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"content": "\u003cp>The legal battle over President Donald Trump’s decision to dispatch armed troops to Los Angeles continued Monday, with California asking a federal court to consider how long National Guard members can \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045178/trump-can-keep-troops-in-la-for-now-appeals-court-rules\">stay on the ground\u003c/a> and whether the deployment violates a 147-year-old law that bars using the military against civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In dueling court filings, the two sides took opposite positions on what power U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer has to weigh in on the case,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045198/judge-delays-hearing-on-troops-in-la-leaving-them-under-trumps-control-for-now\"> given the ruling on Thursday\u003c/a> by a three-judge panel at the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. That ruling halted Breyer’s earlier temporary restraining order, which directed Trump to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043920/judge-weighs-californias-lawsuit-over-trumps-troop-deployment-in-la\">hand back control\u003c/a> of the California National Guard troops to Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unanimous appeals court ruling means that, for now, the troops remain in L.A. and under the control of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is arguing that the district court has jurisdiction to weigh in on questions not addressed by the appeals court, and is asking Breyer to take arguments on those issues and consider issuing a preliminary injunction in July. The Trump brief argues that the lower court has no jurisdiction over the state’s claims, saying the 9th Circuit’s decision prevents Breyer from weighing in more for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue are 4,000 National Guard troops and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043453/trump-mobilizes-marines-for-duty-in-los-angeles\">700 U.S. Marines\u003c/a> called up by Trump earlier this month as immigration raids in L.A. sparked protests. The president said the troops were necessary to protect federal officials and property, while local and state officials called their deployment \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043548/california-asks-court-to-stop-national-guard-marines-from-patrolling-la-streets\">unnecessary, provocative and illegal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045585\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045585\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1724\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-2000x1347.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-1536x1035.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-2048x1379.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mariachi musician Maricela Martinez performs towards U.S. Marines guarding a federal building during a protest by mariachi and folklorico dancers in response to immigration raids on June 20, 2025 in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Photo by Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for California say Breyer should now consider two questions not taken up in the appeals court ruling: how long the deployment of the National Guard can last, and whether that deployment violates an 1878 law, known as the Posse Comitatus Act, which bars using the military for domestic law enforcement purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Deciding those issues would not ‘modify’ the TRO Order nor alter the ‘status quo’ between the parties with respect to the issues pending on appeal in the way that renewing or bolstering this Court’s order to de-federalize the Guard would,” the brief states. “Rather, the court would be ruling only on how the federal troops would be used for how long, and where — issues that the Ninth Circuit acknowledged are not now before the appellate court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his initial restraining order, Breyer “explicitly declined” to consider California’s claims under the Posse Comitatus Act “until a more complete factual record could be developed,” the state noted. And the appeals court, the state wrote, recognized that California planned to continue pursuing that claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also contends that Breyer has jurisdiction to weigh in on how long the troops may stay deployed to L.A. because the appeals court decision was based on the facts on the ground weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although the Ninth Circuit held that, on the TRO record before it, conditions in and around the federal building in Los Angeles on June 6 and 7 likely satisfied Section 12406(3)’s factual predicate for federalization of National Guard units in the first place, the Ninth Circuit did not consider, nor did the parties present, the questions of how long such federalization is permissible in the face of changed circumstances or whether those federalized troops may be deployed in areas where those conditions never existed or have ceased to exist,” the state’s brief said.[aside postID=news_12045032 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/IMG_1050-2000x1500.jpg']California wants Breyer to allow the state to conduct “limited discovery,” including deposing the acting ICE field office director in L.A. and a U.S. Army major general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump brief argues that the district court has no jurisdiction over the Posse Comitatus claim, saying the 9th Circuit’s decision “logically forecloses” California’s claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration is arguing that since the appeals court allowed Trump to federalize the National Guard, those troops are allowed to enforce the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the Ninth Circuit’s finding, it would be illogical to hold that, although the President can call up the National Guard when he is unable ‘with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States,’ the Guard, once federalized, is forbidden from ‘execut[ing] the laws,’” the brief states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration also argues that the court shouldn’t take up the question of how long the troops will stay under federal control, saying that there’s no limit in federal law over how long the president can federalize the Guard and that the courts should defer to the president’s authority when considering the question. Attorneys for the Trump administration also argue that the question is premature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no basis now to challenge the determination to initially set a 60-day timeframe on the duration of the deployment, particularly when the initial 60-day time frame has not yet elapsed and the actual duration is unknown at present,” the brief states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They end by arguing that the state has no persuasive reason to question the use of the military, which they insist is necessary for immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breyer will now consider both sides’ arguments and rule in the coming days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "California Urges Court to Answer How Long Trump Can Keep National Guard in LA",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The legal battle over President Donald Trump’s decision to dispatch armed troops to Los Angeles continued Monday, with California asking a federal court to consider how long National Guard members can \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045178/trump-can-keep-troops-in-la-for-now-appeals-court-rules\">stay on the ground\u003c/a> and whether the deployment violates a 147-year-old law that bars using the military against civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In dueling court filings, the two sides took opposite positions on what power U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer has to weigh in on the case,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045198/judge-delays-hearing-on-troops-in-la-leaving-them-under-trumps-control-for-now\"> given the ruling on Thursday\u003c/a> by a three-judge panel at the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. That ruling halted Breyer’s earlier temporary restraining order, which directed Trump to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043920/judge-weighs-californias-lawsuit-over-trumps-troop-deployment-in-la\">hand back control\u003c/a> of the California National Guard troops to Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unanimous appeals court ruling means that, for now, the troops remain in L.A. and under the control of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is arguing that the district court has jurisdiction to weigh in on questions not addressed by the appeals court, and is asking Breyer to take arguments on those issues and consider issuing a preliminary injunction in July. The Trump brief argues that the lower court has no jurisdiction over the state’s claims, saying the 9th Circuit’s decision prevents Breyer from weighing in more for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue are 4,000 National Guard troops and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043453/trump-mobilizes-marines-for-duty-in-los-angeles\">700 U.S. Marines\u003c/a> called up by Trump earlier this month as immigration raids in L.A. sparked protests. The president said the troops were necessary to protect federal officials and property, while local and state officials called their deployment \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043548/california-asks-court-to-stop-national-guard-marines-from-patrolling-la-streets\">unnecessary, provocative and illegal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045585\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045585\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1724\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-2000x1347.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-1536x1035.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2221273521-2048x1379.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mariachi musician Maricela Martinez performs towards U.S. Marines guarding a federal building during a protest by mariachi and folklorico dancers in response to immigration raids on June 20, 2025 in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Photo by Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for California say Breyer should now consider two questions not taken up in the appeals court ruling: how long the deployment of the National Guard can last, and whether that deployment violates an 1878 law, known as the Posse Comitatus Act, which bars using the military for domestic law enforcement purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Deciding those issues would not ‘modify’ the TRO Order nor alter the ‘status quo’ between the parties with respect to the issues pending on appeal in the way that renewing or bolstering this Court’s order to de-federalize the Guard would,” the brief states. “Rather, the court would be ruling only on how the federal troops would be used for how long, and where — issues that the Ninth Circuit acknowledged are not now before the appellate court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his initial restraining order, Breyer “explicitly declined” to consider California’s claims under the Posse Comitatus Act “until a more complete factual record could be developed,” the state noted. And the appeals court, the state wrote, recognized that California planned to continue pursuing that claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also contends that Breyer has jurisdiction to weigh in on how long the troops may stay deployed to L.A. because the appeals court decision was based on the facts on the ground weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although the Ninth Circuit held that, on the TRO record before it, conditions in and around the federal building in Los Angeles on June 6 and 7 likely satisfied Section 12406(3)’s factual predicate for federalization of National Guard units in the first place, the Ninth Circuit did not consider, nor did the parties present, the questions of how long such federalization is permissible in the face of changed circumstances or whether those federalized troops may be deployed in areas where those conditions never existed or have ceased to exist,” the state’s brief said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California wants Breyer to allow the state to conduct “limited discovery,” including deposing the acting ICE field office director in L.A. and a U.S. Army major general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump brief argues that the district court has no jurisdiction over the Posse Comitatus claim, saying the 9th Circuit’s decision “logically forecloses” California’s claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration is arguing that since the appeals court allowed Trump to federalize the National Guard, those troops are allowed to enforce the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the Ninth Circuit’s finding, it would be illogical to hold that, although the President can call up the National Guard when he is unable ‘with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States,’ the Guard, once federalized, is forbidden from ‘execut[ing] the laws,’” the brief states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration also argues that the court shouldn’t take up the question of how long the troops will stay under federal control, saying that there’s no limit in federal law over how long the president can federalize the Guard and that the courts should defer to the president’s authority when considering the question. Attorneys for the Trump administration also argue that the question is premature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no basis now to challenge the determination to initially set a 60-day timeframe on the duration of the deployment, particularly when the initial 60-day time frame has not yet elapsed and the actual duration is unknown at present,” the brief states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They end by arguing that the state has no persuasive reason to question the use of the military, which they insist is necessary for immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breyer will now consider both sides’ arguments and rule in the coming days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "After Historic Win, Child Care Union Fears Pushback Over Pay, Benefits",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> made history two years ago by agreeing to establish the nation’s first retirement fund for home-based child care workers and to pay them fairly for providing subsidized care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964236/how-a-california-child-care-workers-union-fought-for-living-wages-and-won\">was considered a huge win\u003c/a> for the roughly 60,000 members of Child Care Providers United, who said for years that the state doesn’t pay them enough to cover the costs of caring for children out of their homes. But with their current contract set to expire at the end of June, and bargaining for a new one under way, they’re worried the state wants to cut back some of the benefits and delay implementing a new plan that would bring their payments up to the “true cost of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had some victories, but right now, it’s like [they’re] turning their backs on us,” said Patricia Moran, a family child care provider from San José and member of the union’s bargaining team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the union’s stance, the California Department of Social Services said it doesn’t comment on ongoing contract negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As small-business owners, home-based child care providers don’t have access to employer-provided benefits. In 2019, they won the right to collectively bargain because many of them receive reimbursements from the state for serving lower-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12039810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12039810\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Khulood Jamil (center) and other child care providers and supporters march to the Federal Building in San José on May 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California, more than 70% of families who receive child care vouchers send their kids to Family Child Care homes or they choose friends, family or neighbors as caregivers, \u003ca href=\"https://rrnetwork.org/assets/general-files/CCP-2023-Slides_2025.04.29.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to state data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last few contract deals, the union secured a $100 million fund to help reduce health care expenses for its members, $80 million in annual funding for retirement benefits, plus more than $40 million for training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also committed to using an “alternative methodology” to calculate subsidy rates based on how much it actually costs to provide early care and education, instead of on the current system which is based on what parents have been paying for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts agree\u003ca href=\"https://cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/CalWORKs/CCT/CCDD/Rate%20and%20Quality%20Stakeholder%20Workgroup%20Report_August%202022_FINAL%20ADA%20(2).pdf?ver=2022-08-24-081240-333\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> that the current system is flawed (PDF)\u003c/a>. Because providers lower tuition prices to meet what parents in their communities can afford for child care, the rates don’t reflect what it actually costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A\u003ca href=\"https://www.prenatal5fiscal.org/_files/ugd/8fd549_831af20bfb4142b59fda11194bb908fd.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> 2022 study (PDF)\u003c/a> commissioned by the state found the rates are far below the current costs to provide child care, resulting in lower wages for the workers and a chronic shortage of licensed child care. The most recent \u003ca href=\"https://rrnetwork.org/assets/general-files/CCP-2023-Slides_2025.04.29.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">state data shows (PDF)\u003c/a> that while the number of licensed Family Child Care spaces slightly increased between 2021 and 2023, only 26% of working families have access to licensed child care.[aside postID=news_12044082 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250610-HEADSTARTPROGRAMS-39-BL-KQED.jpg']“Essentially when the state doesn’t pay child care providers fairly, that really just shifts costs towards California families,” said Julia Forte Frudden, a policy analyst at the Child Care Law Center, an advocacy group based in Berkeley. “And I think that’s really hard right now when so many families are feeling the squeeze of cost of living and are really fearful too about where our economy is going.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When contract talks began, Moran said negotiators representing the state proposed eliminating the health care fund and reducing the retirement fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The past two years, the health care fund helped her cover out-of-pocket expenses for medication for her rheumatoid arthritis, which costs $5,000 per month, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without that medication, I can’t lift a baby, I can’t sit down with my children for circle time,” Moran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she’s also frustrated that the state wants to delay implementing the new payment method by at least two years. In his revised budget for the 2025–26, Gov. Gavin Newsom cited needing more time to update technology systems for the change. Last month, he said that while he’s proud of his administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/Portals/13/Press%20Releases/2022/CDSSNewsRelease-CCPU.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">unprecedented investments (PDF)\u003c/a> in child care, he must “hold the line” in his budget proposal due to a bleak fiscal outlook. The governor blamed President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040025/newsom-blames-trump-california-budget-deficit-aims-cap-undocumented-health-care\">Donald Trump’s chaotic tariffs strategy \u003c/a>for creating financial uncertainties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030547\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children’s cars and scooters at Lisa Zarodney’s home in Livermore, where she runs a child care operation, on March 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But to Max Arias, the chief negotiator for the union, that reason “is like taking advantage of the moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It also seems like a 180 turnabout on what they were saying up until a few months ago, that it was a priority of the administration to get to the cost of care,” Arias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said workers should at least get a bump in reimbursement rates while they wait for the new model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the talks continue, union members are calling on Newsom and legislators to include funding for them as they negotiate a final budget before the July 1 start of the fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they really value what we do, they’re going to pay us like we’re professionals,” Moran said. “We want to have peace of mind when we pay our bills at the end of the month.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Since 2019, the union representing some 60,000 workers who provide child care out of their homes made landmark gains. As they negotiate a new contract, the workers say they’re worried the state wants to cut back some benefits and delay a plan that would increase their wages. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> made history two years ago by agreeing to establish the nation’s first retirement fund for home-based child care workers and to pay them fairly for providing subsidized care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964236/how-a-california-child-care-workers-union-fought-for-living-wages-and-won\">was considered a huge win\u003c/a> for the roughly 60,000 members of Child Care Providers United, who said for years that the state doesn’t pay them enough to cover the costs of caring for children out of their homes. But with their current contract set to expire at the end of June, and bargaining for a new one under way, they’re worried the state wants to cut back some of the benefits and delay implementing a new plan that would bring their payments up to the “true cost of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had some victories, but right now, it’s like [they’re] turning their backs on us,” said Patricia Moran, a family child care provider from San José and member of the union’s bargaining team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the union’s stance, the California Department of Social Services said it doesn’t comment on ongoing contract negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As small-business owners, home-based child care providers don’t have access to employer-provided benefits. In 2019, they won the right to collectively bargain because many of them receive reimbursements from the state for serving lower-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12039810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12039810\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250512-DAY-WITHOUT-CHILDCARE-MD-01-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Khulood Jamil (center) and other child care providers and supporters march to the Federal Building in San José on May 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California, more than 70% of families who receive child care vouchers send their kids to Family Child Care homes or they choose friends, family or neighbors as caregivers, \u003ca href=\"https://rrnetwork.org/assets/general-files/CCP-2023-Slides_2025.04.29.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to state data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last few contract deals, the union secured a $100 million fund to help reduce health care expenses for its members, $80 million in annual funding for retirement benefits, plus more than $40 million for training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also committed to using an “alternative methodology” to calculate subsidy rates based on how much it actually costs to provide early care and education, instead of on the current system which is based on what parents have been paying for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts agree\u003ca href=\"https://cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/CalWORKs/CCT/CCDD/Rate%20and%20Quality%20Stakeholder%20Workgroup%20Report_August%202022_FINAL%20ADA%20(2).pdf?ver=2022-08-24-081240-333\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> that the current system is flawed (PDF)\u003c/a>. Because providers lower tuition prices to meet what parents in their communities can afford for child care, the rates don’t reflect what it actually costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A\u003ca href=\"https://www.prenatal5fiscal.org/_files/ugd/8fd549_831af20bfb4142b59fda11194bb908fd.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> 2022 study (PDF)\u003c/a> commissioned by the state found the rates are far below the current costs to provide child care, resulting in lower wages for the workers and a chronic shortage of licensed child care. The most recent \u003ca href=\"https://rrnetwork.org/assets/general-files/CCP-2023-Slides_2025.04.29.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">state data shows (PDF)\u003c/a> that while the number of licensed Family Child Care spaces slightly increased between 2021 and 2023, only 26% of working families have access to licensed child care.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Essentially when the state doesn’t pay child care providers fairly, that really just shifts costs towards California families,” said Julia Forte Frudden, a policy analyst at the Child Care Law Center, an advocacy group based in Berkeley. “And I think that’s really hard right now when so many families are feeling the squeeze of cost of living and are really fearful too about where our economy is going.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When contract talks began, Moran said negotiators representing the state proposed eliminating the health care fund and reducing the retirement fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The past two years, the health care fund helped her cover out-of-pocket expenses for medication for her rheumatoid arthritis, which costs $5,000 per month, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without that medication, I can’t lift a baby, I can’t sit down with my children for circle time,” Moran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she’s also frustrated that the state wants to delay implementing the new payment method by at least two years. In his revised budget for the 2025–26, Gov. Gavin Newsom cited needing more time to update technology systems for the change. Last month, he said that while he’s proud of his administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/Portals/13/Press%20Releases/2022/CDSSNewsRelease-CCPU.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">unprecedented investments (PDF)\u003c/a> in child care, he must “hold the line” in his budget proposal due to a bleak fiscal outlook. The governor blamed President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040025/newsom-blames-trump-california-budget-deficit-aims-cap-undocumented-health-care\">Donald Trump’s chaotic tariffs strategy \u003c/a>for creating financial uncertainties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030547\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-22-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children’s cars and scooters at Lisa Zarodney’s home in Livermore, where she runs a child care operation, on March 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But to Max Arias, the chief negotiator for the union, that reason “is like taking advantage of the moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It also seems like a 180 turnabout on what they were saying up until a few months ago, that it was a priority of the administration to get to the cost of care,” Arias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said workers should at least get a bump in reimbursement rates while they wait for the new model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the talks continue, union members are calling on Newsom and legislators to include funding for them as they negotiate a final budget before the July 1 start of the fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they really value what we do, they’re going to pay us like we’re professionals,” Moran said. “We want to have peace of mind when we pay our bills at the end of the month.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "she-left-her-abuser-now-the-shelter-that-helped-her-is-losing-federal-funds-under-trump",
"title": "She Left Her Abuser. Now the Shelter That Helped Her Is Losing Federal Funds Under Trump",
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"headTitle": "She Left Her Abuser. Now the Shelter That Helped Her Is Losing Federal Funds Under Trump | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>She came to the United States in 2017, after marrying her husband in their home country in the Middle East.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I left everything, everything, my family — I was working in my country, I had a life in my country — so I left everything for him and for the family,” she said recently, choking back tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had one baby, then became pregnant with their second in the U.S. But after arriving, she said, her husband turned violent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is not the guy I married in my country,” she said. “It’s abuse. I was abused,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She spoke with KQED in a conference room at a secure location, her voice soft and choked with tears. KQED is not naming the woman or her home country, because she is a survivor of abuse and still worries for her safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the police, but says her husband blamed her and told the officers she was the one being abusive. She appealed for help at their family mosque, but says nothing changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the woman first learned of the Asian Women’s Shelter, a San Francisco nonprofit that serves victims of domestic violence and human trafficking with a focus on immigrant and refugee communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044165\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044165\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-12-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-12-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-12-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-12-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">R. Ahmed, a counselor, sits in the Asian Women’s Shelter offices in San Francisco on June 11, 2025. The shelter provides safe housing and multilingual, culturally responsive support for survivors of domestic violence, trafficking and abuse. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I was pregnant, so I called them. And after, I just said, ‘OK, just take your time. You are pregnant, you have another baby, it’s gonna be hard.’ So I just took it easy … but he didn’t stop. My ex, he didn’t stop,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took two more years and multiple conversations with Rakya Ahmed, a case manager and advocate at the shelter, for her to finally leave. Now, she has an apartment, a driver’s license, and a car. Her young children are in school and she is studying to become an educator. She has an attorney to help with the ongoing divorce case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If not for the Asian Women’s Shelter, she said, “either I’m in a hospital or I’m dead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Millions of dollars in cuts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Asian Women’s Shelter is more than a shelter — in addition to providing emergency housing for survivors of domestic violence and human trafficking, they connect clients with everything they will need to rebuild their lives: food, clothing, health care, legal advocacy, transportation, counseling, job training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps as importantly, case managers build relationships and trust with their clients. Ahmed, the case manager, said abused women often see going to a shelter as taboo and think it will be unsafe. Her job, she said, is to walk beside these women, offer them the resources they need — and wait until they’re ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044166\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044166\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-15-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-15-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-15-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-15-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">R. Ahmed, a counselor, holds her phone displaying a photo from a women’s needlepoint gathering at the Asian Women’s Shelter offices in San Francisco on June 11, 2025. The shelter offers safe housing and multilingual, culturally responsive support for survivors of domestic violence. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Some girls, they call me mom,” she said. “They melt my heart, you know, when they hug you. They are far away from family, they don’t have anybody here. So when they see us, they feel like there is somebody who will take care of them, will show them the way.”[aside postID=news_12043890 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/004_KQED_DomesticAbuse_StagedPhoto_03232020_9827.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But programs like this one are losing federal funds under the Trump administration — part of the White House’s broader effort to decrease federal spending and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041026/new-trump-administration-rules-could-cut-off-crucial-federal-homelessness-funding\">cut off funding from programs it sees as unnecessary or counter to the administration’s agenda\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the Asian Women’s Shelter received a letter from the Department of Justice informing the nonprofit that a $500,000 grant awarded it last fall was being rescinded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three-year grant was the main source of funding for the shelter’s program aimed specifically at supporting Arab and Muslim survivors of domestic violence and human trafficking, clients like the woman who spoke to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program is designed to serve 14 families, including 31 children, fleeing domestic violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044163\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A former client of the Asian Women’s Shelter sits at a beauty salon where she now works in San Francisco on June 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The DOJ wrote that the program “no longer effectuates the program goals or agency priorities,” and stated that the department “has changed its priorities … to focus on, among other things, more directly supporting certain law enforcement operations, combatting violent crime, protecting American children, and supporting American victims of trafficking and sexual assault, and better coordinating law enforcement efforts at all levels of government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Asian Women’s Shelter is not alone. Its grant is one of 373 grants totaling about $500 million nationwide, all from the Office of Justice Programs that the Department of Justice abruptly canceled in April, \u003ca href=\"https://counciloncj.org/doj-funding-update-a-deeper-look-at-the-cuts/\">according to an analysis by the Council on Criminal Justice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About $81 million of those cuts hit California organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those losing money is Stop AAPI Hate, a San Francisco-based coalition created in 2020 amid rising hate crimes against Asian Americans fueled during the height of the coronavirus pandemic. The group had been awarded $2 million over the next three years, nearly a third of its projected budget in 2026 and 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the two San Francisco organizations, most of the affected nonprofits and law enforcement organizations are working in areas that the DOJ says it wants to focus on: helping police interrupt street violence and investigate crime; supporting crime survivors, including victims of human trafficking; and combating violent crime, including hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why critics, including those in law enforcement, accuse President Donald Trump and U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi of hypocrisy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bondi spent time \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KpCSSYmfCSs\">at her confirmation hearings detailing her visits with human trafficking victims\u003c/a> at the border and a Mexico safe house, and pledging to help those survivors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043818\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043818\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/PamBondiAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1337\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/PamBondiAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/PamBondiAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/PamBondiAP-1536x1027.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney General Pam Bondi speaks during a news conference about Kilmar Abrego Garcia at the Justice Department on June 6, 2025, in Washington. \u003ccite>(Julia Demaree Nikhinson/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And in a March speech at the Department of Justice, Trump said he had no “higher mission” than “making America safe again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to protect Americans and we protect everybody that’s in our country, American or not American. We want to have a safe and proud country,” he said. “We’re joined today by dozens of police officers, sheriffs and sheriff’s deputies from all across the country. My message to these law enforcement heroes is simple. With me in the White House, you once again have a president who will always have your back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta said the grant cuts will have the opposite effect, especially when you combine them with the president’s budget proposal to cut billions of dollars more from local police departments and federal law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m shocked, like usual, but not surprised,” Bonta said. “This is an area where I think it’s really important to call out the just raging hypocrisy. … He says he’s gonna be a president for victims, a president of public safety, but then we have to look at what he’s actually doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said these cuts target “critical programs that help solve crime, that help victims heal, that help prevent gun violence, that address mental health and substance use disorder and provide treatment and care that support re-entry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, the Justice Department said it is “focused on prosecuting criminals, getting illegal drugs off the streets, and protecting all Americans from violent crime. Discretionary funds that are not aligned with the administration’s priorities are subject to review and reallocation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the department didn’t answer KQED’s questions about why organizations like the Asian Women’s Shelter and Stop AAPI Hate were targeted, given that their missions appear to largely line up with those priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Very short-sighted’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bonta argues it’s obvious that these programs are being cut because of who they serve: communities of color and immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He called it “very short-sighted and very narrow — this lens that they’re trying to put on to focus on certain victims and be contemptuous of other victims.” Another California organization that lost funding, he noted, was Youth Alive!, an Oakland nonprofit that seeks to interrupt cycles of gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959336\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959336\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a navy blue suit, white shirt and blue foulard tie speaks into a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta fields questions during a press conference on Monday, Aug. 28, 2023, in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They go to the hospital bed of a shooting victim to help them heal and help them make decisions that don’t include retaliation in their raw, emotional, traumatized state,” he said. “Not only is it the right thing to do to help folks heal, to restore them to being productive members of our society and our community, but it also can prevent additional crimes, retaliatory crimes, a cycle of crime and violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cities, \u003ca href=\"https://www.startribune.com/amid-allegations-of-illegal-practices-minneapolis-will-start-auditing-violence-interrupter-groups/601127173\">critics have called for more oversight\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"http://dsbystate?%3Aembed=y&%3Aiid=2&%3AisGuestRedirectFromVizportal=y\">these types of DOJ grants\u003c/a>, which have totaled $15.5 billion nationally since 2021. California organizations received more than any other state over that period, securing $1.5 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired Los Angeles Police Department deputy chief Phil Tingrides spent time as a gang intervention liaison and worked alongside community-based groups doing the same sort of violence interruption work as Youth Alive! does in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said when those groups work with police, they see success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We developed a very strong, cohesive relationship … and we saw, initially, a very significant drop in retaliation shootings,” he said. “In 2017, when I left the South Bureau, we had the lowest number of homicides and shooting victims that that bureau had seen since it opened in 1972.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Tingrides said the Trump administration is right about one thing: He believes there should be more oversight and accountability to ensure that these public funds are being used properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a perception in his administration, and I don’t think they’re wrong, that there’s so many grants that go out that there is no control over, that are going to fund programs that aren’t either what they were intended to be or not what they stated to be,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta agreed that oversight is important, but said in this case, the administration seems to be arbitrarily cutting programs it labels as diversity, equity and inclusion, or DEI — not undertaking a thoughtful analysis that examines outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Funding challenges ahead\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Choi, co-founder of Stop AAPI Hate, said the $2 million grant the Trump administration rescinded was the group’s first federal funding award, which was supposed to help expand their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been able to raise national awareness around the surge in anti-Asian hate that was catalyzed by the COVID pandemic,” she said. “We’ve not only tracked and established that this is pervasive and widespread, but we’ve also advanced solutions, community-based solutions, and really focused on victims and survivors and ways that we can prevent incidents from occurring in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044162\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044162\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">R. Ahmed, a counselor, arranges flyers for the Asian Women’s Shelter at a beauty salon in San Francisco on June 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stop AAPI Hate is among five groups \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/justice-grants-funding-cuts-law-enforcement-victims-4cbe3ed87ec2ad27ff5b6e5f0b317191\">suing the DOJ\u003c/a> as part of a class action lawsuit, alleging that the grant rescissions are unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I think is disturbing is that this administration — and Trump himself — paints himself as a champion of law and order,” Choi said. “But this administration has illegally canceled hundreds of public safety grants and has actually left communities across the nation more vulnerable to hate, violence and injustice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Asian Women’s Shelter is appealing the loss of its grant through a DOJ process, said Saara Ahmed, a spokesperson for the organization.[aside postID=news_12043890 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1424951486_qed.jpg'] She said the nonprofit remains committed to funding its program for Arab and Muslim women, but is now facing not just federal cuts, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041773/san-francisco-mayor-daniel-lurie-plans-to-cut-1400-jobs-in-city-budget-proposal\">local budget threats\u003c/a> as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahmed said the program to serve Arab and Muslim women has been chronically underfunded since it started in 2015, in part because the U.S. government \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/topics/population/race/about.html\">classifies people from the Middle East as white\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the irony is because of the classification of the Arab community as white, they’re not eligible for a lot of the culturally specific streams that we get, government or otherwise,” she said. “We can’t use that funding to serve this community. And so that has also been a factor in being chronically underfunded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But anytime the nonprofit can secure multi-year funding streams like the federal grants, Ahmed said, it provides the staff doing the work on the ground the space to focus on their clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the woman who left her abusive husband, that support has been life-changing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her divorce proceedings are ongoing, but she’s looking ahead and planning for the life she wants to provide for her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to be free. I want to be free, too,” she said. “I want them to visit the world. I want to take them everywhere. So I wish I can do it one day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you love needs immediate assistance addressing domestic violence, call the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thehotline.org/\">National Domestic Violence Hotline\u003c/a> at 800-799-7233.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>She came to the United States in 2017, after marrying her husband in their home country in the Middle East.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I left everything, everything, my family — I was working in my country, I had a life in my country — so I left everything for him and for the family,” she said recently, choking back tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had one baby, then became pregnant with their second in the U.S. But after arriving, she said, her husband turned violent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is not the guy I married in my country,” she said. “It’s abuse. I was abused,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She spoke with KQED in a conference room at a secure location, her voice soft and choked with tears. KQED is not naming the woman or her home country, because she is a survivor of abuse and still worries for her safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the police, but says her husband blamed her and told the officers she was the one being abusive. She appealed for help at their family mosque, but says nothing changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the woman first learned of the Asian Women’s Shelter, a San Francisco nonprofit that serves victims of domestic violence and human trafficking with a focus on immigrant and refugee communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044165\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044165\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-12-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-12-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-12-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-12-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">R. Ahmed, a counselor, sits in the Asian Women’s Shelter offices in San Francisco on June 11, 2025. The shelter provides safe housing and multilingual, culturally responsive support for survivors of domestic violence, trafficking and abuse. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I was pregnant, so I called them. And after, I just said, ‘OK, just take your time. You are pregnant, you have another baby, it’s gonna be hard.’ So I just took it easy … but he didn’t stop. My ex, he didn’t stop,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took two more years and multiple conversations with Rakya Ahmed, a case manager and advocate at the shelter, for her to finally leave. Now, she has an apartment, a driver’s license, and a car. Her young children are in school and she is studying to become an educator. She has an attorney to help with the ongoing divorce case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If not for the Asian Women’s Shelter, she said, “either I’m in a hospital or I’m dead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Millions of dollars in cuts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Asian Women’s Shelter is more than a shelter — in addition to providing emergency housing for survivors of domestic violence and human trafficking, they connect clients with everything they will need to rebuild their lives: food, clothing, health care, legal advocacy, transportation, counseling, job training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps as importantly, case managers build relationships and trust with their clients. Ahmed, the case manager, said abused women often see going to a shelter as taboo and think it will be unsafe. Her job, she said, is to walk beside these women, offer them the resources they need — and wait until they’re ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044166\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044166\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-15-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-15-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-15-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-15-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">R. Ahmed, a counselor, holds her phone displaying a photo from a women’s needlepoint gathering at the Asian Women’s Shelter offices in San Francisco on June 11, 2025. The shelter offers safe housing and multilingual, culturally responsive support for survivors of domestic violence. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Some girls, they call me mom,” she said. “They melt my heart, you know, when they hug you. They are far away from family, they don’t have anybody here. So when they see us, they feel like there is somebody who will take care of them, will show them the way.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But programs like this one are losing federal funds under the Trump administration — part of the White House’s broader effort to decrease federal spending and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041026/new-trump-administration-rules-could-cut-off-crucial-federal-homelessness-funding\">cut off funding from programs it sees as unnecessary or counter to the administration’s agenda\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the Asian Women’s Shelter received a letter from the Department of Justice informing the nonprofit that a $500,000 grant awarded it last fall was being rescinded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three-year grant was the main source of funding for the shelter’s program aimed specifically at supporting Arab and Muslim survivors of domestic violence and human trafficking, clients like the woman who spoke to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program is designed to serve 14 families, including 31 children, fleeing domestic violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044163\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A former client of the Asian Women’s Shelter sits at a beauty salon where she now works in San Francisco on June 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The DOJ wrote that the program “no longer effectuates the program goals or agency priorities,” and stated that the department “has changed its priorities … to focus on, among other things, more directly supporting certain law enforcement operations, combatting violent crime, protecting American children, and supporting American victims of trafficking and sexual assault, and better coordinating law enforcement efforts at all levels of government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Asian Women’s Shelter is not alone. Its grant is one of 373 grants totaling about $500 million nationwide, all from the Office of Justice Programs that the Department of Justice abruptly canceled in April, \u003ca href=\"https://counciloncj.org/doj-funding-update-a-deeper-look-at-the-cuts/\">according to an analysis by the Council on Criminal Justice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About $81 million of those cuts hit California organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those losing money is Stop AAPI Hate, a San Francisco-based coalition created in 2020 amid rising hate crimes against Asian Americans fueled during the height of the coronavirus pandemic. The group had been awarded $2 million over the next three years, nearly a third of its projected budget in 2026 and 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the two San Francisco organizations, most of the affected nonprofits and law enforcement organizations are working in areas that the DOJ says it wants to focus on: helping police interrupt street violence and investigate crime; supporting crime survivors, including victims of human trafficking; and combating violent crime, including hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why critics, including those in law enforcement, accuse President Donald Trump and U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi of hypocrisy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bondi spent time \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KpCSSYmfCSs\">at her confirmation hearings detailing her visits with human trafficking victims\u003c/a> at the border and a Mexico safe house, and pledging to help those survivors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043818\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043818\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/PamBondiAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1337\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/PamBondiAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/PamBondiAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/PamBondiAP-1536x1027.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney General Pam Bondi speaks during a news conference about Kilmar Abrego Garcia at the Justice Department on June 6, 2025, in Washington. \u003ccite>(Julia Demaree Nikhinson/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And in a March speech at the Department of Justice, Trump said he had no “higher mission” than “making America safe again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to protect Americans and we protect everybody that’s in our country, American or not American. We want to have a safe and proud country,” he said. “We’re joined today by dozens of police officers, sheriffs and sheriff’s deputies from all across the country. My message to these law enforcement heroes is simple. With me in the White House, you once again have a president who will always have your back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta said the grant cuts will have the opposite effect, especially when you combine them with the president’s budget proposal to cut billions of dollars more from local police departments and federal law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m shocked, like usual, but not surprised,” Bonta said. “This is an area where I think it’s really important to call out the just raging hypocrisy. … He says he’s gonna be a president for victims, a president of public safety, but then we have to look at what he’s actually doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said these cuts target “critical programs that help solve crime, that help victims heal, that help prevent gun violence, that address mental health and substance use disorder and provide treatment and care that support re-entry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, the Justice Department said it is “focused on prosecuting criminals, getting illegal drugs off the streets, and protecting all Americans from violent crime. Discretionary funds that are not aligned with the administration’s priorities are subject to review and reallocation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the department didn’t answer KQED’s questions about why organizations like the Asian Women’s Shelter and Stop AAPI Hate were targeted, given that their missions appear to largely line up with those priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Very short-sighted’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bonta argues it’s obvious that these programs are being cut because of who they serve: communities of color and immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He called it “very short-sighted and very narrow — this lens that they’re trying to put on to focus on certain victims and be contemptuous of other victims.” Another California organization that lost funding, he noted, was Youth Alive!, an Oakland nonprofit that seeks to interrupt cycles of gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959336\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959336\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a navy blue suit, white shirt and blue foulard tie speaks into a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta fields questions during a press conference on Monday, Aug. 28, 2023, in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They go to the hospital bed of a shooting victim to help them heal and help them make decisions that don’t include retaliation in their raw, emotional, traumatized state,” he said. “Not only is it the right thing to do to help folks heal, to restore them to being productive members of our society and our community, but it also can prevent additional crimes, retaliatory crimes, a cycle of crime and violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cities, \u003ca href=\"https://www.startribune.com/amid-allegations-of-illegal-practices-minneapolis-will-start-auditing-violence-interrupter-groups/601127173\">critics have called for more oversight\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"http://dsbystate?%3Aembed=y&%3Aiid=2&%3AisGuestRedirectFromVizportal=y\">these types of DOJ grants\u003c/a>, which have totaled $15.5 billion nationally since 2021. California organizations received more than any other state over that period, securing $1.5 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired Los Angeles Police Department deputy chief Phil Tingrides spent time as a gang intervention liaison and worked alongside community-based groups doing the same sort of violence interruption work as Youth Alive! does in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said when those groups work with police, they see success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We developed a very strong, cohesive relationship … and we saw, initially, a very significant drop in retaliation shootings,” he said. “In 2017, when I left the South Bureau, we had the lowest number of homicides and shooting victims that that bureau had seen since it opened in 1972.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Tingrides said the Trump administration is right about one thing: He believes there should be more oversight and accountability to ensure that these public funds are being used properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a perception in his administration, and I don’t think they’re wrong, that there’s so many grants that go out that there is no control over, that are going to fund programs that aren’t either what they were intended to be or not what they stated to be,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta agreed that oversight is important, but said in this case, the administration seems to be arbitrarily cutting programs it labels as diversity, equity and inclusion, or DEI — not undertaking a thoughtful analysis that examines outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Funding challenges ahead\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Choi, co-founder of Stop AAPI Hate, said the $2 million grant the Trump administration rescinded was the group’s first federal funding award, which was supposed to help expand their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been able to raise national awareness around the surge in anti-Asian hate that was catalyzed by the COVID pandemic,” she said. “We’ve not only tracked and established that this is pervasive and widespread, but we’ve also advanced solutions, community-based solutions, and really focused on victims and survivors and ways that we can prevent incidents from occurring in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044162\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044162\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250611-DOJGRANTS-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">R. Ahmed, a counselor, arranges flyers for the Asian Women’s Shelter at a beauty salon in San Francisco on June 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stop AAPI Hate is among five groups \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/justice-grants-funding-cuts-law-enforcement-victims-4cbe3ed87ec2ad27ff5b6e5f0b317191\">suing the DOJ\u003c/a> as part of a class action lawsuit, alleging that the grant rescissions are unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I think is disturbing is that this administration — and Trump himself — paints himself as a champion of law and order,” Choi said. “But this administration has illegally canceled hundreds of public safety grants and has actually left communities across the nation more vulnerable to hate, violence and injustice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Asian Women’s Shelter is appealing the loss of its grant through a DOJ process, said Saara Ahmed, a spokesperson for the organization.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> She said the nonprofit remains committed to funding its program for Arab and Muslim women, but is now facing not just federal cuts, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041773/san-francisco-mayor-daniel-lurie-plans-to-cut-1400-jobs-in-city-budget-proposal\">local budget threats\u003c/a> as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahmed said the program to serve Arab and Muslim women has been chronically underfunded since it started in 2015, in part because the U.S. government \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/topics/population/race/about.html\">classifies people from the Middle East as white\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the irony is because of the classification of the Arab community as white, they’re not eligible for a lot of the culturally specific streams that we get, government or otherwise,” she said. “We can’t use that funding to serve this community. And so that has also been a factor in being chronically underfunded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But anytime the nonprofit can secure multi-year funding streams like the federal grants, Ahmed said, it provides the staff doing the work on the ground the space to focus on their clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the woman who left her abusive husband, that support has been life-changing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her divorce proceedings are ongoing, but she’s looking ahead and planning for the life she wants to provide for her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to be free. I want to be free, too,” she said. “I want them to visit the world. I want to take them everywhere. So I wish I can do it one day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you love needs immediate assistance addressing domestic violence, call the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thehotline.org/\">National Domestic Violence Hotline\u003c/a> at 800-799-7233.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Palm Springs Payment Lag Reveals Hurdles in California’s Racial Justice Efforts",
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"content": "\u003cp>Palm Springs is one step closer to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">paying reparations to Black and Latino families\u003c/a> who were forcibly removed from their homes more than 60 years ago. But more than six months after the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">approved a historic $5.9 million settlement\u003c/a>, survivors are still waiting for the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials say they’re ready to release the funds, but they’re still waiting on a final, verified list of eligible recipients from civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group Section 14 Survivors. Martin says the vetting process has taken time and that’s intentional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re more interested in fairness and making sure everyone that wants to participate is given an opportunity to do so than driven by any deadlines,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the late 1950s through the early 1960s, the city of Palm Springs bulldozed and burned homes in Section 14, a 1-square-mile neighborhood that was home to mostly Black and Latino families with low income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With city approval, fire crews torched homes, and residents were pushed out to make way for commercial development. In recent years, survivors and descendants have come forward to demand recognition and repair.[aside postID=news_12044638 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/12m-Reparations-1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of advocacy, the Palm Springs City Council unanimously approved the cash settlement last November, along with a broader reparations package that includes $21 million for housing and small business investment over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for the cash settlement, survivors and their descendants had to submit three documents proving they lived in Section 14 during the years the city cleared the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s proved challenging for many applicants in their late 70s and 80s who don’t use email or online platforms. Martin’s team received about 350 claims, relying on records like phone books, school documents and marriage certificates to verify eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re using Docusign — something very common for people in the workplace, but not for 75- and 80-year-old people,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988779\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, a former Section 14 resident, in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Each application is now being reviewed by a retired California Supreme Court justice working pro bono. Martin says the process should be completed in 60 to 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This effort is part of a growing push across California to address racial harms. A year after the failure of key reparations bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">drew backlash from activists\u003c/a>, the California Legislative Black Caucus introduced several new measures this session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One is SB 518, introduced by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D-San Diego). The bill would establish a state framework to support local reparations programs, like the one in Palm Springs, by helping cities identify eligible recipients, develop cultural restoration projects and distribute funds fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For centuries, systemic discrimination has created barriers for opportunity for economic security, housing, education, health and so much more,” Weber Pierson said. “The effects of these injustices are still felt today and action is long overdue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond cash payouts, Palm Springs also committed to cultural and community investments, including plans for a healing center, a public monument, and a permanent day of remembrance for Section 14. So far, the programs haven’t been launched. The city says more details will be released later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pearl Devers, one of the former Section 14 residents, the journey has been emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suppressed a lot of what happened in my family all these years until the floodgates opened,” she said. “Then I was able to shed my first tear.”[aside postID=news_12027903 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/CMReparations01.jpg']In digging into her family’s history, Devers discovered that her father had been a member of the NAACP. She says being part of the reparations process feels like continuing his work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a full life-circle moment for me, to complete something I know my father’s passion and hard work was a part of,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 14 survivors and supporters celebrated the progress with a gala last weekend in Palm Springs, but for many, the true milestone will come when the first check is delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin says the momentum from Palm Springs is already rippling out. Tulsa’s new reparative justice plan, she says, mirrors aspects of the Section 14 settlement, and more cities are reaching out for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Repair is possible,” Martin said. “Communities across the country are watching this, seeing it can be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Palm Springs is one step closer to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">paying reparations to Black and Latino families\u003c/a> who were forcibly removed from their homes more than 60 years ago. But more than six months after the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">approved a historic $5.9 million settlement\u003c/a>, survivors are still waiting for the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials say they’re ready to release the funds, but they’re still waiting on a final, verified list of eligible recipients from civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group Section 14 Survivors. Martin says the vetting process has taken time and that’s intentional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re more interested in fairness and making sure everyone that wants to participate is given an opportunity to do so than driven by any deadlines,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the late 1950s through the early 1960s, the city of Palm Springs bulldozed and burned homes in Section 14, a 1-square-mile neighborhood that was home to mostly Black and Latino families with low income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With city approval, fire crews torched homes, and residents were pushed out to make way for commercial development. In recent years, survivors and descendants have come forward to demand recognition and repair.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of advocacy, the Palm Springs City Council unanimously approved the cash settlement last November, along with a broader reparations package that includes $21 million for housing and small business investment over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for the cash settlement, survivors and their descendants had to submit three documents proving they lived in Section 14 during the years the city cleared the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s proved challenging for many applicants in their late 70s and 80s who don’t use email or online platforms. Martin’s team received about 350 claims, relying on records like phone books, school documents and marriage certificates to verify eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re using Docusign — something very common for people in the workplace, but not for 75- and 80-year-old people,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988779\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, a former Section 14 resident, in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Each application is now being reviewed by a retired California Supreme Court justice working pro bono. Martin says the process should be completed in 60 to 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This effort is part of a growing push across California to address racial harms. A year after the failure of key reparations bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">drew backlash from activists\u003c/a>, the California Legislative Black Caucus introduced several new measures this session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One is SB 518, introduced by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D-San Diego). The bill would establish a state framework to support local reparations programs, like the one in Palm Springs, by helping cities identify eligible recipients, develop cultural restoration projects and distribute funds fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For centuries, systemic discrimination has created barriers for opportunity for economic security, housing, education, health and so much more,” Weber Pierson said. “The effects of these injustices are still felt today and action is long overdue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond cash payouts, Palm Springs also committed to cultural and community investments, including plans for a healing center, a public monument, and a permanent day of remembrance for Section 14. So far, the programs haven’t been launched. The city says more details will be released later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pearl Devers, one of the former Section 14 residents, the journey has been emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suppressed a lot of what happened in my family all these years until the floodgates opened,” she said. “Then I was able to shed my first tear.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In digging into her family’s history, Devers discovered that her father had been a member of the NAACP. She says being part of the reparations process feels like continuing his work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a full life-circle moment for me, to complete something I know my father’s passion and hard work was a part of,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 14 survivors and supporters celebrated the progress with a gala last weekend in Palm Springs, but for many, the true milestone will come when the first check is delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin says the momentum from Palm Springs is already rippling out. Tulsa’s new reparative justice plan, she says, mirrors aspects of the Section 14 settlement, and more cities are reaching out for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Repair is possible,” Martin said. “Communities across the country are watching this, seeing it can be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "From 'Save our State' to Sanctuary, California's Immigration Views Have Shifted Dramatically",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 1994, a 26-year-old Alex Padilla, sporting a newly minted engineering degree from MIT, was back at home living with his parents in the San Fernando Valley when that fall’s most heated ballot measure campaign dragged him into a life of politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 187, the Save Our State initiative, would bar undocumented immigrants across California from using public schools, taxpayer-funded social services and non-emergency medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to get involved, so that families like mine, communities like mine, would not continue to be scapegoated or targeted,” Padilla, whose parents immigrated to the United States from Mexico, said in an \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/7zZOOFby6Nc?si=rqCi8eG4BlMpTVH5&t=40\">interview in 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That attitude put him in the political minority at the time. Backed by then-Gov. Pete Wilson, a Republican who made the campaign a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1994-11-09-mn-60569-story.html\">centerpiece of his reelection\u003c/a>, Prop. 187 passed with a commanding 58%, including majorities in 51 out of 58 counties. That included Padilla’s Los Angeles County, where it won by eight percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has changed in the three decades since, a political and cultural transformation that is in many ways personified by Padilla’s career. In just a single generation, the political clout immigrants hold in California has soared. So have the legal protections afforded even to those immigrants who are unauthorized to live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the whole, public opinion on immigration policy, border security and the rightful role of immigrants in American life has inverted from 31 years ago. Prop. 187 was \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/1998/03/19/prop.187/\">voided by a federal judge\u003c/a> shortly after its passage, but its effect on California politics endures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"datawrapper-vis-95N3K\" style=\"min-height: 478px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/95N3K/full.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Case in point: Padilla, the reluctant young activist, is now the first Latino U.S. senator to represent California. In that role he has become one of the most visible symbols of the clash of values between the nativism of President Donald Trump’s administration and California’s liberal consensus on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After last week’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/alex-padilla-handcuffed/\">jarring altercation\u003c/a>, in which Padilla was forcibly removed from a press conference held by Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and briefly handcuffed, elected officials across California lined up to lionize and defend him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t Pete Wilson’s California anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration policy a ‘settled issue’ in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pollster Mark Baldassare has been chronicling the change for decades. In 1998, he and his colleagues at the Public Policy Institute of California began asking Californians a simple question: Are immigrants a “benefit” or a “burden” to California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Respondents were evenly split in the first survey. Ever since, a majority — one that has grown with each decade — has come to see immigrants as a boon to our state. In February, when PPIC most recently asked the question, 72% of respondents chose “benefit.”[aside postID=news_12045336 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250614-NO-KINGS-SAN-JOSE-AC-09-KQED.jpg']That included 91% of Democrats and 73% of political independents, though only 31% of Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is pretty much a settled issue,” said Baldassarre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of that sweeping change can be explained by the state’s shifting demographics. If the U.S. is the land of immigrants, California is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">doubly so\u003c/a>. More than a quarter of the state’s population was born abroad, and almost half of California’s children were born to an immigrant parent. More than half of California’s immigrants \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/#:~:text=More%20than%20half%20(55%25)%20of%20California%E2%80%99s%20immigrants%20were%20naturalized%20US%20citizens%20in%202023.%20This%20share%20has%20increased%20consistently%20since%201990%2C%20when%20only%2031%25%20of%20immigrants%20were%20naturalized.\">are naturalized U.S. citizens\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And California’s immigrant community is diverse: 49% are originally from Latin American countries and 41% from Asia. For the past decade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">more immigrants\u003c/a> from Asia have entered California than from Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California’s changing demographics are only part of the reason immigration politics have seen such a radical shift in such a relatively short period of time, said Adrian Pantoja, a political science and Chicano studies professor at \u003ca href=\"https://www.pitzer.edu/\">Pitzer College in Claremont\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not a law of nature that Latinos and other demographic groups with sizable immigrant populations should favor the Democratic Party. Plenty of \u003ca href=\"http://t\">Latinos\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/race-and-ethnicity/2024/10/09/how-asian-americans-see-the-u-s-immigration-system/\">Asian Americans\u003c/a>, for example, hold traditionally conservative opinions — on specific border and immigration-related policies and a host of other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/051824-Fresno-State-Graduation-LV_CM_08-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A group of college graduates sits in rows during a commencement ceremony, wearing black caps and gowns adorned with colorful stoles, leis, and sashes. The focus is on a young woman in glasses looking ahead, surrounded by classmates with celebratory decorations, including a student in a green gown and marigold leis.\">\u003cfigcaption>Graduating students at the Fresno State Chicano/Latino Commencement Celebration in the Save Mart Center in Fresno on May 18, 2024. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Had the GOP “reached out effectively to Latinos, to Asian American voters — populations that were inclined and trending toward the Republican Party” the state GOP might still be an electoral force, said Pantoja.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the state party hitched its political future to a ballot measure aimed at penalizing undocumented immigrants and their children — and hasn’t won a statewide race since 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, as in much of the nation, Latino support for Republicans in the last presidential election ticked up in California. In nine of 12 counties where Latinos are the largest demographic group, support for Trump increased from 4 to 6 percentage points between the last two presidential contests, depending on the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The legacy of Proposition 187\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Three decades after that great California political rupture, the fruits of Prop. 187 are apparent in who holds power in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla is California’s senior U.S. senator. Both chambers of the state Legislature have elected Latino leaders — Assembly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/robert-rivas-165041\">Speaker Robert Rivas\u003c/a> of Salinas and Senate President Pro Tem-elect \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/california-senate-leadership-limon/\">Monique Limón\u003c/a> of Santa Barbara. In the early 1990s, the count of Latinos in the Legislature bounced around the single digits. Today, there are a combined 42 members in the Democratic and Republican parties’ respective Latino caucuses out of 120 members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That rise in political power has translated to changes in policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed into law Senate Bill 54, California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/01/california-sanctuary-state/\">sanctuary state law\u003c/a> that largely bars state and local law enforcement from cooperating with federal immigration enforcement. The bill’s author, Kevin de Leon, also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/11/08/777466912/californias-prop-187-vote-damaged-gop-relations-with-immigrants\">traces his start in politics\u003c/a> to Prop. 187.[aside postID=news_12045198 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/trump-with-executive-order.jpg']More recently, the state has expanded Medi-Cal, the state’s health insurance program for low-income Californians and those with disabilities, to all immigrants without legal status. Newsom signed successive expansions into law starting in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where Prop. 187 was authored to deprive undocumented immigrants of social services, California’s Medi-Cal expansion was its antithesis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The generational impact of that ballot measure was demonstrated in 2010, when immigrants were mobilized to vote and shift the state further to the left.By then, a quarter of the state’s electorate was Latino, said Thad Kousser, a professor of California politics at UC San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Latinos become this voting block that helps deliver the state to Jerry Brown, and then the state becomes Democratic in every single statewide office, in every election” since, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Brown defeated billionaire businesswoman Meg Whitman in an acrimonious gubernatorial race, showcasing California as an outlier in the national red wave and ending a run in which Republicans won the governor’s race six times out of the previous eight elections. Democrats lost no congressional seats in California even as the party was \u003ca href=\"https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/elections/2010/results/house.html\">routed nationally\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2016, the respective leaders of the State Assembly and Senate were Latino, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/making-history-who-are-latinos-leading-california-s-legislature-n577546\">a first in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all efforts to reverse the conservatism of the 1990s in California have succeeded. In 2020, a ballot measure to largely reverse the state’s ban on using race, ethnicity or gender as factors in public university admissions and government grant-making \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2020/10/prop-16-affirmative-action-trailing/\">failed to woo voters\u003c/a>. In the state’s population center of Los Angeles County, a majority of Asian voters shot down the proposal while \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/11/us/supreme-court-affirmative-action.html#:~:text=This%20was%20true%20even%20of%20majority%20Black%20precincts%20in%20Los%20Angeles%2C%20which%20supported%20Proposition%2016%20by%20wide%20margins.\">only 55% of Latino voters backed it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And immigrants or their children make up a sizable chunk of the GOP in the state capital. When voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-06/california-senate-race-its-first-transgender-candidate-vs-first-republican-latina\">in 2020\u003c/a> elected Redlands Republican \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/rosilicie-ochoa-bogh-165450\">Rosilicie Ochoa-Bogh\u003c/a>, the child of Mexican immigrants, she became the first GOP Latina state senator in California’s history. Today the Republican Senate caucus has at least three members who are immigrants or whose parents were born abroad, according to their public biographies — 30% of the caucus. Before being elected to the Assembly as a Republican, Tri Ta became the first Vietnamese American to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/lastdays/firstdaysstoryproject/interviews/im-product-community/raw/\">serve as mayor of a U.S. city\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Medi-Cal rollback shifts views\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Recent polling shows the latest wave of Medi-Cal expansions may have gone too far even for California’s immigrant-friendly electorate. A majority of Californians — 58% — oppose health coverage for immigrants without permanent legal status, according to PPIC’s June 2025 survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other polls show a majority of likely voters still support health insurance for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This mixed picture emerges as California grapples with a third successive fiscal year of multibillion-dollar deficits and sharply increasing Medi-Cal costs. While those data may indicate softening political support for the boldest of California’s policies aimed at helping undocumented immigrants, it doesn’t spell a political realignment, said Kousser.[aside postID=news_12044637 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-2000x1333.jpg']“California moved so far to the left that there’s almost nowhere to go other than the slight counter-reaction,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare of PPIC agreed, saying the Medi-Cal survey results may simply reflect a growing concern about the state’s finances. He noted that Newsom has proposed freezing enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On some other measures affecting immigrants, Democratic lawmakers and Newsom have diverged. Last year the Legislature approved a bill to essentially adopt a novel legal theory to permit public college students without legal authorization in the U.S. to work on their campuses. Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/university-of-california-students-weapons-jobs/\">vetoed the bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Anti-ICE protests: A new Prop. 187 moment?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There is some indication that California’s philosophical support for immigrants is, at least in part, accelerated by Trump. The share of respondents who called immigrants a “benefit” in PPIC’s surveys shot up during the first Trump administration and ebbed during Joe Biden’s stint in the White House. The most recent survey, the first since Trump returned to power, saw another spike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has some immigrant rights advocates hoping that the Trump administration’s current sweeping deportation policy will galvanize a new generation of political activists in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s post-Prop. 187 or post-9/11 for middle eastern South Asian communities, at some point you realize that you are being endlessly and inhumanely targeted and if you don’t speak up, and if you don’t practice your First Amendment rights, and if you’re not civically engaged, then you’ll be taken advantage of,” said Masih Fouladi, executive director of the California Immigrant Policy Center. “I think those are really the things that brought people together then, and what are bringing people to the streets now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_07-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a green tracksuit holding up a sign saying, “IMMIGRANTS UILT THIS NATION,” while next to a guard railing over a highway in downtown Los Angeles. In the background, cars can be seen driving on the road while crowds of protesters hold up signs and flags on both sides of the highway.\">\u003cfigcaption>Protesters gather over the 101 freeway in Downtown Los Angeles in support of the “Day Without Immigrants” march, on Feb. 3, 2025. Photo by J.W. Hendricks for CalMatters\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said if he were asked a few months ago whether California elected leaders were shifting to the center on immigration, he’d have said yes. But Trump’s immigration raids in Los Angeles are “allowing elected officials to come out more strongly” against the apprehensions, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Arana, vice president of policy at the Latino Community Foundation, was just six years old when Prop. 187 was on the ballot. He has distinct memories of marching with his family, everyone clad in white shirts, surrounded by a wide array of his neighbors chanting delightfully brash slogans about someone named Pete Wilson.[aside postID=news_12039972 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/DSC06624_qed-1020x680.jpg']“For six-year-old me, what I understood was that my parents, my neighbors, my community was under attack because some man — in that case the governor of California — was blaming California’s problems on them,” he said. “I wonder how young children are experiencing this moment now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifteen-year-old Nathon Ponce has an answer: He feels vulnerable. The rising high school sophomore at USC Hybrid High College Prep stood with his aunt several hundred feet from law enforcement as they fired projectiles and less-lethal rounds at protesters in downtown Los Angeles on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wants to see the government create a legal pathway to citizenship for immigrants without that status, “instead of pushing them away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More broadly, he was there to support his community, which “some people consider a vulnerable group, like Hispanics and low-income working people,” he said. “And I just want to show my support by, like, actually attending a protest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/california-prop187-immigration-politics/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 1994, a 26-year-old Alex Padilla, sporting a newly minted engineering degree from MIT, was back at home living with his parents in the San Fernando Valley when that fall’s most heated ballot measure campaign dragged him into a life of politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 187, the Save Our State initiative, would bar undocumented immigrants across California from using public schools, taxpayer-funded social services and non-emergency medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to get involved, so that families like mine, communities like mine, would not continue to be scapegoated or targeted,” Padilla, whose parents immigrated to the United States from Mexico, said in an \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/7zZOOFby6Nc?si=rqCi8eG4BlMpTVH5&t=40\">interview in 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That attitude put him in the political minority at the time. Backed by then-Gov. Pete Wilson, a Republican who made the campaign a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1994-11-09-mn-60569-story.html\">centerpiece of his reelection\u003c/a>, Prop. 187 passed with a commanding 58%, including majorities in 51 out of 58 counties. That included Padilla’s Los Angeles County, where it won by eight percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has changed in the three decades since, a political and cultural transformation that is in many ways personified by Padilla’s career. In just a single generation, the political clout immigrants hold in California has soared. So have the legal protections afforded even to those immigrants who are unauthorized to live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the whole, public opinion on immigration policy, border security and the rightful role of immigrants in American life has inverted from 31 years ago. Prop. 187 was \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/1998/03/19/prop.187/\">voided by a federal judge\u003c/a> shortly after its passage, but its effect on California politics endures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"datawrapper-vis-95N3K\" style=\"min-height: 478px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/95N3K/full.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Case in point: Padilla, the reluctant young activist, is now the first Latino U.S. senator to represent California. In that role he has become one of the most visible symbols of the clash of values between the nativism of President Donald Trump’s administration and California’s liberal consensus on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After last week’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/alex-padilla-handcuffed/\">jarring altercation\u003c/a>, in which Padilla was forcibly removed from a press conference held by Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and briefly handcuffed, elected officials across California lined up to lionize and defend him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t Pete Wilson’s California anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration policy a ‘settled issue’ in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pollster Mark Baldassare has been chronicling the change for decades. In 1998, he and his colleagues at the Public Policy Institute of California began asking Californians a simple question: Are immigrants a “benefit” or a “burden” to California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Respondents were evenly split in the first survey. Ever since, a majority — one that has grown with each decade — has come to see immigrants as a boon to our state. In February, when PPIC most recently asked the question, 72% of respondents chose “benefit.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That included 91% of Democrats and 73% of political independents, though only 31% of Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is pretty much a settled issue,” said Baldassarre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of that sweeping change can be explained by the state’s shifting demographics. If the U.S. is the land of immigrants, California is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">doubly so\u003c/a>. More than a quarter of the state’s population was born abroad, and almost half of California’s children were born to an immigrant parent. More than half of California’s immigrants \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/#:~:text=More%20than%20half%20(55%25)%20of%20California%E2%80%99s%20immigrants%20were%20naturalized%20US%20citizens%20in%202023.%20This%20share%20has%20increased%20consistently%20since%201990%2C%20when%20only%2031%25%20of%20immigrants%20were%20naturalized.\">are naturalized U.S. citizens\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And California’s immigrant community is diverse: 49% are originally from Latin American countries and 41% from Asia. For the past decade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">more immigrants\u003c/a> from Asia have entered California than from Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California’s changing demographics are only part of the reason immigration politics have seen such a radical shift in such a relatively short period of time, said Adrian Pantoja, a political science and Chicano studies professor at \u003ca href=\"https://www.pitzer.edu/\">Pitzer College in Claremont\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not a law of nature that Latinos and other demographic groups with sizable immigrant populations should favor the Democratic Party. Plenty of \u003ca href=\"http://t\">Latinos\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/race-and-ethnicity/2024/10/09/how-asian-americans-see-the-u-s-immigration-system/\">Asian Americans\u003c/a>, for example, hold traditionally conservative opinions — on specific border and immigration-related policies and a host of other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/051824-Fresno-State-Graduation-LV_CM_08-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A group of college graduates sits in rows during a commencement ceremony, wearing black caps and gowns adorned with colorful stoles, leis, and sashes. The focus is on a young woman in glasses looking ahead, surrounded by classmates with celebratory decorations, including a student in a green gown and marigold leis.\">\u003cfigcaption>Graduating students at the Fresno State Chicano/Latino Commencement Celebration in the Save Mart Center in Fresno on May 18, 2024. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Had the GOP “reached out effectively to Latinos, to Asian American voters — populations that were inclined and trending toward the Republican Party” the state GOP might still be an electoral force, said Pantoja.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the state party hitched its political future to a ballot measure aimed at penalizing undocumented immigrants and their children — and hasn’t won a statewide race since 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, as in much of the nation, Latino support for Republicans in the last presidential election ticked up in California. In nine of 12 counties where Latinos are the largest demographic group, support for Trump increased from 4 to 6 percentage points between the last two presidential contests, depending on the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The legacy of Proposition 187\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Three decades after that great California political rupture, the fruits of Prop. 187 are apparent in who holds power in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla is California’s senior U.S. senator. Both chambers of the state Legislature have elected Latino leaders — Assembly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/robert-rivas-165041\">Speaker Robert Rivas\u003c/a> of Salinas and Senate President Pro Tem-elect \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/california-senate-leadership-limon/\">Monique Limón\u003c/a> of Santa Barbara. In the early 1990s, the count of Latinos in the Legislature bounced around the single digits. Today, there are a combined 42 members in the Democratic and Republican parties’ respective Latino caucuses out of 120 members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That rise in political power has translated to changes in policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed into law Senate Bill 54, California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/01/california-sanctuary-state/\">sanctuary state law\u003c/a> that largely bars state and local law enforcement from cooperating with federal immigration enforcement. The bill’s author, Kevin de Leon, also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/11/08/777466912/californias-prop-187-vote-damaged-gop-relations-with-immigrants\">traces his start in politics\u003c/a> to Prop. 187.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>More recently, the state has expanded Medi-Cal, the state’s health insurance program for low-income Californians and those with disabilities, to all immigrants without legal status. Newsom signed successive expansions into law starting in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where Prop. 187 was authored to deprive undocumented immigrants of social services, California’s Medi-Cal expansion was its antithesis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The generational impact of that ballot measure was demonstrated in 2010, when immigrants were mobilized to vote and shift the state further to the left.By then, a quarter of the state’s electorate was Latino, said Thad Kousser, a professor of California politics at UC San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Latinos become this voting block that helps deliver the state to Jerry Brown, and then the state becomes Democratic in every single statewide office, in every election” since, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Brown defeated billionaire businesswoman Meg Whitman in an acrimonious gubernatorial race, showcasing California as an outlier in the national red wave and ending a run in which Republicans won the governor’s race six times out of the previous eight elections. Democrats lost no congressional seats in California even as the party was \u003ca href=\"https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/elections/2010/results/house.html\">routed nationally\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2016, the respective leaders of the State Assembly and Senate were Latino, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/making-history-who-are-latinos-leading-california-s-legislature-n577546\">a first in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all efforts to reverse the conservatism of the 1990s in California have succeeded. In 2020, a ballot measure to largely reverse the state’s ban on using race, ethnicity or gender as factors in public university admissions and government grant-making \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2020/10/prop-16-affirmative-action-trailing/\">failed to woo voters\u003c/a>. In the state’s population center of Los Angeles County, a majority of Asian voters shot down the proposal while \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/11/us/supreme-court-affirmative-action.html#:~:text=This%20was%20true%20even%20of%20majority%20Black%20precincts%20in%20Los%20Angeles%2C%20which%20supported%20Proposition%2016%20by%20wide%20margins.\">only 55% of Latino voters backed it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And immigrants or their children make up a sizable chunk of the GOP in the state capital. When voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-06/california-senate-race-its-first-transgender-candidate-vs-first-republican-latina\">in 2020\u003c/a> elected Redlands Republican \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/rosilicie-ochoa-bogh-165450\">Rosilicie Ochoa-Bogh\u003c/a>, the child of Mexican immigrants, she became the first GOP Latina state senator in California’s history. Today the Republican Senate caucus has at least three members who are immigrants or whose parents were born abroad, according to their public biographies — 30% of the caucus. Before being elected to the Assembly as a Republican, Tri Ta became the first Vietnamese American to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/lastdays/firstdaysstoryproject/interviews/im-product-community/raw/\">serve as mayor of a U.S. city\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Medi-Cal rollback shifts views\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Recent polling shows the latest wave of Medi-Cal expansions may have gone too far even for California’s immigrant-friendly electorate. A majority of Californians — 58% — oppose health coverage for immigrants without permanent legal status, according to PPIC’s June 2025 survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other polls show a majority of likely voters still support health insurance for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This mixed picture emerges as California grapples with a third successive fiscal year of multibillion-dollar deficits and sharply increasing Medi-Cal costs. While those data may indicate softening political support for the boldest of California’s policies aimed at helping undocumented immigrants, it doesn’t spell a political realignment, said Kousser.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“California moved so far to the left that there’s almost nowhere to go other than the slight counter-reaction,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare of PPIC agreed, saying the Medi-Cal survey results may simply reflect a growing concern about the state’s finances. He noted that Newsom has proposed freezing enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On some other measures affecting immigrants, Democratic lawmakers and Newsom have diverged. Last year the Legislature approved a bill to essentially adopt a novel legal theory to permit public college students without legal authorization in the U.S. to work on their campuses. Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/university-of-california-students-weapons-jobs/\">vetoed the bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Anti-ICE protests: A new Prop. 187 moment?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There is some indication that California’s philosophical support for immigrants is, at least in part, accelerated by Trump. The share of respondents who called immigrants a “benefit” in PPIC’s surveys shot up during the first Trump administration and ebbed during Joe Biden’s stint in the White House. The most recent survey, the first since Trump returned to power, saw another spike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has some immigrant rights advocates hoping that the Trump administration’s current sweeping deportation policy will galvanize a new generation of political activists in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s post-Prop. 187 or post-9/11 for middle eastern South Asian communities, at some point you realize that you are being endlessly and inhumanely targeted and if you don’t speak up, and if you don’t practice your First Amendment rights, and if you’re not civically engaged, then you’ll be taken advantage of,” said Masih Fouladi, executive director of the California Immigrant Policy Center. “I think those are really the things that brought people together then, and what are bringing people to the streets now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_07-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a green tracksuit holding up a sign saying, “IMMIGRANTS UILT THIS NATION,” while next to a guard railing over a highway in downtown Los Angeles. In the background, cars can be seen driving on the road while crowds of protesters hold up signs and flags on both sides of the highway.\">\u003cfigcaption>Protesters gather over the 101 freeway in Downtown Los Angeles in support of the “Day Without Immigrants” march, on Feb. 3, 2025. Photo by J.W. Hendricks for CalMatters\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said if he were asked a few months ago whether California elected leaders were shifting to the center on immigration, he’d have said yes. But Trump’s immigration raids in Los Angeles are “allowing elected officials to come out more strongly” against the apprehensions, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Arana, vice president of policy at the Latino Community Foundation, was just six years old when Prop. 187 was on the ballot. He has distinct memories of marching with his family, everyone clad in white shirts, surrounded by a wide array of his neighbors chanting delightfully brash slogans about someone named Pete Wilson.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“For six-year-old me, what I understood was that my parents, my neighbors, my community was under attack because some man — in that case the governor of California — was blaming California’s problems on them,” he said. “I wonder how young children are experiencing this moment now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifteen-year-old Nathon Ponce has an answer: He feels vulnerable. The rising high school sophomore at USC Hybrid High College Prep stood with his aunt several hundred feet from law enforcement as they fired projectiles and less-lethal rounds at protesters in downtown Los Angeles on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wants to see the government create a legal pathway to citizenship for immigrants without that status, “instead of pushing them away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More broadly, he was there to support his community, which “some people consider a vulnerable group, like Hispanics and low-income working people,” he said. “And I just want to show my support by, like, actually attending a protest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/california-prop187-immigration-politics/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-economy\">California\u003c/a> experienced one of its biggest monthly losses of federal jobs in more than a decade, according to a new report by state employment officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 2,000 federal positions were cut in May, with the U.S. Postal Service, federal prisons and the Departments of Interior, Veterans Affairs and Defense facing the largest reductions. Local government hiring, meanwhile, increased by more than 3,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s economy is still strong,” said Ryan Cummings, chief of staff at the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since January, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a> has pursued sweeping cuts to the federal workforce. The Department of Government Efficiency, created by President Donald Trump and previously headed by tech billionaire Elon Musk, was tasked with reducing the federal government’s spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of federal employees have been fired, placed on administration leave or processed into deferred resignation programs since the agency’s creation. A federal judge recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041294/us-judge-said-trump-administration-exceeded-its-authority-with-federal-layoffs\">extended a preliminary injunction\u003c/a> on further cuts to the workforce.[aside postID=news_12034478 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/FederalEmployeeLayoffsGetty.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunately, California’s employment rate sits at a steady 5.3% and hiring has remained relatively stable overall, Cummings said. The state added more than 17,000 jobs last month, with health care and social assistance sectors seeing the greatest growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal job losses will not significantly affect the state’s economy in the short term, Cummings said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, however, that people will still feel the effects of the cuts on the ground. Federal agencies such as those responsible for air traffic control, national park maintenance and nuclear oversight have been affected by the federal administration’s attempts to downsize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veterans who rely on the Department of Veterans Affairs may struggle to access the same level of services because there’s less staff, Cummings said. People living in rural communities who rely on the U.S. Postal Service to receive and send their mail may see certain routes get cut, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s all of these things that can collectively happen over time,” Cummings said. “It then turns into a more chronic condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s very rare that economists see such sudden changes to the federal workforce, Cummings continued. While the state saw similar losses in 2010, the changes to federal employment rates were a result of people being temporarily hired for the census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing now is very different,” Cummings said. “The people who are losing their jobs aren’t simply completing their time-limited contract. It’s Americans at all stages of their careers who either have been or were expecting to dedicate their lives to public service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-economy\">California\u003c/a> experienced one of its biggest monthly losses of federal jobs in more than a decade, according to a new report by state employment officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 2,000 federal positions were cut in May, with the U.S. Postal Service, federal prisons and the Departments of Interior, Veterans Affairs and Defense facing the largest reductions. Local government hiring, meanwhile, increased by more than 3,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s economy is still strong,” said Ryan Cummings, chief of staff at the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since January, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a> has pursued sweeping cuts to the federal workforce. The Department of Government Efficiency, created by President Donald Trump and previously headed by tech billionaire Elon Musk, was tasked with reducing the federal government’s spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of federal employees have been fired, placed on administration leave or processed into deferred resignation programs since the agency’s creation. A federal judge recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041294/us-judge-said-trump-administration-exceeded-its-authority-with-federal-layoffs\">extended a preliminary injunction\u003c/a> on further cuts to the workforce.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunately, California’s employment rate sits at a steady 5.3% and hiring has remained relatively stable overall, Cummings said. The state added more than 17,000 jobs last month, with health care and social assistance sectors seeing the greatest growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal job losses will not significantly affect the state’s economy in the short term, Cummings said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, however, that people will still feel the effects of the cuts on the ground. Federal agencies such as those responsible for air traffic control, national park maintenance and nuclear oversight have been affected by the federal administration’s attempts to downsize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veterans who rely on the Department of Veterans Affairs may struggle to access the same level of services because there’s less staff, Cummings said. People living in rural communities who rely on the U.S. Postal Service to receive and send their mail may see certain routes get cut, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s all of these things that can collectively happen over time,” Cummings said. “It then turns into a more chronic condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s very rare that economists see such sudden changes to the federal workforce, Cummings continued. While the state saw similar losses in 2010, the changes to federal employment rates were a result of people being temporarily hired for the census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing now is very different,” Cummings said. “The people who are losing their jobs aren’t simply completing their time-limited contract. It’s Americans at all stages of their careers who either have been or were expecting to dedicate their lives to public service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As Northern California enters what is likely to be a dangerous fire season, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County\u003c/a> is unprepared to handle widespread evacuations in the event of a fire or flood, according to a new watchdog report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just months after a report by a local nonprofit suggested that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026776/sonoma-valley-roads-could-be-a-death-trap-in-wildfire-evacuation-report-says\">county’s roads could be a “deathtrap” for fleeing residents\u003c/a>, an investigation by the Civil Grand Jury, a branch of the county’s judiciary, found that in addition to inadequate evacuation routes, the county’s emergency communication strategies and pre-planning information is in need of upgrades that aren’t coming soon enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without accelerated investment in planning, communications, and road improvements — and full compliance with California’s legal standards — the risk of chaotic, life-threatening evacuations remains high,” the report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By complying with five recommendations to improve those things, the report says, “the county can move closer to being truly ready for the next major evacuation event. And one is coming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Hunter, one of the authors of the new report, said that Sonoma County’s emergency operations and hazard mitigation plans have likely been greatly improved in the last seven years, since Sonoma was hit with four consecutive destructive fire seasons.[aside postID=news_12026776 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/04/RS27218_GettyImages-859408976-qut-e1588111687147.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the county has been lucky not to have major incidents in the last three years, since planning for evacuation, shelter, and coordinated communication are in sore need of upgrades, he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly the county has made an investment and the Department of Emergency Management is more able today than it was seven years ago, but the rest of the report essentially identifies there is additional progress that could and should be made,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that most of the county’s evacuation routes were incapable of handling the anticipated traffic in an emergency in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Highways 12 and 116, which are key for evacuating from the Sonoma Valley and western Sonoma County, respectively, have intersections that gridlock during heavy traffic, according to the report. Other critical roads along the Russian River are single lane — some of which are also located in spots \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025777/north-bay-rivers-flood-after-storm-little-time-prepare-next-round-rain\">vulnerable to mudslides\u003c/a> in flooding events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury also wrote that they were disheartened to learn in interviews with emergency officials that those roads aren’t likely to see significant upgrades in the near future: “The roads are the roads; improving them is expensive, complicated, and, in most cases, requires support from the State of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sonoma County’s main evacuation routes have been, and probably will continue to be, bottlenecks for future evacuations,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The remnants of Cathy Crowley and Paul Amlin’s home in Santa Rosa after it was burned down in the Tubbs Fire in 2017. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Cathy Crowley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While they posed questions about the feasibility of prioritizing such improvements, the jury didn’t go so far as to include major revisions to the roadways in its recommendations. But aside from material improvements, it said that accelerating the county’s timelines to comply with state required planning reports and studies could also make evacuations faster and smoother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law requires the county to complete a study identifying the transportation infrastructure that is needed in the county to deliver emergency services, but according to Sonoma’s general plan, it doesn’t expect to begin work on this until 2030. It won’t develop required zoned emergency evacuation plans until the same year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the meantime, should we all just hope there are no emergencies?” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It recommends that county officials move up work on the study and evacuation plans to 2027, and include funding for the efforts in that year’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, the report recommends that the county improve its communication system for emergency alerts, which largely relies on access to the internet and power — resources that often disappear during natural disasters.[aside postID=news_12020808 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/CAWildfireSoCal1AP.jpg']During the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tubbs-fire\">Tubbs Fire\u003c/a> in 2017, the only official information source many of the affected residents could access was AM radio, but in many parts of Sonoma County that are remote and rural, cell service is not consistently available. During a power outage, getting any information is difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local nonprofits and organizations, like General Mobile Radio Service, have stepped in to expand communications networks that rely on radios that don’t rely on cell service or electricity, the report stated, but they haven’t been integrated into the county’s official emergency response as fully as they could be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is not, as far as we know, a commitment to or an agreement among the [necessary] government entities … to execute county-wide coverage of radio service,” Hunter said. “Given that that’s the only way to actually reach people in the hills north and south of [the town of] Occidental or in the areas north and west of Westside Road, it seems like that’s something that should also be discussed and perhaps moved up on your priorities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To remedy this, the jury recommended that the Board of Supervisors direct Sonoma Public Infrastructure to develop a report detailing where more radio repeaters would be needed to expand General Mobile Radio Services countywide, and how much it would cost to install them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also outlines shortcomings in the county’s anticipatory modeling and preparedness for natural disasters, and lack of shelter space for large-scale evacuations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the next 90 days, Sonoma County’s Board of Supervisors will review the report, and have to decide whether to accept or reject each of its six findings, and implement or dismiss the five recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the conclusions also require responses from the county sheriff’s office, Public Infrastructure Department and Department of Emergency Management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As Northern California enters what is likely to be a dangerous fire season, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County\u003c/a> is unprepared to handle widespread evacuations in the event of a fire or flood, according to a new watchdog report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just months after a report by a local nonprofit suggested that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026776/sonoma-valley-roads-could-be-a-death-trap-in-wildfire-evacuation-report-says\">county’s roads could be a “deathtrap” for fleeing residents\u003c/a>, an investigation by the Civil Grand Jury, a branch of the county’s judiciary, found that in addition to inadequate evacuation routes, the county’s emergency communication strategies and pre-planning information is in need of upgrades that aren’t coming soon enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without accelerated investment in planning, communications, and road improvements — and full compliance with California’s legal standards — the risk of chaotic, life-threatening evacuations remains high,” the report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By complying with five recommendations to improve those things, the report says, “the county can move closer to being truly ready for the next major evacuation event. And one is coming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Hunter, one of the authors of the new report, said that Sonoma County’s emergency operations and hazard mitigation plans have likely been greatly improved in the last seven years, since Sonoma was hit with four consecutive destructive fire seasons.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the county has been lucky not to have major incidents in the last three years, since planning for evacuation, shelter, and coordinated communication are in sore need of upgrades, he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly the county has made an investment and the Department of Emergency Management is more able today than it was seven years ago, but the rest of the report essentially identifies there is additional progress that could and should be made,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that most of the county’s evacuation routes were incapable of handling the anticipated traffic in an emergency in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Highways 12 and 116, which are key for evacuating from the Sonoma Valley and western Sonoma County, respectively, have intersections that gridlock during heavy traffic, according to the report. Other critical roads along the Russian River are single lane — some of which are also located in spots \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025777/north-bay-rivers-flood-after-storm-little-time-prepare-next-round-rain\">vulnerable to mudslides\u003c/a> in flooding events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury also wrote that they were disheartened to learn in interviews with emergency officials that those roads aren’t likely to see significant upgrades in the near future: “The roads are the roads; improving them is expensive, complicated, and, in most cases, requires support from the State of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sonoma County’s main evacuation routes have been, and probably will continue to be, bottlenecks for future evacuations,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250225-Rebuilding-Electric-2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The remnants of Cathy Crowley and Paul Amlin’s home in Santa Rosa after it was burned down in the Tubbs Fire in 2017. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Cathy Crowley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While they posed questions about the feasibility of prioritizing such improvements, the jury didn’t go so far as to include major revisions to the roadways in its recommendations. But aside from material improvements, it said that accelerating the county’s timelines to comply with state required planning reports and studies could also make evacuations faster and smoother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law requires the county to complete a study identifying the transportation infrastructure that is needed in the county to deliver emergency services, but according to Sonoma’s general plan, it doesn’t expect to begin work on this until 2030. It won’t develop required zoned emergency evacuation plans until the same year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the meantime, should we all just hope there are no emergencies?” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It recommends that county officials move up work on the study and evacuation plans to 2027, and include funding for the efforts in that year’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, the report recommends that the county improve its communication system for emergency alerts, which largely relies on access to the internet and power — resources that often disappear during natural disasters.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>During the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tubbs-fire\">Tubbs Fire\u003c/a> in 2017, the only official information source many of the affected residents could access was AM radio, but in many parts of Sonoma County that are remote and rural, cell service is not consistently available. During a power outage, getting any information is difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local nonprofits and organizations, like General Mobile Radio Service, have stepped in to expand communications networks that rely on radios that don’t rely on cell service or electricity, the report stated, but they haven’t been integrated into the county’s official emergency response as fully as they could be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is not, as far as we know, a commitment to or an agreement among the [necessary] government entities … to execute county-wide coverage of radio service,” Hunter said. “Given that that’s the only way to actually reach people in the hills north and south of [the town of] Occidental or in the areas north and west of Westside Road, it seems like that’s something that should also be discussed and perhaps moved up on your priorities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To remedy this, the jury recommended that the Board of Supervisors direct Sonoma Public Infrastructure to develop a report detailing where more radio repeaters would be needed to expand General Mobile Radio Services countywide, and how much it would cost to install them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also outlines shortcomings in the county’s anticipatory modeling and preparedness for natural disasters, and lack of shelter space for large-scale evacuations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the next 90 days, Sonoma County’s Board of Supervisors will review the report, and have to decide whether to accept or reject each of its six findings, and implement or dismiss the five recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the conclusions also require responses from the county sheriff’s office, Public Infrastructure Department and Department of Emergency Management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A man accused of hitting and injuring a 69-year-old protester with his car while trying to drive through the San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">“No Kings” march\u003c/a> last weekend has been charged with several felonies, District Attorney Brooke Jenkins said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors said Hauwei Lien, 44, of Milpitas, was trying to cross Market Street during the march on Saturday, which brought tens of thousands of people into the streets to demonstrate against President Donald Trump and his administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Lien began driving through the crowd of protesters, prosecutors said, one man put his hands on the hood of Lien’s red Tesla Model Y to get him to stop. Lien allegedly accelerated into the 69-year-old victim, pushing him onto the hood of the car as he held on, and then braked suddenly to throw him off.[aside postID=news_12044426 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250614-NO-KINGS-SF-MD-11-KQED.jpg']Then, while the victim was still clinging to the hood, Lien accelerated again and swerved sharply, prosecutors said, running over the man’s foot and breaking two of his toes. The man also suffered a large gash across his forehead, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco district attorney’s office filed felony charges of assault with a deadly weapon, elder abuse and hit-and-run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lien pleaded not guilty to all charges on Wednesday and remains in custody after prosecutors sought to have him detained until trial because they said he poses a public safety risk. His next court date is set for Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco prosecutors said the driver was trying to cross Market Street when he accelerated into a protester who tried to stop him, leaving the protester with multiple injuries. \r\n\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A man accused of hitting and injuring a 69-year-old protester with his car while trying to drive through the San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">“No Kings” march\u003c/a> last weekend has been charged with several felonies, District Attorney Brooke Jenkins said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors said Hauwei Lien, 44, of Milpitas, was trying to cross Market Street during the march on Saturday, which brought tens of thousands of people into the streets to demonstrate against President Donald Trump and his administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Lien began driving through the crowd of protesters, prosecutors said, one man put his hands on the hood of Lien’s red Tesla Model Y to get him to stop. Lien allegedly accelerated into the 69-year-old victim, pushing him onto the hood of the car as he held on, and then braked suddenly to throw him off.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Then, while the victim was still clinging to the hood, Lien accelerated again and swerved sharply, prosecutors said, running over the man’s foot and breaking two of his toes. The man also suffered a large gash across his forehead, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco district attorney’s office filed felony charges of assault with a deadly weapon, elder abuse and hit-and-run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lien pleaded not guilty to all charges on Wednesday and remains in custody after prosecutors sought to have him detained until trial because they said he poses a public safety risk. His next court date is set for Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "High Winds, Dry Conditions Raise Bay Area Fire Danger and Force PG&E Shut-Offs",
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"content": "\u003cp>Updated 1:51 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11836990/pge-shutoffs-are-here-again-what-to-know-about-power-outages-today\">Power shut-offs\u003c/a> are planned around the Bay Area for the second day in a row Friday as windy, dry conditions that spurred a series of brush fires earlier this week persist across the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to climate scientists, these shut-offs could become more common as Northern California grows hotter and drier on average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E said that it would keep power off Friday in parts of Alameda, Contra Costa and Santa Clara counties where there’s a high potential for wind-related damage and lower moisture content in the vegetation, both of which increase the risk of a fast-spreading blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 of the utility’s customers have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1950931/map-potential-pge-power-outage-wednesday\">been without power\u003c/a> in inland parts of the counties since Thursday, when winds topped 40 mph at higher elevation. Most of the zones are expected to remain dark until Saturday afternoon, after gusty conditions peak midday Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Winds have increased significantly today in portions of the East Bay, Sacramento Valley and Salinas Valley, combined with lowering relative humidity, leading to elevated fire danger concerns,” PG&E said in a statement Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11820077\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Camp-Fire-Aftermath.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11820077\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Camp-Fire-Aftermath.jpg\" alt=\"A man looks over his burned home, destroyed by the Camp Fire in Nov. 2018 in Paradise. The deadline for 70,000 survivors of numerous fires to vote on a multi-billion-dollar settlement deal with PG&E was May 15.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Camp-Fire-Aftermath.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Camp-Fire-Aftermath-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Camp-Fire-Aftermath-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Camp-Fire-Aftermath-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man looks over his burned home, destroyed by the Camp Fire in Nov. 2018 in Paradise. The deadline for 70,000 survivors of numerous fires to vote on a multibillion-dollar settlement deal with PG&E was May 15. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The estimated two-day outages are affecting swaths of eastern and southern Livermore in the East Bay, areas surrounding Highway 152 in Santa Clara County, and Contra Costa County’s Los Vaqueros Reservoir and Black Diamond Mines Regional Park, near where a fast-moving brush fire threatened homes earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Weather Service’s Bay Area office noted “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/NWSBayArea/status/1936031139266711953\">elevated to near-critical fire weather concerns\u003c/a>” for Friday and Saturday in the interior East Bay, eastern Santa Clara Hills, and the Gabilan Range in San Benito and Monterey counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCLA climate scientist Daniel Swain said in a post on his “Weather West” blog that these inland areas — especially at elevations up to 4,000 feet — are drier than usual for mid-June, and are covered with acres of brittle, dehydrated grass that can easily spark, putting them at an increased risk of wind-driven fires this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Contra Costa County, the Somersville Fire adjacent to the outage area ignited Wednesday night and spread more than 350 acres.[aside postID=science_1997257 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2025/06/Prescribed-Burn_Penn-Valley_Nevada-County06_qed.jpg']Contra Costa County Battalion Chief Bob Atlas said the fire threatened about 150 homes before it was contained Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re battling is the significant winds,” he said. “As the season goes a little deeper, we’re definitely concerned about the humidity going down and the temperatures rising. That’s when it gets really dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smaller vegetation fires in Alameda and Santa Clara counties broke out Monday and Tuesday. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Schwartz, a conservation scientist and professor of environmental science and policy at UC Davis, said that while the Bay Area’s peak fire season doesn’t come until late August and September, fire-prone conditions can begin as soon as May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring was drier and hotter than the average, according to PG&E, and Schwartz said that climate modeling shows this could be a trend in the coming years, when periods of both dry and hot conditions are expected to extend. That could mean more fire risk — and preventive outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve observed over the last few decades and what we should be expecting in the future is for rains to shut down earlier in the spring and start later in the fall on average,” he said. “That means we have a higher overlap of dry, warm weather with those high wind events.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Maria Fernanda Bernal contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Updated 1:51 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11836990/pge-shutoffs-are-here-again-what-to-know-about-power-outages-today\">Power shut-offs\u003c/a> are planned around the Bay Area for the second day in a row Friday as windy, dry conditions that spurred a series of brush fires earlier this week persist across the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to climate scientists, these shut-offs could become more common as Northern California grows hotter and drier on average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E said that it would keep power off Friday in parts of Alameda, Contra Costa and Santa Clara counties where there’s a high potential for wind-related damage and lower moisture content in the vegetation, both of which increase the risk of a fast-spreading blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 of the utility’s customers have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1950931/map-potential-pge-power-outage-wednesday\">been without power\u003c/a> in inland parts of the counties since Thursday, when winds topped 40 mph at higher elevation. Most of the zones are expected to remain dark until Saturday afternoon, after gusty conditions peak midday Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Winds have increased significantly today in portions of the East Bay, Sacramento Valley and Salinas Valley, combined with lowering relative humidity, leading to elevated fire danger concerns,” PG&E said in a statement Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11820077\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Camp-Fire-Aftermath.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11820077\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Camp-Fire-Aftermath.jpg\" alt=\"A man looks over his burned home, destroyed by the Camp Fire in Nov. 2018 in Paradise. The deadline for 70,000 survivors of numerous fires to vote on a multi-billion-dollar settlement deal with PG&E was May 15.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Camp-Fire-Aftermath.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Camp-Fire-Aftermath-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Camp-Fire-Aftermath-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/Camp-Fire-Aftermath-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man looks over his burned home, destroyed by the Camp Fire in Nov. 2018 in Paradise. The deadline for 70,000 survivors of numerous fires to vote on a multibillion-dollar settlement deal with PG&E was May 15. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The estimated two-day outages are affecting swaths of eastern and southern Livermore in the East Bay, areas surrounding Highway 152 in Santa Clara County, and Contra Costa County’s Los Vaqueros Reservoir and Black Diamond Mines Regional Park, near where a fast-moving brush fire threatened homes earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Weather Service’s Bay Area office noted “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/NWSBayArea/status/1936031139266711953\">elevated to near-critical fire weather concerns\u003c/a>” for Friday and Saturday in the interior East Bay, eastern Santa Clara Hills, and the Gabilan Range in San Benito and Monterey counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCLA climate scientist Daniel Swain said in a post on his “Weather West” blog that these inland areas — especially at elevations up to 4,000 feet — are drier than usual for mid-June, and are covered with acres of brittle, dehydrated grass that can easily spark, putting them at an increased risk of wind-driven fires this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Contra Costa County, the Somersville Fire adjacent to the outage area ignited Wednesday night and spread more than 350 acres.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Contra Costa County Battalion Chief Bob Atlas said the fire threatened about 150 homes before it was contained Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re battling is the significant winds,” he said. “As the season goes a little deeper, we’re definitely concerned about the humidity going down and the temperatures rising. That’s when it gets really dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smaller vegetation fires in Alameda and Santa Clara counties broke out Monday and Tuesday. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Schwartz, a conservation scientist and professor of environmental science and policy at UC Davis, said that while the Bay Area’s peak fire season doesn’t come until late August and September, fire-prone conditions can begin as soon as May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring was drier and hotter than the average, according to PG&E, and Schwartz said that climate modeling shows this could be a trend in the coming years, when periods of both dry and hot conditions are expected to extend. That could mean more fire risk — and preventive outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve observed over the last few decades and what we should be expecting in the future is for rains to shut down earlier in the spring and start later in the fall on average,” he said. “That means we have a higher overlap of dry, warm weather with those high wind events.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Maria Fernanda Bernal contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>This episode originally aired on September 20, 2024.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005040/birds-rain-barbed-wire-sounds-of-a-vineyard-become-a-musical-score-in-harvest-in-twelve-parts\">\u003cb>Birds. Rain. Barbed Wire. Sounds of a Vineyard Become A Musical Score in ‘Harvest in Twelve Parts’\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In California, music and winemaking seem to go together. Visit any of the state’s countless wineries and you can hear all kinds of music, from jazz and folk, to classical and Americana. But one artist on the Central Coast takes that connection especially seriously: he spent years making an album full of sounds from a vineyard. Reporter Benjamin Purper takes us to San Luis Obispo to learn more about a sonic journey through a Central Coast wine harvest.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005160/how-this-petaluma-cheesemaker-finds-inspiration-in-music\">\u003cb>How Music Inspires the Cheeses at this Petaluma Dairy\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Soyoung Scanlan is one of California’s most celebrated cheese-makers. But years ago, before she’d ever really eaten cheese, she had another love. Growing up in South Korea, she trained in classical piano. So every cheese she’s made over the last 25 years has a musical name and connection. For her series California Foodways, Lisa Morehouse visited the cheesemaker in the hills outside Petaluma.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/living/2024/08/15/five-years-ago-he-lost-his-vision-at-the-estuary-he-found-other-ways-to-see\">\u003cb>After Losing His Vision, a Tour Guide Finds Other Ways To See\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ron Peterson volunteers as a guide at the Tijuana River Estuary. After losing his sight, Ron now leads a very unique kind of tour. His story comes to us from KPBS in San Diego, as part of their series about volunteers, people who devote their time in unexpected ways.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003c/h2>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>This episode originally aired on September 20, 2024.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005040/birds-rain-barbed-wire-sounds-of-a-vineyard-become-a-musical-score-in-harvest-in-twelve-parts\">\u003cb>Birds. Rain. Barbed Wire. Sounds of a Vineyard Become A Musical Score in ‘Harvest in Twelve Parts’\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In California, music and winemaking seem to go together. Visit any of the state’s countless wineries and you can hear all kinds of music, from jazz and folk, to classical and Americana. But one artist on the Central Coast takes that connection especially seriously: he spent years making an album full of sounds from a vineyard. Reporter Benjamin Purper takes us to San Luis Obispo to learn more about a sonic journey through a Central Coast wine harvest.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005160/how-this-petaluma-cheesemaker-finds-inspiration-in-music\">\u003cb>How Music Inspires the Cheeses at this Petaluma Dairy\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Soyoung Scanlan is one of California’s most celebrated cheese-makers. But years ago, before she’d ever really eaten cheese, she had another love. Growing up in South Korea, she trained in classical piano. So every cheese she’s made over the last 25 years has a musical name and connection. For her series California Foodways, Lisa Morehouse visited the cheesemaker in the hills outside Petaluma.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/living/2024/08/15/five-years-ago-he-lost-his-vision-at-the-estuary-he-found-other-ways-to-see\">\u003cb>After Losing His Vision, a Tour Guide Finds Other Ways To See\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ron Peterson volunteers as a guide at the Tijuana River Estuary. After losing his sight, Ron now leads a very unique kind of tour. His story comes to us from KPBS in San Diego, as part of their series about volunteers, people who devote their time in unexpected ways.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Proposed Transit Tax Should Be Paid by Businesses, Not People, Progressive Group Says",
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"headTitle": "Proposed Transit Tax Should Be Paid by Businesses, Not People, Progressive Group Says | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As state lawmakers weigh a proposed regional tax measure designed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043556/california-lawmakers-plan-would-help-bay-area-transit-avoid-fiscal-disaster-for-now\">bail out deficit-ridden Bay Area transit agencies\u003c/a>, a coalition of progressive labor and public transportation advocates has launched a campaign aimed at rewriting a key provision and shifting the tax burden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area Forward, which includes union locals representing workers at BART, Muni and AC Transit and the advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://www.voicesforpublictransportation.org/\">Voices for Public Transportation\u003c/a>, wants legislators to drop the proposed measure’s sales tax in favor of a gross receipts tax on the region’s businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group argues that a sales tax would impose an unfair burden on Bay Area residents and transit riders who pay high fares and already support public transportation with a variety of sales and parcel taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coalition also points to recent polling that it says shows voters would be more receptive to a business tax than a sales tax. It also says a business tax measure could raise more money for transit operators who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041824/bay-area-transit-faces-a-fiscal-crisis-newsoms-budget-plan-could-make-it-worse\">facing billions in deficits\u003c/a> over the next several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, we have a choice,” said Ryan Williams, a political organizer with Service Employees International Union Local 1021 and campaign director for Bay Area Forward. “Do we want a regressive sales tax that would increase the cost of living for folks and that doesn’t quite fund the amount needed for transit, or do you all want a progressive business tax where big businesses pay their fair share and we can have thriving public transit agencies?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the group’s proposal has drawn a cool response from the lawmakers leading the effort to pass \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB63\">a bill\u003c/a> to authorize the ballot measure. And the gross receipts tax has provoked outright hostility from a host of business groups across the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023544\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023544\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Jesse Arreguín speaks during a press conference with leaders from community groups throughout Alameda County in the Fruitvale neighborhood of Oakland on Jan. 22, 2025, to discuss support for immigrant families in the Bay Area after President Donald Trump promised mass deportations. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We understand and respect that there are diverse views about the best funding source to shore up and strengthen our transit systems,” state Sens. Scott Wiener (D–San Francisco) and Jesse Arreguín (D-Berkeley) said in a joint statement. “There are pros and cons to any funding source. We are very late in this multi-year process, and changing the funding source at this point will be difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, 13 business groups, including the Bay Area Council, Silicon Valley Leadership Group and the San Francisco and San José chambers of commerce, sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25978965-061625-business-coalition-letter-re-sb-63-revenue-mechanism/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a joint letter\u003c/a> to leaders of the Legislature’s Bay Area caucus promising “strong and sustained opposition” to a gross receipts tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Introducing new business taxes would undercut our current efforts to make our regional economy more competitive and would not support a vibrant economy,” the groups said.[aside postID=news_12043556 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20241204-BART-JY-003_qed.jpg']“That labor is proposing this now at the 11th hour after a more than yearlong process in which they participated is frustrating, to say the least,” the Bay Area Council business group said in a separate statement. “We would not play any role, other than possibly an opposition role, in a campaign in which a payroll, gross receipts or other business tax represented the funding mechanism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Forward proposal comes several months after Wiener and Arreguin introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB63\">SB 63\u003c/a>, which would authorize a transit tax measure for the November 2026 ballot in as many as five Bay Area counties. The measure passed the state Senate earlier this month and will get its first Assembly committee hearing in early July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group’s plan is the latest twist in a process that began early last year, when Wiener introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988365/a-bill-to-save-bay-area-transit-from-fiscal-disaster-is-dead-at-least-for-now\">an ambitious bill\u003c/a> that would have authorized a nine-county vote and raised as much as $1.5 billion a year for transit and other regional transportation needs. The bill included several potential tax options: a payroll tax, parcel tax and sales tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener pulled the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1031\">SB 1031\u003c/a>, amid disagreements about how much of the measure’s funding would be returned directly to the counties where it was raised. The Metropolitan Transportation Commission then appointed \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/about-mtc/committees/interagency-committees/transportation-revenue-measure-select-committee\">a select panel\u003c/a> of local officials, transit advocates and labor and business representatives from across the region to develop a framework for the 2026 ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12016156\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12016156\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People enter and exit the BART fare gate at the Embarcadero Station in San Francisco on Jan. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although the select committee considered a range of different tax options, disagreements on the panel led the Metropolitan Transportation Commission to recommend that legislators adopt a sales tax as the revenue mechanism in SB 63.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco-based urban policy research organization SPUR says it has “\u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/news/2025-04-18/why-spur-supporting-sb-63-tax-measure-keep-transit-alive\">deep-seated reservations\u003c/a>” about a new sales tax because of its regressive nature — it poses a heavier relative burden on the limited resources of lower-income taxpayers than on the more affluent. But the group says it supports the tax in this case because the money it raises will go to fund day-to-day operations of transit services that lower-income people rely on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls conducted by the MTC and BART over the past six months have shown that a new transit sales tax attracts just over 50% support after respondents hear both positive and negative arguments for the levy. Bay Area Forward’s polling on its gross receipts tax proposal gains 57% backing after respondents hear the pros and cons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Key details of SB 63 are still under negotiation. Currently, the ballot measure that the bill would authorize would take place in only three counties: Alameda, Contra Costa and San Francisco. But the legislation also expresses a preference for San Mateo County to participate and gives Santa Clara County the option of joining. A decision on which counties will be included is due in early August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As state lawmakers weigh a proposed regional tax measure designed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043556/california-lawmakers-plan-would-help-bay-area-transit-avoid-fiscal-disaster-for-now\">bail out deficit-ridden Bay Area transit agencies\u003c/a>, a coalition of progressive labor and public transportation advocates has launched a campaign aimed at rewriting a key provision and shifting the tax burden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area Forward, which includes union locals representing workers at BART, Muni and AC Transit and the advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://www.voicesforpublictransportation.org/\">Voices for Public Transportation\u003c/a>, wants legislators to drop the proposed measure’s sales tax in favor of a gross receipts tax on the region’s businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group argues that a sales tax would impose an unfair burden on Bay Area residents and transit riders who pay high fares and already support public transportation with a variety of sales and parcel taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coalition also points to recent polling that it says shows voters would be more receptive to a business tax than a sales tax. It also says a business tax measure could raise more money for transit operators who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041824/bay-area-transit-faces-a-fiscal-crisis-newsoms-budget-plan-could-make-it-worse\">facing billions in deficits\u003c/a> over the next several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, we have a choice,” said Ryan Williams, a political organizer with Service Employees International Union Local 1021 and campaign director for Bay Area Forward. “Do we want a regressive sales tax that would increase the cost of living for folks and that doesn’t quite fund the amount needed for transit, or do you all want a progressive business tax where big businesses pay their fair share and we can have thriving public transit agencies?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the group’s proposal has drawn a cool response from the lawmakers leading the effort to pass \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB63\">a bill\u003c/a> to authorize the ballot measure. And the gross receipts tax has provoked outright hostility from a host of business groups across the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023544\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023544\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-22-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Jesse Arreguín speaks during a press conference with leaders from community groups throughout Alameda County in the Fruitvale neighborhood of Oakland on Jan. 22, 2025, to discuss support for immigrant families in the Bay Area after President Donald Trump promised mass deportations. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We understand and respect that there are diverse views about the best funding source to shore up and strengthen our transit systems,” state Sens. Scott Wiener (D–San Francisco) and Jesse Arreguín (D-Berkeley) said in a joint statement. “There are pros and cons to any funding source. We are very late in this multi-year process, and changing the funding source at this point will be difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, 13 business groups, including the Bay Area Council, Silicon Valley Leadership Group and the San Francisco and San José chambers of commerce, sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25978965-061625-business-coalition-letter-re-sb-63-revenue-mechanism/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a joint letter\u003c/a> to leaders of the Legislature’s Bay Area caucus promising “strong and sustained opposition” to a gross receipts tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Introducing new business taxes would undercut our current efforts to make our regional economy more competitive and would not support a vibrant economy,” the groups said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“That labor is proposing this now at the 11th hour after a more than yearlong process in which they participated is frustrating, to say the least,” the Bay Area Council business group said in a separate statement. “We would not play any role, other than possibly an opposition role, in a campaign in which a payroll, gross receipts or other business tax represented the funding mechanism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Forward proposal comes several months after Wiener and Arreguin introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB63\">SB 63\u003c/a>, which would authorize a transit tax measure for the November 2026 ballot in as many as five Bay Area counties. The measure passed the state Senate earlier this month and will get its first Assembly committee hearing in early July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group’s plan is the latest twist in a process that began early last year, when Wiener introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988365/a-bill-to-save-bay-area-transit-from-fiscal-disaster-is-dead-at-least-for-now\">an ambitious bill\u003c/a> that would have authorized a nine-county vote and raised as much as $1.5 billion a year for transit and other regional transportation needs. The bill included several potential tax options: a payroll tax, parcel tax and sales tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener pulled the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1031\">SB 1031\u003c/a>, amid disagreements about how much of the measure’s funding would be returned directly to the counties where it was raised. The Metropolitan Transportation Commission then appointed \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/about-mtc/committees/interagency-committees/transportation-revenue-measure-select-committee\">a select panel\u003c/a> of local officials, transit advocates and labor and business representatives from across the region to develop a framework for the 2026 ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12016156\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12016156\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-02-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People enter and exit the BART fare gate at the Embarcadero Station in San Francisco on Jan. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although the select committee considered a range of different tax options, disagreements on the panel led the Metropolitan Transportation Commission to recommend that legislators adopt a sales tax as the revenue mechanism in SB 63.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco-based urban policy research organization SPUR says it has “\u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/news/2025-04-18/why-spur-supporting-sb-63-tax-measure-keep-transit-alive\">deep-seated reservations\u003c/a>” about a new sales tax because of its regressive nature — it poses a heavier relative burden on the limited resources of lower-income taxpayers than on the more affluent. But the group says it supports the tax in this case because the money it raises will go to fund day-to-day operations of transit services that lower-income people rely on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls conducted by the MTC and BART over the past six months have shown that a new transit sales tax attracts just over 50% support after respondents hear both positive and negative arguments for the levy. Bay Area Forward’s polling on its gross receipts tax proposal gains 57% backing after respondents hear the pros and cons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Key details of SB 63 are still under negotiation. Currently, the ballot measure that the bill would authorize would take place in only three counties: Alameda, Contra Costa and San Francisco. But the legislation also expresses a preference for San Mateo County to participate and gives Santa Clara County the option of joining. A decision on which counties will be included is due in early August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "In San José Council Runoff, Candidates Aim to Heal City’s Political Divides",
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"content": "\u003cp>After months of political acrimony in a scandal-rocked district, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030375/san-jose-district-3-special-election-whos-running-and-how-to-vote\">City Council candidates\u003c/a> Gabby Chavez-Lopez and Anthony Tordillos are pledging to heal civic divides and rebuild \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031808/homelessness-trust-center-san-jose-district-3-special-election\">political trust\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033826/low-turnout-high-stakes-district-3-election-could-shift-power-san-jose\">District 3\u003c/a> ahead of a June 24 runoff election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are vying to fill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031953/san-joses-district-3-is-picking-a-new-city-councilmember-and-the-stakes-are-high\">the seat\u003c/a> formerly held by disgraced Councilmember \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013122/san-jose-councilmember-omar-torres-resigns-arrested\">Omar Torres\u003c/a>, and the candidates are pitching unique bridge-building strengths. Chavez-Lopez’s ties to Santa Clara County officials could help repair a fractured city-county relationship that threatens to impede progress on reducing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tordillos, meanwhile, is the rare San José candidate with support from both sides of the city’s business-labor political divide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election could scramble the political alignment at City Hall. A win by Chavez-Lopez, the executive director of the Latina Coalition of Silicon Valley, could weaken Mayor Matt Mahan’s moderate governing majority. Tordillos, chair of the San José Planning Commission, is endorsed by the mayor but is seen as more progressive than interim District 3 Councilmember Carl Salas, a Mahan ally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s runoff election will cap a tumultuous eight months in the district that includes downtown and the surrounding neighborhoods of Northside, Japantown and Guadalupe-Washington. Torres \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014643/omar-torres-resigns-from-san-jose-city-council-is-arrested\">resigned\u003c/a> from the council in November, and was arrested the same day on charges of child sexual abuse. He later pleaded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035071/former-san-jose-council-member-pleads-no-contest-to-child-sexual-abuse\">no contest\u003c/a> and is awaiting sentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031947\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031947\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, candidates running for District 3 City Council, Gabby Chavez-Lopez, Philip Dolan, Adam Duran, Irene Smith, Anthony Tordillos and Matthew Quevedo speak at a candidates forum at the San José Women’s Club in San José on March 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024327/san-jose-council-taps-engineering-executive-carl-salas-vacant-seat\">appointed\u003c/a> Salas, an engineering executive, to fill the vacant seat in January. Chavez-Lopez \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034920/san-jose-city-council-election-headed-to-runoff-chavez-lopez-leads\">finished first\u003c/a> in the April special election, but fell short of the majority vote needed to win outright. An automatic \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036612/recount-decide-spot-san-jose-council-election-runoff\">recount\u003c/a> determined the second spot in the runoff, with Tordillos \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037469/after-recount-tordillos-advances-to-runoff-election-for-san-jose-council-seat\">narrowly\u003c/a> edging out Matthew Quevedo, a close Mahan advisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Tordillos has picked up support from moderate groups such as Common Good Silicon Valley, an organization created by former Mayor Sam Liccardo. And while Chavez-Lopez is backed by the influential South Bay Labor Council, the region’s umbrella union group, Tordillos also has support from several labor unions and progressive organizations, including the Santa Clara County Democratic Party, which co-endorsed Chavez-Lopez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are the job center of San José, the economic center of the city, but we are also home to thousands of public-sector unionized workers, construction workers, members of the building trades — all of these workers who are really building up our city for the next hundred years,” Tordillos told KQED. “So I think that we need a council member who can speak to both of those communities and who can help to bridge that historic business-labor divide.”[aside postID=news_12037469 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-26-BL-1020x680.jpg']The divide is evident in the soured relationship between Mahan’s moderate council majority and the more progressive, labor-aligned Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors. Tensions rose this spring when the City Council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">approved\u003c/a> a plan to arrest people experiencing homelessness who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042370/in-san-jose-a-controversial-choice-for-unhoused-shelter-or-arrest\">refuse\u003c/a> multiple offers of shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara supervisors and law enforcement officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042960/soon-refusing-shelter-in-san-jose-could-get-you-arrested\">opposed\u003c/a> the plan, calling it unworkable within the county system. The two sides have yet to reconcile the city’s prioritization of shelter and short-term housing with the county’s focus on permanent housing and social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez-Lopez told KQED it doesn’t make sense for the city and county to have different strategies for reducing homelessness. She said her longstanding relationships with elected officials — including the endorsement of all five county supervisors — would help her hit the ground running on the City Council if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that’s a very important bridge that needs to be built — and fast — quite frankly,” Chavez-Lopez said. “Trust isn’t built in a day, but because I have such trusted relationships with many city leaders and many city staff, as well as all of the county board of supervisors who have endorsed me in this race … I think that there’s a real opportunity for partnership [and] collaboration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign spending has continued at a furious pace since the special election. From April 7 through June 7, Tordillos’ campaign spent $124,902, while Chavez-Lopez spent $91,484.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035098\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035098\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabby Chavez-Lopez, San José City Council District 3 candidate, speaks to supporters after the first results come during an election night party in San José on April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Spending by outside groups favored Chavez-Lopez before the April vote, but has turned decisively toward Tordillos, according to filings through June 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South Bay Labor Council has shelled out $103,597 to boost Chavez-Lopez. But outside groups have spent $251,840 backing Tordillos. Most of that total comes from the California Association of Realtors, which has paid $148,878 for digital ads and mailers attacking Chavez-Lopez, who supports expanded rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan Eldridge, a political strategist who worked for Tordillos before the special election but is not involved in the runoff, said either candidate could emerge victorious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Chavez-Lopez] has maintained strong support from progressive and labor institutions since the beginning of her campaign, and that backing has only solidified over time,” Eldridge said. “That said, it would be a mistake to count Anthony Tordillos out. … Anthony has built his campaign from the ground up, essentially starting from scratch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This race will likely come down to the wire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Tuesday special election between Gabby Chavez-Lopez and Anthony Tordillos will fill the District 3 City Council seat left vacant by Omar Torres’ resignation in November.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After months of political acrimony in a scandal-rocked district, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030375/san-jose-district-3-special-election-whos-running-and-how-to-vote\">City Council candidates\u003c/a> Gabby Chavez-Lopez and Anthony Tordillos are pledging to heal civic divides and rebuild \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031808/homelessness-trust-center-san-jose-district-3-special-election\">political trust\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033826/low-turnout-high-stakes-district-3-election-could-shift-power-san-jose\">District 3\u003c/a> ahead of a June 24 runoff election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are vying to fill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031953/san-joses-district-3-is-picking-a-new-city-councilmember-and-the-stakes-are-high\">the seat\u003c/a> formerly held by disgraced Councilmember \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013122/san-jose-councilmember-omar-torres-resigns-arrested\">Omar Torres\u003c/a>, and the candidates are pitching unique bridge-building strengths. Chavez-Lopez’s ties to Santa Clara County officials could help repair a fractured city-county relationship that threatens to impede progress on reducing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tordillos, meanwhile, is the rare San José candidate with support from both sides of the city’s business-labor political divide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election could scramble the political alignment at City Hall. A win by Chavez-Lopez, the executive director of the Latina Coalition of Silicon Valley, could weaken Mayor Matt Mahan’s moderate governing majority. Tordillos, chair of the San José Planning Commission, is endorsed by the mayor but is seen as more progressive than interim District 3 Councilmember Carl Salas, a Mahan ally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s runoff election will cap a tumultuous eight months in the district that includes downtown and the surrounding neighborhoods of Northside, Japantown and Guadalupe-Washington. Torres \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014643/omar-torres-resigns-from-san-jose-city-council-is-arrested\">resigned\u003c/a> from the council in November, and was arrested the same day on charges of child sexual abuse. He later pleaded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035071/former-san-jose-council-member-pleads-no-contest-to-child-sexual-abuse\">no contest\u003c/a> and is awaiting sentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031947\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031947\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250306_SanJoseDistrict3_GC-20_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, candidates running for District 3 City Council, Gabby Chavez-Lopez, Philip Dolan, Adam Duran, Irene Smith, Anthony Tordillos and Matthew Quevedo speak at a candidates forum at the San José Women’s Club in San José on March 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024327/san-jose-council-taps-engineering-executive-carl-salas-vacant-seat\">appointed\u003c/a> Salas, an engineering executive, to fill the vacant seat in January. Chavez-Lopez \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034920/san-jose-city-council-election-headed-to-runoff-chavez-lopez-leads\">finished first\u003c/a> in the April special election, but fell short of the majority vote needed to win outright. An automatic \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036612/recount-decide-spot-san-jose-council-election-runoff\">recount\u003c/a> determined the second spot in the runoff, with Tordillos \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037469/after-recount-tordillos-advances-to-runoff-election-for-san-jose-council-seat\">narrowly\u003c/a> edging out Matthew Quevedo, a close Mahan advisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Tordillos has picked up support from moderate groups such as Common Good Silicon Valley, an organization created by former Mayor Sam Liccardo. And while Chavez-Lopez is backed by the influential South Bay Labor Council, the region’s umbrella union group, Tordillos also has support from several labor unions and progressive organizations, including the Santa Clara County Democratic Party, which co-endorsed Chavez-Lopez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are the job center of San José, the economic center of the city, but we are also home to thousands of public-sector unionized workers, construction workers, members of the building trades — all of these workers who are really building up our city for the next hundred years,” Tordillos told KQED. “So I think that we need a council member who can speak to both of those communities and who can help to bridge that historic business-labor divide.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The divide is evident in the soured relationship between Mahan’s moderate council majority and the more progressive, labor-aligned Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors. Tensions rose this spring when the City Council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">approved\u003c/a> a plan to arrest people experiencing homelessness who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042370/in-san-jose-a-controversial-choice-for-unhoused-shelter-or-arrest\">refuse\u003c/a> multiple offers of shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara supervisors and law enforcement officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042960/soon-refusing-shelter-in-san-jose-could-get-you-arrested\">opposed\u003c/a> the plan, calling it unworkable within the county system. The two sides have yet to reconcile the city’s prioritization of shelter and short-term housing with the county’s focus on permanent housing and social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez-Lopez told KQED it doesn’t make sense for the city and county to have different strategies for reducing homelessness. She said her longstanding relationships with elected officials — including the endorsement of all five county supervisors — would help her hit the ground running on the City Council if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that’s a very important bridge that needs to be built — and fast — quite frankly,” Chavez-Lopez said. “Trust isn’t built in a day, but because I have such trusted relationships with many city leaders and many city staff, as well as all of the county board of supervisors who have endorsed me in this race … I think that there’s a real opportunity for partnership [and] collaboration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign spending has continued at a furious pace since the special election. From April 7 through June 7, Tordillos’ campaign spent $124,902, while Chavez-Lopez spent $91,484.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035098\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035098\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-10-BL-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabby Chavez-Lopez, San José City Council District 3 candidate, speaks to supporters after the first results come during an election night party in San José on April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Spending by outside groups favored Chavez-Lopez before the April vote, but has turned decisively toward Tordillos, according to filings through June 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South Bay Labor Council has shelled out $103,597 to boost Chavez-Lopez. But outside groups have spent $251,840 backing Tordillos. Most of that total comes from the California Association of Realtors, which has paid $148,878 for digital ads and mailers attacking Chavez-Lopez, who supports expanded rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan Eldridge, a political strategist who worked for Tordillos before the special election but is not involved in the runoff, said either candidate could emerge victorious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Chavez-Lopez] has maintained strong support from progressive and labor institutions since the beginning of her campaign, and that backing has only solidified over time,” Eldridge said. “That said, it would be a mistake to count Anthony Tordillos out. … Anthony has built his campaign from the ground up, essentially starting from scratch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This race will likely come down to the wire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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