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"content": "\u003cp>Labor unions in California are known for capitalizing on their organizational strengths and vast memberships in election years. And 2020 was no different. Steve Smith, with the California Labor Federation, said union members played a critical role in helping Democrat Joe Biden win the presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had union members from California going to battleground states, including Nevada and Arizona,” Smith said. “As well as a very robust phone bank program into battleground states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"more election coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But back at home, Smith admits the election results were more of a mixed bag. On the Legislative front, labor-backed candidates did very well — particularly in the state Senate.But \u003ca href=\"https://electionresults.sos.ca.gov/returns/ballot-measures\">several propositions\u003c/a> supported by unions fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>, which allows companies like Uber, Lyft and Doordash to keep classifying their drivers as independent contractors rather than employees. Smith said unions just couldn’t compete with the more than $200 million those companies poured into the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just simply spent so much money blanketing the airwaves for months with deceptive messaging that voters, I think, were confused at the end of the day in terms of what proposition did and who benefited,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rob Stutzman, president of Stutzman Public Affairs, said Prop 22 wasn’t just about the money. He said it tapped into some negative feelings voters had about the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s also a lot of other evidence that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11773542/state-senate-passes-ab-5-bill-that-limits-who-can-be-classified-as-contractors\">AB 5 \u003c/a>— which is the independent contractor law that, of course, Prop 22 was addressing — has had some very unpopular fallout for a lot of Californians,” he said. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters also rejected Proposition 15, another labor backed measure that would have raised property taxes on commercial buildings by revising California’s exalted Proposition 13. Stutzman said that reveals something about voters’ priorities as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you consider [Prop.] 15 failing, and the fact that the school bond failed in March in a primary that was dominated by Democrats — the primary that Bernie Sanders won — I think the education establishment may have to really start asking themselves if Californians think there’s enough money,” he said, “And the question becomes: how is it being spent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Alma Hernández, Executive Director of SEIU California']‘We’re seeking big structural changes and that attracts wealthy and powerful opponents and it doesn’t happen overnight.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Alma Hernández, Executive Director of \u003ca href=\"https://seiuca.org/\">SEIU California\u003c/a>, said, despite some defeats, she’s proud of labor for going after bold initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Labor is meeting the people of the streets,” she said. “And we’re seeking big structural changes and that attracts wealthy and powerful opponents and it doesn’t happen overnight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said the fight on Prop. 15 in particular demonstrates the progress unions are making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever the result on that ballot measure, we succeeded in turning the ‘third rail’ of California politics into a serious dialogue and a very, very close contest about restructuring California’s tax system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez maintains, if you follow the arc of California voters, they’re moving toward progressive candidates and policies. It just might take a few more elections to get there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Labor unions in California are known for capitalizing on their organizational strengths and vast memberships in election years. And 2020 was no different. Steve Smith, with the California Labor Federation, said union members played a critical role in helping Democrat Joe Biden win the presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had union members from California going to battleground states, including Nevada and Arizona,” Smith said. “As well as a very robust phone bank program into battleground states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But back at home, Smith admits the election results were more of a mixed bag. On the Legislative front, labor-backed candidates did very well — particularly in the state Senate.But \u003ca href=\"https://electionresults.sos.ca.gov/returns/ballot-measures\">several propositions\u003c/a> supported by unions fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>, which allows companies like Uber, Lyft and Doordash to keep classifying their drivers as independent contractors rather than employees. Smith said unions just couldn’t compete with the more than $200 million those companies poured into the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just simply spent so much money blanketing the airwaves for months with deceptive messaging that voters, I think, were confused at the end of the day in terms of what proposition did and who benefited,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rob Stutzman, president of Stutzman Public Affairs, said Prop 22 wasn’t just about the money. He said it tapped into some negative feelings voters had about the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s also a lot of other evidence that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11773542/state-senate-passes-ab-5-bill-that-limits-who-can-be-classified-as-contractors\">AB 5 \u003c/a>— which is the independent contractor law that, of course, Prop 22 was addressing — has had some very unpopular fallout for a lot of Californians,” he said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters also rejected Proposition 15, another labor backed measure that would have raised property taxes on commercial buildings by revising California’s exalted Proposition 13. Stutzman said that reveals something about voters’ priorities as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you consider [Prop.] 15 failing, and the fact that the school bond failed in March in a primary that was dominated by Democrats — the primary that Bernie Sanders won — I think the education establishment may have to really start asking themselves if Californians think there’s enough money,” he said, “And the question becomes: how is it being spent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Alma Hernández, Executive Director of \u003ca href=\"https://seiuca.org/\">SEIU California\u003c/a>, said, despite some defeats, she’s proud of labor for going after bold initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Labor is meeting the people of the streets,” she said. “And we’re seeking big structural changes and that attracts wealthy and powerful opponents and it doesn’t happen overnight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said the fight on Prop. 15 in particular demonstrates the progress unions are making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever the result on that ballot measure, we succeeded in turning the ‘third rail’ of California politics into a serious dialogue and a very, very close contest about restructuring California’s tax system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez maintains, if you follow the arc of California voters, they’re moving toward progressive candidates and policies. It just might take a few more elections to get there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California voters narrowly rejected a ballot question to partially dismantle the state’s 42-year-old cap on property taxes. Proposition 15 failed to reach the majority vote needed to pass on Tuesday night, according to the Associated Press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 15, a measure backed by organized labor to fundamentally change the way California calculates property taxes for commercial and industrial real estate and generate revenue for schools and local government services, failed Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 15 represented a wish by liberal Democrats, ever since the landmark tax-cutting measure Proposition 13 passed in 1978, to create a so-called \"split roll\" — splitting off commercial and industrial property from residential and farm land for the purpose of calculating taxes.\u003cbr>\n[aside label=\"More on Proposition 15\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-15-business-property-taxes,Proposition 15: Should taxes on commercial and industrial property be raised to generate billions of dollars a year for schools and local government services?' link2='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results#californiapropositions,Proposition 15: live vote tallies' hero=https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2020/10/KQED-Election-2020-Aside-Prop-15.png]\u003cbr>\nCurrently, all property in California is taxed by the Proposition 13 formula, based on 1% of the purchase price with an annual increase of no more than 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From day one, we knew that if voters understood the harm this deeply flawed tax hike would impose on California’s economy and its families, farmers and small businesses, voters would reject this ill-advised effort,” said Rob Lapsley, president of the California Business Roundtable, in a statement. “Today’s victory should send a clear message to the proponents and warn all politicians that voters will continue to reject attempts to dismantle Prop 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 15 said the current tax system created by Proposition 13 was sold to voters as a way to protect homeowners, not corporations. They argued that businesses unfairly benefit, in part by taking advantage of a “loophole” that allows them to avoid having property reassessed, even when it’s sold, by limiting ownership of any individual or group to less than 50%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 15 would change that, assessing that property more often so that corporations pay their fair share — raising billions of dollars a year for schools and local government services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nobody said it would be easy,\" said Alex Stack, Yes on 15 spokesman. \"California’s challenges are not going anywhere, and this election result has shown that there is strong public demand for closing the corporate tax loopholes which cost our local communities billions every year,” he added. [aside postID=news_11701044,news_11846401]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of Proposition 15, led by California business groups like the Chamber of Commerce and the Business Roundtable, argued that they already pay high taxes and face burdensome regulations in the state. Now, in the middle of a pandemic, when businesses are struggling to survive and unemployment is high, is not the time to raise taxes on them, they said. In their view, Proposition 15 was a money grab by powerful unions that wanted to use the money to pay for their members’ over-priced pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Proposition 15 also said if it passed, homeowners would be the next ones targeted for higher taxes, although there is no indication that would really happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 15 was one of the highest-profile propositions on the ballot, with at least $148 million spent — at least $67 million in support and at least $74 million against.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California voters narrowly rejected a ballot question to partially dismantle the state’s 42-year-old cap on property taxes. Proposition 15 failed to reach the majority vote needed to pass on Tuesday night, according to the Associated Press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 15, a measure backed by organized labor to fundamentally change the way California calculates property taxes for commercial and industrial real estate and generate revenue for schools and local government services, failed Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 15 represented a wish by liberal Democrats, ever since the landmark tax-cutting measure Proposition 13 passed in 1978, to create a so-called \"split roll\" — splitting off commercial and industrial property from residential and farm land for the purpose of calculating taxes.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nCurrently, all property in California is taxed by the Proposition 13 formula, based on 1% of the purchase price with an annual increase of no more than 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From day one, we knew that if voters understood the harm this deeply flawed tax hike would impose on California’s economy and its families, farmers and small businesses, voters would reject this ill-advised effort,” said Rob Lapsley, president of the California Business Roundtable, in a statement. “Today’s victory should send a clear message to the proponents and warn all politicians that voters will continue to reject attempts to dismantle Prop 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 15 said the current tax system created by Proposition 13 was sold to voters as a way to protect homeowners, not corporations. They argued that businesses unfairly benefit, in part by taking advantage of a “loophole” that allows them to avoid having property reassessed, even when it’s sold, by limiting ownership of any individual or group to less than 50%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 15 would change that, assessing that property more often so that corporations pay their fair share — raising billions of dollars a year for schools and local government services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nobody said it would be easy,\" said Alex Stack, Yes on 15 spokesman. \"California’s challenges are not going anywhere, and this election result has shown that there is strong public demand for closing the corporate tax loopholes which cost our local communities billions every year,” he added. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of Proposition 15, led by California business groups like the Chamber of Commerce and the Business Roundtable, argued that they already pay high taxes and face burdensome regulations in the state. Now, in the middle of a pandemic, when businesses are struggling to survive and unemployment is high, is not the time to raise taxes on them, they said. In their view, Proposition 15 was a money grab by powerful unions that wanted to use the money to pay for their members’ over-priced pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Proposition 15 also said if it passed, homeowners would be the next ones targeted for higher taxes, although there is no indication that would really happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 15 was one of the highest-profile propositions on the ballot, with at least $148 million spent — at least $67 million in support and at least $74 million against.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11846979/mapa-como-voto-california-en-cada-propuesta-electoral\">\u003cem>Leer en Español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, it’s over. Almost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The presidential election has finally been called, closing out an agonizing week of suspense. So too have the majority of local and statewide contests in California. All 12 state propositions have now been called by the Associated Press. That said, there are still \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/11/california-big-races-swing/\">millions of outstanding mail-in ballots\u003c/a> left to be processed and counted in the Golden State. Ballots are still being accepted up until Nov. 20, as long as they were postmarked by Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These 12 maps show up-to-date statewide tallies for every proposition, and how people in each county voted — on everything from stem cell research to gig workers. The data is from the \u003ca href=\"https://electionresults.sos.ca.gov/\">California Secretary of State website\u003c/a>, and is updated regularly as additional votes are tallied and reported by county registrars. Check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">2020 Election\u003c/a> site for a complete list of local and statewide results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#14\">Proposition 14\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#15\">Proposition 15\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#16\">Proposition 16\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#17\">Proposition 17\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#18\">Proposition 18\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#19\">Proposition 19\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#20\">Proposition 20\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#21\">Proposition 21\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#22\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#23\">Proposition 23\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#24\">Proposition 24\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#25\">Proposition 25\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"14\">\u003c/a>\t\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 14\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-QRZjt\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/QRZjt/8/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"205\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 14\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-eXm2U\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/eXm2U/5/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\u003ca id=\"15\">\u003c/a>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 15\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-D7WQA\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/D7WQA/4/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"205\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 15\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ZutV5\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ZutV5/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"16\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 16\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-HITSi\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/HITSi/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"203\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 16\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-PlotD\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/PlotD/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"17\">\u003c/a>\t\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 17\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-aZmov\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/aZmov/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"188\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 17\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-i43pd\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/i43pd/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"18\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 18 \" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-YNpNc\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/YNpNc/4/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"203\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 18\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-xzCKc\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/xzCKc/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"19\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 19\n\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ZUaqG\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ZUaqG/6/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"205\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 19\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-OyEiB\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/OyEiB/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"20\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 20\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-jKqC4\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/jKqC4/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"188\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 20\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ny1az\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ny1az/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"21\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 21\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-zJWKb\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/zJWKb/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"188\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 21\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-AVZ9w\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/AVZ9w/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"22\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 22\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-T71KI\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/T71KI/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"203\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 22\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-3loTe\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/3loTe/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"23\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 23\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-4S5o0\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/4S5o0/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"203\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" 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"excerpt": "Californians waded through a whopping 12 state propositions on the November ballot. These maps show where each county landed on each of them.",
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"title": "See How Your County Voted on Each California Proposition | KQED",
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"headline": "See How Your County Voted on Each California Proposition",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11846979/mapa-como-voto-california-en-cada-propuesta-electoral\">\u003cem>Leer en Español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, it’s over. Almost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The presidential election has finally been called, closing out an agonizing week of suspense. So too have the majority of local and statewide contests in California. All 12 state propositions have now been called by the Associated Press. That said, there are still \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/11/california-big-races-swing/\">millions of outstanding mail-in ballots\u003c/a> left to be processed and counted in the Golden State. Ballots are still being accepted up until Nov. 20, as long as they were postmarked by Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These 12 maps show up-to-date statewide tallies for every proposition, and how people in each county voted — on everything from stem cell research to gig workers. The data is from the \u003ca href=\"https://electionresults.sos.ca.gov/\">California Secretary of State website\u003c/a>, and is updated regularly as additional votes are tallied and reported by county registrars. Check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">2020 Election\u003c/a> site for a complete list of local and statewide results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#14\">Proposition 14\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#15\">Proposition 15\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#16\">Proposition 16\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#17\">Proposition 17\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#18\">Proposition 18\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#19\">Proposition 19\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#20\">Proposition 20\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#21\">Proposition 21\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#22\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#23\">Proposition 23\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#24\">Proposition 24\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#25\">Proposition 25\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"14\">\u003c/a>\t\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 14\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-QRZjt\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/QRZjt/8/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"205\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 14\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-eXm2U\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/eXm2U/5/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\u003ca id=\"15\">\u003c/a>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 15\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-D7WQA\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/D7WQA/4/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"205\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 15\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ZutV5\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ZutV5/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"16\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 16\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-HITSi\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/HITSi/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"203\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 16\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-PlotD\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/PlotD/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"17\">\u003c/a>\t\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 17\" aria-label=\"chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-aZmov\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/aZmov/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"188\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 17\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-i43pd\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/i43pd/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"697\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On the home page of its website, New York City-based investment firm \u003ca href=\"https://www.blackstone.com/our-businesses/real-estate/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Blackstone\u003c/a> estimates the value of its global real estate portfolio at $329 billion. The portfolio includes valuable property in downtown San Francisco, such as 45 Fremont St., a 34-story office building a block from the city's new transit center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanninggis.org/pim/?tab=Property&search=3710019\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco assessor's office\u003c/a>, in 2017 the land at 45 Fremont was valued at $48.2 million and the structure was valued at $183.8 million — a total of $232 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11840409,news_11840670,news_11829012 label=\"Property Tax Battle\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017 Blackstone purchased 49% ownership in the property from insurance giant Metlife for $233 million, meaning the market value of the entire property at that time was roughly $475 million — more than double the assessed value. Shorenstein Properties maintained its 51% ownership share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason Blackstone purchased 49% is simple. Under California law, if ownership of 50% or more of a commercial property changes hands, it triggers a reassessment and property taxes based on the purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buying less than half the property allowed both Blackstone and Shorenstein to avoid what would have been a costly update to their tax bills for 45 Fremont. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the assessed 2017 value of $232 million a year, the city's tax assessment on 45 Fremont is $2.8 million. If the tax had been recalculated based on the $475 million market value, the tax bill split by Shorenstein and Blackstone would have risen to $5.5 million. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So by avoiding the 50% ownership trigger for reassessment, the owners save roughly $2.7 million a year in property taxes. Or put another way, San Francisco loses $2.7 million a year in taxes — and more than $8 million since that 2017 transaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that story is hardly unique. Dozens of properties in San Francisco alone, including iconic buildings like the Bank of America building on California Street, have escaped reassessment over the years by breaking up ownership into pieces totaling less than 50% of total value. The Trump Organization owns 30% of that property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 15 on the November ballot takes a run at what has often been called \"the third rail\" of California politics: The landmark tax-cutting measure Proposition 13, the 1978 measure that allows corporations to keep property taxes much lower than they would be otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office, if Prop. 15 passes it will generate between $6.5 billion and $11.5 billion dollars a year in new revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The steps commercial property owners take to avoid reassessment and keep property taxes low are all perfectly legal under Proposition 13. Former Assembly Speaker Willie Brown should know: He wrote the legislation implementing Prop. 13 after it passed. At the time, Brown chaired the Assembly Revenue and Tax Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown says now that the Legislature blew it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We should have said anytime there is a change in the ownership of the property through any means, that constitutes a transfer for reassessment purposes,\" Brown said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Legislature can do that. And that's where it ought to be done,\" said Brown, who opposes Prop. 15 and has received consulting fees from the \"No on 15\" campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 was sold to voters, who passed it overwhelmingly, as a way to help seniors on fixed incomes who were being priced out of their homes by ever-increasing property tax bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, promoted by political gadflies Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann, rolled back all existing property assessments to their 1976 levels while creating a statewide process for setting property taxes based on about 1.1% of that value. The annual increase going forward was then limited to 2% of that recalculated amount until a property was sold and reassessed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Legislature's implementation rules gave real estate owners and purchasers a path to ducking reassessment and higher property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the most notorious examples, high tech billionaire Michael Dell bought Santa Monica's luxury Fairmont Miramar Hotel in 2006. To avoid having the property reassessed, Dell divided ownership among three parties, including his wife, who got a 49% share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County sued Dell, saying the transaction should have triggered a reassessment. But a California Court of Appeals sided with Dell, keeping his tax bill based on a 1999 assessment, saving him a reported $1 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/assets/sites/242/docs/Updated_2019_Rev_Est_memo_Design_v5.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">study\u003c/a> by the USC Dornsife Program for Environmental and Regional Equity found that if Prop. 15 passes, Bay Area counties in particular would see the largest revenue gains, given current real estate values. The study found that San Francisco would see $733 million in additional property tax revenue starting in 2021-22, while Santa Clara County would gain $1.2 billion and Alameda County would get $652 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 calls for 60% of additional revenue would go to local government services, while 40% would go to schools. Polls show the measure close to the 50% needed for approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On the home page of its website, New York City-based investment firm \u003ca href=\"https://www.blackstone.com/our-businesses/real-estate/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Blackstone\u003c/a> estimates the value of its global real estate portfolio at $329 billion. The portfolio includes valuable property in downtown San Francisco, such as 45 Fremont St., a 34-story office building a block from the city's new transit center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanninggis.org/pim/?tab=Property&search=3710019\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco assessor's office\u003c/a>, in 2017 the land at 45 Fremont was valued at $48.2 million and the structure was valued at $183.8 million — a total of $232 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017 Blackstone purchased 49% ownership in the property from insurance giant Metlife for $233 million, meaning the market value of the entire property at that time was roughly $475 million — more than double the assessed value. Shorenstein Properties maintained its 51% ownership share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason Blackstone purchased 49% is simple. Under California law, if ownership of 50% or more of a commercial property changes hands, it triggers a reassessment and property taxes based on the purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buying less than half the property allowed both Blackstone and Shorenstein to avoid what would have been a costly update to their tax bills for 45 Fremont. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the assessed 2017 value of $232 million a year, the city's tax assessment on 45 Fremont is $2.8 million. If the tax had been recalculated based on the $475 million market value, the tax bill split by Shorenstein and Blackstone would have risen to $5.5 million. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So by avoiding the 50% ownership trigger for reassessment, the owners save roughly $2.7 million a year in property taxes. Or put another way, San Francisco loses $2.7 million a year in taxes — and more than $8 million since that 2017 transaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that story is hardly unique. Dozens of properties in San Francisco alone, including iconic buildings like the Bank of America building on California Street, have escaped reassessment over the years by breaking up ownership into pieces totaling less than 50% of total value. The Trump Organization owns 30% of that property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 15 on the November ballot takes a run at what has often been called \"the third rail\" of California politics: The landmark tax-cutting measure Proposition 13, the 1978 measure that allows corporations to keep property taxes much lower than they would be otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office, if Prop. 15 passes it will generate between $6.5 billion and $11.5 billion dollars a year in new revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The steps commercial property owners take to avoid reassessment and keep property taxes low are all perfectly legal under Proposition 13. Former Assembly Speaker Willie Brown should know: He wrote the legislation implementing Prop. 13 after it passed. At the time, Brown chaired the Assembly Revenue and Tax Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown says now that the Legislature blew it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We should have said anytime there is a change in the ownership of the property through any means, that constitutes a transfer for reassessment purposes,\" Brown said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Legislature can do that. And that's where it ought to be done,\" said Brown, who opposes Prop. 15 and has received consulting fees from the \"No on 15\" campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 was sold to voters, who passed it overwhelmingly, as a way to help seniors on fixed incomes who were being priced out of their homes by ever-increasing property tax bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, promoted by political gadflies Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann, rolled back all existing property assessments to their 1976 levels while creating a statewide process for setting property taxes based on about 1.1% of that value. The annual increase going forward was then limited to 2% of that recalculated amount until a property was sold and reassessed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Legislature's implementation rules gave real estate owners and purchasers a path to ducking reassessment and higher property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the most notorious examples, high tech billionaire Michael Dell bought Santa Monica's luxury Fairmont Miramar Hotel in 2006. To avoid having the property reassessed, Dell divided ownership among three parties, including his wife, who got a 49% share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County sued Dell, saying the transaction should have triggered a reassessment. But a California Court of Appeals sided with Dell, keeping his tax bill based on a 1999 assessment, saving him a reported $1 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/assets/sites/242/docs/Updated_2019_Rev_Est_memo_Design_v5.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">study\u003c/a> by the USC Dornsife Program for Environmental and Regional Equity found that if Prop. 15 passes, Bay Area counties in particular would see the largest revenue gains, given current real estate values. The study found that San Francisco would see $733 million in additional property tax revenue starting in 2021-22, while Santa Clara County would gain $1.2 billion and Alameda County would get $652 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 calls for 60% of additional revenue would go to local government services, while 40% would go to schools. Polls show the measure close to the 50% needed for approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After spending \u003ca href=\"http://powersearch.sos.ca.gov/advanced.php\">nearly $200 million\u003c/a> to carve out a state labor law exemption for their app-based workers, companies like Uber, Lyft and Instacart are just short of selling a majority of voters on Proposition 22, according to a new Berkeley IGS Poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey finds that 46% of likely voters support allowing those companies to treat their drivers and delivery workers as independent contractors rather than employees, and 42% say they are opposed to it. Twelve percent of voters say they are undecided, suggesting perhaps some confusion about the somewhat complicated ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the IGS poll in mid-September, the measure has gained both support and opposition, while the percentage of undecided voters has fallen. That poll five weeks ago found 39% of likely voters supporting Prop. 22 and 36% on the No side, with 25% undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure pits companies in the gig economy against organized labor, which is opposing Proposition 22. However, opponents have raised just one-tenth what the high tech companies behind the measure have spent — so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll found wide differences between subgroups of the electorate. Republicans, nonunion households and older voters were most likely to support Prop. 22. Democrats and voters under the age of 39 were most strongly opposed to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among different racial groups, Black voters are mostly likely to support Prop. 22 while Asian and Latinx voters are evenly divided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another closely contested measure is Proposition 15, which would fundamentally change Proposition 13, California’s landmark 1978 constitutional amendment controlling the way property taxes are calculated. Prop. 15 would create a so-called “split roll,” reassessing most commercial and industrial property and taxing it based on current market value rather than its previous purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The IGS poll found support for Prop. 15 at 49%, exactly where it was in the mid-September survey. However opposition has grown, from 34% to 42% in the last poll, with 9% of likely voters saying they’re undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020,2020-election\" label=\"more election coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Prop. 15 say it would prevent corporations from avoiding reassessments even when a property changes hands and have them pay their “fair share” of taxes. Opponents, led by business groups, argue that the middle of a recession is not the time to raise taxes on businesses that are already struggling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Prop. 15 would generate between $6.5 billion and $11.5 billion in new revenue, with 60% going to local governments and 40% going to public schools. In the survey, Democrats overwhelmingly support Prop. 15 while 85% of Republicans oppose it. Independent or “no party preference” voters support it by 49% Yes to 39% No, with 12% undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other ballot measures — Prop. 16, to end the state’s ban on affirmative action, and Prop. 21, to expand rent control — are trailing significantly in the IGS poll. Just 38% of likely voters support Prop. 16, while 49% are opposed. 13% remain undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly on the rent control question, 37% of likely voters support Prop. 21 while 48% say they will vote no. Fifteen percent are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll was administered online in English and Spanish Oct. 16 to Oct. 21 among 6,686 registered voters, including 5,352 considered likely to or to have already voted. Berkeley IGS says the results are accurate within plus/minus 2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After spending \u003ca href=\"http://powersearch.sos.ca.gov/advanced.php\">nearly $200 million\u003c/a> to carve out a state labor law exemption for their app-based workers, companies like Uber, Lyft and Instacart are just short of selling a majority of voters on Proposition 22, according to a new Berkeley IGS Poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey finds that 46% of likely voters support allowing those companies to treat their drivers and delivery workers as independent contractors rather than employees, and 42% say they are opposed to it. Twelve percent of voters say they are undecided, suggesting perhaps some confusion about the somewhat complicated ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the IGS poll in mid-September, the measure has gained both support and opposition, while the percentage of undecided voters has fallen. That poll five weeks ago found 39% of likely voters supporting Prop. 22 and 36% on the No side, with 25% undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure pits companies in the gig economy against organized labor, which is opposing Proposition 22. However, opponents have raised just one-tenth what the high tech companies behind the measure have spent — so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll found wide differences between subgroups of the electorate. Republicans, nonunion households and older voters were most likely to support Prop. 22. Democrats and voters under the age of 39 were most strongly opposed to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among different racial groups, Black voters are mostly likely to support Prop. 22 while Asian and Latinx voters are evenly divided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another closely contested measure is Proposition 15, which would fundamentally change Proposition 13, California’s landmark 1978 constitutional amendment controlling the way property taxes are calculated. Prop. 15 would create a so-called “split roll,” reassessing most commercial and industrial property and taxing it based on current market value rather than its previous purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The IGS poll found support for Prop. 15 at 49%, exactly where it was in the mid-September survey. However opposition has grown, from 34% to 42% in the last poll, with 9% of likely voters saying they’re undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Prop. 15 say it would prevent corporations from avoiding reassessments even when a property changes hands and have them pay their “fair share” of taxes. Opponents, led by business groups, argue that the middle of a recession is not the time to raise taxes on businesses that are already struggling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Prop. 15 would generate between $6.5 billion and $11.5 billion in new revenue, with 60% going to local governments and 40% going to public schools. In the survey, Democrats overwhelmingly support Prop. 15 while 85% of Republicans oppose it. Independent or “no party preference” voters support it by 49% Yes to 39% No, with 12% undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other ballot measures — Prop. 16, to end the state’s ban on affirmative action, and Prop. 21, to expand rent control — are trailing significantly in the IGS poll. Just 38% of likely voters support Prop. 16, while 49% are opposed. 13% remain undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly on the rent control question, 37% of likely voters support Prop. 21 while 48% say they will vote no. Fifteen percent are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll was administered online in English and Spanish Oct. 16 to Oct. 21 among 6,686 registered voters, including 5,352 considered likely to or to have already voted. Berkeley IGS says the results are accurate within plus/minus 2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A whopping 72% of likely voters tell the Public Policy Institute of California that they are more enthusiastic than usual about voting in this year’s presidential election. A record high for the PPIC poll, and one underscored by the fact that more than 4.5 million Californians have already cast ballots with Election Day still nearly two weeks away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the trends hold across party lines. The poll, conducted between October 9 and 18, finds 79% of Democrats, 74% of Republicans and 59% of independent voters say they are more zealous about voting than usual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC President Mark Baldassare said the presidential race appears to be driving voter interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The enthusiasm among Democrats, Republicans, independents (is) all 20 points or more higher than it was at this time before the last presidential election,” he said. “And, you know, we had a pretty good turnout there, too. But this is just like off the charts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='PPIC President Mark Baldassare']‘The enthusiasm among Democrats, Republicans, independents (is) all 20 points or more higher than it was at this time before the last presidential election’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Who Californians plan to cast their ballot for is unsurprisingly split by party as well: 94% of Democrats will vote for Joe Biden, while 82% of Republicans say they’ll vote for President Trump. Still, GOP voters aren’t as solid in their support for the party leader as Democrats: Ten percent of GOP members will vote for Biden, while 4% remain undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s great that people want to participate in the election, Baldassare said interest for the presidential races does stand to overshadow some of the 12 ballot measures — some quite complicated — that California voters are being asked to weigh in on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have this level of enthusiasm for the presidential race, it makes you wonder about how much attention people are going to pay to like the rest of the ballot,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the state continues to grapple with the coronavirus pandemic, Californians are also skeptical of the federal government’s role in developing a vaccine. About two-thirds of Californians polled said they are more concerned that a vaccine could be approved too fast, without fully ensuring safety and effectiveness — just 26% are worried about the approval process moving too slow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said he expected this to be a more partisan issue, since Trump has been vocally pushing a vaccine while Democrats have raised concerns that it could be rushed through trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But you have a quarter of the people — whether they’re Democrats, Republicans or independents — saying that they will definitely get the vaccine and then everyone else, you know, with some degree of uncertainty around it,” he said, adding that California leaders will need to consider “that this is as much as people would like this pandemic to be over … they are not, you know, all that sure about what to do about a vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"more election coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom this week announced that California is creating its own scientific review board to examine the safety of any potential vaccine before it is made available to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, most Californians say they will definitely or probably get a vaccine if it were available today, including at least half of Democrats and Republicans. African Americans are the least likely to agree that they’d get a vaccine — just 29% said they would definitely or probably take it — compared to majorities of Asian Americans, Latinos and white Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll also found a close race for Proposition 15, which would change how property taxes are assessed on commercial and industrial properties by basing it on current market value rather than purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supported by public employee unions, the ballot measure is expected to raise billions of dollars a year for schools and other public programs — but business groups have mounted a huge offense a robust campaign against it. Both the Yes and No campaigns have raised more than $60 million to make their case to voters, making it one of the most expensive measures on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC found 49% of voters in favor of Prop. 15, with 45% opposed and 6% undecided; opposition is up 5% from PPIC’s September poll. Democrats, renters and younger Californians are most likely to support Prop. 15, which would split off commercial properties from the protections enshrined in 1978 by Proposition 13. Prop. 15 would not change the way residential property taxes are calculated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in the final days of the campaign, Proposition 16, to restore affirmative action in the public sector by repealing 1996’s Proposition 209, is facing an uphill battle. Fifty percent of those polled say they will vote no, 37% are voting yes while 22% remain undecided. Most Democrats support the measure while Republicans and independent voters are opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Baldasarre said it’s not all bad news for proponents of the measure, which would allow universities and other public agencies to consider race or sex as one factor when making admission and hiring decisions. He noted that there’s virtually no campaign against Prop. 16 and that the Democratic establishment pushing the measure has a lot of resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last month, we had 22% undecided. Now it’s 12. It gained six points on the yes side, and three points on the no side in the last month,” he said. “So the message has gotten through to to some Democrats. Sixty-one percent now of Democrats compared to 46% in September.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey of 1,701 California residents has a margin of error of plus or minus 3.5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A whopping 72% of likely voters tell the Public Policy Institute of California that they are more enthusiastic than usual about voting in this year’s presidential election. A record high for the PPIC poll, and one underscored by the fact that more than 4.5 million Californians have already cast ballots with Election Day still nearly two weeks away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the trends hold across party lines. The poll, conducted between October 9 and 18, finds 79% of Democrats, 74% of Republicans and 59% of independent voters say they are more zealous about voting than usual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC President Mark Baldassare said the presidential race appears to be driving voter interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The enthusiasm among Democrats, Republicans, independents (is) all 20 points or more higher than it was at this time before the last presidential election,” he said. “And, you know, we had a pretty good turnout there, too. But this is just like off the charts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Who Californians plan to cast their ballot for is unsurprisingly split by party as well: 94% of Democrats will vote for Joe Biden, while 82% of Republicans say they’ll vote for President Trump. Still, GOP voters aren’t as solid in their support for the party leader as Democrats: Ten percent of GOP members will vote for Biden, while 4% remain undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s great that people want to participate in the election, Baldassare said interest for the presidential races does stand to overshadow some of the 12 ballot measures — some quite complicated — that California voters are being asked to weigh in on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have this level of enthusiasm for the presidential race, it makes you wonder about how much attention people are going to pay to like the rest of the ballot,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the state continues to grapple with the coronavirus pandemic, Californians are also skeptical of the federal government’s role in developing a vaccine. About two-thirds of Californians polled said they are more concerned that a vaccine could be approved too fast, without fully ensuring safety and effectiveness — just 26% are worried about the approval process moving too slow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said he expected this to be a more partisan issue, since Trump has been vocally pushing a vaccine while Democrats have raised concerns that it could be rushed through trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But you have a quarter of the people — whether they’re Democrats, Republicans or independents — saying that they will definitely get the vaccine and then everyone else, you know, with some degree of uncertainty around it,” he said, adding that California leaders will need to consider “that this is as much as people would like this pandemic to be over … they are not, you know, all that sure about what to do about a vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom this week announced that California is creating its own scientific review board to examine the safety of any potential vaccine before it is made available to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, most Californians say they will definitely or probably get a vaccine if it were available today, including at least half of Democrats and Republicans. African Americans are the least likely to agree that they’d get a vaccine — just 29% said they would definitely or probably take it — compared to majorities of Asian Americans, Latinos and white Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll also found a close race for Proposition 15, which would change how property taxes are assessed on commercial and industrial properties by basing it on current market value rather than purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supported by public employee unions, the ballot measure is expected to raise billions of dollars a year for schools and other public programs — but business groups have mounted a huge offense a robust campaign against it. Both the Yes and No campaigns have raised more than $60 million to make their case to voters, making it one of the most expensive measures on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC found 49% of voters in favor of Prop. 15, with 45% opposed and 6% undecided; opposition is up 5% from PPIC’s September poll. Democrats, renters and younger Californians are most likely to support Prop. 15, which would split off commercial properties from the protections enshrined in 1978 by Proposition 13. Prop. 15 would not change the way residential property taxes are calculated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When anti-tax crusader Howard Jarvis barnstormed across California for \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 13\u003c/a> in 1978, he made it clear who the measure to slash property taxes was aimed at helping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people that are being hurt are the elderly people on limited income who have spent all their life earning a home,” Jarvis said in a KQED debate that year. “And the state is kicking them out in droves. And this is what this is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters overwhelmingly passed Prop. 13, but now, 42 years later, voters are being asked with Proposition 15 to undo a major loophole in that 1978 ballot measure which has allowed corporations to keep their property taxes artificially low for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jarvis was correct that with inflation pushing the value of homes in California through the roof in the 1970s, homeowners were seeing their property tax bills increase to the point where some couldn’t keep up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were losing their homes because of property taxes. People on fixed incomes, Social Security, who suddenly had their taxes double and triple, couldn’t afford it. And it was causing a tax rebellion,” recalls Randy Goodwin, who ran the “Yes on Prop. 13” campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jarvis capitalized on voter anger and anxiety with Prop. 13, whose passage ushered in the “tax revolt” that swept across the country and helped elect Ronald Reagan president of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 did indeed roll back residential property taxes, setting the tax bill at 1% of the 1976 assessed value and capping annual tax increases at 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the proposition did not distinguish between residential, commercial, industrial or agricultural property. So \u003cem>all\u003c/em> property in California benefited from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a point the late San Francisco Assemblymember Leo McCarthy made during the same KQED debate with Jarvis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pacific Telephone would have a $130 million cut. Standard Oil, $13 million. Southern Pacific, $12 million. They didn’t ask for the cut but Mr. Jarvis was kind enough to give them to them,” said McCarthy, who was Speaker of the Assembly at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question is, was the windfall to corporations — which saves them billions of dollars on property taxes — a kind of “Trojan horse” benefit deliberately snuck into the measure by pro-business groups?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not according to Joel Fox, who was an assistant to Jarvis at the time and later became director of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All property was taxed the same from 1850 onward. So in writing an amendment to the Constitution on property taxes, it was just simple to maintain what was already in the Constitution,” Fox said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Manuel Pastor, director of the Program for Environmental and Regional Equity at University of Southern California\"]‘The question is, are we the California that passed Prop. 13? Or are we the California that wants to reevaluate that and think about investments in young people?’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the business community didn’t really support Prop. 13, at least not outwardly, remembers Prop. 13 campaign manager Randy Goodwin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only did they not participate in the drafting, they didn’t support Proposition 13. So that tells you a lot right there. They did not support Proposition 13. They gave no money to it,” Goodwin told KQED recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big corporations in California had a cozy relationship with the powers that ran the state government,” Goodwin said. “And they together paid for the opposition to Proposition 13. We didn’t have Chevron. We didn’t have AT&T. We didn’t have any of those big corporations supporting Proposition 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The argument that business would have the same treatment as residential property was in the ballot arguments. So voters were aware of it, and they had an alternative,” said Jarvis’ former assistant Fox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That alternative was \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_8,_Tax_Rates_on_Owner-Occupied_Dwellings_(June_1978)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 8\u003c/a>, another tax cutting measure placed on the same ballot by then-Gov. Jerry Brown and the Legislature in a futile attempt to prevent Prop. 13 from passing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 was simply written and did not specify how it would be applied to commercial property. In fact, the implementation of Prop. 13 was left to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wrote the implementation process after it had been passed by the voters,” said former Assemblyman Willie Brown recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown chaired the that determined how and when commercial property would be reassessed with higher property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"Election 2020 Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current rules written back then, a reassessment is only triggered when a person or legal entity acquires more than 50% of the ownership interest. Companies have used that loophole to avoid property tax increases, by selling no more that 49% to any one person or entity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, companies like Disneyland, Intel and Chevron are currently paying taxes based on property assessments from the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willie Brown says now that the legislature blew it back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have said anytime there is a change in the ownership of the property through any means, that constitutes a transfer for reassessment purposes,” Brown said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legislature can do that. And that’s where it ought to be done,” said Brown, who opposes Prop. 15 and has received consulting fees from the “No on 15” campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the legislature “blew it” when it wrote the Prop. 13 implementation rules for commercial property or did it intentionally to please business interests is hard to know. One thing’s for sure: It’s much easier for lobbyists to influence legislation than ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the Legislature \u003cem>tried\u003c/em> to revise the law to close the loophole and to reassess commercial property more often. In 2010, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=200920100AB2492\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 2492\u003c/a>, authored by former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano, would have defined a “change of ownership” as happening whether or not any one legal entity or person that is a party to the transaction acquires more than 50% of the ownership interests. The bill died in committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 would require that commercial and industrial properties be reassessed on a regular basis, with property taxes based on current market value, rather than what the property cost when it was purchased. According to the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2020/Prop15-110320.pdf\">Legislative Analyst,\u003c/a> the measure would send $6.5 to $11.5 billion in new revenue annually to schools and local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residential and agricultural property along with commercial property worth less than $3 million would be exempted from the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 passed at a time when California was a much different place than it is today — more white, more conservative and less diverse. Manuel Pastor, director of University of Southern California’s Program for Environmental and Regional Equity, says that over the years, the measure has worked to exacerbate the wealth gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got a system right now that is inequitable in terms of where the burden of the property taxes are more on residential folks and more on the most recent buyers who tend not to be the wealthiest, tend to be more people of color,” Pastor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the fate of this year’s Prop. 15 could indicate how much California has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, are we the California that passed Prop. 13? Or are we the California that wants to reevaluate that and think about investments in young people?” Pastor asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4cd2r446\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Polls\u003c/a> show Prop. 15 is close to the 50% support threshold needed for passage, but its fate is far from secure.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Corporations have benefited from a property tax loophole for decades, but they say now is not the time to raise taxes.",
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"title": "Prop. 15 Would Close a Corporate Tax Loophole. Here's How It Got There in the First Place | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When anti-tax crusader Howard Jarvis barnstormed across California for \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 13\u003c/a> in 1978, he made it clear who the measure to slash property taxes was aimed at helping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people that are being hurt are the elderly people on limited income who have spent all their life earning a home,” Jarvis said in a KQED debate that year. “And the state is kicking them out in droves. And this is what this is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters overwhelmingly passed Prop. 13, but now, 42 years later, voters are being asked with Proposition 15 to undo a major loophole in that 1978 ballot measure which has allowed corporations to keep their property taxes artificially low for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jarvis was correct that with inflation pushing the value of homes in California through the roof in the 1970s, homeowners were seeing their property tax bills increase to the point where some couldn’t keep up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were losing their homes because of property taxes. People on fixed incomes, Social Security, who suddenly had their taxes double and triple, couldn’t afford it. And it was causing a tax rebellion,” recalls Randy Goodwin, who ran the “Yes on Prop. 13” campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jarvis capitalized on voter anger and anxiety with Prop. 13, whose passage ushered in the “tax revolt” that swept across the country and helped elect Ronald Reagan president of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 did indeed roll back residential property taxes, setting the tax bill at 1% of the 1976 assessed value and capping annual tax increases at 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the proposition did not distinguish between residential, commercial, industrial or agricultural property. So \u003cem>all\u003c/em> property in California benefited from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a point the late San Francisco Assemblymember Leo McCarthy made during the same KQED debate with Jarvis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pacific Telephone would have a $130 million cut. Standard Oil, $13 million. Southern Pacific, $12 million. They didn’t ask for the cut but Mr. Jarvis was kind enough to give them to them,” said McCarthy, who was Speaker of the Assembly at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question is, was the windfall to corporations — which saves them billions of dollars on property taxes — a kind of “Trojan horse” benefit deliberately snuck into the measure by pro-business groups?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not according to Joel Fox, who was an assistant to Jarvis at the time and later became director of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All property was taxed the same from 1850 onward. So in writing an amendment to the Constitution on property taxes, it was just simple to maintain what was already in the Constitution,” Fox said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the business community didn’t really support Prop. 13, at least not outwardly, remembers Prop. 13 campaign manager Randy Goodwin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only did they not participate in the drafting, they didn’t support Proposition 13. So that tells you a lot right there. They did not support Proposition 13. They gave no money to it,” Goodwin told KQED recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big corporations in California had a cozy relationship with the powers that ran the state government,” Goodwin said. “And they together paid for the opposition to Proposition 13. We didn’t have Chevron. We didn’t have AT&T. We didn’t have any of those big corporations supporting Proposition 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The argument that business would have the same treatment as residential property was in the ballot arguments. So voters were aware of it, and they had an alternative,” said Jarvis’ former assistant Fox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That alternative was \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_8,_Tax_Rates_on_Owner-Occupied_Dwellings_(June_1978)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 8\u003c/a>, another tax cutting measure placed on the same ballot by then-Gov. Jerry Brown and the Legislature in a futile attempt to prevent Prop. 13 from passing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 was simply written and did not specify how it would be applied to commercial property. In fact, the implementation of Prop. 13 was left to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wrote the implementation process after it had been passed by the voters,” said former Assemblyman Willie Brown recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown chaired the that determined how and when commercial property would be reassessed with higher property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current rules written back then, a reassessment is only triggered when a person or legal entity acquires more than 50% of the ownership interest. Companies have used that loophole to avoid property tax increases, by selling no more that 49% to any one person or entity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, companies like Disneyland, Intel and Chevron are currently paying taxes based on property assessments from the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willie Brown says now that the legislature blew it back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have said anytime there is a change in the ownership of the property through any means, that constitutes a transfer for reassessment purposes,” Brown said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legislature can do that. And that’s where it ought to be done,” said Brown, who opposes Prop. 15 and has received consulting fees from the “No on 15” campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the legislature “blew it” when it wrote the Prop. 13 implementation rules for commercial property or did it intentionally to please business interests is hard to know. One thing’s for sure: It’s much easier for lobbyists to influence legislation than ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the Legislature \u003cem>tried\u003c/em> to revise the law to close the loophole and to reassess commercial property more often. In 2010, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=200920100AB2492\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 2492\u003c/a>, authored by former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano, would have defined a “change of ownership” as happening whether or not any one legal entity or person that is a party to the transaction acquires more than 50% of the ownership interests. The bill died in committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 would require that commercial and industrial properties be reassessed on a regular basis, with property taxes based on current market value, rather than what the property cost when it was purchased. According to the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2020/Prop15-110320.pdf\">Legislative Analyst,\u003c/a> the measure would send $6.5 to $11.5 billion in new revenue annually to schools and local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residential and agricultural property along with commercial property worth less than $3 million would be exempted from the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 passed at a time when California was a much different place than it is today — more white, more conservative and less diverse. Manuel Pastor, director of University of Southern California’s Program for Environmental and Regional Equity, says that over the years, the measure has worked to exacerbate the wealth gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got a system right now that is inequitable in terms of where the burden of the property taxes are more on residential folks and more on the most recent buyers who tend not to be the wealthiest, tend to be more people of color,” Pastor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the fate of this year’s Prop. 15 could indicate how much California has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, are we the California that passed Prop. 13? Or are we the California that wants to reevaluate that and think about investments in young people?” Pastor asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4cd2r446\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Polls\u003c/a> show Prop. 15 is close to the 50% support threshold needed for passage, but its fate is far from secure.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "10-of-landowners-will-pay-92-of-new-property-tax-revenue-prop-15-supporters-say",
"title": "10% of Landowners Will Pay 92% of New Property Tax Revenue, Prop. 15 Supporters Say",
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"headTitle": "10% of Landowners Will Pay 92% of New Property Tax Revenue, Prop. 15 Supporters Say | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6988869-Proposition-15-Analysis-1.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> from supporters of a November ballot measure aimed at increasing property taxes on commercial and industrial property in California finds that more than 90% of the additional property tax revenue \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/19-0008%20%28The%20California%20Schools%20and%20Local%20Communities%20Funding%20Act%20of%202020%29_1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 15\u003c/a> would generate will come from just 10% of the highest value properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would amend the California Constitution to create a so-called “split roll” by reforming the 1978 measure Proposition 13, which slashed property taxes across the state and placed a limit on annual tax increases for both residential and commercial property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 was sold as a way to create stable and predictable property tax bills, especially for seniors on fixed incomes. But critics have long complained that large corporations have unfairly benefitted from those protections, allowing them to keep assessed property values at well below market rates, resulting in a loss of revenue to schools and local government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15, which is financed primarily by the California Teachers Association and other unions, could generate a net increase in revenue between $6.5 and $11.5 billion dollars a year, with 40% of that going to K-12 schools and community colleges, and 60% going to local governments. The range of revenue estimates relates to growth in the real estate market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Schools and Communities First campaign, which collected signatures to put Prop. 15 before voters, exempted properties valued at $3 million or less, a change from an earlier version that was intended to allay fears of small businesses that they would be walloped by unaffordable property tax increases. Those properties will not be reassessed unless they belong to a landowner whose combined properties add up to more than $3 million in value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nearly 50% of the revenue raised by the measure will come from properties that have not been reassessed since before 2000,” said Tim Gage, a former director for the California Department of Finance whose Blue Sky Consulting Group conducted the study for the Yes on 15 campaign using assessor’s property tax data provided by the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that after accounting for exempted properties valued at under $3 million, properties valued at $5 million and more would generate more than 84% of the new revenue. Those properties are highly concentrated in places like San Francisco and Silicon Valley with \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">high value commercial and industrial property that hasn’t changed hands or been reassessed in many years, Gage said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, including John Kabateck, California director of National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB), which advocates on behalf of small businesses, called the report a “veiled attempt to pull the wool over taxpayers and voters eyes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kabateck, and opponents of Prop. 15, said the final version of the measure would still end up harming many small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They talk a lot about the exemption and the small businesses aren’t hurt and that they’re really just attacking the big guys, the big corporations,” Kabateck said. “What they fail to mention is that the majority of small business owners, upwards of 80%, rent their property. That cost is passed on directly from property owners.”[aside tag=\"politics\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 15 campaign responds that if a majority of the property is occupied by small businesses, the reassessment would be deferred until 2025-26. Gage also noted that landlords who have benefitted from artificially low property taxes have likely not passed those savings along to their tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 would leave property tax increases for homeowners untouched, and it generally exempts agriculture land from being reassessed. However the California Farm Bureau is opposing Prop. 15, saying protections for growers aren’t ironclad and could end up raising their property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conceived well before the COVID-19 pandemic and resulting recession, it’s unclear how Prop. 15 along with high unemployment will affect voters’ appetite for higher taxes on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to unions, a wide array of Democrats are supporting Prop. 15, including former Vice President Joe Biden, Sen. Kamala Harris and several other former presidential candidates and members of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents include the California Business Roundtable, the Chamber of Commerce and the California Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure will appear on the November 3 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Supporters and opponents of Proposition 15 disagree over the impact on small businesses.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6988869-Proposition-15-Analysis-1.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> from supporters of a November ballot measure aimed at increasing property taxes on commercial and industrial property in California finds that more than 90% of the additional property tax revenue \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/19-0008%20%28The%20California%20Schools%20and%20Local%20Communities%20Funding%20Act%20of%202020%29_1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 15\u003c/a> would generate will come from just 10% of the highest value properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would amend the California Constitution to create a so-called “split roll” by reforming the 1978 measure Proposition 13, which slashed property taxes across the state and placed a limit on annual tax increases for both residential and commercial property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 was sold as a way to create stable and predictable property tax bills, especially for seniors on fixed incomes. But critics have long complained that large corporations have unfairly benefitted from those protections, allowing them to keep assessed property values at well below market rates, resulting in a loss of revenue to schools and local government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15, which is financed primarily by the California Teachers Association and other unions, could generate a net increase in revenue between $6.5 and $11.5 billion dollars a year, with 40% of that going to K-12 schools and community colleges, and 60% going to local governments. The range of revenue estimates relates to growth in the real estate market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Schools and Communities First campaign, which collected signatures to put Prop. 15 before voters, exempted properties valued at $3 million or less, a change from an earlier version that was intended to allay fears of small businesses that they would be walloped by unaffordable property tax increases. Those properties will not be reassessed unless they belong to a landowner whose combined properties add up to more than $3 million in value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nearly 50% of the revenue raised by the measure will come from properties that have not been reassessed since before 2000,” said Tim Gage, a former director for the California Department of Finance whose Blue Sky Consulting Group conducted the study for the Yes on 15 campaign using assessor’s property tax data provided by the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that after accounting for exempted properties valued at under $3 million, properties valued at $5 million and more would generate more than 84% of the new revenue. Those properties are highly concentrated in places like San Francisco and Silicon Valley with \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">high value commercial and industrial property that hasn’t changed hands or been reassessed in many years, Gage said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, including John Kabateck, California director of National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB), which advocates on behalf of small businesses, called the report a “veiled attempt to pull the wool over taxpayers and voters eyes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kabateck, and opponents of Prop. 15, said the final version of the measure would still end up harming many small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They talk a lot about the exemption and the small businesses aren’t hurt and that they’re really just attacking the big guys, the big corporations,” Kabateck said. “What they fail to mention is that the majority of small business owners, upwards of 80%, rent their property. That cost is passed on directly from property owners.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 15 campaign responds that if a majority of the property is occupied by small businesses, the reassessment would be deferred until 2025-26. Gage also noted that landlords who have benefitted from artificially low property taxes have likely not passed those savings along to their tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 would leave property tax increases for homeowners untouched, and it generally exempts agriculture land from being reassessed. However the California Farm Bureau is opposing Prop. 15, saying protections for growers aren’t ironclad and could end up raising their property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conceived well before the COVID-19 pandemic and resulting recession, it’s unclear how Prop. 15 along with high unemployment will affect voters’ appetite for higher taxes on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to unions, a wide array of Democrats are supporting Prop. 15, including former Vice President Joe Biden, Sen. Kamala Harris and several other former presidential candidates and members of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents include the California Business Roundtable, the Chamber of Commerce and the California Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure will appear on the November 3 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
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"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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},
"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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