercutting the black market and taking the trade away from criminal organizations. A regulated market, they argue, will also ensure that consumers are purchasing a safer, pure product. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sessions and other opponents argue that legalization will lead to increased use of the drug, particularly among children and teens, resulting in an uptick in harder drug use and violent criminal behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Marijuana is not the kind of thing that ought to be legalized,\" said Sessions. \"It ought not to be minimized. It is, in fact, a very real danger.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Meanwhile, marijuana has long reigned supreme as the nation’s most popular illicit drug. And \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Americans seem to be increasingly open to legalizing it: In a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://news.gallup.com/poll/221018/record-high-support-legalizing-marijuana.aspx\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">recent Gallup Poll\u003c/span>\u003c/a>,\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> 64 percent of respondents said they were for it, the highest (no pun intended) level of public support in the nearly half-century of polling on the issue.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll.png\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-29438\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"720\" height=\"372\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll.png 720w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll-160x83.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll-240x124.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll-375x194.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/gallup-poll-520x269.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 720px) 100vw, 720px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California's legal shift, which went into effect on Jan. 1, was set in motion when voters passed \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_64,_Marijuana_Legalization_(2016)\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 64\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in 2016, a full two decades after it became the first state to legalize medicinal marijuana.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For a place known for its trendsetting ways and love of all things green, California is actually a bit late to the rec room: It’s the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.newsweek.com/where-recreational-marijuana-legal-691593\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">sixth state\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to hop on board the legal weed train, trailing Colorado, Washington, Alaska, Oregon, Nevada and, yes, even the nation’s capital. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But as the nation’s most populous state, and biggest marijuana producer, California's legal shift is being considered a dramatic step toward mainstreaming what promises to be an incredibly lucrative industry.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Under the state's new rules, people who are 21 and older can legally purchase up to an ounce of weed and grow up to six plants per residence. Smoking in public, however, is still subject to fines (unless permitted by local jurisdiction). \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And because marijuana sales are now taxable, the shift promises to be a huge windfall for the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Recreational marijuana sales are projected to bring in roughly $5 billion in annual sales, and about 35 percent will go to local and state taxes, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://thehill.com/homenews/state-watch/337788-legal-pot-to-be-5-billion-business-in-california-study\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">according to a study\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> commissioned by the state regulatory agency tasked with overseeing the, um, budding new market.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government's most recent backlash against marijuana's latest resurgence is little surprise, given America's long, racially fueled war against the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What follows is a twisted history of a very contentious weed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cstrong>1600s to mid-1800s: Cannabis literally becomes part of the national fabric\u003c/strong>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-29417 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/hemp-farming-begins-taking-root-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"348\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/hemp-farming-begins-taking-root-2.jpg 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/hemp-farming-begins-taking-root-2-160x93.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/hemp-farming-begins-taking-root-2-240x139.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/hemp-farming-begins-taking-root-2-375x218.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/hemp-farming-begins-taking-root-2-520x302.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the early 1600s, the British government encouraged colonial farmers to produce hemp, a form of cannabis with low levels of the psychoactive ingredient THC. The extremely hardy, fast-growing plant was primarily used for the production of \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">rope, sails, clothing and paper, a fiber critical to the British and Spanish empires. In 1619, the Virginia Assembly passed a law that flat-out \u003ca href=\"http://oll.libertyfund.org/pages/1619-laws-enacted-by-the-first-general-assembly-of-virginia\">required farmers\u003c/a> to grow it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the 19th century, as hemp production waned, more potent forms of cannabis were used as ingredients in many medicinal products and sold openly in pharmacies.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cstrong>1900 - 1920s: \"The Marijuana Menace\"\u003c/strong>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_29418\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 500px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-29418\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"500\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed.jpg 635w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed-160x153.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed-240x230.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed-375x359.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed-520x498.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/locoed-32x32.jpg 32w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 500px) 100vw, 500px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Front page of the Ogden Standard (Utah) from Sept. 25, 1915. \u003ccite>(flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the Mexican Revolution of 1910, a wave of Mexican immigrants poured into the southwestern U.S. and helped popularize the recreational use of the drug. Cannabis in Spanish was referred to as “marihuana” or \"mariguana\u003ci>\" (\"marijuana\"\u003c/i> is the Anglicized bastardization).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the drug grew more popular, it was negatively associated with Mexican immigrants. Anti-drug campaigners began to warn against the encroaching \"Marijuana Menace,\" describing the terrible crimes attributed to the drug and the Mexicans who used it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was only referred to as marijuana \"because anti-cannabis factions wanted to underscore the drug's 'Mexican-ness,' meant to play off of anti-immigrant sentiments,\" noted Matt Thompson from NPR's \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2013/07/14/201981025/the-mysterious-history-of-marijuana\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Code Switch blog.\u003c/a> (It's also the reason why some cannabis advocates today consider \"marijuana\" \u003ca href=\"https://www.shopharborside.com/learn/the-M-word.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a derogatory term\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rumors quickly spread of Mexicans distributing this \"demon weed,\" or \"locoweed,\" to unsuspecting American schoolchildren, wrote author Eric Schlosser in his 1994 Atlantic article \"\u003ca href=\"http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1994/08/reefer-madness/303476/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Reefer Madness\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In port cities along the Gulf Coast, the drug also became associated with West Indian immigrants, a connection broadly extended to African-Americans, jazz musicians, prostitutes and lower-class whites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\" 'The Marijuana Menace,' as sketched by anti-drug campaigners, was personified by inferior races and social deviants,\" Schlosser added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1913, California (of all places) \u003ca href=\"http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/009145099902600204?journalCode=cdxa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">passed the first state cannabis prohibition law.\u003c/a> The effort was sponsored by the state Board of Pharmacy as part of a larger anti-narcotics campaign (even though there was at the time still little public concern about cannabis). Proposed by Henry Finger, a powerful member of the board, the law was intended to supposedly prevent the spread of the drug's use by “Hindoo” immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Within the last year we in California have been getting a large influx of Hindoos and they have in turn started quite a demand for cannabis indica,\" wrote Finger \u003ca href=\"http://www.canorml.org/background/caloriginsmjproh.pdf\">in a 1911 letter\u003c/a> (page 18). \"They are a very undesirable lot and the habit is growing in California very fast; the fear is now that it is not being confined to the Hindoos alone but that they are initiating our whites into this habit.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cb>1930s: Reefer Madness\u003c/b>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_29419\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 326px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/reefer.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-29419\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/reefer.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"326\" height=\"489\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/reefer.jpeg 326w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/reefer-160x240.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/reefer-240x360.jpeg 240w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 326px) 100vw, 326px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A poster from a later release of the 1936 film. \u003ccite>(Wikipedia)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Widespread unemployment and poverty during the Great Depression furthered resentment and fear of immigrants and minorities, and fueled concerns about the perceived ills of the drug that had become associated with them. A flurry of pseudo-research linked the use of the drug to violence, crime and other socially deviant behaviors.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Harry J. Anslinger, the first commissioner of the newly created Federal Bureau of Narcotics, insisted that marijuana led to “insanity, criminality, and death.\" \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">By 1931, 29 states had outlawed it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The debut of \"Reefer Madness\" in 1936, one in a series of anti-marijuana propaganda films released at the time, helped fuel hysteria about the drug. Originally titled \"Tell Your Children,\" the film centers on a series of hyperbolic events that ensue when innocent high school students are lured into trying marijuana — from a hit-and-run accident to manslaughter, suicide, attempted rape, hallucinations and a rapid descent into madness. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/aYHDzrdXHEA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/aYHDzrdXHEA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Following a lurid national propaganda campaign against the \"evil weed,\" Congress passed the Marihuana Tax Act of 1937, the first time the drug was regulated and taxed by the government. The statute effectively criminalized marijuana, outlawing its possession and sale and restricting it to individuals who paid an excise tax for certain authorized medical and industrial uses.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cstrong>1960s-1970s: The counterculture and the crackdown\u003c/strong>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_29409\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-29409 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-1020x1536.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"964\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-1020x1536.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-160x241.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-800x1205.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-768x1156.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-1180x1777.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-960x1446.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-240x361.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-375x565.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out-520x783.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/smoke-out.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman smokes a joint at the 1970 \"Honor America Day\" peace rally in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(David Fenton/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Widespread adoption of marijuana by both young hippies in the anti-war movement and the white middle class briefly resulted in more relaxed attitudes and enforcement. Reports commissioned by Presidents John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson found that marijuana use did not induce violence or lead to u\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">se of heavier drugs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But that high didn't last long. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As part of President Richard Nixon's anti-drug efforts, Congress in 1970 passed the Controlled Substances Act. It created various legal categories, or schedules, for different types of drugs, depending on their perceived public threat. Cannabis was placed alongside heroin and LSD into Schedule 1, the most restrictive category, reserved for drugs deemed to have no medical benefit and the highest potential for abuse. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Including cannabis in this category was more a reflection of \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\"Nixon’s animus toward the counterculture with which he associated marijuana than scientific, medical, or legal opinion,\" \u003c/span>Scott C. Martin, a history professor at Bowling Green State University, \u003ca href=\"http://time.com/4298038/marijuana-history-in-america/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">wrote \u003c/span>in Time magazine\u003c/a>. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Schedule I designation, he said, made it difficult even for physicians or scientists to procure marijuana for research studies. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the bipartisan Shafer Commission, an investigative committee appointed by Nixon to study drug abuse in America, went on to recommend that possession of small amounts of marijuana be decriminalized. In 1972, a year after Nixon declared his \"war on drugs,\" the commission presented its findings to Congress in a report titled:\"\u003ca href=\"https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015015647558;view=1up;seq=5\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Marihuana, A Signal of Misunderstanding\u003c/a>\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It noted that most marijuana users were not dangerous at all, but rather more \"timid, drowsy and passive.\" It concluded that cannabis did not pose any widespread danger to society, and recommended using social measures other than criminalization to discourage its use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the nation' increasingly restrictive drug laws, the commission stated:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\"Unless present policy is redirected, we will perpetuate the same problems, tolerate the same social costs, and find ourselves as we do now, no further along the road to a more rational legal and social approach than we were in 1914.\"\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not surprisingly, Nixon vehemently rejected his commission's findings, forging ahead with his anti-drug agenda, and the following year Congress\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> created the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), a merger of the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNND) and the Office of Drug Abuse Law Enforcement (ODALE).\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, though, did significantly influence state governments. A movement spearheaded by the newly established National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML) resulted in Oregon passing the first decriminalization statute in 1973. Over the next five years, \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=J4wYDQAAQBAJ&pg=PT58#v=onepage&q=nebraska&f=false\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">10 other states\u003c/a> followed suit, from California to (astoundingly) Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cb>1986: Mandatory minimum drug sentencing\u003c/b>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-29420\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-800x427.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-800x427.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-160x85.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-768x410.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-1020x545.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-1180x630.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-960x513.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-240x128.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-375x200.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700-520x278.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/crack-war-1-1311x700.jpg 1311w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">President Reagan in 1986 signed the Anti-Drug Abuse Act, instituting mandatory sentences for drug-related crimes. The legislation had actually been championed by Democrats, who saw a political opportunity to outdo Republicans by \"getting tough on drugs.\" The shift was in part a response to the nation's shock over the death of Celtics star draft pick Len Bias from a cocaine overdose.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_29445\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1429px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-29445 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1429\" height=\"914\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737.jpg 1429w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-160x102.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-800x512.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-768x491.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-1020x652.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-1180x755.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-960x614.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-240x154.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-375x240.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/Trends-in-US-Corrections-e1515448755737-520x333.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1429px) 100vw, 1429px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The astronomical surge in America's state and federal prison population was due in large part to increasingly strict drug laws enacted in the 1970s and 1980s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Sentencing Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The law increased \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">federal penalties for the sale and possession of an array of drugs, including marijuana, with the penalties based on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/snitch/primer/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">amount of the drug involved\u003c/a>. Under the law, possession of 100 marijuana plants received the same penalty as possession of 100 grams of heroin. A later amendment established a \"three strikes and you're out\" policy, requiring life sentences for repeat drug offenders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the wake of the law, drug-related arrests soared, spurring a massive increase in the state and federal prison populations. At the time of the law's enactment in1986, there were roughly 400,000 inmates in America's prison system. By 2015, the population had nearly quadrupled, to a peak of almost 1.5 million, giving the U.S. the dubious distinction as the largest jailer in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marijuana arrests factored heavily in this increase, accounting for more than half of all drug arrests, mostly for possession. African-Americans were, and still continue to be, arrested at dramatically higher rates than whites, despite similar rates of usage, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.aclu.org/files/assets/061413-mj-report-rfs-rel4.pdf\">the ACLU\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cb>1996: Dawn of the medical movement \u003c/b>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_29424\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-29424\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-800x531.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"531\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-800x531.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-768x510.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-1180x783.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-960x637.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS24080_GettyImages-451708374-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Card-carrying medical marijuana patients at Los Angeles' first-ever cannabis farmers'market. \u003ccite>(Frederic J. Brown/AFP/Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With the passage of\u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_215,_the_Medical_Marijuana_Initiative_(1996)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Proposition 215\u003c/a> by a solid majority of voters, California bypassed federal law and became the first state to legalize the sale and medical use of cannabis for patients with AIDS, cancer and other serious and painful diseases. Twenty-eight \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">other states and Washington, D.C. \u003ca href=\"http://www.drugpolicy.org/issues/medical-marijuana\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have since passed legislation\u003c/a> authorizing medical use of the drug. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the legalization of marijuana medical use in 29 states, it still remains a Schedule 1 drug under federal law, making it difficult for researchers to study its medical effects, as explained in this Above the Noise video.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/WbIauaBdQHE'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/WbIauaBdQHE'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch4>\u003cstrong>2012 to now: Recreation time!\u003c/strong>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-29422\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2018/01/RS4903_marajuanasales-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado voters in 2012 passed the nation's first recreational marijuana law, which went into effect in 2014. \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Colorado_Marijuana_Legalization_Initiative,_Amendment_64_(2012)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Amendment 64 \u003c/a>(apparently a popular number), regulates and taxes marijuana and allows adults to possess up to an ounce of the drug. Since then, five other states have followed suit.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Massachusetts will also be joining the party in July 2018. And Maine is likely to eventually hop on board, too: In 2016, Maine voters approved recreational marijuana sales, but the statute was initially vetoed by the state's Republican governor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/lowdown/24153/reefer-madness-the-twisted-history-of-americas-weed-laws","authors":["1263"],"categories":["lowdown_552","lowdown_2399","lowdown_1","lowdown_2372","lowdown_2361"],"tags":["lowdown_2642","lowdown_2337","lowdown_2641","lowdown_2643"],"featImg":"lowdown_29412","label":"lowdown"},"lowdown_28059":{"type":"posts","id":"lowdown_28059","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"lowdown","id":"28059","score":null,"sort":[1507294810000]},"parent":0,"labelTerm":{"site":"lowdown"},"blocks":[],"publishDate":1507294810,"format":"aside","disqusTitle":"Stop-and-Frisk: A Brief History of a Controversial Policing Tool (with Lesson Plan)","title":"Stop-and-Frisk: A Brief History of a Controversial Policing Tool (with Lesson Plan)","headTitle":"The Lowdown | KQED News","content":"\u003cp>On the campaign trail, President Trump repeatedly insisted that \"stop-and-frisk\" policing was among the most effective strategies for driving down violent crime. And following his boss' lead, Attorney General Jeff Sessions has shown strong support for helping city police departments revive the controversial tactic, in which officers stop and sometimes search people they think look suspicious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003cdiv>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: x-large\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #993300\">Teach with the Lowdown\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignnone wp-image-22868\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-400x143.jpg\" width=\"340\" height=\"122\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-400x143.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-800x286.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-768x274.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680.jpg 957w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 340px) 100vw, 340px\">Suggestions for nonfiction analysis, writing/discussion prompts and multimedia projects. Browse our lesson plan collection \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/category/lesson-plans-and-guides/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2017/08/Stop-and-Frisk-lesson-plan.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Lesson Plan: Stop-and-Frisk Policing (PDF)\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Advocates say it's a way to stop crime before it happens, particularly in urban areas where it's often most rampant. Opponents, though, counter that it gives police license to racially profile people, and that minority residents are disproportionately targeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This interactive explainer, produced by Newsbound's Josh Kalven, explores the evolution of stop-and-frisk policing and the heated legal battles that have long surrounded it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullWidthWrapper\">\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"1280\" height=\"650\" src=\"//view.stacker.cc/KQEDLowdown/stop_frisk/index.html?embed=true\" name=\"nb-stack\" class=\"newsbound-embedded\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","disqusIdentifier":"28059 https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/?p=28059","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2017/10/06/stop-and-frisk-a-brief-history-of-a-controversial-policing-tool-with-lesson-plan/","stats":{"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"hasAudio":false,"hasPolis":false,"wordCount":155,"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"iframeSrcs":["//view.stacker.cc/KQEDLowdown/stop_frisk/index.html"],"paragraphCount":6},"modified":1582225952,"excerpt":"An interactive history of stop-and-frisk policing practices and the legal battles surrounding it.","headData":{"twImgId":"","twTitle":"","ogTitle":"","ogImgId":"","twDescription":"","description":"An interactive history of stop-and-frisk policing practices and the legal battles surrounding it.","title":"Stop-and-Frisk: A Brief History of a Controversial Policing Tool (with Lesson Plan) | KQED","ogDescription":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"Stop-and-Frisk: A Brief History of a Controversial Policing Tool (with Lesson Plan)","datePublished":"2017-10-06T06:00:10-07:00","dateModified":"2020-02-20T11:12:32-08:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"stop-and-frisk-a-brief-history-of-a-controversial-policing-tool-with-lesson-plan","status":"publish","path":"/lowdown/28059/stop-and-frisk-a-brief-history-of-a-controversial-policing-tool-with-lesson-plan","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On the campaign trail, President Trump repeatedly insisted that \"stop-and-frisk\" policing was among the most effective strategies for driving down violent crime. And following his boss' lead, Attorney General Jeff Sessions has shown strong support for helping city police departments revive the controversial tactic, in which officers stop and sometimes search people they think look suspicious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003cdiv>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: x-large\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #993300\">Teach with the Lowdown\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignnone wp-image-22868\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-400x143.jpg\" width=\"340\" height=\"122\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-400x143.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-800x286.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680-768x274.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2016/07/hands-e1469568663680.jpg 957w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 340px) 100vw, 340px\">Suggestions for nonfiction analysis, writing/discussion prompts and multimedia projects. Browse our lesson plan collection \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/category/lesson-plans-and-guides/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2017/08/Stop-and-Frisk-lesson-plan.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Lesson Plan: Stop-and-Frisk Policing (PDF)\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Advocates say it's a way to stop crime before it happens, particularly in urban areas where it's often most rampant. Opponents, though, counter that it gives police license to racially profile people, and that minority residents are disproportionately targeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This interactive explainer, produced by Newsbound's Josh Kalven, explores the evolution of stop-and-frisk policing and the heated legal battles that have long surrounded it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullWidthWrapper\">\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"1280\" height=\"650\" src=\"//view.stacker.cc/KQEDLowdown/stop_frisk/index.html?embed=true\" name=\"nb-stack\" class=\"newsbound-embedded\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/lowdown/28059/stop-and-frisk-a-brief-history-of-a-controversial-policing-tool-with-lesson-plan","authors":["1263"],"categories":["lowdown_2390","lowdown_552","lowdown_2399","lowdown_1","lowdown_2366","lowdown_243"],"tags":["lowdown_2622","lowdown_2337","lowdown_2621"],"featImg":"lowdown_28077","label":"lowdown"},"lowdown_27599":{"type":"posts","id":"lowdown_27599","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"lowdown","id":"27599","score":null,"sort":[1499925877000]},"parent":0,"labelTerm":{"site":"lowdown"},"blocks":[],"publishDate":1499925877,"format":"video","disqusTitle":"VIDEO: What's the Deal with the Crime Rate (and Why Can't Anyone Agree on It)?","title":"VIDEO: What's the Deal with the Crime Rate (and Why Can't Anyone Agree on It)?","headTitle":"The Lowdown | KQED News","content":"\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the many spirited exchanges between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton over the course of their three debates in 2016, the following from their first encounter was particularly notable:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clinton: \"Crime has continued to drop, including murders.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump: \"You're wrong. You're wrong. Murders are up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We're talking concrete figures here. So someone had to be mistaken ... right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In actuality, they were both kind of right (or wrong, depending on how you look at it).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Clinton's point, the violent crime rate, including the murder rate, was very recently at its lowest point in more than 40 years (see the chart below). So in that sense, crime has indeed dropped precipitously and, for the most part, steadily. But, as Trump insistently reminded voters throughout the campaign, there has in fact been an uptick in violent crime since 2014. Between 2014 and 2015, the FBI reported a 3.1 percent increase in violent crime and a 10 percent increase in murders. And the agency's preliminary 2016 data show further increases, an important data point that Clinton omitted in her reference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, though, Trump neglected to mention that in 2014 the rate of violent crime (murder, rape, aggravated assault and robbery) had dropped to less than half of what it was in 1991. So, while any rise in violent crime, particularly homicides, is certainly cause for concern and deserving of attention, it's worth noting that the uptick in question is being measured against the lowest crime rate in modern history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe style=\"border: none;\" title=\"U.S. Violent Crime rate\" src=\"//e.infogram.com/us_violent_crime_rate?src=embed\" width=\"650\" height=\"568\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe style=\"border: none;\" title=\"U.S. Violent Crime Rate by type: 1960-2012\" src=\"//e.infogram.com/americas-violent-crime-rate-1960---2012?src=embed\" width=\"650\" height=\"620\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of which underscores why talking about crime rates can turn into such a tricky, emotionally fueled and often misleading exercise. As this Above the Noise video explains, it all comes down to which dataset you look at, what section of it you focus on and what you compare your results to. In other words, if you cherry-pick the data, you can generally hook whatever conclusion you're fishing for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Use the scroll bar below to zoom in and view specific data ranges]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://fusiontables.google.com/embedviz?containerId=googft-gviz-canvas&viz=GVIZ&t=LINE_AGGREGATE&isXyPlot=true&bsize=0.0&q=select+col0%2C+col1+from+17UuKHVucbTxYO-Wx4gl8Zm2673N_AcUWQ4p0sBdA&qrs=+where+col0+%3E%3D+&qre=+and+col0+%3C%3D+&qe=+order+by+col0+asc&uiversion=2&rstart=1960%2F1%2F1+0%3A0%3A0&rend=2015%2F1%2F10+21%3A30%3A19&gco_forceIFrame=true&gco_hasLabelsColumn=true&width=700&height=560\" width=\"700\" height=\"560\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there's the issue of emotion-driven perceptions and the influence of pervasive crime reporting in the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://assets.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/12/2016/11/16114133/FT_16.11.16_crime_trend.png\">\u003cimg class=\"alignright\" src=\"http://assets.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/12/2016/11/16114133/FT_16.11.16_crime_trend.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"279\" height=\"251\">\u003c/a>As the \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/11/16/voters-perceptions-of-crime-continue-to-conflict-with-reality/ft_16-11-16_crime_trend/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pew Research Center notes\u003c/a>, Americans typically believe crime is on the rise, even when that notion is directly contradicted by data. In each of the 21 Gallup surveys conducted since 1989, a majority of respondents said that \u003ca href=\"http://www.gallup.com/poll/1603/crime.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">crime in the U.S. had risen\u003c/a> since the previous year, despite the generally downward trend in both violent and property crime rates during most of that time period. And a 2016 Pew Research survey found that 57 percent of registered voters thought crime had \u003ca href=\"http://www.people-press.org/2016/11/10/a-divided-and-pessimistic-electorate/3-11/\">gotten worse\u003c/a> since 2008, even though both violent and property crime rates \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/11/16/voters-perceptions-of-crime-continue-to-conflict-with-reality/\">declined by double-digit percentages\u003c/a> during that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ask a roomful of criminologists to explain what causes dramatic changes in crime rates and you’ll likely get a generous sampling of conflicting answers. From demographic trends and poverty levels to policing strategies and, as Trump proclaims, a general breakdown in law and order, theories abound as to what factors lead to spikes and drops in regional and national rates. It's easy to find correlations. But hard evidence of causation is more elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a conundrum of particular concern for places like Chicago, where murder rates have soared in recent years, not to mention other urban areas like St. Louis and Detroit, where rates of murder and other violent crimes have remained stubbornly high for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FBI's \u003ca href=\"https://ucr.fbi.gov/ucr-publications\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">annual crime report\u003c/a> is the most cited and comprehensive national crime report card, but it's certainly not without holes. It relies on voluntary reporting from more than 18,000 law enforcement jurisdictions around the country, including city, county, university, state, tribal and federal agencies. For the 2015 report, the most recent full-year report to date (data for all of 2016 will be released this fall), 16,643 local agencies -- about 90 percent of the the total enrolled in the program -- submitted data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another national crime measure is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=dcdetail&iid=245\">annual Bureau of Justice Statistics survey \u003c/a>of more than 90,000 households, which asks Americans ages 12 and older if they've been victims of crime in the last six months and whether they've reported those crimes to the police. The 2015 survey found that only about half of respondents who admitted to being victims had actually notified the authorities. Reasons for not reporting included the belief that the police “would not or could not do anything to help” or that the crime was “a personal issue or too trivial to report,” according to BJS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, the data that are publicly available do not provide a complete picture of crime in America. But they do offer a reasonable approximation. And by nearly every estimate, the overall violent crime rate is higher than it was a few years ago, but substantially lower than it was throughout the 1970s, '80s and early '90s.\u003c/p>\n\n","disqusIdentifier":"27599 https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/?p=27599","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2017/07/12/why-no-one-can-agree-on-the-crime-rate/","stats":{"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"hasAudio":false,"hasPolis":false,"wordCount":863,"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"iframeSrcs":["//e.infogram.com/us_violent_crime_rate","//e.infogram.com/americas-violent-crime-rate-1960---2012","https://fusiontables.google.com/embedviz"],"paragraphCount":22},"modified":1520018220,"excerpt":null,"headData":{"twImgId":"","twTitle":"","ogTitle":"","ogImgId":"","twDescription":"","description":"","title":"VIDEO: What's the Deal with the Crime Rate (and Why Can't Anyone Agree on It)? | KQED","ogDescription":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"VIDEO: What's the Deal with the Crime Rate (and Why Can't Anyone Agree on It)?","datePublished":"2017-07-12T23:04:37-07:00","dateModified":"2018-03-02T11:17:00-08:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"why-no-one-can-agree-on-the-crime-rate","status":"publish","videoEmbed":"https://youtu.be/ck7Jt9kCzMk","path":"/lowdown/27599/why-no-one-can-agree-on-the-crime-rate","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the many spirited exchanges between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton over the course of their three debates in 2016, the following from their first encounter was particularly notable:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clinton: \"Crime has continued to drop, including murders.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump: \"You're wrong. You're wrong. Murders are up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We're talking concrete figures here. So someone had to be mistaken ... right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In actuality, they were both kind of right (or wrong, depending on how you look at it).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Clinton's point, the violent crime rate, including the murder rate, was very recently at its lowest point in more than 40 years (see the chart below). So in that sense, crime has indeed dropped precipitously and, for the most part, steadily. But, as Trump insistently reminded voters throughout the campaign, there has in fact been an uptick in violent crime since 2014. Between 2014 and 2015, the FBI reported a 3.1 percent increase in violent crime and a 10 percent increase in murders. And the agency's preliminary 2016 data show further increases, an important data point that Clinton omitted in her reference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, though, Trump neglected to mention that in 2014 the rate of violent crime (murder, rape, aggravated assault and robbery) had dropped to less than half of what it was in 1991. So, while any rise in violent crime, particularly homicides, is certainly cause for concern and deserving of attention, it's worth noting that the uptick in question is being measured against the lowest crime rate in modern history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe style=\"border: none;\" title=\"U.S. Violent Crime rate\" src=\"//e.infogram.com/us_violent_crime_rate?src=embed\" width=\"650\" height=\"568\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe style=\"border: none;\" title=\"U.S. Violent Crime Rate by type: 1960-2012\" src=\"//e.infogram.com/americas-violent-crime-rate-1960---2012?src=embed\" width=\"650\" height=\"620\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of which underscores why talking about crime rates can turn into such a tricky, emotionally fueled and often misleading exercise. As this Above the Noise video explains, it all comes down to which dataset you look at, what section of it you focus on and what you compare your results to. In other words, if you cherry-pick the data, you can generally hook whatever conclusion you're fishing for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Use the scroll bar below to zoom in and view specific data ranges]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://fusiontables.google.com/embedviz?containerId=googft-gviz-canvas&viz=GVIZ&t=LINE_AGGREGATE&isXyPlot=true&bsize=0.0&q=select+col0%2C+col1+from+17UuKHVucbTxYO-Wx4gl8Zm2673N_AcUWQ4p0sBdA&qrs=+where+col0+%3E%3D+&qre=+and+col0+%3C%3D+&qe=+order+by+col0+asc&uiversion=2&rstart=1960%2F1%2F1+0%3A0%3A0&rend=2015%2F1%2F10+21%3A30%3A19&gco_forceIFrame=true&gco_hasLabelsColumn=true&width=700&height=560\" width=\"700\" height=\"560\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there's the issue of emotion-driven perceptions and the influence of pervasive crime reporting in the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://assets.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/12/2016/11/16114133/FT_16.11.16_crime_trend.png\">\u003cimg class=\"alignright\" src=\"http://assets.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/12/2016/11/16114133/FT_16.11.16_crime_trend.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"279\" height=\"251\">\u003c/a>As the \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/11/16/voters-perceptions-of-crime-continue-to-conflict-with-reality/ft_16-11-16_crime_trend/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pew Research Center notes\u003c/a>, Americans typically believe crime is on the rise, even when that notion is directly contradicted by data. In each of the 21 Gallup surveys conducted since 1989, a majority of respondents said that \u003ca href=\"http://www.gallup.com/poll/1603/crime.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">crime in the U.S. had risen\u003c/a> since the previous year, despite the generally downward trend in both violent and property crime rates during most of that time period. And a 2016 Pew Research survey found that 57 percent of registered voters thought crime had \u003ca href=\"http://www.people-press.org/2016/11/10/a-divided-and-pessimistic-electorate/3-11/\">gotten worse\u003c/a> since 2008, even though both violent and property crime rates \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/11/16/voters-perceptions-of-crime-continue-to-conflict-with-reality/\">declined by double-digit percentages\u003c/a> during that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ask a roomful of criminologists to explain what causes dramatic changes in crime rates and you’ll likely get a generous sampling of conflicting answers. From demographic trends and poverty levels to policing strategies and, as Trump proclaims, a general breakdown in law and order, theories abound as to what factors lead to spikes and drops in regional and national rates. It's easy to find correlations. But hard evidence of causation is more elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a conundrum of particular concern for places like Chicago, where murder rates have soared in recent years, not to mention other urban areas like St. Louis and Detroit, where rates of murder and other violent crimes have remained stubbornly high for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FBI's \u003ca href=\"https://ucr.fbi.gov/ucr-publications\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">annual crime report\u003c/a> is the most cited and comprehensive national crime report card, but it's certainly not without holes. It relies on voluntary reporting from more than 18,000 law enforcement jurisdictions around the country, including city, county, university, state, tribal and federal agencies. For the 2015 report, the most recent full-year report to date (data for all of 2016 will be released this fall), 16,643 local agencies -- about 90 percent of the the total enrolled in the program -- submitted data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another national crime measure is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=dcdetail&iid=245\">annual Bureau of Justice Statistics survey \u003c/a>of more than 90,000 households, which asks Americans ages 12 and older if they've been victims of crime in the last six months and whether they've reported those crimes to the police. The 2015 survey found that only about half of respondents who admitted to being victims had actually notified the authorities. Reasons for not reporting included the belief that the police “would not or could not do anything to help” or that the crime was “a personal issue or too trivial to report,” according to BJS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, the data that are publicly available do not provide a complete picture of crime in America. But they do offer a reasonable approximation. And by nearly every estimate, the overall violent crime rate is higher than it was a few years ago, but substantially lower than it was throughout the 1970s, '80s and early '90s.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/lowdown/27599/why-no-one-can-agree-on-the-crime-rate","authors":["1263"],"categories":["lowdown_2618","lowdown_552"],"tags":["lowdown_2611","lowdown_2337"],"featImg":"lowdown_30297","label":"lowdown"},"lowdown_27199":{"type":"posts","id":"lowdown_27199","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"lowdown","id":"27199","score":null,"sort":[1496383339000]},"parent":0,"labelTerm":{"site":"lowdown"},"blocks":[],"publishDate":1496383339,"format":"video","disqusTitle":"Can Algorithms Help Make the U.S. Criminal Justice System Less Biased?","title":"Can Algorithms Help Make the U.S. Criminal Justice System Less Biased?","headTitle":"The Lowdown | KQED News","content":"\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003cbr>\nThe U.S. has a seriously bloated prison population. We lock up people at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/fact-checker/wp/2015/07/07/yes-u-s-locks-people-up-at-a-higher-rate-than-any-other-country/?utm_term=.5099387ba1d9\">higher rate \u003c/a>than any other country in the world, with roughly 1 out of 140 Americans are currently behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that rate grows even steeper for certain minority populations, like African Americans, who are incarcerated at five times the rate of whites, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.sentencingproject.org/publications/color-of-justice-racial-and-ethnic-disparity-in-state-prisons/\">The Sentencing Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jailing that many people isn't cheap. It costs roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.usnews.com/news/blogs/data-mine/articles/2016-04-28/white-house-americas-prisons-more-costly-than-helpful\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$80 billion a year\u003c/a>, far more than what we spend on many other essential public services. California, for instance, shells out more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/PolicyAreas/CJ/6_cj_inmatecost\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$70,000 per inmate\u003c/a> but less than \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2017/how-does-california-rank-in-per-pupil-spending-it-all-depends/577405\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$12,000 per k-12 student\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ethical and financial dilemmas inherent in the current state of mass incarceration have spurred recent pushes at reform in the hopes of addressing racial disparities and reducing the sheer number of people we lock up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One strategy that's gained traction in recent years is the use of \u003ca href=\"https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44087.pdf\">risk assessment tools\u003c/a>. Similar to popular video and social platforms like Netflix and Facebook, these tools rely on computer algorithms to make predictions about future behavior. But whereas the Netflix algorithm analyzes user data to predict what videos a viewer might want to watch next, risk assessment tools analyze data to predict the likelihood of someone committing a future crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These tools are typically presented as questionnaires, ranging from simple queries like a person's age, education level and substance abuse history, to more complex evaluations of personality and judgement. The responses are then measured against a database of past offenders to determine the likelihood of a person committing future crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates of these tools argue that in certain instances they can decide the fate of convicted criminals more fairly and than can judges and parole boards, whose decisions are often swayed by personal biases. Computer-based analyses, some argue, are colorblind and absent of prejudice. They can also help reduce prison populations by identifying low-risk offenders who are unlikely to commit future crimes and should therefore receive shorter sentences or forgo incarceration altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of states and local jurisdictions are already using these tools to help determine everything from when parole should be granted to appropriate sentence lengths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ohio, for example, developed a set of\u003ca href=\"http://www.drc.ohio.gov/oras\"> statewide risk assessment tools\u003c/a> used throughout the criminal process, from pretrial to parole. A number of private companies also develop and sell them to various jurisdictions, including \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/rehabilitation/docs/FS_COMPAS_Final_4-15-09.pdf\">California\u003c/a>, which has used a system called COMPAS (Correctional Offender Management Profiling for Alternative Sanctions) for nearly a decade to inform decisions about rehabilitation programs for prisoners and parolees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those skeptical of risk assessment techniques note that they are too often implemented without sufficient independent \u003ca href=\"https://csgjusticecenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/Risk-Assessment-Instruments-Validated-and-Implemented-in-Correctional-Settings-in-the-United-States.pdf\">review or validation\u003c/a>. In some cases, the companies making the tools are also the ones evaluating how good they are at predicting criminal behavior. Major flaws in the design, critics argue, can produce tools that are extremely influential but ultimately inaccurate, with detrimental consequences for the people whose fate they ultimately determine. A number of recent investigations have also questioned whether these tools lessen racial bias in criminal justice decision making, or in some cases actually perpetuate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ProPublica, for one, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/machine-bias-risk-assessments-in-criminal-sentencing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">analyzed\u003c/a> a COMPAS tool used in Broward County, Fla. in 2013 and 2014, and found that it produced results that showed significant bias against black defendants. The investigation looked at the risk assessment scores of 7,000 people arrested in the county in 2013 and 2014, and analyzed the accuracy of the scores in predicting who was charged with a crime two years later. Black defendants, it found, were incorrectly flagged as future criminals at almost twice the rate of white defendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.equivant.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Northpointe\u003c/a>, the Michigan company that created the tool, was quick to rebut ProPublica's analysis, defending its system as fair and evidence-based. And a follow-up \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2016/10/17/can-an-algorithm-be-racist-our-analysis-is-more-cautious-than-propublicas/?utm_term=.b3af3ee59cc4\">Washington Post analysis \u003c/a>suggested that the issue was less clear-cut than ProPublica made it seem, noting that \"at the heart of their disagreement is a subtle ethical question: What does it mean for an algorithm to be fair?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, the jury's still out.\u003c/p>\n\n","disqusIdentifier":"27199 https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/?p=27199","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2017/06/01/can-algorithms-predict-criminal-behavior/","stats":{"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"hasAudio":false,"hasPolis":false,"wordCount":698,"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"paragraphCount":15},"modified":1520018870,"excerpt":null,"headData":{"twImgId":"","twTitle":"","ogTitle":"","ogImgId":"","twDescription":"","description":"","title":"Can Algorithms Help Make the U.S. Criminal Justice System Less Biased? | KQED","ogDescription":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"Can Algorithms Help Make the U.S. Criminal Justice System Less Biased?","datePublished":"2017-06-01T23:02:19-07:00","dateModified":"2018-03-02T11:27:50-08:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"can-algorithms-predict-criminal-behavior","status":"publish","videoEmbed":"https://youtu.be/Gi4YeRqfb24","path":"/lowdown/27199/can-algorithms-predict-criminal-behavior","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003cbr>\nThe U.S. has a seriously bloated prison population. We lock up people at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/fact-checker/wp/2015/07/07/yes-u-s-locks-people-up-at-a-higher-rate-than-any-other-country/?utm_term=.5099387ba1d9\">higher rate \u003c/a>than any other country in the world, with roughly 1 out of 140 Americans are currently behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that rate grows even steeper for certain minority populations, like African Americans, who are incarcerated at five times the rate of whites, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.sentencingproject.org/publications/color-of-justice-racial-and-ethnic-disparity-in-state-prisons/\">The Sentencing Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jailing that many people isn't cheap. It costs roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.usnews.com/news/blogs/data-mine/articles/2016-04-28/white-house-americas-prisons-more-costly-than-helpful\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$80 billion a year\u003c/a>, far more than what we spend on many other essential public services. California, for instance, shells out more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/PolicyAreas/CJ/6_cj_inmatecost\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$70,000 per inmate\u003c/a> but less than \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2017/how-does-california-rank-in-per-pupil-spending-it-all-depends/577405\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$12,000 per k-12 student\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ethical and financial dilemmas inherent in the current state of mass incarceration have spurred recent pushes at reform in the hopes of addressing racial disparities and reducing the sheer number of people we lock up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One strategy that's gained traction in recent years is the use of \u003ca href=\"https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44087.pdf\">risk assessment tools\u003c/a>. Similar to popular video and social platforms like Netflix and Facebook, these tools rely on computer algorithms to make predictions about future behavior. But whereas the Netflix algorithm analyzes user data to predict what videos a viewer might want to watch next, risk assessment tools analyze data to predict the likelihood of someone committing a future crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These tools are typically presented as questionnaires, ranging from simple queries like a person's age, education level and substance abuse history, to more complex evaluations of personality and judgement. The responses are then measured against a database of past offenders to determine the likelihood of a person committing future crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates of these tools argue that in certain instances they can decide the fate of convicted criminals more fairly and than can judges and parole boards, whose decisions are often swayed by personal biases. Computer-based analyses, some argue, are colorblind and absent of prejudice. They can also help reduce prison populations by identifying low-risk offenders who are unlikely to commit future crimes and should therefore receive shorter sentences or forgo incarceration altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of states and local jurisdictions are already using these tools to help determine everything from when parole should be granted to appropriate sentence lengths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ohio, for example, developed a set of\u003ca href=\"http://www.drc.ohio.gov/oras\"> statewide risk assessment tools\u003c/a> used throughout the criminal process, from pretrial to parole. A number of private companies also develop and sell them to various jurisdictions, including \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/rehabilitation/docs/FS_COMPAS_Final_4-15-09.pdf\">California\u003c/a>, which has used a system called COMPAS (Correctional Offender Management Profiling for Alternative Sanctions) for nearly a decade to inform decisions about rehabilitation programs for prisoners and parolees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those skeptical of risk assessment techniques note that they are too often implemented without sufficient independent \u003ca href=\"https://csgjusticecenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/Risk-Assessment-Instruments-Validated-and-Implemented-in-Correctional-Settings-in-the-United-States.pdf\">review or validation\u003c/a>. In some cases, the companies making the tools are also the ones evaluating how good they are at predicting criminal behavior. Major flaws in the design, critics argue, can produce tools that are extremely influential but ultimately inaccurate, with detrimental consequences for the people whose fate they ultimately determine. A number of recent investigations have also questioned whether these tools lessen racial bias in criminal justice decision making, or in some cases actually perpetuate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ProPublica, for one, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/machine-bias-risk-assessments-in-criminal-sentencing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">analyzed\u003c/a> a COMPAS tool used in Broward County, Fla. in 2013 and 2014, and found that it produced results that showed significant bias against black defendants. The investigation looked at the risk assessment scores of 7,000 people arrested in the county in 2013 and 2014, and analyzed the accuracy of the scores in predicting who was charged with a crime two years later. Black defendants, it found, were incorrectly flagged as future criminals at almost twice the rate of white defendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.equivant.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Northpointe\u003c/a>, the Michigan company that created the tool, was quick to rebut ProPublica's analysis, defending its system as fair and evidence-based. And a follow-up \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2016/10/17/can-an-algorithm-be-racist-our-analysis-is-more-cautious-than-propublicas/?utm_term=.b3af3ee59cc4\">Washington Post analysis \u003c/a>suggested that the issue was less clear-cut than ProPublica made it seem, noting that \"at the heart of their disagreement is a subtle ethical question: What does it mean for an algorithm to be fair?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, the jury's still out.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/lowdown/27199/can-algorithms-predict-criminal-behavior","authors":["6544"],"categories":["lowdown_2618","lowdown_552","lowdown_2372"],"tags":["lowdown_2608","lowdown_2613","lowdown_2337"],"featImg":"lowdown_27204","label":"lowdown"},"lowdown_23048":{"type":"posts","id":"lowdown_23048","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"lowdown","id":"23048","score":null,"sort":[1471032210000]},"parent":0,"labelTerm":{"site":"lowdown"},"blocks":[],"publishDate":1471032210,"format":"aside","disqusTitle":"MAP: How the Feds Are Policing the Police in Baltimore and Other Cities Across the Country","title":"MAP: How the Feds Are Policing the Police in Baltimore and Other Cities Across the Country","headTitle":"The Lowdown | KQED News","content":"\u003cp>[http_redir]\u003cbr>\nhttps://youtu.be/AN0zYH8dpxU\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->The Baltimore Police Department has a long track record of racial discrimination, frequently violating the rights of the city's black residents, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/file/883366/download\" target=\"_blank\">scathing report\u003c/a> released Wednesday by the U.S. Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation was commissioned in May 2015, following the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who was severely injured during a rough ride in the back of a police van. The incident sparked days of protests and rioting in Baltimore, and led to \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/19/us/freddie-gray-baltimore-police.html?module=ArrowsNav&contentCollection=U.S.&action=keypress®ion=FixedLeft&pgtype=article\" target=\"_blank\">criminal charges against six officers\u003c/a> - three of whom have already been acquitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"r5Y66sIxa2LdgwsW2faiGpKtlhqI0iXc\"]In examining the BPD's policing practices from 2010 to 2015, the DOJ found \"large racial disparities.\" African-Americans make up 63 percent of Baltimore's population, but were charged with 91 percent of all \"discretionary offenses\" (very minor, non-violent infractions) and 82 percent of all traffic stops, according to the report. Nearly half of all pedestrian stops occurred in just two primarily black districts. The report also found that police frequently used excessive force during these stops and unnecessarily escalated encounters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"BPD’s targeted policing of certain Baltimore neighborhoods with minimal oversight or accountability disproportionately harms African-American residents,\" reads the DOJ's report. \"Racially disparate impact is present at every stage of BPD’s enforcement actions, from the initial decision to stop individuals on Baltimore streets to searches, arrests, and uses of force.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials must now implement a series of\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/public-safety/baltimore-officials-justice-department-promises-sweeping-overhaul-of-city-police/2016/08/10/f022ded2-5e72-11e6-8e45-477372e89d78_story.html\" target=\"_blank\"> legally mandated reforms\u003c/a> outlined in what's known as a \"consent decree.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BPD is among the nearly 70 local police departments nationwide that have been investigated by the DOJ for allegations of brutality, racial bias and other civil rights violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Click points on the map below for specific DOJ 14141 investigations of police departments around the country (with data compiled by \u003ca href=\"https://github.com/themarshallproject/doj14141\" target=\"_blank\">the Marshall Project\u003c/a>.) The map details on-going cases and negotiated settlements (not all 67 cases). Map design by Charu Kukreja and Roland Hansson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[If the map doesn't appear in your browser, view it \u003ca href=\"http://www.dcrdesign.net/maps/kqed_1.html\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a> in fullscreen mode.]\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://www.dcrdesign.net/maps/kqed_1.html\" width=\"1000\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although they make up only a tiny percentage of the the roughly 18,000 state and local law enforcement agencies around the country, some of the departments investigated are among the nation's largest, serving nearly one in five Americans, according to one \u003ca href=\"http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2414673\" target=\"_blank\">analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignright wp-image-19347\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-400x355.jpg\" alt=\"14141-graphic_full_updated2-1\" width=\"306\" height=\"271\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-400x355.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-800x710.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-1440x1278.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-1180x1048.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-960x852.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 306px) 100vw, 306px\">\u003c/a>DOJ investigations of police forces, from Detroit to the U.S. Virgin Islands, are the outcome of a federal law prompted by a 1991 incident involving Rodney King, an unarmed black man savagely beaten by Los Angeles police officers during a traffic stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/crt/conduct-law-enforcement-agencies\" target=\"_blank\">Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act\u003c/a>, enacted three years later, includes a provision -- Section 14141 -- that gives the DOJ authority to investigate systemic civil rights abuses. It's one of the few federal tools that can compel widespread change in local law enforcement agencies, empowering the DOJ to take legal action against a police department unless it enters into a negotiated settlement -- such as a consent decree or memorandum of agreement -- and makes proposed reforms under a specified timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been 67 formal investigations opened under Section 14141 to date. Of those, 22 cases have been closed without an agreement, 33 cases resulted in a negotiated settlement, and 12 cases are ongoing, including four currently in litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tactic has its naysayers: some critics call it a blatant form of government overreach that places unrealistic expectations and financial burdens on already cash-strapped local police departments. Some also question its effectiveness, pointing to instances where the DOJ's mandates were ignored or where reform efforts stalled after federal oversight ended, as in the case of Cleveland's department, which has undergone two DOJ investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the DOJ probes, though, point to the numerous examples of success that have led to sustained reforms and significantly improved police-community relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“it’s really hard to judge how effective the monitors are in bringing about reforms,\" notes Stephen Rushin, a professor at the University of Alabama School of Law. \"There's no single police misconduct measure. But it really looks like [there's been] significant progress in cities that have these monitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more, see PBS Frontline's recent investigation, \u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/film/policing-the-police/\" target=\"_blank\">Policing the Police\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.youtube.com/embed/64IjdGdygAE\" width=\"1000\" height=\"563\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\n\n","disqusIdentifier":"23048 http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/?p=23048","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2016/08/12/map-how-the-feds-are-policing-the-police-in-baltimore-and-other-departments-around-the-country/","stats":{"hasVideo":true,"hasChartOrMap":true,"hasAudio":false,"hasPolis":false,"wordCount":720,"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"iframeSrcs":["http://www.dcrdesign.net/maps/kqed_1.html","https://www.youtube.com/embed/64IjdGdygAE"],"paragraphCount":19},"modified":1497383732,"excerpt":null,"headData":{"twImgId":"","twTitle":"","ogTitle":"","ogImgId":"","twDescription":"","description":" https://youtu.be/AN0zYH8dpxU","title":"MAP: How the Feds Are Policing the Police in Baltimore and Other Cities Across the Country | KQED","ogDescription":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"MAP: How the Feds Are Policing the Police in Baltimore and Other Cities Across the Country","datePublished":"2016-08-12T13:03:30-07:00","dateModified":"2017-06-13T12:55:32-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"map-how-the-feds-are-policing-the-police-in-baltimore-and-other-departments-around-the-country","status":"publish","customPermalink":"2016/08/12/baltimore/","path":"/lowdown/23048/map-how-the-feds-are-policing-the-police-in-baltimore-and-other-departments-around-the-country","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>[http_redir]\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/AN0zYH8dpxU'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/AN0zYH8dpxU'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->The Baltimore Police Department has a long track record of racial discrimination, frequently violating the rights of the city's black residents, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/file/883366/download\" target=\"_blank\">scathing report\u003c/a> released Wednesday by the U.S. Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation was commissioned in May 2015, following the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who was severely injured during a rough ride in the back of a police van. The incident sparked days of protests and rioting in Baltimore, and led to \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/19/us/freddie-gray-baltimore-police.html?module=ArrowsNav&contentCollection=U.S.&action=keypress®ion=FixedLeft&pgtype=article\" target=\"_blank\">criminal charges against six officers\u003c/a> - three of whom have already been acquitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>In examining the BPD's policing practices from 2010 to 2015, the DOJ found \"large racial disparities.\" African-Americans make up 63 percent of Baltimore's population, but were charged with 91 percent of all \"discretionary offenses\" (very minor, non-violent infractions) and 82 percent of all traffic stops, according to the report. Nearly half of all pedestrian stops occurred in just two primarily black districts. The report also found that police frequently used excessive force during these stops and unnecessarily escalated encounters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"BPD’s targeted policing of certain Baltimore neighborhoods with minimal oversight or accountability disproportionately harms African-American residents,\" reads the DOJ's report. \"Racially disparate impact is present at every stage of BPD’s enforcement actions, from the initial decision to stop individuals on Baltimore streets to searches, arrests, and uses of force.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials must now implement a series of\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/public-safety/baltimore-officials-justice-department-promises-sweeping-overhaul-of-city-police/2016/08/10/f022ded2-5e72-11e6-8e45-477372e89d78_story.html\" target=\"_blank\"> legally mandated reforms\u003c/a> outlined in what's known as a \"consent decree.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BPD is among the nearly 70 local police departments nationwide that have been investigated by the DOJ for allegations of brutality, racial bias and other civil rights violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Click points on the map below for specific DOJ 14141 investigations of police departments around the country (with data compiled by \u003ca href=\"https://github.com/themarshallproject/doj14141\" target=\"_blank\">the Marshall Project\u003c/a>.) The map details on-going cases and negotiated settlements (not all 67 cases). Map design by Charu Kukreja and Roland Hansson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[If the map doesn't appear in your browser, view it \u003ca href=\"http://www.dcrdesign.net/maps/kqed_1.html\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a> in fullscreen mode.]\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://www.dcrdesign.net/maps/kqed_1.html\" width=\"1000\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although they make up only a tiny percentage of the the roughly 18,000 state and local law enforcement agencies around the country, some of the departments investigated are among the nation's largest, serving nearly one in five Americans, according to one \u003ca href=\"http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2414673\" target=\"_blank\">analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignright wp-image-19347\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-400x355.jpg\" alt=\"14141-graphic_full_updated2-1\" width=\"306\" height=\"271\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-400x355.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-800x710.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-1440x1278.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-1180x1048.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-960x852.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 306px) 100vw, 306px\">\u003c/a>DOJ investigations of police forces, from Detroit to the U.S. Virgin Islands, are the outcome of a federal law prompted by a 1991 incident involving Rodney King, an unarmed black man savagely beaten by Los Angeles police officers during a traffic stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/crt/conduct-law-enforcement-agencies\" target=\"_blank\">Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act\u003c/a>, enacted three years later, includes a provision -- Section 14141 -- that gives the DOJ authority to investigate systemic civil rights abuses. It's one of the few federal tools that can compel widespread change in local law enforcement agencies, empowering the DOJ to take legal action against a police department unless it enters into a negotiated settlement -- such as a consent decree or memorandum of agreement -- and makes proposed reforms under a specified timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been 67 formal investigations opened under Section 14141 to date. Of those, 22 cases have been closed without an agreement, 33 cases resulted in a negotiated settlement, and 12 cases are ongoing, including four currently in litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tactic has its naysayers: some critics call it a blatant form of government overreach that places unrealistic expectations and financial burdens on already cash-strapped local police departments. Some also question its effectiveness, pointing to instances where the DOJ's mandates were ignored or where reform efforts stalled after federal oversight ended, as in the case of Cleveland's department, which has undergone two DOJ investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the DOJ probes, though, point to the numerous examples of success that have led to sustained reforms and significantly improved police-community relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“it’s really hard to judge how effective the monitors are in bringing about reforms,\" notes Stephen Rushin, a professor at the University of Alabama School of Law. \"There's no single police misconduct measure. But it really looks like [there's been] significant progress in cities that have these monitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more, see PBS Frontline's recent investigation, \u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/film/policing-the-police/\" target=\"_blank\">Policing the Police\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.youtube.com/embed/64IjdGdygAE\" width=\"1000\" height=\"563\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/lowdown/23048/map-how-the-feds-are-policing-the-police-in-baltimore-and-other-departments-around-the-country","authors":["1263"],"categories":["lowdown_552","lowdown_242","lowdown_457","lowdown_2366"],"tags":["lowdown_2554","lowdown_2337","lowdown_587"],"featImg":"lowdown_23071","label":"lowdown"},"lowdown_21930":{"type":"posts","id":"lowdown_21930","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"lowdown","id":"21930","score":null,"sort":[1462306393000]},"parent":0,"labelTerm":{"site":"lowdown"},"blocks":[],"publishDate":1462306393,"format":"standard","disqusTitle":"How the Money Bail System Works and Why Some Say It Isn't Fair","title":"How the Money Bail System Works and Why Some Say It Isn't Fair","headTitle":"The Lowdown | KQED News","content":"\u003cp>More than half the U.S. jail population has never actually been convicted of a crime. \u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s roughly 420,000 “pretrial” defendants stuck behind bars in city and county jails who haven't had their day in court, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/jim13st.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Bureau of Justice Statistics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And many of these defendants are in jail for one simple reason: they can't afford to pay bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/262327143&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Bail and bail bonds\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Bail is what courts often require defendants to pay in order to gain temporary release from jail before trial. It’s a kind of collateral, a way for the court to ensure that defendants return for their legal proceedings without having to be detained in the interim. If a defendant fails to appear in court, he or the entity that puts up the money on his behalf (the bail bondsman) is liable for the full bail amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After arrest, defendants are occasionally released on their own recognizance, and those accused of the most violent crimes may be denied bail entirely. Most defendants, though, are offered one of the following bail payment options (a \"bond\"):\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Cash bond\u003c/b> - defendant pays the full bail amount to the court, which is then reimbursed upon return, minus fees and administrative costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Property bond\u003c/b> - property is used instead of cash to secure release. The court places a \u003ca href=\"http://www.investopedia.com/terms/l/lien.asp\" target=\"_blank\">lien\u003c/a> on the property until the defendant returns to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Surety bond - \u003c/b> a commercial bail bond issued by a bail bond agent (or bondsman), who signs a promissory note to the court for the full amount of the bond. Bondsmen don't actually pay the full amount up front, but must show that they have sufficient resources to cover it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A commercial bail bond is\u003ca href=\"http://criminal.findlaw.com/criminal-procedure/posting-bail.html\" target=\"_blank\"> a three-party contract\u003c/a> between the defendant, the court, and the bond agent, in which the bond agent agrees to forfeit the bail amount if the defendant fails to appear in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, a defendant will pay a bondsmen a non-refundable fee for the service (usually about 10 to 15 percent of the bail amount). Although the practice is prohibited in a handful of states, surety bonds remain the most common form of bail in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>The big business of bail bonds\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>On the streets near most city and county courthouses around the country, there are no shortage of bail bond businesses, flashing their services in neon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States is one of only two countries in the world with an official private bail trade (the other is the Philippines), an estimated $2 billion industry with upwards of 15,000 bail agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's the only part of the criminal justice system that doesn't cost the taxpayers any money,” says Dennis Sew, Vice President of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.pbus.com/\">Professional Bail Agents of the United States\u003c/a>. Bail bond agents and the bounty hunters they employ have enforcement powers similar to police officers in terms of finding and detaining absentee clients. “The bondsman has a financial interest in the defendant,\" Sew explains. \"We will always go looking for him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bond agents vet potential clients on their ability to pay and likelihood of showing up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you're homeless and you have nobody and there’s no guarantee you'll show up in court, then you may need to stay in jail,” Sew notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Bail rates\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Although the Eighth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution states that “excessive bail shall not be required,\" critics of the system argue that bail is often set at unreasonably high rates, a factor they say disproportionately impacts poor defendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So much is based not on the crime you committed but the jurisdiction in which you happen to have committed the crime,\" notes Daniel Macallair, of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cjcj.org\">Center for Juvenile and Criminal Justice\u003c/a>. Bail rates for any given crime, he adds, vary widely by state and county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take California, where bail rates range considerably across the state's 58 counties. If you’re arrested for petty theft in Alameda County, the guideline bail amount is $15,000. But if arrested for the same offense in Orange County, you'll be liable for $20,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, this is the total amount that must be paid if a defendant fails to show up in court. In most cases, the defendant or bond agent need only pay a percentage of this total bond to gain release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://lowdowntest.cartodb.com/viz/70abcd44-116a-11e6-bb6c-0e787de82d45/embed_map\" width=\"100%\" height=\"800\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most states, bail bond agents can't charge clients more than 10 to 15 percent of the total bail amount. Nonetheless, if your bail is $20,000, 10 percent is still $2,000, a sizeable amount of cash that a potentially innocent defendant might have to pay out-of-pocket to avoid sitting in jail for weeks or event months until trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's also a factor that's led innocent defendants in certain cases to admit guilt after arrest, particularly when doing so is less costly than paying bail fees or awaiting trial in jail (even if it results in a lasting criminal record).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monetary bail often “prevents the criminal justice system from operating in a fair and balanced way,\" argues Macallair, as it makes release contingent on a defendant's ability to pay, not his risk to society. Holding someone in jail pretrial, he adds, is costly for both taxpayers who foot the bill and for defendants whose employment or housing opportunities may be jeopardized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And time spent in jail pretrial may also have an impact on the outcome of the actual trial, a factor that can potentially sway a jury during trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2013 \u003ca href=\"http://www.arnoldfoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/LJAF-Pretrial-CJ-Research-brief_FNL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Arnold Foundation report\u003c/a> found that when defendants remain in jail during the period before their case is heard, they are three times more likely be convicted and sent to jail and twice as likely to be sent to prison. The report also revealed that jail sentences were three times longer and prison sentences twice as long for defendants who had been detained before their court case.\u003c/p>\n\n","disqusIdentifier":"21930 http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/?p=21930","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2016/05/03/how-bail-works/","stats":{"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"hasAudio":true,"hasPolis":false,"wordCount":1013,"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"iframeSrcs":["https://w.soundcloud.com/player/","https://lowdowntest.cartodb.com/viz/70abcd44-116a-11e6-bb6c-0e787de82d45/embed_map"],"paragraphCount":28},"modified":1503619017,"excerpt":null,"headData":{"twImgId":"","twTitle":"","ogTitle":"","ogImgId":"","twDescription":"","description":"More than half the U.S. jail population has never actually been convicted of a crime.","title":"How the Money Bail System Works and Why Some Say It Isn't Fair | KQED","ogDescription":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"How the Money Bail System Works and Why Some Say It Isn't Fair","datePublished":"2016-05-03T13:13:13-07:00","dateModified":"2017-08-24T16:56:57-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"how-bail-works","status":"publish","path":"/lowdown/21930/how-bail-works","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than half the U.S. jail population has never actually been convicted of a crime. \u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s roughly 420,000 “pretrial” defendants stuck behind bars in city and county jails who haven't had their day in court, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/jim13st.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Bureau of Justice Statistics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And many of these defendants are in jail for one simple reason: they can't afford to pay bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/262327143&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Bail and bail bonds\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Bail is what courts often require defendants to pay in order to gain temporary release from jail before trial. It’s a kind of collateral, a way for the court to ensure that defendants return for their legal proceedings without having to be detained in the interim. If a defendant fails to appear in court, he or the entity that puts up the money on his behalf (the bail bondsman) is liable for the full bail amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After arrest, defendants are occasionally released on their own recognizance, and those accused of the most violent crimes may be denied bail entirely. Most defendants, though, are offered one of the following bail payment options (a \"bond\"):\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Cash bond\u003c/b> - defendant pays the full bail amount to the court, which is then reimbursed upon return, minus fees and administrative costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Property bond\u003c/b> - property is used instead of cash to secure release. The court places a \u003ca href=\"http://www.investopedia.com/terms/l/lien.asp\" target=\"_blank\">lien\u003c/a> on the property until the defendant returns to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Surety bond - \u003c/b> a commercial bail bond issued by a bail bond agent (or bondsman), who signs a promissory note to the court for the full amount of the bond. Bondsmen don't actually pay the full amount up front, but must show that they have sufficient resources to cover it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A commercial bail bond is\u003ca href=\"http://criminal.findlaw.com/criminal-procedure/posting-bail.html\" target=\"_blank\"> a three-party contract\u003c/a> between the defendant, the court, and the bond agent, in which the bond agent agrees to forfeit the bail amount if the defendant fails to appear in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, a defendant will pay a bondsmen a non-refundable fee for the service (usually about 10 to 15 percent of the bail amount). Although the practice is prohibited in a handful of states, surety bonds remain the most common form of bail in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>The big business of bail bonds\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>On the streets near most city and county courthouses around the country, there are no shortage of bail bond businesses, flashing their services in neon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States is one of only two countries in the world with an official private bail trade (the other is the Philippines), an estimated $2 billion industry with upwards of 15,000 bail agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's the only part of the criminal justice system that doesn't cost the taxpayers any money,” says Dennis Sew, Vice President of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.pbus.com/\">Professional Bail Agents of the United States\u003c/a>. Bail bond agents and the bounty hunters they employ have enforcement powers similar to police officers in terms of finding and detaining absentee clients. “The bondsman has a financial interest in the defendant,\" Sew explains. \"We will always go looking for him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bond agents vet potential clients on their ability to pay and likelihood of showing up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you're homeless and you have nobody and there’s no guarantee you'll show up in court, then you may need to stay in jail,” Sew notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Bail rates\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Although the Eighth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution states that “excessive bail shall not be required,\" critics of the system argue that bail is often set at unreasonably high rates, a factor they say disproportionately impacts poor defendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So much is based not on the crime you committed but the jurisdiction in which you happen to have committed the crime,\" notes Daniel Macallair, of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cjcj.org\">Center for Juvenile and Criminal Justice\u003c/a>. Bail rates for any given crime, he adds, vary widely by state and county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take California, where bail rates range considerably across the state's 58 counties. If you’re arrested for petty theft in Alameda County, the guideline bail amount is $15,000. But if arrested for the same offense in Orange County, you'll be liable for $20,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, this is the total amount that must be paid if a defendant fails to show up in court. In most cases, the defendant or bond agent need only pay a percentage of this total bond to gain release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://lowdowntest.cartodb.com/viz/70abcd44-116a-11e6-bb6c-0e787de82d45/embed_map\" width=\"100%\" height=\"800\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most states, bail bond agents can't charge clients more than 10 to 15 percent of the total bail amount. Nonetheless, if your bail is $20,000, 10 percent is still $2,000, a sizeable amount of cash that a potentially innocent defendant might have to pay out-of-pocket to avoid sitting in jail for weeks or event months until trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's also a factor that's led innocent defendants in certain cases to admit guilt after arrest, particularly when doing so is less costly than paying bail fees or awaiting trial in jail (even if it results in a lasting criminal record).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monetary bail often “prevents the criminal justice system from operating in a fair and balanced way,\" argues Macallair, as it makes release contingent on a defendant's ability to pay, not his risk to society. Holding someone in jail pretrial, he adds, is costly for both taxpayers who foot the bill and for defendants whose employment or housing opportunities may be jeopardized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And time spent in jail pretrial may also have an impact on the outcome of the actual trial, a factor that can potentially sway a jury during trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2013 \u003ca href=\"http://www.arnoldfoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/LJAF-Pretrial-CJ-Research-brief_FNL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Arnold Foundation report\u003c/a> found that when defendants remain in jail during the period before their case is heard, they are three times more likely be convicted and sent to jail and twice as likely to be sent to prison. The report also revealed that jail sentences were three times longer and prison sentences twice as long for defendants who had been detained before their court case.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/lowdown/21930/how-bail-works","authors":["8669"],"categories":["lowdown_552","lowdown_1","lowdown_2372"],"tags":["lowdown_2527","lowdown_2528","lowdown_2337"],"featImg":"lowdown_21931","label":"lowdown"},"lowdown_15096":{"type":"posts","id":"lowdown_15096","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"lowdown","id":"15096","score":null,"sort":[1451352601000]},"parent":0,"labelTerm":{"site":"lowdown"},"blocks":[],"publishDate":1451352601,"format":"aside","disqusTitle":"What's A Grand Jury And How Does It Work?","title":"What's A Grand Jury And How Does It Work?","headTitle":"The Lowdown | KQED News","content":"\u003cp>https://youtu.be/Tuwci-u-cyQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Confused about what grand juries do and how they work? You're probably not alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three months of testimony, an Ohio grand jury on Monday declined to indict the two Cleveland police officers involved in the 2014 fatal shooting of 12-year-old Tamir Rice. The decision means that the officers will not face criminal charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice, who was black, was shot and killed last November while playing with a fake gun outside a Cleveland recreation center, an incident that drew fierce community protests and calls for justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was NOT the grand jury's responsibility to determine whether the two officers -- the one who fired the gun and his partner -- were guilty of committing a crime. Rather, the jury was solely asked to determine if the evidence presented by the county prosecutor was solid enough (\"probable cause\") to even justify criminal charges (the \"indictment\"). If the jury had determined there was enough evidence to do so, the officers would then be tried in a criminal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the jury decided that the shooting was the product of human error, which did not indicate criminal action. In other words, there was not sufficient probable cause to charge the officers with a crime. And that means no criminal trial for the two officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Simply put, given this perfect storm of human error, mistakes and miscommunications by all involved that day, the evidence did not indicate criminal conduct by police,\" Cuyahoga County prosecutor Timothy McGinty told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the latest in a series of highly controversial grand jury decisions in the past two years that have exonerated police officers involved in the deaths of unarmed black men. That said, the following is an effort to explain the surprisingly complicated grand jury process\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Disclaimer: This post is \u003cem>really\u003c/em> long -- a whole lot of sweet, sweet text -- I suggest you use the chapter links below to get through it in stages.]\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#unique-identifier1\">What's a grand jury supposed to do?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#unique-identifier2\">What is standard grand jury procedure?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#unique-identifier4\">Are grand juries required in criminal cases?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#unique-identifier5\">Is it common for grand juries to return indictments?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#unique-identifier6\">Why are police suspects so rarely indicted?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#unique-identifier7\">Is the Rice case completely over?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca name=\"unique-identifier1\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What is a grand jury supposed to do?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Although the specific functions of grand juries differ from state to state, most hear evidence presented by a prosecutor and decide if that evidence is solid enough (probable cause) to charge a suspect with a felony (the indictment). If so, the case goes to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>California's Watchdog Grand Juries\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Most of California's county-based grand juries serve a primarily civil function. While prosecutors sometimes use them for criminal cases, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/civilgrandjury.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state's grand juries\u003c/a> are more commonly called on to investigate the operations of local government agencies or officials, including citizen complaints and allegations of corrupt or willful misconduct in office. Findings are presented in a written report that must be responded to by the government entity in question. California is one of only a handful of states with grand juries that serve this watchdog role.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>One way to think of the grand jury is as a screening process to determine if a trial is even necessary. But keep in mind that it's NOT a trial itself. There's no judge in the room, no defense lawyer, no formal cross-examination and -- perhaps most widely misunderstood about the process -- no actual verdict. Unlike a standard 12-member trial jury (formally known as a \"petit jury\"), a grand jury is not tasked with determining guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. Rather, it is responsible for deciding whether enough evidence exists to justify a trial in the first place. In other words, is there probable cause to charge the potential defendant with a crime?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the grand juries in the the Michael Brown and Eric Garner cases, the Ohio grand jury in the Tamir Rice case was not tasked with deciding if a crime did or did not occur. They were simply asked to determine if the evidence presented to them was strong enough to charge the police officers in question with a felony (murder or manslaughter) and go forward with a criminal trial.They determined that it was not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Landay, a former assistant district attorney in Middlesex County, Massachusetts, explains it nicely in his 2013 novel, \"\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/defending-jacob-william-landay/1100572462?ean=9780345533661\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Defending Jacob\u003c/a>\":\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"A grand jury proceeding is not a trial. There's no judge in the room and no defense lawyer. The prosecutor runs the show. It is an investigation and in theory a check on the prosecutor's power since the grand jury decides if the prosecutor has enough evidence to haul the suspect into court for trial. If there is enough evidence, the grand jury grants the prosecutor an indictment ... If not, they return a no bill.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003ca name=\"unique-identifier2\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What is standard grand jury procedure?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Although grand jury rules and proceedings vary by jurisdiction, most state grand juries follow a fairly standard format (although \u003ca href=\"http://campus.udayton.edu/~grandjur/fedj/fedj.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal grand juries\u003c/a> have a few unique elements, they run similarly). As the name implies, grand jurors are generally bigger than 12-member trial juries (hence: \"grand\" vs. \"petit\"), from as few as 12 (in Missouri) to as many as 23 (in New York). Grand jury members are usually chosen at random from the regular juror pool without a formal screening process. They are \"standing\" jurors, meaning that they typically serve long terms on an intermittent, on-call basis, often hearing multiple cases over many months. So, unlike trial juries, grand jurors are not typically vetted and handpicked for a specific case. The grand jury in the Michael Brown case, for instance, was selected in May -- long before the incident occurred -- and for the proceedings convened 25 times over a three-month period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, the only people in the grand jury room are the jurors, the prosecutors, and one or two witnesses — usually the reporting officer and the victim (if there is one). Additional witnesses and evidence can be presented in more complex cases, although the targets of an investigation (the suspects) rarely make an appearance. In some jurisdictions -- including Missouri -- grand jurors can directly question witnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the absence of a judge, the prosecutor is the presiding officer. He or she runs the show, and is responsible for instructing the jury on the law. Critics of the process argue that this factor can be particularly problematic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although grand jurors aren't sequestered during deliberation, the proceedings are secretive, completely closed to the public and the defense counsel. The transcript also usually remains sealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the grand jury hears the evidence, the prosecutor typically presents jurors with one or more criminal charges to consider (i.e., first-degree murder, involuntary manslaughter, etc.). The jury must then decide if there is \"probable cause\" to indict the suspect on one of those charges. In other words: Is there sufficient evidence to conclude that the accused person probably (although not definitely) committed the crime? In legal-speak, the jury returns either a \"true bill\" or \"no true bill\" of indictment; the latter is a dismissal of all charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, unlike trial juries, a grand jury's decision does not need to be unanimous. Rules \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsc.org/Topics/Jury/Grand-Juries/State-Links\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">vary by state\u003c/a>, but usually some kind of super-majority of jurors (two-thirds or three-fourths) is needed to return an indictment. In New York, a bare majority of only 12 jurors (out of 23) is required. Conversely, in \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsc.org/Topics/Jury/Grand-Juries/State-Links.aspx#Ohio\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ohio\u003c/a> a consensus of seven out of nine jurors are necessary to return an indictment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/y7thxae0AFM\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca name=\"unique-identifier4\">\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Are grand juries required in criminal cases?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>No. Although a federal grand jury indictment before trial is required under the \u003ca href=\"http://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/fifth_amendment\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fifth Amendment\u003c/a> of the U.S. Constitution, the mandate applies only to federal cases, not state-level prosecutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As such, non-federal grand jury procedures are determined on a state-by-state basis, and while most states have some grand jury provision, fewer than half actually require it (a \u003ca href=\"http://criminal.findlaw.com/criminal-procedure/preliminary-hearing.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">preliminary hearing\u003c/a> is a common alternative). In fact, grand jury procedures are required in neither Missouri nor New York. The decision to have one is generally at the discretion of the prosecutor. Grand juries date back to medieval English common law. They were established as part of the legal systems of former colonies throughout the United Kingdom. Interestingly, though, England abolished its grand jury system in 1933, and virtually all of its former colonies followed suit. The United States stands alone in continuing to use them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca name=\"unique-identifier5\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is it common for grand juries to return indictments?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Extremely common. Grand juries almost always do what the prosecutor advises. This is largely because finding probable cause is generally a pretty low bar. As the U.S. Supreme Court wrote in a \u003ca href=\"http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/kaley-v-united-states/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recent ruling, \u003c/a>probable cause requires only the \"'kind of 'fair probability' on which reasonable and prudent [people,] not legal technicians, act.\"'\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A common criticism of the grand jury process is that it is essentially -- in most cases -- a rubber stamp for prosecutors. Using Bureau of Justice Statistics data, the news site \u003ca href=\"http://fivethirtyeight.com/datalab/ferguson-michael-brown-indictment-darren-wilson/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FiveThirtyEight \u003c/a>found that federal grand juries declined to return an indictment in 11 of the 162,000 cases that U.S. attorneys prosecuted in 2010. That's a no-indictment rate of less than .007 percent. Keep in mind that this figure applies to federal cases -- aggregate data for state grand jury decisions is harder to come by -- so the numbers aren't directly comparable, but it does give a sense of how rare a no true bill is in any type of grand jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former New York state \u003ca href=\"https://www.nycourts.gov/history/legal-history-new-york/luminaries-court-appeals/wachtler-sol.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Chief Judge Sol Wachtler\u003c/span>\u003c/a> famously remarked that a prosecutor could persuade a grand jury to “indict a ham sandwich.” (In an ironic twist of fate, Wachtler was later indicted on attempted kidnapping charges, and served 13 months in federal prison.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the one consistent exception to the success of grand jury indictments is when police officers are the potential defendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca name=\"unique-identifier6\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why are police suspects so rarely indicted?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>While there are not very good data on officer-involved killings, newspaper accounts suggest that grand juries frequently decline to indict law enforcement.officials. A recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.houstonchronicle.com/local/investigations/item/Bulletproof-Part-3-Hard-to-charge-24421.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Houston Chronicle investigation\u003c/span>\u003c/a> found that “police have been nearly immune from criminal charges in shootings” in Houston and other large cities in Texas. Grand juries haven’t indicted a Houston police officer since 2004. And in Dallas, of the 81 police shootings reviewed by Dallas grand juries from 2008 and 2012, only one police officer was indicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One argument is that the jury is often swayed by officer testimony, and is quick to give law enforcement officials the benefit of the doubt. There is also the strong potential for prosecutorial bias. In standard cases, the prosecutor is dependent on the assistance of police officers to gather evidence against a civilian suspect, and often works closely with local law enforcement to build the case. But in police shooting cases, the officer \u003cem>is\u003c/em> the suspect.The prosecutor may have less incentive in indicting a police officer and risk jeopardizing his or her relationship with the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For this reason, some legal experts argue that police shooting cases should be run by specially appointed outside prosecutors rather than district attorneys in an effort to avoid conflict of interest and questions of fairness in the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, protesters demanded that St. Louis County Prosecuting Attorney Robert McCulloch recuse himself from running the Michael Brown grand jury investigation. McCulloch's father was a St. Louis police officer who was shot and killed in the line of duty in 1964, allegedly by a black man. Additionally, McCulloch's history of police prosecutions reveals a tend of leniency. On a least four previous occasions, his office has presented evidence to a grand jury about police officers who killed suspects in the line of duty, according to an analysis by \u003ca href=\"http://molawyersmedia.com/2014/09/08/background-check-looking-at-mccullochs-prosecution-history/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Missouri Lawyers Weekly\u003c/a>. None of the officers in those cases was indicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the biggest hurdle to an indictment is the law itself. The \u003ca href=\"http://news.stlpublicradio.org/post/deadly-force-what-does-law-say-about-when-police-are-allowed-use-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. Supreme Court\u003c/a> justifies the use of deadly force if an officer has a reasonable fear of harm, and most state laws give police pretty wide discretion to use whatever kind of force they believe necessary to protect themselves and to arrest a suspect they believe to be dangerous. These laws largely hinge on an officer's own perception of danger in the heat of the moment. And that significantly raises the bar for an indictment: If an officer can effectively express remorse during testimony and persuade a grand jury that he perceived a deadly threat, than the chances of getting charged drop significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[\u003cem>Editor's note: The following video does a nice job explaining the challenge of indicting police officers. It does, however, convey a certain viewpoint that we neither endorse nor reject.\u003c/em>]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/OCBwjFFpNik\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca name=\"unique-identifier7\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>So is the Tamir Rice case completely over?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Not quite. Cleveland police officials will still conduct an administrative review of the shooting, which could result in disciplinary action against the involved officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is also an ongoing U.S. Justice Department investigation into whether the officers' willfully violated the victim's civil rights. The burden of proof for bringing federal charges, however, is very high, and unlikely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice's family has also filed last December wrongful death civil lawsuit against the City of Cleveland and the two officers involved, which could result in a monetary reward.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Sources\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/12/28/461293703/grand-jury-declines-to-indict-police-officers-in-tamir-rice-investigation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/12/28/461293703/grand-jury-declines-to-indict-police-officers-in-tamir-rice-investigation\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.law.columbia.edu/media_inquiries/news_events/2014/november2014/Facts-on-Ferguson-Grand-Jury\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">http://www.law.columbia.edu/media_inquiries/news_events/2014/november2014/Facts-on-Ferguson-Grand-Jury\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.law.columbia.edu/media_inquiries/news_events/2014/december2014/garner-grand-jury-facts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">http://www.law.columbia.edu/media_inquiries/news_events/2014/december2014/garner-grand-jury-facts\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://news.stlpublicradio.org/people/william-freivogel\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">http://news.stlpublicradio.org/people/william-freivogel\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/08/nyregion/grand-juries-seldom-charge-police-officers-in-fatal-actions.html?module=Search&mabReward=relbias%3Ar\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">http://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/08/nyregion/grand-juries-seldom-charge-police-officers-in-fatal-actions.html?module=Search&mabReward=relbias%3Ar\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://criminal.findlaw.com/criminal-procedure/how-does-a-grand-jury-work.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">http://criminal.findlaw.com/criminal-procedure/how-does-a-grand-jury-work.html\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n","disqusIdentifier":"15096 http://blogs.kqed.org/lowdown/?p=15096","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2015/12/28/everything-you-wanted-to-know-about-a-grand-jury-but-were-afraid-to-ask/","stats":{"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"hasAudio":false,"hasPolis":false,"wordCount":2344,"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"paragraphCount":43},"modified":1502142531,"excerpt":null,"headData":{"twImgId":"","twTitle":"","ogTitle":"","ogImgId":"","twDescription":"","description":"https://youtu.be/Tuwci-u-cyQ Confused about what grand juries do and how they work? You're probably not alone.","title":"What's A Grand Jury And How Does It Work? | KQED","ogDescription":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"What's A Grand Jury And How Does It Work?","datePublished":"2015-12-28T17:30:01-08:00","dateModified":"2017-08-07T14:48:51-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"everything-you-wanted-to-know-about-a-grand-jury-but-were-afraid-to-ask","status":"publish","customPermalink":"2014/12/10/everything-you-wanted-to-know-about-a-grand-jury-but-were-afraid-to-ask/","path":"/lowdown/15096/everything-you-wanted-to-know-about-a-grand-jury-but-were-afraid-to-ask","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Tuwci-u-cyQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Tuwci-u-cyQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Confused about what grand juries do and how they work? You're probably not alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three months of testimony, an Ohio grand jury on Monday declined to indict the two Cleveland police officers involved in the 2014 fatal shooting of 12-year-old Tamir Rice. The decision means that the officers will not face criminal charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice, who was black, was shot and killed last November while playing with a fake gun outside a Cleveland recreation center, an incident that drew fierce community protests and calls for justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was NOT the grand jury's responsibility to determine whether the two officers -- the one who fired the gun and his partner -- were guilty of committing a crime. Rather, the jury was solely asked to determine if the evidence presented by the county prosecutor was solid enough (\"probable cause\") to even justify criminal charges (the \"indictment\"). If the jury had determined there was enough evidence to do so, the officers would then be tried in a criminal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the jury decided that the shooting was the product of human error, which did not indicate criminal action. In other words, there was not sufficient probable cause to charge the officers with a crime. And that means no criminal trial for the two officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Simply put, given this perfect storm of human error, mistakes and miscommunications by all involved that day, the evidence did not indicate criminal conduct by police,\" Cuyahoga County prosecutor Timothy McGinty told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the latest in a series of highly controversial grand jury decisions in the past two years that have exonerated police officers involved in the deaths of unarmed black men. That said, the following is an effort to explain the surprisingly complicated grand jury process\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Disclaimer: This post is \u003cem>really\u003c/em> long -- a whole lot of sweet, sweet text -- I suggest you use the chapter links below to get through it in stages.]\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#unique-identifier1\">What's a grand jury supposed to do?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#unique-identifier2\">What is standard grand jury procedure?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#unique-identifier4\">Are grand juries required in criminal cases?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#unique-identifier5\">Is it common for grand juries to return indictments?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#unique-identifier6\">Why are police suspects so rarely indicted?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#unique-identifier7\">Is the Rice case completely over?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca name=\"unique-identifier1\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What is a grand jury supposed to do?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Although the specific functions of grand juries differ from state to state, most hear evidence presented by a prosecutor and decide if that evidence is solid enough (probable cause) to charge a suspect with a felony (the indictment). If so, the case goes to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>California's Watchdog Grand Juries\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Most of California's county-based grand juries serve a primarily civil function. While prosecutors sometimes use them for criminal cases, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/civilgrandjury.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state's grand juries\u003c/a> are more commonly called on to investigate the operations of local government agencies or officials, including citizen complaints and allegations of corrupt or willful misconduct in office. Findings are presented in a written report that must be responded to by the government entity in question. California is one of only a handful of states with grand juries that serve this watchdog role.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>One way to think of the grand jury is as a screening process to determine if a trial is even necessary. But keep in mind that it's NOT a trial itself. There's no judge in the room, no defense lawyer, no formal cross-examination and -- perhaps most widely misunderstood about the process -- no actual verdict. Unlike a standard 12-member trial jury (formally known as a \"petit jury\"), a grand jury is not tasked with determining guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. Rather, it is responsible for deciding whether enough evidence exists to justify a trial in the first place. In other words, is there probable cause to charge the potential defendant with a crime?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the grand juries in the the Michael Brown and Eric Garner cases, the Ohio grand jury in the Tamir Rice case was not tasked with deciding if a crime did or did not occur. They were simply asked to determine if the evidence presented to them was strong enough to charge the police officers in question with a felony (murder or manslaughter) and go forward with a criminal trial.They determined that it was not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Landay, a former assistant district attorney in Middlesex County, Massachusetts, explains it nicely in his 2013 novel, \"\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/defending-jacob-william-landay/1100572462?ean=9780345533661\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Defending Jacob\u003c/a>\":\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"A grand jury proceeding is not a trial. There's no judge in the room and no defense lawyer. The prosecutor runs the show. It is an investigation and in theory a check on the prosecutor's power since the grand jury decides if the prosecutor has enough evidence to haul the suspect into court for trial. If there is enough evidence, the grand jury grants the prosecutor an indictment ... If not, they return a no bill.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003ca name=\"unique-identifier2\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What is standard grand jury procedure?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Although grand jury rules and proceedings vary by jurisdiction, most state grand juries follow a fairly standard format (although \u003ca href=\"http://campus.udayton.edu/~grandjur/fedj/fedj.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal grand juries\u003c/a> have a few unique elements, they run similarly). As the name implies, grand jurors are generally bigger than 12-member trial juries (hence: \"grand\" vs. \"petit\"), from as few as 12 (in Missouri) to as many as 23 (in New York). Grand jury members are usually chosen at random from the regular juror pool without a formal screening process. They are \"standing\" jurors, meaning that they typically serve long terms on an intermittent, on-call basis, often hearing multiple cases over many months. So, unlike trial juries, grand jurors are not typically vetted and handpicked for a specific case. The grand jury in the Michael Brown case, for instance, was selected in May -- long before the incident occurred -- and for the proceedings convened 25 times over a three-month period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, the only people in the grand jury room are the jurors, the prosecutors, and one or two witnesses — usually the reporting officer and the victim (if there is one). Additional witnesses and evidence can be presented in more complex cases, although the targets of an investigation (the suspects) rarely make an appearance. In some jurisdictions -- including Missouri -- grand jurors can directly question witnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the absence of a judge, the prosecutor is the presiding officer. He or she runs the show, and is responsible for instructing the jury on the law. Critics of the process argue that this factor can be particularly problematic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although grand jurors aren't sequestered during deliberation, the proceedings are secretive, completely closed to the public and the defense counsel. The transcript also usually remains sealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the grand jury hears the evidence, the prosecutor typically presents jurors with one or more criminal charges to consider (i.e., first-degree murder, involuntary manslaughter, etc.). The jury must then decide if there is \"probable cause\" to indict the suspect on one of those charges. In other words: Is there sufficient evidence to conclude that the accused person probably (although not definitely) committed the crime? In legal-speak, the jury returns either a \"true bill\" or \"no true bill\" of indictment; the latter is a dismissal of all charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, unlike trial juries, a grand jury's decision does not need to be unanimous. Rules \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsc.org/Topics/Jury/Grand-Juries/State-Links\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">vary by state\u003c/a>, but usually some kind of super-majority of jurors (two-thirds or three-fourths) is needed to return an indictment. In New York, a bare majority of only 12 jurors (out of 23) is required. Conversely, in \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsc.org/Topics/Jury/Grand-Juries/State-Links.aspx#Ohio\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ohio\u003c/a> a consensus of seven out of nine jurors are necessary to return an indictment.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/y7thxae0AFM'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/y7thxae0AFM'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch3>\u003ca name=\"unique-identifier4\">\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Are grand juries required in criminal cases?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>No. Although a federal grand jury indictment before trial is required under the \u003ca href=\"http://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/fifth_amendment\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fifth Amendment\u003c/a> of the U.S. Constitution, the mandate applies only to federal cases, not state-level prosecutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As such, non-federal grand jury procedures are determined on a state-by-state basis, and while most states have some grand jury provision, fewer than half actually require it (a \u003ca href=\"http://criminal.findlaw.com/criminal-procedure/preliminary-hearing.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">preliminary hearing\u003c/a> is a common alternative). In fact, grand jury procedures are required in neither Missouri nor New York. The decision to have one is generally at the discretion of the prosecutor. Grand juries date back to medieval English common law. They were established as part of the legal systems of former colonies throughout the United Kingdom. Interestingly, though, England abolished its grand jury system in 1933, and virtually all of its former colonies followed suit. The United States stands alone in continuing to use them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca name=\"unique-identifier5\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is it common for grand juries to return indictments?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Extremely common. Grand juries almost always do what the prosecutor advises. This is largely because finding probable cause is generally a pretty low bar. As the U.S. Supreme Court wrote in a \u003ca href=\"http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/kaley-v-united-states/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recent ruling, \u003c/a>probable cause requires only the \"'kind of 'fair probability' on which reasonable and prudent [people,] not legal technicians, act.\"'\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A common criticism of the grand jury process is that it is essentially -- in most cases -- a rubber stamp for prosecutors. Using Bureau of Justice Statistics data, the news site \u003ca href=\"http://fivethirtyeight.com/datalab/ferguson-michael-brown-indictment-darren-wilson/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FiveThirtyEight \u003c/a>found that federal grand juries declined to return an indictment in 11 of the 162,000 cases that U.S. attorneys prosecuted in 2010. That's a no-indictment rate of less than .007 percent. Keep in mind that this figure applies to federal cases -- aggregate data for state grand jury decisions is harder to come by -- so the numbers aren't directly comparable, but it does give a sense of how rare a no true bill is in any type of grand jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former New York state \u003ca href=\"https://www.nycourts.gov/history/legal-history-new-york/luminaries-court-appeals/wachtler-sol.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Chief Judge Sol Wachtler\u003c/span>\u003c/a> famously remarked that a prosecutor could persuade a grand jury to “indict a ham sandwich.” (In an ironic twist of fate, Wachtler was later indicted on attempted kidnapping charges, and served 13 months in federal prison.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the one consistent exception to the success of grand jury indictments is when police officers are the potential defendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca name=\"unique-identifier6\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why are police suspects so rarely indicted?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>While there are not very good data on officer-involved killings, newspaper accounts suggest that grand juries frequently decline to indict law enforcement.officials. A recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.houstonchronicle.com/local/investigations/item/Bulletproof-Part-3-Hard-to-charge-24421.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Houston Chronicle investigation\u003c/span>\u003c/a> found that “police have been nearly immune from criminal charges in shootings” in Houston and other large cities in Texas. Grand juries haven’t indicted a Houston police officer since 2004. And in Dallas, of the 81 police shootings reviewed by Dallas grand juries from 2008 and 2012, only one police officer was indicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One argument is that the jury is often swayed by officer testimony, and is quick to give law enforcement officials the benefit of the doubt. There is also the strong potential for prosecutorial bias. In standard cases, the prosecutor is dependent on the assistance of police officers to gather evidence against a civilian suspect, and often works closely with local law enforcement to build the case. But in police shooting cases, the officer \u003cem>is\u003c/em> the suspect.The prosecutor may have less incentive in indicting a police officer and risk jeopardizing his or her relationship with the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For this reason, some legal experts argue that police shooting cases should be run by specially appointed outside prosecutors rather than district attorneys in an effort to avoid conflict of interest and questions of fairness in the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, protesters demanded that St. Louis County Prosecuting Attorney Robert McCulloch recuse himself from running the Michael Brown grand jury investigation. McCulloch's father was a St. Louis police officer who was shot and killed in the line of duty in 1964, allegedly by a black man. Additionally, McCulloch's history of police prosecutions reveals a tend of leniency. On a least four previous occasions, his office has presented evidence to a grand jury about police officers who killed suspects in the line of duty, according to an analysis by \u003ca href=\"http://molawyersmedia.com/2014/09/08/background-check-looking-at-mccullochs-prosecution-history/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Missouri Lawyers Weekly\u003c/a>. None of the officers in those cases was indicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the biggest hurdle to an indictment is the law itself. The \u003ca href=\"http://news.stlpublicradio.org/post/deadly-force-what-does-law-say-about-when-police-are-allowed-use-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. Supreme Court\u003c/a> justifies the use of deadly force if an officer has a reasonable fear of harm, and most state laws give police pretty wide discretion to use whatever kind of force they believe necessary to protect themselves and to arrest a suspect they believe to be dangerous. These laws largely hinge on an officer's own perception of danger in the heat of the moment. And that significantly raises the bar for an indictment: If an officer can effectively express remorse during testimony and persuade a grand jury that he perceived a deadly threat, than the chances of getting charged drop significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[\u003cem>Editor's note: The following video does a nice job explaining the challenge of indicting police officers. It does, however, convey a certain viewpoint that we neither endorse nor reject.\u003c/em>]\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/OCBwjFFpNik'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/OCBwjFFpNik'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca name=\"unique-identifier7\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>So is the Tamir Rice case completely over?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Not quite. Cleveland police officials will still conduct an administrative review of the shooting, which could result in disciplinary action against the involved officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is also an ongoing U.S. Justice Department investigation into whether the officers' willfully violated the victim's civil rights. The burden of proof for bringing federal charges, however, is very high, and unlikely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice's family has also filed last December wrongful death civil lawsuit against the City of Cleveland and the two officers involved, which could result in a monetary reward.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Sources\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/12/28/461293703/grand-jury-declines-to-indict-police-officers-in-tamir-rice-investigation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/12/28/461293703/grand-jury-declines-to-indict-police-officers-in-tamir-rice-investigation\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.law.columbia.edu/media_inquiries/news_events/2014/november2014/Facts-on-Ferguson-Grand-Jury\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">http://www.law.columbia.edu/media_inquiries/news_events/2014/november2014/Facts-on-Ferguson-Grand-Jury\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.law.columbia.edu/media_inquiries/news_events/2014/december2014/garner-grand-jury-facts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">http://www.law.columbia.edu/media_inquiries/news_events/2014/december2014/garner-grand-jury-facts\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://news.stlpublicradio.org/people/william-freivogel\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">http://news.stlpublicradio.org/people/william-freivogel\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/08/nyregion/grand-juries-seldom-charge-police-officers-in-fatal-actions.html?module=Search&mabReward=relbias%3Ar\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">http://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/08/nyregion/grand-juries-seldom-charge-police-officers-in-fatal-actions.html?module=Search&mabReward=relbias%3Ar\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://criminal.findlaw.com/criminal-procedure/how-does-a-grand-jury-work.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">http://criminal.findlaw.com/criminal-procedure/how-does-a-grand-jury-work.html\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/lowdown/15096/everything-you-wanted-to-know-about-a-grand-jury-but-were-afraid-to-ask","authors":["1263"],"categories":["lowdown_245","lowdown_552","lowdown_457"],"tags":["lowdown_2337","lowdown_554","lowdown_512","lowdown_2503"],"featImg":"lowdown_15163","label":"lowdown"},"lowdown_18803":{"type":"posts","id":"lowdown_18803","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"lowdown","id":"18803","score":null,"sort":[1449086434000]},"parent":0,"labelTerm":{"site":"lowdown"},"blocks":[],"publishDate":1449086434,"format":"standard","disqusTitle":"MAP: Chicago Is Latest In Long List Of Police Departments To Be Investigated By the Feds","title":"MAP: Chicago Is Latest In Long List Of Police Departments To Be Investigated By the Feds","headTitle":"The Lowdown | KQED News","content":"\u003cp>[http_redir]\u003cbr>\nThe Chicago Police Department is the latest local law enforcement agency to come under fire, following the recent release of 2014 graphic video showing a white Chicago police officer shooting and killing a 17-year-old black male.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protests erupted last week after the city was forced to release the year-old footage. And on Tuesday, Chicago Mayor Rahm Emmanuel announced the dismissal of police Superintendent Garry McCarthy. Emmanuel said he would appoint a \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/12/01/457981923/amid-criticism-chicago-mayor-will-announce-police-accountability-taskforce\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">task force to look at police accountability\u003c/a>, noting that \"public trust\" in the police had been \"shaken\" and \"eroded.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarthy's dismissal comes on the same day that Illinois Attorney General asked the Justice Department to investigate whether the Chicago Police Department's practices violated constitutional law, \u003ca href=\"http://Illinois%20Attorney%20General%20Lisa%20Madigan%20asked%20the%20Justice%20Department%20Tuesday%20to%20investigate%20whether%20the%20Chicago%20Police%20Department's%20practices%20violated%20constitutional%20law.%20The%20agency%20confirmed%20to%20NPR's%20Carrie%20Johnson%20that%20it%20is%20reviewing%20the%20request.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR reports\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Justice Department decides to take up the investigation, the Chicago PD will join the ranks of roughly 70 other police departments nationwide that have been investigated by the feds for brutality, racial bias and other civil rights violations.\u003cbr>\nClick points on the map below for specific DOJ 14141 investigations of police departments around the country (with data compiled by \u003ca href=\"https://github.com/themarshallproject/doj14141\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Marshall Project\u003c/a>.) The map details on-going cases and negotiated settlements (not all 67 cases). Map design by Charu Kukreja and Roland Hansson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>View \u003ca href=\"http://www.dcrdesign.net/maps/kqed_1.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a> in fullscreen mode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.dcrdesign.net/maps/kqed_1.html\" width=\"1000\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although they make up only a tiny percentage of the the nearly 18,000 state and local law enforcement agencies around the country, some of these departments are among the nation's largest, serving nearly one in five Americans, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2414673\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignright wp-image-19347\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-400x355.jpg\" alt=\"14141-graphic_full_updated2-1\" width=\"306\" height=\"271\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-400x355.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-800x710.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-1440x1278.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-1180x1048.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-960x852.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 306px) 100vw, 306px\">\u003c/a>DOJ investigations of police forces, from Detroit to the U.S. Virgin Islands, are the outcome of a federal law prompted by a 1991 incident involving Rodney King, an unarmed black man savagely beaten by Los Angeles police officers during a traffic stop. The \u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/crt/conduct-law-enforcement-agencies\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act\u003c/a>, enacted three years later, includes a provision -- Section 14141 -- that gives the DOJ authority to investigate systemic civil rights abuses. It's one of the few federal tools that can compel widespread change in local law enforcement agencies, empowering the DOJ to take legal action against a police department unless it enters into a negotiated settlement -- such as a consent decree or memorandum of agreement -- and makes proposed reforms under a specified timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been 67 formal investigations opened under Section 14141 to date. Of those, 22 cases have been closed without an agreement, 33 cases resulted in a negotiated settlement, and 12 cases are ongoing, including four currently in litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tactic has its naysayers: some critics call it a blatant form of government overreach that places unrealistic expectations and financial burdens on already strapped local police departments. Others question its effectiveness, pointing to instances where the DOJ's mandates were ignored or where reform efforts after federal oversight ended, as in the case of Cleveland's department, which has undergone two DOJ investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates point to numerous examples of success that have led to sustained reforms and significantly improved police-community relations.\u003c/p>\n\n","disqusIdentifier":"18803 http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/?p=18803","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2015/12/02/policing-the-police-u-s-police-departments-investigated-by-the-feds-interactive-map/","stats":{"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"hasAudio":false,"hasPolis":false,"wordCount":513,"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"iframeSrcs":["https://www.dcrdesign.net/maps/kqed_1.html"],"paragraphCount":12},"modified":1523464587,"excerpt":null,"headData":{"twImgId":"","twTitle":"","ogTitle":"","ogImgId":"","twDescription":"","description":" The Chicago Police Department is the latest local law enforcement agency to come under fire, following the recent release of 2014 graphic video showing a white Chicago police officer shooting and killing a 17-year-old black male.","title":"MAP: Chicago Is Latest In Long List Of Police Departments To Be Investigated By the Feds | KQED","ogDescription":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"MAP: Chicago Is Latest In Long List Of Police Departments To Be Investigated By the Feds","datePublished":"2015-12-02T12:00:34-08:00","dateModified":"2018-04-11T09:36:27-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"policing-the-police-u-s-police-departments-investigated-by-the-feds-interactive-map","status":"publish","customPermalink":"2015/08/26/policing-the-police-u-s-police-departments-investigated-by-the-feds-interactive-map/","path":"/lowdown/18803/policing-the-police-u-s-police-departments-investigated-by-the-feds-interactive-map","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>[http_redir]\u003cbr>\nThe Chicago Police Department is the latest local law enforcement agency to come under fire, following the recent release of 2014 graphic video showing a white Chicago police officer shooting and killing a 17-year-old black male.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protests erupted last week after the city was forced to release the year-old footage. And on Tuesday, Chicago Mayor Rahm Emmanuel announced the dismissal of police Superintendent Garry McCarthy. Emmanuel said he would appoint a \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/12/01/457981923/amid-criticism-chicago-mayor-will-announce-police-accountability-taskforce\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">task force to look at police accountability\u003c/a>, noting that \"public trust\" in the police had been \"shaken\" and \"eroded.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarthy's dismissal comes on the same day that Illinois Attorney General asked the Justice Department to investigate whether the Chicago Police Department's practices violated constitutional law, \u003ca href=\"http://Illinois%20Attorney%20General%20Lisa%20Madigan%20asked%20the%20Justice%20Department%20Tuesday%20to%20investigate%20whether%20the%20Chicago%20Police%20Department's%20practices%20violated%20constitutional%20law.%20The%20agency%20confirmed%20to%20NPR's%20Carrie%20Johnson%20that%20it%20is%20reviewing%20the%20request.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR reports\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Justice Department decides to take up the investigation, the Chicago PD will join the ranks of roughly 70 other police departments nationwide that have been investigated by the feds for brutality, racial bias and other civil rights violations.\u003cbr>\nClick points on the map below for specific DOJ 14141 investigations of police departments around the country (with data compiled by \u003ca href=\"https://github.com/themarshallproject/doj14141\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Marshall Project\u003c/a>.) The map details on-going cases and negotiated settlements (not all 67 cases). Map design by Charu Kukreja and Roland Hansson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>View \u003ca href=\"http://www.dcrdesign.net/maps/kqed_1.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a> in fullscreen mode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.dcrdesign.net/maps/kqed_1.html\" width=\"1000\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although they make up only a tiny percentage of the the nearly 18,000 state and local law enforcement agencies around the country, some of these departments are among the nation's largest, serving nearly one in five Americans, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2414673\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignright wp-image-19347\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-400x355.jpg\" alt=\"14141-graphic_full_updated2-1\" width=\"306\" height=\"271\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-400x355.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-800x710.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-1440x1278.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-1180x1048.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/08/14141-graphic_full_updated2-1-960x852.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 306px) 100vw, 306px\">\u003c/a>DOJ investigations of police forces, from Detroit to the U.S. Virgin Islands, are the outcome of a federal law prompted by a 1991 incident involving Rodney King, an unarmed black man savagely beaten by Los Angeles police officers during a traffic stop. The \u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/crt/conduct-law-enforcement-agencies\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act\u003c/a>, enacted three years later, includes a provision -- Section 14141 -- that gives the DOJ authority to investigate systemic civil rights abuses. It's one of the few federal tools that can compel widespread change in local law enforcement agencies, empowering the DOJ to take legal action against a police department unless it enters into a negotiated settlement -- such as a consent decree or memorandum of agreement -- and makes proposed reforms under a specified timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been 67 formal investigations opened under Section 14141 to date. Of those, 22 cases have been closed without an agreement, 33 cases resulted in a negotiated settlement, and 12 cases are ongoing, including four currently in litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tactic has its naysayers: some critics call it a blatant form of government overreach that places unrealistic expectations and financial burdens on already strapped local police departments. Others question its effectiveness, pointing to instances where the DOJ's mandates were ignored or where reform efforts after federal oversight ended, as in the case of Cleveland's department, which has undergone two DOJ investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates point to numerous examples of success that have led to sustained reforms and significantly improved police-community relations.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/lowdown/18803/policing-the-police-u-s-police-departments-investigated-by-the-feds-interactive-map","authors":["8658"],"categories":["lowdown_2390","lowdown_552","lowdown_2366"],"tags":["lowdown_2337","lowdown_2460"],"featImg":"lowdown_19345","label":"lowdown"},"lowdown_19102":{"type":"posts","id":"lowdown_19102","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"lowdown","id":"19102","score":null,"sort":[1437599966000]},"parent":0,"labelTerm":{"site":"lowdown"},"blocks":[],"publishDate":1437599966,"format":"video","disqusTitle":"Presidential Clemency Explained: Why Obama Just Gave 46 Drug Offenders A Ticket Out of Prison","title":"Presidential Clemency Explained: Why Obama Just Gave 46 Drug Offenders A Ticket Out of Prison","headTitle":"The Lowdown | KQED News","content":"\u003cp>Last week, President Obama (July 13) commuted the sentences of 46 inmates in federal prison, all of whom were serving time for non-violent drug offenses related to cocaine trafficking.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These men and women were not hardened criminals,” Obama said in his announcement. “But the overwhelming majority had been sentenced to at least 20 years. Fourteen of them had been sentenced to life for non-violent drug offenses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All 46 inmates, many of whom still had years left on their sentences, will be released in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2015/07/13/president-obama-grants-commutations\">commuting these sentences\u003c/a> President Obama was using a unique executive authority granted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/articleii\">Article II of the US Constitution\u003c/a>, which states that the president \"shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like supporters today, the Founders argued it necessary for the president to provide relief in cases where the law had been excessively harsh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Modern day presidents have primarily used this power, known as executive clemency, for pardons and commutations. Pardons restore a convicted offenders legal rights, like the ability to vote, serve on a jury or own a gun. Commutations, like the 46 made last week, reduce the severity of a punishment (but unlike pardons, don’t sweep criminal records under the rug). Presidents can only grant clemency to those convicted of federal offenses (governors typically hold that power for state-level crimes).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama has actually been pretty slow to exercise his clemency authority: he didn't issue any during his first three years in office. The recent commutations, though, mark the most granted in a single day since the administration of President Lyndon B. Johnson. Obama has now commuted 89 sentences to date. Most have been for non-violent drug offenses, including 22 commutations in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's more commutations than those granted by presidents Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush combined. It should be noted, though, how rare these commutations actually are: the 89 granted were out of the more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/pardon/clemency-statistics\">17 thousand Obama has received\u003c/a>, making for a commutation grant rate of about .5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama's pardon record, though, tells a different story. He's only granted 64, one of the lowest rates in presidential history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are only eight other presidents who have pardoned fewer people,” according to P.S Ruckman Jr, who teaches political science at Rock Valley College in Illinois. “[And] three of them died in office before they could complete a term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[\u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/pardon\" target=\"_blank\">Click here\u003c/a> for a complete list of all clemency requests granted and denied during Obama's presidency.]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the spike in the prison population, the use of executive clemency, common among many 19\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> Century presidents, has declined dramatically, and most recent presidents have tended to exercise their clemency powers towards the end of their terms. President Bill Clinton, for instance, who had previously made little use of this power, waited until his very last day in office to grant 140 pardons and several commutations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe class=\"highcharts-iframe\" style=\"border: 0; width: 100%; height: 450px;\" src=\"//cloud.highcharts.com/embed/urixas\" width=\"300\" height=\"150\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nSource: \u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/pardon/clemency-statistics\" target=\"_blank\">DOJ\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its ramping up of clemency relief, the Obama administration is specifically taking aim at the U.S. criminal system and its recent history of harsh sentencing for non-violent offenses. Last year, the Justice Department announced it would prioritize applications from inmates convicted of non-violent, low-level drug offenses who had already spent more than ten years in prison. The department helped launch the \u003ca href=\"https://www.clemencyproject2014.org/\">Clemency Project\u003c/a>, enlisting more than a thousand volunteer defense attorneys to review clemency applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. prison population exploded over the last three decades: in 1980, state and federal prisons held about 300,000 inmates. The current population exceeds \u003ca href=\"http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/p13.pdf\">1.5 million\u003c/a>, making it the largest prison system in the world. The federal prison population alone grew from about 24,000 in 1980 to nearly 208,000 today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of this growth was the result of the prolonged War on Drugs, which lawmakers waged heavily throughout 1980s and 1990s as a tough-on- crime tactic. Sentences for non-violent drug offenses were often dramatically extended through new state and federal mandatory minimum sentencing laws (wherein people convicted of specific crimes are sentenced to a fixed minimum number of years in prison).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Mouseover points below to see offenses and original sentences of the 46 inmates granted clemency and where they're from. (Note: \"cocaine base\" refers to crack cocaine.). All theses inmates will be released in November. Map produced by Jessica Tarlton.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"100%\" height=\"520\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://mgreen.cartodb.com/viz/ab3d9a5a-2fd4-11e5-bfcb-0e8dde98a187/embed_map\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All 46 inmates granted clemency last week had received strikingly harsh sentences for non-violent drug convictions. Many of these drug laws, enacted during the 1980s crack epidemic, made penalties for crack cocaine about a hundred times more severe than for cocaine in its powder form. Disproportionately target African-Americans, these laws swept thousands of non-violent drug offenders into prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address this disparity, Congress in 2010 passed the \u003ca href=\"http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/BILLS-111s1789enr/pdf/BILLS-111s1789enr.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Fair Sentencing Act\u003c/a>, which significantly eased the penalties for minor crack possession. However, while some aspects of the new law were made retroactive, thousands of offenders sentenced under earlier guidelines are still behind bars, many years left on their original sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using clemency to “patch up policy problems” is nothing new, says Douglas Berman, a law professor at The Ohio State University. When America went dry during Prohibition, President Woodrow Wilson pardoned hundreds of people convicted of alcohol related crimes, and his successor pardoned all those who remained in prison after the repeal of the 18\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> Amendment. Presidents John F Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, pardoned hundreds of first-time drug offenders sentenced to mandatory minimums under the Narcotics and Control Act of 1956. And President Jimmy Carter famously used the authority to issue a pardon for Vietnam draft-dodgers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After signing the 46 commutations, Obama reiterated the need for criminal justice reform, noting the rare bipartisan political opportunity at hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their punishments didn’t fit the crimes,” Obama said in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/WhiteHouse\">Facebook video\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re at a moment when some good people in both parties, Republicans and Democrats, and folks all across the country are coming together around ideas to make the system work smarter. To make it work better and I’m determined to do my part, wherever I can.”\u003c/p>\n\n","disqusIdentifier":"19102 http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/?p=19102","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2015/07/22/amazing-grace-how-presidential-clemency-works-and-why-obamas-letting-46-drug-offenders-out-of-prison-4/","stats":{"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"hasAudio":false,"hasPolis":false,"wordCount":1058,"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"iframeSrcs":["//cloud.highcharts.com/embed/urixas","https://mgreen.cartodb.com/viz/ab3d9a5a-2fd4-11e5-bfcb-0e8dde98a187/embed_map"],"paragraphCount":26},"modified":1440018892,"excerpt":null,"headData":{"twImgId":"","twTitle":"","ogTitle":"","ogImgId":"","twDescription":"","description":"Last week, President Obama (July 13) commuted the sentences of 46 inmates in federal prison, all of whom were serving time for non-violent drug offenses related to cocaine trafficking.","title":"Presidential Clemency Explained: Why Obama Just Gave 46 Drug Offenders A Ticket Out of Prison | KQED","ogDescription":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"Presidential Clemency Explained: Why Obama Just Gave 46 Drug Offenders A Ticket Out of Prison","datePublished":"2015-07-22T14:19:26-07:00","dateModified":"2015-08-19T14:14:52-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"amazing-grace-how-presidential-clemency-works-and-why-obamas-letting-46-drug-offenders-out-of-prison-4","status":"publish","videoEmbed":"https://youtu.be/AhdUv6p-CNU","path":"/lowdown/19102/amazing-grace-how-presidential-clemency-works-and-why-obamas-letting-46-drug-offenders-out-of-prison-4","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last week, President Obama (July 13) commuted the sentences of 46 inmates in federal prison, all of whom were serving time for non-violent drug offenses related to cocaine trafficking.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These men and women were not hardened criminals,” Obama said in his announcement. “But the overwhelming majority had been sentenced to at least 20 years. Fourteen of them had been sentenced to life for non-violent drug offenses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All 46 inmates, many of whom still had years left on their sentences, will be released in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2015/07/13/president-obama-grants-commutations\">commuting these sentences\u003c/a> President Obama was using a unique executive authority granted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/articleii\">Article II of the US Constitution\u003c/a>, which states that the president \"shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like supporters today, the Founders argued it necessary for the president to provide relief in cases where the law had been excessively harsh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Modern day presidents have primarily used this power, known as executive clemency, for pardons and commutations. Pardons restore a convicted offenders legal rights, like the ability to vote, serve on a jury or own a gun. Commutations, like the 46 made last week, reduce the severity of a punishment (but unlike pardons, don’t sweep criminal records under the rug). Presidents can only grant clemency to those convicted of federal offenses (governors typically hold that power for state-level crimes).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama has actually been pretty slow to exercise his clemency authority: he didn't issue any during his first three years in office. The recent commutations, though, mark the most granted in a single day since the administration of President Lyndon B. Johnson. Obama has now commuted 89 sentences to date. Most have been for non-violent drug offenses, including 22 commutations in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's more commutations than those granted by presidents Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush combined. It should be noted, though, how rare these commutations actually are: the 89 granted were out of the more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/pardon/clemency-statistics\">17 thousand Obama has received\u003c/a>, making for a commutation grant rate of about .5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama's pardon record, though, tells a different story. He's only granted 64, one of the lowest rates in presidential history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are only eight other presidents who have pardoned fewer people,” according to P.S Ruckman Jr, who teaches political science at Rock Valley College in Illinois. “[And] three of them died in office before they could complete a term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[\u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/pardon\" target=\"_blank\">Click here\u003c/a> for a complete list of all clemency requests granted and denied during Obama's presidency.]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the spike in the prison population, the use of executive clemency, common among many 19\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> Century presidents, has declined dramatically, and most recent presidents have tended to exercise their clemency powers towards the end of their terms. President Bill Clinton, for instance, who had previously made little use of this power, waited until his very last day in office to grant 140 pardons and several commutations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe class=\"highcharts-iframe\" style=\"border: 0; width: 100%; height: 450px;\" src=\"//cloud.highcharts.com/embed/urixas\" width=\"300\" height=\"150\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nSource: \u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/pardon/clemency-statistics\" target=\"_blank\">DOJ\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its ramping up of clemency relief, the Obama administration is specifically taking aim at the U.S. criminal system and its recent history of harsh sentencing for non-violent offenses. Last year, the Justice Department announced it would prioritize applications from inmates convicted of non-violent, low-level drug offenses who had already spent more than ten years in prison. The department helped launch the \u003ca href=\"https://www.clemencyproject2014.org/\">Clemency Project\u003c/a>, enlisting more than a thousand volunteer defense attorneys to review clemency applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. prison population exploded over the last three decades: in 1980, state and federal prisons held about 300,000 inmates. The current population exceeds \u003ca href=\"http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/p13.pdf\">1.5 million\u003c/a>, making it the largest prison system in the world. The federal prison population alone grew from about 24,000 in 1980 to nearly 208,000 today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of this growth was the result of the prolonged War on Drugs, which lawmakers waged heavily throughout 1980s and 1990s as a tough-on- crime tactic. Sentences for non-violent drug offenses were often dramatically extended through new state and federal mandatory minimum sentencing laws (wherein people convicted of specific crimes are sentenced to a fixed minimum number of years in prison).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Mouseover points below to see offenses and original sentences of the 46 inmates granted clemency and where they're from. (Note: \"cocaine base\" refers to crack cocaine.). All theses inmates will be released in November. Map produced by Jessica Tarlton.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"100%\" height=\"520\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://mgreen.cartodb.com/viz/ab3d9a5a-2fd4-11e5-bfcb-0e8dde98a187/embed_map\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All 46 inmates granted clemency last week had received strikingly harsh sentences for non-violent drug convictions. Many of these drug laws, enacted during the 1980s crack epidemic, made penalties for crack cocaine about a hundred times more severe than for cocaine in its powder form. Disproportionately target African-Americans, these laws swept thousands of non-violent drug offenders into prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address this disparity, Congress in 2010 passed the \u003ca href=\"http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/BILLS-111s1789enr/pdf/BILLS-111s1789enr.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Fair Sentencing Act\u003c/a>, which significantly eased the penalties for minor crack possession. However, while some aspects of the new law were made retroactive, thousands of offenders sentenced under earlier guidelines are still behind bars, many years left on their original sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using clemency to “patch up policy problems” is nothing new, says Douglas Berman, a law professor at The Ohio State University. When America went dry during Prohibition, President Woodrow Wilson pardoned hundreds of people convicted of alcohol related crimes, and his successor pardoned all those who remained in prison after the repeal of the 18\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> Amendment. Presidents John F Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, pardoned hundreds of first-time drug offenders sentenced to mandatory minimums under the Narcotics and Control Act of 1956. And President Jimmy Carter famously used the authority to issue a pardon for Vietnam draft-dodgers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After signing the 46 commutations, Obama reiterated the need for criminal justice reform, noting the rare bipartisan political opportunity at hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their punishments didn’t fit the crimes,” Obama said in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/WhiteHouse\">Facebook video\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re at a moment when some good people in both parties, Republicans and Democrats, and folks all across the country are coming together around ideas to make the system work smarter. To make it work better and I’m determined to do my part, wherever I can.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/lowdown/19102/amazing-grace-how-presidential-clemency-works-and-why-obamas-letting-46-drug-offenders-out-of-prison-4","authors":["8669"],"categories":["lowdown_552","lowdown_1","lowdown_2372"],"tags":["lowdown_31","lowdown_2445","lowdown_2448","lowdown_2337"],"featImg":"lowdown_18044","label":"lowdown"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? 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