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"content": "\u003cp>John Lewis was just 25 years old when he faced down death, marching across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama, and into the rage of white law enforcement waiting on the other side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like so many monuments in this country, the arched bridge that leads over the Alabama River is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/18/us/politics/edmund-pettus-bridge-renamed-john-lewis.html\">named after\u003c/a> a confederate general and Ku Klux Klan grand dragon, who fought to keep people like Lewis brutally enslaved. In 1965, a century after America’s formal system of chattel slavery ended, Lewis was still fighting for freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The response was a violent attack by state troopers. Tear gas and police batons filled the air, the sound of skulls — of Lewis’ skull — cracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The horrific images of that day were beamed into living rooms across the country, creating a groundswell of public and political support for the movement, leading to the passage of the \u003ca href=\"https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/encyclopedia/voting-rights-act-1965\">Voting Rights Act of 1965.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, the country was again galvanized by police violence against Black people. We watched George Floyd die in front of us across an agonizing span of almost nine minutes, his neck pinned beneath the knee of a white police officer. We watched \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/31/us/police-tactics-floyd-protests.html\">police beat\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/21/us/detroit-police-shooting-journalists.html\">shoot\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/07/14/nyregion/nypd-george-floyd-protests.html\">even drive their cars\u003c/a> into protesters and journalists. The crowds being beaten and injured by law enforcement were much more multiracial than they had been over half a century before, but they were also \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/05/us/police-violence-george-floyd.html\">stark reminders of systemic racism\u003c/a> in the use of police force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is something potent that when Lewis died on July 17, it was in the middle of another civil rights movement. The fact that his lifelong calls for justice, for an end to police violence, and for voting rights are still necessary shows how America’s founding promise of freedom is also our unfinished business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lewis never stopped believing in the power of people to one day finish the job. He even left behind a comic book — the three-part graphic novel memoir \u003cem>March\u003c/em> — to share his story with the next generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To promote the book, Lewis went full fanboy, showing up at San Diego’s Comic-Con \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/21/us/politics/john-lewis-comic-con.html\">multiple times\u003c/a>. Lewis \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/comic-riffs/wp/2015/07/13/the-real-origin-story-behind-how-rep-john-lewis-became-the-hit-of-comic-con/\">even cosplayed himself\u003c/a> — recreating his famous march across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in the halls of San Diego’s convention center. He replicated his outfit, scouring thrift stores to find a trench coat that matched the one he had worn 50 years before and filling a vintage backpack with fruit, water and books. This time it wasn’t 600 protesters, but a group of school children who took his hands and followed his lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So how did a sitting U.S. congressman and iconic civil rights leader end up becoming a best-selling graphic novelist and Comic-Con’s favorite cosplayer? As you might expect, there’s an origin story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of staffers on Lewis’ 2008 reelection campaign were sitting around, talking about summer plans, including Andrew Aydin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unashamed, I said I would be going to a comic book convention. And there was a little teasing, but Congressman Lewis stood up for me,” Aydin recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis said, “I just said, ‘You shouldn’t laugh. At another time in another period there was a comic book called \u003cem>The Montgomery Story\u003c/em> ― Martin Luther King Jr. and the Montgomery story — that inspired me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1958, at 18 years old, having just arrived at college, Lewis stumbled upon a comic book that played a role in his rapid evolution into a civil rights leader. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.crmvet.org/docs/ms_for_comic.pdf\">16-page long comic\u003c/a> tells the story of Rosa Parks’ symbolic refusal, and it also gives a detailed account of how to practice nonviolent resistance. It was a lesson Lewis took to heart when he staged sit-ins at segregated lunch counters in Nashville in the late ’50s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was on February the 13th, and we had the very first sit-in here,” Lewis said in a 1960 NBC documentary. “I took my seat at the counter. I asked the waiter for a hamburger and a Coke.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis’ staffer, Aydin, knew the history but he hadn’t known about the old comic book. Aydin became convinced Lewis should tell his story as a graphic novel. But Lewis wasn’t so sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought he was somewhat out of his mind. Why would I be writing a comic book?” Lewis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then he thought back: “I do remember reading \u003cem>The Montgomery Story\u003c/em> comic book, and I said, ‘Yes, if you would do it with me.’ And it’s been a labor of love.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That labor brought Lewis, alongside co-writer Aydin and the book’s artist, Nate Powell, to Comic-Con in San Diego to launch the first book in 2013. While the geek and supernatural mecca known for its outlandish costumes may seem like an odd location for a sitting congressman, almost immediately Lewis fit right in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waiting in line for Lewis’ signature, right next to a guy in an elaborate transformers costume, was Mary Clark, a teacher at San Elijo Middle School in San Marcos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will go into my library collection,” Clark said. “As a graphic novel, sometimes students who aren’t really enthusiastic readers will pick it up thinking it’s about the pictures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, graphic novels like this can be the history equivalent of hiding healthy Brussels sprouts in a fussy eater’s mac and cheese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis was always adamant that \u003cem>March\u003c/em> was more than just biography. Like the Martin Luther King Jr. comic book that inspired him, the trilogy was always meant to be a primer on protest and what it means to march for justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, the third book in the \u003cem>March\u003c/em> trilogy won a National Book Award. Lewis, with Aydin and Powell beside him, gave \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uqmYNOPVyO4\">a powerful speech\u003c/a>. Through tears, he recalled that when he was 16 years old, he tried to get a card from his local library. There were few books at home, and he wanted to read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were told the library was for whites only, and not for coloreds,” Lewis said. It is a meaningful reminder of the distance we have traveled since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Martin Luther King Jr. Day earlier that same year, a group of Black Lives Matter protesters gathered on the Bay Bridge between Oakland and San Francisco. For hours they \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/jan/19/black-lives-matter-protesters-block-san-franciscos-bay-bridge\">blocked five lanes of traffic on the westbound span\u003c/a>. They were dressed to the nines in their Sunday best, donning suits and fedoras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They dressed like that, they said, to replicate and echo the marchers on another bridge, on another day, in another chapter of this fight. Their outfits were a direct nod to Lewis’ march across the Edmund Pettus Bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is a meaningful reminder that we are still a bridge too far from the justice Lewis fought for, which is perhaps why he left an instruction book, in the form of a graphic novel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember hearing Martin Luther King Jr. preach from time to time,” Lewis said. “And his father would be in the pulpit. And he would say, ‘Son, make it plain, make it plain.’ So, between Nate and Andrew, they made it plain.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>John Lewis was just 25 years old when he faced down death, marching across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama, and into the rage of white law enforcement waiting on the other side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like so many monuments in this country, the arched bridge that leads over the Alabama River is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/18/us/politics/edmund-pettus-bridge-renamed-john-lewis.html\">named after\u003c/a> a confederate general and Ku Klux Klan grand dragon, who fought to keep people like Lewis brutally enslaved. In 1965, a century after America’s formal system of chattel slavery ended, Lewis was still fighting for freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The response was a violent attack by state troopers. Tear gas and police batons filled the air, the sound of skulls — of Lewis’ skull — cracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The horrific images of that day were beamed into living rooms across the country, creating a groundswell of public and political support for the movement, leading to the passage of the \u003ca href=\"https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/encyclopedia/voting-rights-act-1965\">Voting Rights Act of 1965.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, the country was again galvanized by police violence against Black people. We watched George Floyd die in front of us across an agonizing span of almost nine minutes, his neck pinned beneath the knee of a white police officer. We watched \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/31/us/police-tactics-floyd-protests.html\">police beat\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/21/us/detroit-police-shooting-journalists.html\">shoot\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/07/14/nyregion/nypd-george-floyd-protests.html\">even drive their cars\u003c/a> into protesters and journalists. The crowds being beaten and injured by law enforcement were much more multiracial than they had been over half a century before, but they were also \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/05/us/police-violence-george-floyd.html\">stark reminders of systemic racism\u003c/a> in the use of police force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is something potent that when Lewis died on July 17, it was in the middle of another civil rights movement. The fact that his lifelong calls for justice, for an end to police violence, and for voting rights are still necessary shows how America’s founding promise of freedom is also our unfinished business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lewis never stopped believing in the power of people to one day finish the job. He even left behind a comic book — the three-part graphic novel memoir \u003cem>March\u003c/em> — to share his story with the next generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To promote the book, Lewis went full fanboy, showing up at San Diego’s Comic-Con \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/21/us/politics/john-lewis-comic-con.html\">multiple times\u003c/a>. Lewis \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/comic-riffs/wp/2015/07/13/the-real-origin-story-behind-how-rep-john-lewis-became-the-hit-of-comic-con/\">even cosplayed himself\u003c/a> — recreating his famous march across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in the halls of San Diego’s convention center. He replicated his outfit, scouring thrift stores to find a trench coat that matched the one he had worn 50 years before and filling a vintage backpack with fruit, water and books. This time it wasn’t 600 protesters, but a group of school children who took his hands and followed his lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So how did a sitting U.S. congressman and iconic civil rights leader end up becoming a best-selling graphic novelist and Comic-Con’s favorite cosplayer? As you might expect, there’s an origin story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of staffers on Lewis’ 2008 reelection campaign were sitting around, talking about summer plans, including Andrew Aydin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unashamed, I said I would be going to a comic book convention. And there was a little teasing, but Congressman Lewis stood up for me,” Aydin recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis said, “I just said, ‘You shouldn’t laugh. At another time in another period there was a comic book called \u003cem>The Montgomery Story\u003c/em> ― Martin Luther King Jr. and the Montgomery story — that inspired me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1958, at 18 years old, having just arrived at college, Lewis stumbled upon a comic book that played a role in his rapid evolution into a civil rights leader. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.crmvet.org/docs/ms_for_comic.pdf\">16-page long comic\u003c/a> tells the story of Rosa Parks’ symbolic refusal, and it also gives a detailed account of how to practice nonviolent resistance. It was a lesson Lewis took to heart when he staged sit-ins at segregated lunch counters in Nashville in the late ’50s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was on February the 13th, and we had the very first sit-in here,” Lewis said in a 1960 NBC documentary. “I took my seat at the counter. I asked the waiter for a hamburger and a Coke.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis’ staffer, Aydin, knew the history but he hadn’t known about the old comic book. Aydin became convinced Lewis should tell his story as a graphic novel. But Lewis wasn’t so sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought he was somewhat out of his mind. Why would I be writing a comic book?” Lewis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then he thought back: “I do remember reading \u003cem>The Montgomery Story\u003c/em> comic book, and I said, ‘Yes, if you would do it with me.’ And it’s been a labor of love.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That labor brought Lewis, alongside co-writer Aydin and the book’s artist, Nate Powell, to Comic-Con in San Diego to launch the first book in 2013. While the geek and supernatural mecca known for its outlandish costumes may seem like an odd location for a sitting congressman, almost immediately Lewis fit right in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waiting in line for Lewis’ signature, right next to a guy in an elaborate transformers costume, was Mary Clark, a teacher at San Elijo Middle School in San Marcos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will go into my library collection,” Clark said. “As a graphic novel, sometimes students who aren’t really enthusiastic readers will pick it up thinking it’s about the pictures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, graphic novels like this can be the history equivalent of hiding healthy Brussels sprouts in a fussy eater’s mac and cheese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis was always adamant that \u003cem>March\u003c/em> was more than just biography. Like the Martin Luther King Jr. comic book that inspired him, the trilogy was always meant to be a primer on protest and what it means to march for justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, the third book in the \u003cem>March\u003c/em> trilogy won a National Book Award. Lewis, with Aydin and Powell beside him, gave \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uqmYNOPVyO4\">a powerful speech\u003c/a>. Through tears, he recalled that when he was 16 years old, he tried to get a card from his local library. There were few books at home, and he wanted to read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were told the library was for whites only, and not for coloreds,” Lewis said. It is a meaningful reminder of the distance we have traveled since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Martin Luther King Jr. Day earlier that same year, a group of Black Lives Matter protesters gathered on the Bay Bridge between Oakland and San Francisco. For hours they \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/jan/19/black-lives-matter-protesters-block-san-franciscos-bay-bridge\">blocked five lanes of traffic on the westbound span\u003c/a>. They were dressed to the nines in their Sunday best, donning suits and fedoras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They dressed like that, they said, to replicate and echo the marchers on another bridge, on another day, in another chapter of this fight. Their outfits were a direct nod to Lewis’ march across the Edmund Pettus Bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is a meaningful reminder that we are still a bridge too far from the justice Lewis fought for, which is perhaps why he left an instruction book, in the form of a graphic novel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember hearing Martin Luther King Jr. preach from time to time,” Lewis said. “And his father would be in the pulpit. And he would say, ‘Son, make it plain, make it plain.’ So, between Nate and Andrew, they made it plain.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump signed a memorandum on Tuesday to exclude undocumented immigrants from the U.S. Census count that determines the states’ political representation, arguing that including them undermines democracy for American citizens. Hours later, several California elected officials, including House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Gov. Gavin Newsom, swiftly condemned the president’s directive as plainly unlawful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counting every person in our country through the Census is a principle so foundational that it is written into our Constitution,” Newsom said in a statement. “This latest action by the administration to exclude undocumented immigrants when determining representation in Congress, rooted in racism and xenophobia, is a blatant attack on our institutions and our neighbors.” [aside tag=\"census\" label=\"The 2020 Census\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Constitution’s 14th Amendment says representatives shall be apportioned among states, counting “the whole number of persons in each state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Trump argues that the term has been interpreted to mean “inhabitants” of each state, and that the executive branch can decide who qualifies as such to conclude how many seats a state gets in the House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affording congressional representation, and therefore formal political influence, to States on account of the presence within their borders of aliens who have not followed the steps to secure lawful immigration status under our laws undermines (democratic) principles,” according to the President’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6999106-July-21-2020-Memorandum-On-Excluding-Illegal.html?mc_cid=903a15e849&mc_eid=22ccf5fd29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">memorandum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order also took a swing at so-called sanctuary laws, saying states that adopt them attract illegal immigrants and “should not be rewarded with greater representation in the House of Representatives.” The president then referred to California, with an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/interactives/u-s-unauthorized-immigrants-by-state/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2.2 million undocumented immigrants\u003c/a>, as “one state” exemplifying the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Including these illegal aliens in the population of the State for the purpose of apportionment could result in the allocation of two or three more congressional seats than would otherwise be allocated,” Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congresswoman Anna Eshoo, D-Palo Alto, who sits on the House committee overseeing the U.S. Census Bureau, said the president’s new policy was meant to energize his supporters before the November election and rob political representation from California, which has the nation’s largest population of undocumented residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That would be a dream come true for Donald Trump because he doesn’t think that any of these people count in life anyway,” Eshoo said. “This is clearly a move that is unconstitutional. And I think the president, frankly, is throwing red meat to his base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California and other states successfully sued to block the administration from including a question on citizenship in the census. Critics argued that it would depress participation among non-citizens and that states such as California would lose a big share of the more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/korihale/2020/03/24/being-undercounted-in-the-us-census-costs-minority-communities-millions-of-dollars/#727cb3bf3aa0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$675 billion\u003c/a> in federal funds distributed on the basis of population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Trump instructed Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross — who oversees the Census Bureau — to “provide information” to carry out the policy of excluding undocumented immigrants from congressional apportionment. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A White House official declined to comment further on how the administration could achieve the president’s goal. The official, who declined to be named, defended Trump’s new policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These actions are consistent with America’s democratic principles as outlined in the United States Constitution,” said the official in a statement. “President Trump will never allow the erosion of our Nation’s democracy or the underrepresentation of lawful American citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By law, the Census Bureau may \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/factsheets/2019/comm/2020-confidentiality-factsheet.pdf\">not share\u003c/a> an individual’s information with immigration enforcement or other federal agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the census already underway, the president’s directive could make it even harder to achieve a full and accurate count of non-citizens and their households, said Julia Marks, an attorney with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='— California Attorney General Xavier Becerra']‘The moment they take action and that action would amount to a violation of the law, we now have standing … to sue the Trump administration,.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been an extraordinarily difficult census because of the public health situation and because of existing statements from the Trump administration that makes this a scary environment for immigrant communities,” said Marks, whose organization does outreach to increase participation in the Census. “And this will just make some of those challenges even greater.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is already facing the loss of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821752/california-could-lose-a-seat-in-congress-heres-what-that-would-mean\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one congressional seat\u003c/a>, largely because the state’s population growth has slowed down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, Black, brown and immigrant communities have not been fully counted in the Census, leading to a smaller share of federal funds for schools, hospitals, roads and other critical needs in their local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California would lose more than $1,000 per year for every person who is not counted in the decennial census, said state Sen. Tom Umberg, D-Santa Ana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We in California need to make sure that we redouble our efforts to get the message out to all Californians, irrespective of whatever their immigration status is, that they have to be counted,” Umberg said, who co-chairs a Senate committee on the 2020 Census. “And it’s not just for their own benefit. It’s for all our benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra said his office will be on the lookout for federal actions that would merit a court challenge, such as failing to seek census forms from immigrant households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Becerra says the president’s memorandum, though inflammatory, isn’t reason enough for a legal challenge yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply because Donald Trump says things that are crazy or extreme doesn’t mean we can go to court,” Becerra said, who was part of a coalition of attorneys general that sued to block the Trump administration from including the citizenship question in the 2020 Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The moment they take action and that action would amount to a violation of the law, we now have standing … to sue the Trump administration,” Becerra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump signed a memorandum on Tuesday to exclude undocumented immigrants from the U.S. Census count that determines the states’ political representation, arguing that including them undermines democracy for American citizens. Hours later, several California elected officials, including House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Gov. Gavin Newsom, swiftly condemned the president’s directive as plainly unlawful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counting every person in our country through the Census is a principle so foundational that it is written into our Constitution,” Newsom said in a statement. “This latest action by the administration to exclude undocumented immigrants when determining representation in Congress, rooted in racism and xenophobia, is a blatant attack on our institutions and our neighbors.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Constitution’s 14th Amendment says representatives shall be apportioned among states, counting “the whole number of persons in each state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Trump argues that the term has been interpreted to mean “inhabitants” of each state, and that the executive branch can decide who qualifies as such to conclude how many seats a state gets in the House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affording congressional representation, and therefore formal political influence, to States on account of the presence within their borders of aliens who have not followed the steps to secure lawful immigration status under our laws undermines (democratic) principles,” according to the President’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6999106-July-21-2020-Memorandum-On-Excluding-Illegal.html?mc_cid=903a15e849&mc_eid=22ccf5fd29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">memorandum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order also took a swing at so-called sanctuary laws, saying states that adopt them attract illegal immigrants and “should not be rewarded with greater representation in the House of Representatives.” The president then referred to California, with an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/interactives/u-s-unauthorized-immigrants-by-state/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2.2 million undocumented immigrants\u003c/a>, as “one state” exemplifying the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Including these illegal aliens in the population of the State for the purpose of apportionment could result in the allocation of two or three more congressional seats than would otherwise be allocated,” Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congresswoman Anna Eshoo, D-Palo Alto, who sits on the House committee overseeing the U.S. Census Bureau, said the president’s new policy was meant to energize his supporters before the November election and rob political representation from California, which has the nation’s largest population of undocumented residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That would be a dream come true for Donald Trump because he doesn’t think that any of these people count in life anyway,” Eshoo said. “This is clearly a move that is unconstitutional. And I think the president, frankly, is throwing red meat to his base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California and other states successfully sued to block the administration from including a question on citizenship in the census. Critics argued that it would depress participation among non-citizens and that states such as California would lose a big share of the more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/korihale/2020/03/24/being-undercounted-in-the-us-census-costs-minority-communities-millions-of-dollars/#727cb3bf3aa0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$675 billion\u003c/a> in federal funds distributed on the basis of population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Trump instructed Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross — who oversees the Census Bureau — to “provide information” to carry out the policy of excluding undocumented immigrants from congressional apportionment. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A White House official declined to comment further on how the administration could achieve the president’s goal. The official, who declined to be named, defended Trump’s new policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These actions are consistent with America’s democratic principles as outlined in the United States Constitution,” said the official in a statement. “President Trump will never allow the erosion of our Nation’s democracy or the underrepresentation of lawful American citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By law, the Census Bureau may \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/factsheets/2019/comm/2020-confidentiality-factsheet.pdf\">not share\u003c/a> an individual’s information with immigration enforcement or other federal agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the census already underway, the president’s directive could make it even harder to achieve a full and accurate count of non-citizens and their households, said Julia Marks, an attorney with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been an extraordinarily difficult census because of the public health situation and because of existing statements from the Trump administration that makes this a scary environment for immigrant communities,” said Marks, whose organization does outreach to increase participation in the Census. “And this will just make some of those challenges even greater.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is already facing the loss of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821752/california-could-lose-a-seat-in-congress-heres-what-that-would-mean\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one congressional seat\u003c/a>, largely because the state’s population growth has slowed down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, Black, brown and immigrant communities have not been fully counted in the Census, leading to a smaller share of federal funds for schools, hospitals, roads and other critical needs in their local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California would lose more than $1,000 per year for every person who is not counted in the decennial census, said state Sen. Tom Umberg, D-Santa Ana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We in California need to make sure that we redouble our efforts to get the message out to all Californians, irrespective of whatever their immigration status is, that they have to be counted,” Umberg said, who co-chairs a Senate committee on the 2020 Census. “And it’s not just for their own benefit. It’s for all our benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra said his office will be on the lookout for federal actions that would merit a court challenge, such as failing to seek census forms from immigrant households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Becerra says the president’s memorandum, though inflammatory, isn’t reason enough for a legal challenge yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply because Donald Trump says things that are crazy or extreme doesn’t mean we can go to court,” Becerra said, who was part of a coalition of attorneys general that sued to block the Trump administration from including the citizenship question in the 2020 Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The moment they take action and that action would amount to a violation of the law, we now have standing … to sue the Trump administration,” Becerra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump released \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/memorandum-excluding-illegal-aliens-apportionment-base-following-2020-census/\">a memorandum\u003c/a> Tuesday that calls for an unprecedented change to the constitutionally-mandated count of every person living in the country — the exclusion of unauthorized immigrants from the numbers used to divide up seats in Congress among the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memo instructs Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, who oversees the Commerce Department, to include in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/141\">legally required\u003c/a> report of census results to the president \"information permitting the President, to the extent practicable\" to leave out the number of immigrants living in the U.S. without authorization from the apportionment count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the move by the president, who does not have final authority over the census, is more likely to spur legal challenges and political spectacle in the last months before this year's presidential election than a transformation of the once-a-decade head count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the first U.S. Census in 1790, both U.S. citizens and noncitizens — regardless of immigration status — have been included in the country's official population counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fifth sentence of \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/constitution-transcript\">the Constitution\u003c/a> specifies that \"persons\" residing in the states should be counted every 10 years to determine each state's share of seats in the House of Representatives. \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/amendmentxiv\">The 14th Amendment\u003c/a> goes further to require the counting of the \"whole number of persons in each state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is Congress — not the president — that \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/articlei\">Article 1\u003c/a>, Section 2 of the country's founding document empowers to carry out the \"actual enumeration\" of the country's population in \"such manner as they shall by law direct.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/2/2a\">Title 2\u003c/a> of the U.S. Code, Congress detailed its instructions for the president to report to lawmakers the tally of the \"whole number of persons\" living in each state for the reapportionment of House seats. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/141\">Title 13\u003c/a>, Congress established additional key dates for the \"tabulation of total population.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state of Alabama, however, is arguing in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/06/754685703/15-states-say-unauthorized-immigrants-should-continue-to-count-for-seats-in-cong\">ongoing federal lawsuit\u003c/a> that the framers of the Constitution did not intend for the term \"persons\" to include immigrants living in the country without authorization. Alabama says it's trying to avoid losing a seat in Congress after the 2020 census by seeking to leave out unauthorized immigrants from the results of the national count that are used to reapportion the U.S. House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's announcement, first signaled in a\u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/playbook-pm/2020/07/17/new-trumps-next-executive-order-489834\"> Politico newsletter\u003c/a> last week, comes just over a year after the administration backed down in its failed attempt to add the now-blocked citizenship question to the 2020 census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2019, the president issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-collecting-information-citizenship-status-connection-decennial-census/\">an executive order\u003c/a> to use government records, including from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/14/890798378/south-dakota-is-sharing-drivers-license-info-to-help-find-out-who-s-a-citizen\">state departments of motor vehicles\u003c/a> and federal agencies such as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/04/793325772/to-produce-citizenship-data-homeland-security-to-share-records-with-census\">Department of Homeland Security\u003c/a>, to produce anonymized citizenship data that could be used to redraw voting districts in a way that, a GOP strategist concluded, would politically benefit Republicans and non-Hispanic white people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the national census self-response rate at just over 62%, the White House announcement threatens to derail the Census Bureau's efforts to finish tallying up roughly four out of 10 households that have not filled out a census form on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Census Coverage' tag='2020-census']The agency's \u003ca href=\"https://www2.census.gov/programs-surveys/decennial/2020/program-management/planning-docs/2020-oper-plan4.pdf\">operational plan for the 2020 census\u003c/a> includes specially designed efforts, such as providing online forms and call centers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/03/31/629409884/for-the-first-time-u-s-census-to-collect-responses-in-arabic-among-13-languages\">13 languages\u003c/a>, to try to make sure the census includes undocumented immigrants and other populations the bureau considers \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6183449-2020-Census-Operational-Plan-Version-4-0.html#document/p208/a572351\">hard-to-count\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/d/2018-02370/p-111\">the Census Bureau's residence criteria\u003c/a> for determining how to count different groups of residents for the 2020 census, citizens of foreign countries who are living in the U.S. are supposed to be counted \"at the U.S. residence where they live and sleep most of the time,\" while international visitors should not be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bureau has been relying on ads and community groups to help ramp up its outreach to households with immigrants, people of color and other historically undercounted groups, many of whom remain distrustful of sharing their information with the government despite federal laws that require the Census Bureau to keep personally identifiable census information confidential \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/history/www/genealogy/decennial_census_records/the_72_year_rule_1.html\">until 72 years after it's been collected\u003c/a> and prohibit that information from \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/9\">being used against an individual\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration has also raised concerns in recent weeks by making \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/06/23/882433973/trump-appointees-join-census-bureau-democrats-concerned-over-partisan-games\">two new political appointments at the bureau\u003c/a>. The move has sparked \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hansilowang/status/1280629685248983043\">an inquiry by the inspector general\u003c/a> for the Commerce Department, which oversees the bureau. Democratic lawmakers and professional associations, including the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hansilowang/status/1275882643796766721?s=20\">American Statistical Association\u003c/a> and the\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hansilowang/status/1277663449259147264\"> American Economic Association\u003c/a>, are questioning whether the appointments of Nathaniel Cogley, a political science professor, and Adam Korzeniewski, a former political consultant to a YouTube personality known for racist pranks, are a partisan attempt to interfere with the census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR White House correspondent Tamara Keith contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=With+No+Final+Say%2C+Trump+Wants+To+Change+Who+Counts+For+Dividing+Up+Congress%27+Seats&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump released \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/memorandum-excluding-illegal-aliens-apportionment-base-following-2020-census/\">a memorandum\u003c/a> Tuesday that calls for an unprecedented change to the constitutionally-mandated count of every person living in the country — the exclusion of unauthorized immigrants from the numbers used to divide up seats in Congress among the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memo instructs Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, who oversees the Commerce Department, to include in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/141\">legally required\u003c/a> report of census results to the president \"information permitting the President, to the extent practicable\" to leave out the number of immigrants living in the U.S. without authorization from the apportionment count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the move by the president, who does not have final authority over the census, is more likely to spur legal challenges and political spectacle in the last months before this year's presidential election than a transformation of the once-a-decade head count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the first U.S. Census in 1790, both U.S. citizens and noncitizens — regardless of immigration status — have been included in the country's official population counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fifth sentence of \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/constitution-transcript\">the Constitution\u003c/a> specifies that \"persons\" residing in the states should be counted every 10 years to determine each state's share of seats in the House of Representatives. \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/amendmentxiv\">The 14th Amendment\u003c/a> goes further to require the counting of the \"whole number of persons in each state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is Congress — not the president — that \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/articlei\">Article 1\u003c/a>, Section 2 of the country's founding document empowers to carry out the \"actual enumeration\" of the country's population in \"such manner as they shall by law direct.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/2/2a\">Title 2\u003c/a> of the U.S. Code, Congress detailed its instructions for the president to report to lawmakers the tally of the \"whole number of persons\" living in each state for the reapportionment of House seats. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/141\">Title 13\u003c/a>, Congress established additional key dates for the \"tabulation of total population.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state of Alabama, however, is arguing in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/06/754685703/15-states-say-unauthorized-immigrants-should-continue-to-count-for-seats-in-cong\">ongoing federal lawsuit\u003c/a> that the framers of the Constitution did not intend for the term \"persons\" to include immigrants living in the country without authorization. Alabama says it's trying to avoid losing a seat in Congress after the 2020 census by seeking to leave out unauthorized immigrants from the results of the national count that are used to reapportion the U.S. House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's announcement, first signaled in a\u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/playbook-pm/2020/07/17/new-trumps-next-executive-order-489834\"> Politico newsletter\u003c/a> last week, comes just over a year after the administration backed down in its failed attempt to add the now-blocked citizenship question to the 2020 census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2019, the president issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-collecting-information-citizenship-status-connection-decennial-census/\">an executive order\u003c/a> to use government records, including from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/14/890798378/south-dakota-is-sharing-drivers-license-info-to-help-find-out-who-s-a-citizen\">state departments of motor vehicles\u003c/a> and federal agencies such as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/04/793325772/to-produce-citizenship-data-homeland-security-to-share-records-with-census\">Department of Homeland Security\u003c/a>, to produce anonymized citizenship data that could be used to redraw voting districts in a way that, a GOP strategist concluded, would politically benefit Republicans and non-Hispanic white people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the national census self-response rate at just over 62%, the White House announcement threatens to derail the Census Bureau's efforts to finish tallying up roughly four out of 10 households that have not filled out a census form on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The agency's \u003ca href=\"https://www2.census.gov/programs-surveys/decennial/2020/program-management/planning-docs/2020-oper-plan4.pdf\">operational plan for the 2020 census\u003c/a> includes specially designed efforts, such as providing online forms and call centers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/03/31/629409884/for-the-first-time-u-s-census-to-collect-responses-in-arabic-among-13-languages\">13 languages\u003c/a>, to try to make sure the census includes undocumented immigrants and other populations the bureau considers \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6183449-2020-Census-Operational-Plan-Version-4-0.html#document/p208/a572351\">hard-to-count\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/d/2018-02370/p-111\">the Census Bureau's residence criteria\u003c/a> for determining how to count different groups of residents for the 2020 census, citizens of foreign countries who are living in the U.S. are supposed to be counted \"at the U.S. residence where they live and sleep most of the time,\" while international visitors should not be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bureau has been relying on ads and community groups to help ramp up its outreach to households with immigrants, people of color and other historically undercounted groups, many of whom remain distrustful of sharing their information with the government despite federal laws that require the Census Bureau to keep personally identifiable census information confidential \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/history/www/genealogy/decennial_census_records/the_72_year_rule_1.html\">until 72 years after it's been collected\u003c/a> and prohibit that information from \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/9\">being used against an individual\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration has also raised concerns in recent weeks by making \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/06/23/882433973/trump-appointees-join-census-bureau-democrats-concerned-over-partisan-games\">two new political appointments at the bureau\u003c/a>. The move has sparked \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hansilowang/status/1280629685248983043\">an inquiry by the inspector general\u003c/a> for the Commerce Department, which oversees the bureau. Democratic lawmakers and professional associations, including the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hansilowang/status/1275882643796766721?s=20\">American Statistical Association\u003c/a> and the\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hansilowang/status/1277663449259147264\"> American Economic Association\u003c/a>, are questioning whether the appointments of Nathaniel Cogley, a political science professor, and Adam Korzeniewski, a former political consultant to a YouTube personality known for racist pranks, are a partisan attempt to interfere with the census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR White House correspondent Tamara Keith contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=With+No+Final+Say%2C+Trump+Wants+To+Change+Who+Counts+For+Dividing+Up+Congress%27+Seats&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>This year was supposed to be a comeback year for Kyle Schulz and the College Republicans at Cal Poly Pomona, in eastern Los Angeles County. In 2018, the House district in which the campus resides was caught up in the Blue Wave — sending freshman Democrat Gil Cisneros to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We got our butts kicked, to be honest,” Schulz said, the club’s spokesman and former president. “To work on that, we were doing a lot more campaigning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the club’s plans for hosting campus events, canvassing the district and registering voters came to a screeching halt in mid-March, when Cal Poly Pomona — like schools around the state — shifted to virtual learning in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic. The school’s College Republicans didn’t meet for the rest of the semester.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the pandemic is threatening to scatter students away from campuses in the fall, when California will mail a ballot to every registered voter as a COVID-19-safe alternative to voting in person. The closures could discourage the efforts of campus groups, and make the prospects of turning out the college vote, already a difficult proposition in normal times, even more complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be pretty bad, to be honest,” Schulz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decline in turnout could have a significant impact in the Pomona Valley and nearby northern Orange County, an area home to a large college population, where a decline in the student vote could affect competitive races up and down the ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David Becker, Center for Election Innovation and Research\"]‘As we (question) whether college campuses are going to open up in the fall, the ability to do outreach to large numbers of people is going to be severely limited.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for democratic engagement on college campuses are urging higher education leaders and faculty to take creative approaches to encourage voting, while students are adapting their get-out-the-vote methods for the Zoom age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As difficult as it is for someone like me to vote during a pandemic, the college student population is a particularly difficult one,” said Adam Gismondi, director of impact at the Institute for Democracy & Higher Education at the Tisch College of Civic Life at Tufts University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because most students are mobile, they often move addresses while they’re in college. So it’s a really tangled web right now to work through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, California set a record for turnout in a primary election, fueling hopes of another surge in participation this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came the virus, and closures that dashed plans for voter registration efforts at university student centers, shopping malls and front doors across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Voter Registration Challenges\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>New voter registrations across the country plummeted in the spring, according to data compiled by the \u003ca href=\"https://electioninnovation.org/new-voter-registrations-in-2020/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Center for Election Innovation and Research, \u003c/a>in Washington. Registrations in California were down sharply in April, compared to the same month in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike four years ago, California’s primary was already over by April. But the top reason for the registration drop-off was closures at the state’s DMV offices, where drivers license and state ID transactions automatically trigger a voter registration, said David Becker, the center’s executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An early study of the DMV automatic voter registration program \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/implementing-automated-voter-registration-in-california.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">didn’t find wide adoption\u003c/a> by younger voters. But the pandemic could also pose challenges for a physically distanced form of sign up: online voter registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fundamentally a fairly passive tool, people need to know to look for it,” Becker said. “And as we have questions about whether college campuses are going to open up in the fall, the ability to do outreach to large numbers of people is going to be severely limited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if registration efforts improve, the curtailed openings of campuses in the state present a hurdle for ensuring a smooth voting experience for many undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829865\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1642px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829865\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/DMV-voter-registration.jpg\" alt=\"A man walks in front of a DMV office in San Francisco on May 8, 2020.\" width=\"1642\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/DMV-voter-registration.jpg 1642w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/DMV-voter-registration-800x509.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/DMV-voter-registration-1020x649.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/DMV-voter-registration-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/DMV-voter-registration-1536x978.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1642px) 100vw, 1642px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man walks in front of a DMV office in San Francisco on May 8, 2020. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>College students are a mobile population in general, with many moving between dorms, off-campus housing and their childhood homes. Students who are registered to vote may need to update their information in order to receive a ballot at the correct address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If more students can vote at home, it reduces the chance of long lines at in-person ballot sites, which could be fewer in number than in previous years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The need to communicate with voters is going to be particularly crucial in this year,” Becker said. “Having good information on the voter lists is the core of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Bigger Impact on Southern California Races?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The student vote could be especially important in the districts stretching north from Orange County, through Fullerton and La Habra, to the Los Angeles County cities of Diamond Bar and Pomona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, more than 100,000 students attend Cal State Fullerton, Mt. San Antonio College, Cal Poly Pomona and Fullerton College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the November ballot, voters in the area will decide on a rematch between Democratic Congressman Gil Cisneros (D-Yorba Linda) and Republican Young Kim, the former state Assemblywoman who lost to Cisneros by fewer than 8,000 votes in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the similarly shaped 29th State Senate District, Sen. Ling-Ling Chang (R-Diamond Bar) will defend her seat against Democrat Josh Newman. Newman defeated Chang in the 2016 election, but was recalled by voters in June of 2018, with Chang regaining the seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in the 55th Assembly District, incumbent Phillip Chen (R-Brea) is facing a challenge from Andrew Rodriguez, a Democratic councilman from Walnut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Politics' tag='politics']In these tight races, Democratic candidates are relying on a boost from reliably liberal college voters. According to the California Target Book, “precincts adjacent to college campuses that have high concentration of voters between the ages of 18 to 34 can easily award over 90% of their votes to a Democratic candidate in a typical D vs. R race, and net the Democratic candidate thousands of raw votes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The College Democrats at Cal State Fullerton planned to spend the year focusing on those three races, said Andrew Levy, the group’s president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, \u003ca href=\"http://news.fullerton.edu/2019fa/student-voting-rates.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">voter engagement surged\u003c/a> on the Fullerton campus, with the voting rate increasing by nearly a third over the previous mid-term election. The 2,627 CSU Fullerton students who \u003ca href=\"https://caballotbowl.sos.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">registered to vote\u003c/a> marked the second-highest total of any public school in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We planned on having a lot of people go and phone bank at the local (California Democratic Party) office and canvass in addition to that,” Levy said of the group’s plans for 2020. “But once COVID-19 hit, it was just kind of a bummer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County is one of 15 counties that already mail every voter a ballot, which could help the transition to November’s largely vote-by-mail election. And the hurdle of constantly shifting student addresses could be eased, in part, by the decision of \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/2020/07/06/community-college-state-budget-enrollment-impact.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">many incoming freshmen\u003c/a> to stay home and attend a community college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We actually are seeing a huge increase in the number of students who are registering for classes for Fullerton College, for Mount SAC, for Orange Coast, so there’s a lot of students who aren’t going to be moving,” said Jodi Balma, a professor of political science at Fullerton College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s a very transient population as far as moving apartment to apartment to dorm to apartment to back home,” Balma said. “And so we do want to make sure that people update their registration data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Like Everything Else, Getting Out the Vote Moves Online\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Student organizers are hoping to convey this information to their fellow undergrads by adapting their plans to the distanced reality of the fall; with virtual phone banking and social media campaigns replacing registration tables and door-knocking trips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The strategy is still the same: ask every student and create cultures of voting on campus. Students helping students vote through peer-to-peer contact has been shown to be the most effective,” said Nic Riani, a rising senior at UCLA and the board chair of the California Public Interest Research Group (CALPIRG) Students, which helps run the state’s Students Vote Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, we can’t do any of our usual in-person tactics, like waving to students as they walk to class to help them register to vote or going into classes and passing out forms,” Riani said. “But we can hop into Zoom lectures to make announcements and build a network of students that are committing to voting and then call and text those students to help them make a plan to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=about_15238 label='Take Our Survey']CALPIRG is running a summer internship program, collecting pledges to vote from more than 3,000 college students in California, Riani said. The group plans to call those students in the fall to make sure they are registered to vote at an address where they can receive their mail ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>College administrators and faculty will also have an important role in ensuring a successful student vote in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Presidents and chancellors can serve as powerful lobbying voices as state and county officials decide on the location of polling places and vote centers. And during distanced learning, professors and faculty will have the most direct access to students, Gismondi said, whose Institute for Democracy & Higher Education has a forthcoming report with recommendations to increase student voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Faculty members, no matter what happens in the fall, will be the most important contact point for college students, because they’re really the one group on the university’s side that will have guaranteed contacts with students,” Gismondi said, who encourages professors to facilitate political conversations and spend class time on the mechanics of voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think that a lot of the things that colleges and universities can and should do under normal circumstances can still happen,” Gismondi added. “It’s going to require some flexibility, it’s going to require some adaptability and it’s going to take some creativity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This year was supposed to be a comeback year for Kyle Schulz and the College Republicans at Cal Poly Pomona, in eastern Los Angeles County. In 2018, the House district in which the campus resides was caught up in the Blue Wave — sending freshman Democrat Gil Cisneros to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We got our butts kicked, to be honest,” Schulz said, the club’s spokesman and former president. “To work on that, we were doing a lot more campaigning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the club’s plans for hosting campus events, canvassing the district and registering voters came to a screeching halt in mid-March, when Cal Poly Pomona — like schools around the state — shifted to virtual learning in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic. The school’s College Republicans didn’t meet for the rest of the semester.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the pandemic is threatening to scatter students away from campuses in the fall, when California will mail a ballot to every registered voter as a COVID-19-safe alternative to voting in person. The closures could discourage the efforts of campus groups, and make the prospects of turning out the college vote, already a difficult proposition in normal times, even more complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be pretty bad, to be honest,” Schulz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decline in turnout could have a significant impact in the Pomona Valley and nearby northern Orange County, an area home to a large college population, where a decline in the student vote could affect competitive races up and down the ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for democratic engagement on college campuses are urging higher education leaders and faculty to take creative approaches to encourage voting, while students are adapting their get-out-the-vote methods for the Zoom age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As difficult as it is for someone like me to vote during a pandemic, the college student population is a particularly difficult one,” said Adam Gismondi, director of impact at the Institute for Democracy & Higher Education at the Tisch College of Civic Life at Tufts University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because most students are mobile, they often move addresses while they’re in college. So it’s a really tangled web right now to work through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, California set a record for turnout in a primary election, fueling hopes of another surge in participation this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came the virus, and closures that dashed plans for voter registration efforts at university student centers, shopping malls and front doors across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Voter Registration Challenges\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>New voter registrations across the country plummeted in the spring, according to data compiled by the \u003ca href=\"https://electioninnovation.org/new-voter-registrations-in-2020/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Center for Election Innovation and Research, \u003c/a>in Washington. Registrations in California were down sharply in April, compared to the same month in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike four years ago, California’s primary was already over by April. But the top reason for the registration drop-off was closures at the state’s DMV offices, where drivers license and state ID transactions automatically trigger a voter registration, said David Becker, the center’s executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An early study of the DMV automatic voter registration program \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/implementing-automated-voter-registration-in-california.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">didn’t find wide adoption\u003c/a> by younger voters. But the pandemic could also pose challenges for a physically distanced form of sign up: online voter registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fundamentally a fairly passive tool, people need to know to look for it,” Becker said. “And as we have questions about whether college campuses are going to open up in the fall, the ability to do outreach to large numbers of people is going to be severely limited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if registration efforts improve, the curtailed openings of campuses in the state present a hurdle for ensuring a smooth voting experience for many undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829865\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1642px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829865\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/DMV-voter-registration.jpg\" alt=\"A man walks in front of a DMV office in San Francisco on May 8, 2020.\" width=\"1642\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/DMV-voter-registration.jpg 1642w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/DMV-voter-registration-800x509.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/DMV-voter-registration-1020x649.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/DMV-voter-registration-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/DMV-voter-registration-1536x978.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1642px) 100vw, 1642px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man walks in front of a DMV office in San Francisco on May 8, 2020. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>College students are a mobile population in general, with many moving between dorms, off-campus housing and their childhood homes. Students who are registered to vote may need to update their information in order to receive a ballot at the correct address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If more students can vote at home, it reduces the chance of long lines at in-person ballot sites, which could be fewer in number than in previous years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The need to communicate with voters is going to be particularly crucial in this year,” Becker said. “Having good information on the voter lists is the core of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Bigger Impact on Southern California Races?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The student vote could be especially important in the districts stretching north from Orange County, through Fullerton and La Habra, to the Los Angeles County cities of Diamond Bar and Pomona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, more than 100,000 students attend Cal State Fullerton, Mt. San Antonio College, Cal Poly Pomona and Fullerton College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the November ballot, voters in the area will decide on a rematch between Democratic Congressman Gil Cisneros (D-Yorba Linda) and Republican Young Kim, the former state Assemblywoman who lost to Cisneros by fewer than 8,000 votes in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the similarly shaped 29th State Senate District, Sen. Ling-Ling Chang (R-Diamond Bar) will defend her seat against Democrat Josh Newman. Newman defeated Chang in the 2016 election, but was recalled by voters in June of 2018, with Chang regaining the seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in the 55th Assembly District, incumbent Phillip Chen (R-Brea) is facing a challenge from Andrew Rodriguez, a Democratic councilman from Walnut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In these tight races, Democratic candidates are relying on a boost from reliably liberal college voters. According to the California Target Book, “precincts adjacent to college campuses that have high concentration of voters between the ages of 18 to 34 can easily award over 90% of their votes to a Democratic candidate in a typical D vs. R race, and net the Democratic candidate thousands of raw votes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The College Democrats at Cal State Fullerton planned to spend the year focusing on those three races, said Andrew Levy, the group’s president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, \u003ca href=\"http://news.fullerton.edu/2019fa/student-voting-rates.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">voter engagement surged\u003c/a> on the Fullerton campus, with the voting rate increasing by nearly a third over the previous mid-term election. The 2,627 CSU Fullerton students who \u003ca href=\"https://caballotbowl.sos.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">registered to vote\u003c/a> marked the second-highest total of any public school in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We planned on having a lot of people go and phone bank at the local (California Democratic Party) office and canvass in addition to that,” Levy said of the group’s plans for 2020. “But once COVID-19 hit, it was just kind of a bummer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County is one of 15 counties that already mail every voter a ballot, which could help the transition to November’s largely vote-by-mail election. And the hurdle of constantly shifting student addresses could be eased, in part, by the decision of \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/2020/07/06/community-college-state-budget-enrollment-impact.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">many incoming freshmen\u003c/a> to stay home and attend a community college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We actually are seeing a huge increase in the number of students who are registering for classes for Fullerton College, for Mount SAC, for Orange Coast, so there’s a lot of students who aren’t going to be moving,” said Jodi Balma, a professor of political science at Fullerton College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s a very transient population as far as moving apartment to apartment to dorm to apartment to back home,” Balma said. “And so we do want to make sure that people update their registration data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Like Everything Else, Getting Out the Vote Moves Online\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Student organizers are hoping to convey this information to their fellow undergrads by adapting their plans to the distanced reality of the fall; with virtual phone banking and social media campaigns replacing registration tables and door-knocking trips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The strategy is still the same: ask every student and create cultures of voting on campus. Students helping students vote through peer-to-peer contact has been shown to be the most effective,” said Nic Riani, a rising senior at UCLA and the board chair of the California Public Interest Research Group (CALPIRG) Students, which helps run the state’s Students Vote Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, we can’t do any of our usual in-person tactics, like waving to students as they walk to class to help them register to vote or going into classes and passing out forms,” Riani said. “But we can hop into Zoom lectures to make announcements and build a network of students that are committing to voting and then call and text those students to help them make a plan to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>CALPIRG is running a summer internship program, collecting pledges to vote from more than 3,000 college students in California, Riani said. The group plans to call those students in the fall to make sure they are registered to vote at an address where they can receive their mail ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>College administrators and faculty will also have an important role in ensuring a successful student vote in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Presidents and chancellors can serve as powerful lobbying voices as state and county officials decide on the location of polling places and vote centers. And during distanced learning, professors and faculty will have the most direct access to students, Gismondi said, whose Institute for Democracy & Higher Education has a forthcoming report with recommendations to increase student voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Faculty members, no matter what happens in the fall, will be the most important contact point for college students, because they’re really the one group on the university’s side that will have guaranteed contacts with students,” Gismondi said, who encourages professors to facilitate political conversations and spend class time on the mechanics of voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think that a lot of the things that colleges and universities can and should do under normal circumstances can still happen,” Gismondi added. “It’s going to require some flexibility, it’s going to require some adaptability and it’s going to take some creativity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>People paid great heed to John Lewis for much of his life in the civil rights movement. But at the very beginning — when he was just a kid wanting to be a minister someday — his audience didn’t care much for what he had to say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A son of Alabama sharecroppers, the young Lewis first preached moral righteousness to his family’s chickens. His place in the vanguard of the 1960s campaign for Black equality had its roots in that hardscrabble Alabama farm and all those clucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis, who died Friday at age 80, was the youngest and last survivor of the Big Six civil rights activists who organized the 1963 March on Washington, and spoke shortly before the group’s leader, Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., gave his “I Have a Dream” speech to a vast sea of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that speech marked a turning point in the civil rights era — or at least the most famous moment — the struggle was far from over. Two more hard years passed before truncheon-wielding state troopers beat Lewis bloody and fractured his skull as he led 600 protesters over Selma’s Edmund Pettus Bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Searing TV images of that brutality helped to galvanize national opposition to racial oppression and embolden leaders in Washington to pass the landmark 1965 Voting Rights Act five months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The American public had already seen so much of this sort of thing, countless images of beatings and dogs and cursing and hoses,” Lewis wrote in his memoirs. “But something about that day in Selma touched a nerve deeper than anything that had come before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That bridge became a touchstone in Lewis’ life. He returned there often during his decades in Congress representing the Atlanta area, bringing lawmakers from both parties to see where “Bloody Sunday” went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More brutality would loom in his life’s last chapter. He wept watching the video of George Floyd’s death at the hands of police in Minnesota. “I kept saying to myself: How many more? How many young Black men will be murdered?” he said last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet he declared, or at least dared to hope: “We’re one people, we’re one family. We all live in the same house, not just the American house but the world house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis earned bipartisan respect in Washington, where some called him the “conscience of Congress.” His humble manner contrasted with the puffed chests on Capitol Hill. But as a liberal on the losing side of many issues, he lacked the influence he’d summoned at the segregated lunch counters of his youth, or later, within the Democratic Party, as a steadfast voice for the poor and disenfranchised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was a guiding voice for a young Illinois senator who became the first Black president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told him that I stood on his shoulders,” Obama wrote in a statement marking Lewis’s death. “When I was elected President of the United States, I hugged him on the inauguration stand before I was sworn in and told him I was only there because of the sacrifices he made.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis was a 23-year-old firebrand, a founder of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, when he joined King and four other civil rights leaders at the Roosevelt Hotel in New York to plan and announce the Washington demonstration. The others were Whitney Young of the National Urban League; A. Philip Randolph of the Negro American Labor Council; James L. Farmer Jr., of the interracial Congress of Racial Equality; and Roy Wilkins of the NAACP.[pullquote size=\"large\" align=\"right\" citation=\"John Lewis\"]“The sight of them rolling over us like human tanks was something that had never been seen before. People just couldn’t believe this was happening, not in America.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the National Mall months later, he had a speaking slot before King and toned down his intended remarks, bowing to pressure that “incensed” him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted it to have an air of militancy,” Lewis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He dropped a reference to leading a “scorched earth” campaign across the South, like Civil War Maj. Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman’s March to the Sea. (“John, that doesn’t sound like you,” he recalled King telling him.) He scaled back criticism of President John Kennedy’s civil rights record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a potent speech nonetheless. He vowed: “By the forces of our demands, our determination and our numbers, we shall splinter the segregated South into a thousand pieces and put them together in an image of God and democracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His words were soon and for all time overshadowed by the speech of King. “He changed us forever,” Lewis said of King’s oratory that day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the change the movement sought would take many more sacrifices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After months of training in nonviolent protest, demonstrators led by Lewis and the Rev. Hosea Williams began a march of more than 50 miles from Selma to Alabama’s capital in Montgomery. They didn’t get far: On March 7, 1965, a phalanx of police blocked their exit from the Selma bridge. Authorities swung truncheons, fired tear gas and charged on horseback, sending many to the hospital. The nation was horrified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a face-off in the most vivid terms between a dignified, composed, completely nonviolent multitude of silent protesters and the truly malevolent force of a heavily armed, hateful battalion of troopers,” Lewis wrote. “The sight of them rolling over us like human tanks was something that had never been seen before. People just couldn’t believe this was happening, not in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King swiftly returned to the scene with a multitude, and the march to Montgomery was made whole before the end of the month.Lewis was born on Feb. 21, 1940, outside Troy, in Alabama’s Pike County. He attended segregated public schools and was denied a library card because of his race, but he read books and newspapers avidly, and could rattle off obscure historical facts even in his later years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SpeakerPelosi/status/1284336417330651137\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was a teenager when he first heard King, then a young minister from Atlanta, preach on the radio. They met after Lewis wrote him seeking support to become the first Black student at his local college. He ultimately attended the American Baptist Theological Seminary and Fisk University instead, in Nashville, Tennessee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, the young man King nicknamed “the boy from Troy” was organizing sit-ins at whites-only lunch counters and volunteering as a Freedom Rider, enduring beatings and arrests while challenging segregation around the South. Lewis helped form the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee to organize this effort, led the group from 1963 to 1966 and kept pursuing civil rights work and voter registration drives for years thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Jimmy Carter appointed Lewis to lead ACTION, a federal volunteer agency, in 1977. In 1981, he was elected to the Atlanta City Council, and then won a seat in Congress in 1986.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humble and unfailingly friendly, Lewis was revered on Capitol Hill. When Democrats controlled the House, he tried to keep them unified as his party’s senior deputy whip, a behind-the-scenes leadership post. The opening of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture was a key victory. But as one of the most liberal members of Congress, spending much of his career in the minority, he often lost policy battles, from his effort to stop the Iraq War to his defense of young immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis also met bipartisan success in Congress in 2006 when he led efforts to renew the Voting Rights Act, but the Supreme Court invalidated much of the law in 2013, and it became once again what it was in his youth, a work in progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis initially endorsed Hillary Rodham Clinton in the 2008 Democratic presidential primary, but belatedly backed Obama when it became clear he had more Black support. After Obama’s swearing-in, he signed a commemorative photograph for Lewis that reflected much more than his endorsement, writing “Because of you, John. Barack Obama.” Later, they marched hand in hand in Selma on the 50th anniversary of the attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when Obama was succeeded by a president who sought to dismantle much of his legacy, Lewis made no effort to hide his pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis refused to attend Donald Trump’s inauguration, saying he didn’t consider him a “legitimate president” because Russians had conspired to get him elected. When Trump later complained about immigrants from “s—hole countries,” Lewis declared, “I think he is a racist … we have to try to stand up and speak up and not try to sweep it under the rug.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/BarackObama/status/1284358592083169280\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump on Saturday ordered flags at half-staff at the White House and all federal public buildings and grounds, including embassies abroad and all military posts and naval stations, until the end of the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis said he’d been arrested 40 times in the 1960s, five more as a congressman. At 78, he told a rally he’d do it again to help reunite immigrant families separated by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There cannot be any peace in America until these young children are returned to their parents and set all of our people free,” Lewis said. “If we fail to do it, history will not be kind to us,” he shouted. “I will go to the border. I’ll get arrested again. If necessary, I’m prepared to go to jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rise of the Black Lives Matter movement and the racial diversity of the crowds protesting racism and police brutality gave him encouragement in his last weeks even as the unrest exposed anguished division that would not be overcome in his lifetime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very moving, very moving to see hundreds and thousands of people from all over America and around the world take to the streets to speak up, to speak out,” he said on “CBS This Morning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He urged protesters seeking justice in Floyd’s killing and the authorities confronting them to be nonviolent, because “there’s something cleansing, something wholesome, about being peaceful and orderly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis announced in late December 2019 that he had been diagnosed with advanced pancreatic cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have never faced a fight quite like the one I have now,” he said at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/rihanna/status/1284536062857973761\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis’ wife of four decades, Lillian Miles, died in 2012. They had one son, John Miles Lewis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Voting Rights Act that Lewis cherished was a work in progress, so was America, Lewis observed as he spoke once again from the Lincoln Memorial, a half-century after the March on Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fifty years later we can ride anywhere we want to ride, we can stay where we want to stay,” he said that day in August 2013. “Those signs that said ‘white’ and ’colored are gone. And you won’t see them anymore except in a museum, in a book, on a video.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But there are still invisible signs buried in the hearts in humankind that form a gulf between us. Too many of us still believe our differences define us instead of the divine spark that runs through all of human creation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came the cheers and applause. This time he was no warm-up act for a giant of history. This was his moment, and there was not a cluck to be heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Michael Warren contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>People paid great heed to John Lewis for much of his life in the civil rights movement. But at the very beginning — when he was just a kid wanting to be a minister someday — his audience didn’t care much for what he had to say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A son of Alabama sharecroppers, the young Lewis first preached moral righteousness to his family’s chickens. His place in the vanguard of the 1960s campaign for Black equality had its roots in that hardscrabble Alabama farm and all those clucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis, who died Friday at age 80, was the youngest and last survivor of the Big Six civil rights activists who organized the 1963 March on Washington, and spoke shortly before the group’s leader, Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., gave his “I Have a Dream” speech to a vast sea of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that speech marked a turning point in the civil rights era — or at least the most famous moment — the struggle was far from over. Two more hard years passed before truncheon-wielding state troopers beat Lewis bloody and fractured his skull as he led 600 protesters over Selma’s Edmund Pettus Bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Searing TV images of that brutality helped to galvanize national opposition to racial oppression and embolden leaders in Washington to pass the landmark 1965 Voting Rights Act five months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The American public had already seen so much of this sort of thing, countless images of beatings and dogs and cursing and hoses,” Lewis wrote in his memoirs. “But something about that day in Selma touched a nerve deeper than anything that had come before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That bridge became a touchstone in Lewis’ life. He returned there often during his decades in Congress representing the Atlanta area, bringing lawmakers from both parties to see where “Bloody Sunday” went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More brutality would loom in his life’s last chapter. He wept watching the video of George Floyd’s death at the hands of police in Minnesota. “I kept saying to myself: How many more? How many young Black men will be murdered?” he said last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet he declared, or at least dared to hope: “We’re one people, we’re one family. We all live in the same house, not just the American house but the world house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis earned bipartisan respect in Washington, where some called him the “conscience of Congress.” His humble manner contrasted with the puffed chests on Capitol Hill. But as a liberal on the losing side of many issues, he lacked the influence he’d summoned at the segregated lunch counters of his youth, or later, within the Democratic Party, as a steadfast voice for the poor and disenfranchised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was a guiding voice for a young Illinois senator who became the first Black president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told him that I stood on his shoulders,” Obama wrote in a statement marking Lewis’s death. “When I was elected President of the United States, I hugged him on the inauguration stand before I was sworn in and told him I was only there because of the sacrifices he made.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis was a 23-year-old firebrand, a founder of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, when he joined King and four other civil rights leaders at the Roosevelt Hotel in New York to plan and announce the Washington demonstration. The others were Whitney Young of the National Urban League; A. Philip Randolph of the Negro American Labor Council; James L. Farmer Jr., of the interracial Congress of Racial Equality; and Roy Wilkins of the NAACP.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the National Mall months later, he had a speaking slot before King and toned down his intended remarks, bowing to pressure that “incensed” him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted it to have an air of militancy,” Lewis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He dropped a reference to leading a “scorched earth” campaign across the South, like Civil War Maj. Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman’s March to the Sea. (“John, that doesn’t sound like you,” he recalled King telling him.) He scaled back criticism of President John Kennedy’s civil rights record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a potent speech nonetheless. He vowed: “By the forces of our demands, our determination and our numbers, we shall splinter the segregated South into a thousand pieces and put them together in an image of God and democracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His words were soon and for all time overshadowed by the speech of King. “He changed us forever,” Lewis said of King’s oratory that day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the change the movement sought would take many more sacrifices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After months of training in nonviolent protest, demonstrators led by Lewis and the Rev. Hosea Williams began a march of more than 50 miles from Selma to Alabama’s capital in Montgomery. They didn’t get far: On March 7, 1965, a phalanx of police blocked their exit from the Selma bridge. Authorities swung truncheons, fired tear gas and charged on horseback, sending many to the hospital. The nation was horrified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a face-off in the most vivid terms between a dignified, composed, completely nonviolent multitude of silent protesters and the truly malevolent force of a heavily armed, hateful battalion of troopers,” Lewis wrote. “The sight of them rolling over us like human tanks was something that had never been seen before. People just couldn’t believe this was happening, not in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King swiftly returned to the scene with a multitude, and the march to Montgomery was made whole before the end of the month.Lewis was born on Feb. 21, 1940, outside Troy, in Alabama’s Pike County. He attended segregated public schools and was denied a library card because of his race, but he read books and newspapers avidly, and could rattle off obscure historical facts even in his later years.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>He was a teenager when he first heard King, then a young minister from Atlanta, preach on the radio. They met after Lewis wrote him seeking support to become the first Black student at his local college. He ultimately attended the American Baptist Theological Seminary and Fisk University instead, in Nashville, Tennessee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, the young man King nicknamed “the boy from Troy” was organizing sit-ins at whites-only lunch counters and volunteering as a Freedom Rider, enduring beatings and arrests while challenging segregation around the South. Lewis helped form the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee to organize this effort, led the group from 1963 to 1966 and kept pursuing civil rights work and voter registration drives for years thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Jimmy Carter appointed Lewis to lead ACTION, a federal volunteer agency, in 1977. In 1981, he was elected to the Atlanta City Council, and then won a seat in Congress in 1986.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humble and unfailingly friendly, Lewis was revered on Capitol Hill. When Democrats controlled the House, he tried to keep them unified as his party’s senior deputy whip, a behind-the-scenes leadership post. The opening of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture was a key victory. But as one of the most liberal members of Congress, spending much of his career in the minority, he often lost policy battles, from his effort to stop the Iraq War to his defense of young immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis also met bipartisan success in Congress in 2006 when he led efforts to renew the Voting Rights Act, but the Supreme Court invalidated much of the law in 2013, and it became once again what it was in his youth, a work in progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis initially endorsed Hillary Rodham Clinton in the 2008 Democratic presidential primary, but belatedly backed Obama when it became clear he had more Black support. After Obama’s swearing-in, he signed a commemorative photograph for Lewis that reflected much more than his endorsement, writing “Because of you, John. Barack Obama.” Later, they marched hand in hand in Selma on the 50th anniversary of the attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when Obama was succeeded by a president who sought to dismantle much of his legacy, Lewis made no effort to hide his pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis refused to attend Donald Trump’s inauguration, saying he didn’t consider him a “legitimate president” because Russians had conspired to get him elected. When Trump later complained about immigrants from “s—hole countries,” Lewis declared, “I think he is a racist … we have to try to stand up and speak up and not try to sweep it under the rug.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Trump on Saturday ordered flags at half-staff at the White House and all federal public buildings and grounds, including embassies abroad and all military posts and naval stations, until the end of the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis said he’d been arrested 40 times in the 1960s, five more as a congressman. At 78, he told a rally he’d do it again to help reunite immigrant families separated by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There cannot be any peace in America until these young children are returned to their parents and set all of our people free,” Lewis said. “If we fail to do it, history will not be kind to us,” he shouted. “I will go to the border. I’ll get arrested again. If necessary, I’m prepared to go to jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rise of the Black Lives Matter movement and the racial diversity of the crowds protesting racism and police brutality gave him encouragement in his last weeks even as the unrest exposed anguished division that would not be overcome in his lifetime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very moving, very moving to see hundreds and thousands of people from all over America and around the world take to the streets to speak up, to speak out,” he said on “CBS This Morning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He urged protesters seeking justice in Floyd’s killing and the authorities confronting them to be nonviolent, because “there’s something cleansing, something wholesome, about being peaceful and orderly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis announced in late December 2019 that he had been diagnosed with advanced pancreatic cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have never faced a fight quite like the one I have now,” he said at the time.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Lewis’ wife of four decades, Lillian Miles, died in 2012. They had one son, John Miles Lewis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Voting Rights Act that Lewis cherished was a work in progress, so was America, Lewis observed as he spoke once again from the Lincoln Memorial, a half-century after the March on Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fifty years later we can ride anywhere we want to ride, we can stay where we want to stay,” he said that day in August 2013. “Those signs that said ‘white’ and ’colored are gone. And you won’t see them anymore except in a museum, in a book, on a video.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But there are still invisible signs buried in the hearts in humankind that form a gulf between us. Too many of us still believe our differences define us instead of the divine spark that runs through all of human creation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came the cheers and applause. This time he was no warm-up act for a giant of history. This was his moment, and there was not a cluck to be heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Michael Warren contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6988869-Proposition-15-Analysis-1.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> from supporters of a November ballot measure aimed at increasing property taxes on commercial and industrial property in California finds that more than 90% of the additional property tax revenue \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/19-0008%20%28The%20California%20Schools%20and%20Local%20Communities%20Funding%20Act%20of%202020%29_1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 15\u003c/a> would generate will come from just 10% of the highest value properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would amend the California Constitution to create a so-called “split roll” by reforming the 1978 measure Proposition 13, which slashed property taxes across the state and placed a limit on annual tax increases for both residential and commercial property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 was sold as a way to create stable and predictable property tax bills, especially for seniors on fixed incomes. But critics have long complained that large corporations have unfairly benefitted from those protections, allowing them to keep assessed property values at well below market rates, resulting in a loss of revenue to schools and local government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15, which is financed primarily by the California Teachers Association and other unions, could generate a net increase in revenue between $6.5 and $11.5 billion dollars a year, with 40% of that going to K-12 schools and community colleges, and 60% going to local governments. The range of revenue estimates relates to growth in the real estate market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Schools and Communities First campaign, which collected signatures to put Prop. 15 before voters, exempted properties valued at $3 million or less, a change from an earlier version that was intended to allay fears of small businesses that they would be walloped by unaffordable property tax increases. Those properties will not be reassessed unless they belong to a landowner whose combined properties add up to more than $3 million in value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nearly 50% of the revenue raised by the measure will come from properties that have not been reassessed since before 2000,” said Tim Gage, a former director for the California Department of Finance whose Blue Sky Consulting Group conducted the study for the Yes on 15 campaign using assessor’s property tax data provided by the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that after accounting for exempted properties valued at under $3 million, properties valued at $5 million and more would generate more than 84% of the new revenue. Those properties are highly concentrated in places like San Francisco and Silicon Valley with \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">high value commercial and industrial property that hasn’t changed hands or been reassessed in many years, Gage said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, including John Kabateck, California director of National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB), which advocates on behalf of small businesses, called the report a “veiled attempt to pull the wool over taxpayers and voters eyes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kabateck, and opponents of Prop. 15, said the final version of the measure would still end up harming many small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They talk a lot about the exemption and the small businesses aren’t hurt and that they’re really just attacking the big guys, the big corporations,” Kabateck said. “What they fail to mention is that the majority of small business owners, upwards of 80%, rent their property. That cost is passed on directly from property owners.”[aside tag=\"politics\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 15 campaign responds that if a majority of the property is occupied by small businesses, the reassessment would be deferred until 2025-26. Gage also noted that landlords who have benefitted from artificially low property taxes have likely not passed those savings along to their tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 would leave property tax increases for homeowners untouched, and it generally exempts agriculture land from being reassessed. However the California Farm Bureau is opposing Prop. 15, saying protections for growers aren’t ironclad and could end up raising their property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conceived well before the COVID-19 pandemic and resulting recession, it’s unclear how Prop. 15 along with high unemployment will affect voters’ appetite for higher taxes on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to unions, a wide array of Democrats are supporting Prop. 15, including former Vice President Joe Biden, Sen. Kamala Harris and several other former presidential candidates and members of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents include the California Business Roundtable, the Chamber of Commerce and the California Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure will appear on the November 3 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6988869-Proposition-15-Analysis-1.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> from supporters of a November ballot measure aimed at increasing property taxes on commercial and industrial property in California finds that more than 90% of the additional property tax revenue \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/19-0008%20%28The%20California%20Schools%20and%20Local%20Communities%20Funding%20Act%20of%202020%29_1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 15\u003c/a> would generate will come from just 10% of the highest value properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would amend the California Constitution to create a so-called “split roll” by reforming the 1978 measure Proposition 13, which slashed property taxes across the state and placed a limit on annual tax increases for both residential and commercial property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 was sold as a way to create stable and predictable property tax bills, especially for seniors on fixed incomes. But critics have long complained that large corporations have unfairly benefitted from those protections, allowing them to keep assessed property values at well below market rates, resulting in a loss of revenue to schools and local government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15, which is financed primarily by the California Teachers Association and other unions, could generate a net increase in revenue between $6.5 and $11.5 billion dollars a year, with 40% of that going to K-12 schools and community colleges, and 60% going to local governments. The range of revenue estimates relates to growth in the real estate market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Schools and Communities First campaign, which collected signatures to put Prop. 15 before voters, exempted properties valued at $3 million or less, a change from an earlier version that was intended to allay fears of small businesses that they would be walloped by unaffordable property tax increases. Those properties will not be reassessed unless they belong to a landowner whose combined properties add up to more than $3 million in value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nearly 50% of the revenue raised by the measure will come from properties that have not been reassessed since before 2000,” said Tim Gage, a former director for the California Department of Finance whose Blue Sky Consulting Group conducted the study for the Yes on 15 campaign using assessor’s property tax data provided by the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that after accounting for exempted properties valued at under $3 million, properties valued at $5 million and more would generate more than 84% of the new revenue. Those properties are highly concentrated in places like San Francisco and Silicon Valley with \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">high value commercial and industrial property that hasn’t changed hands or been reassessed in many years, Gage said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, including John Kabateck, California director of National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB), which advocates on behalf of small businesses, called the report a “veiled attempt to pull the wool over taxpayers and voters eyes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kabateck, and opponents of Prop. 15, said the final version of the measure would still end up harming many small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They talk a lot about the exemption and the small businesses aren’t hurt and that they’re really just attacking the big guys, the big corporations,” Kabateck said. “What they fail to mention is that the majority of small business owners, upwards of 80%, rent their property. That cost is passed on directly from property owners.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 15 campaign responds that if a majority of the property is occupied by small businesses, the reassessment would be deferred until 2025-26. Gage also noted that landlords who have benefitted from artificially low property taxes have likely not passed those savings along to their tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 15 would leave property tax increases for homeowners untouched, and it generally exempts agriculture land from being reassessed. However the California Farm Bureau is opposing Prop. 15, saying protections for growers aren’t ironclad and could end up raising their property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conceived well before the COVID-19 pandemic and resulting recession, it’s unclear how Prop. 15 along with high unemployment will affect voters’ appetite for higher taxes on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to unions, a wide array of Democrats are supporting Prop. 15, including former Vice President Joe Biden, Sen. Kamala Harris and several other former presidential candidates and members of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents include the California Business Roundtable, the Chamber of Commerce and the California Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure will appear on the November 3 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly a decade after a federal judge in San Francisco struck down Proposition 8, the ballot measure banning same-sex marriage in California, videotapes of the trial may finally be available, despite the objections of Prop. 8 supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal District Court Judge William Orrick Thursday rejected a motion by Prop. 8 proponents to permanently seal the videotapes, saying the motion contained \"no justification, much less a compelling one, to keep the trial recordings under seal any longer.\" He ordered the recordings to become public next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's incredibly important to have it be open, not only for the historical record, but so the people can see this particular trial video,\" said Thomas R. Burke the attorney representing KQED. \"It's one of the only federal trial videos of its kind ever in the United States,\" he said. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Thomas R. Burke, lawyer on behalf of KQED\"]'It begs the question: What are they trying to hide? Because if they had legitimate concerns about risks to witnesses, they could have put in a declaration.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burke added that it would be unusual for a judge to permanently prevent the public from getting access to a trial that was open to the public in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That is a rare circumstance. But it's particularly troubling in this case where what is being sealed is a record of an admitted historic trial that ultimately allowed in and found in favor of same-sex marriage,\" Burke said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED's Chief Content Officer Holly Kernan said it is a \"victory for transparency and accountability.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the trial began in 2010, District Court Judge Vaughn Walker announced he would allow courtroom cameras to both videotape the proceedings and make the images available in real time to those who wanted to see the trial on a closed circuit system in federal courthouses around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]Prop. 8 proponents objected, and ultimately the U.S. Supreme Court intervened to block televising the trial. Despite the objections of attorneys on behalf of Prop. 8, Judge Walker continued recording the trial, promising that he would only use them privately to help in writing his opinion after the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current case has had a lengthy history. Over ten years ago, in 2008 California voters passed Prop. 8 by 52-48%. After the California Supreme Court upheld the measure, opponents sued in federal court, which led to the trial presided over by Judge Walker. In 2010, Walker struck down the law saying it violated the Due Process and Equal Protection clauses of the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. In 2013 the U.S. Supreme Court let Walker's decision stand, allowing same-sex marriages to resume in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, KQED, supported by other media organizations including the New York Times, AP and CNN, submitted a motion to have the tapes made available to the public. The following year, in 2018, Judge Orrick said that \"compelling justification of judicial integrity\" outweighed the public's right to see the tapes at that time. He based that on Judge Walker's promise to keep the tapes private. But he never suggested they should be sealed indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for Prop. 8 claimed releasing the tapes at any point would risk harm to witnesses who testified their opposition to same-sex marriage. However, as Judge Orrick noted, they \"did not submit evidence\" to support that claim which justified sealing the tapes forever. [aside tag=\"lgbt, proposition 8\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are deeply disappointed by Judge Orrick’s ruling that 'the compelling justification of judicial integrity' no longer requires the court to honor Judge Walker’s solemn, on the record, commitment that the video tapes of the trial would be used solely for his own in-chambers purposes in rendering his judgment in the case,\" said attorney John Ohlendorf in an email. \"We do not agree that there is a ten-year statute of limitations on judicial integrity, and we are preparing our appeal.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However attorney Thomas Burke said it's never been clear to him why the measure's proponents felt so strongly about preventing the public from seeing the tapes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It begs the question: What are they trying to hide? Because if they had legitimate concerns about risks to witnesses, they could have put in a declaration. 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"content": "\u003cp>In 1968, John Potterat finished his tour of duty in Vietnam and came home to Los Angeles. He started working for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) on its syphilis eradication campaign in what became a 40-year career as a contact tracer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a given day, I would be in the clinic for two, three hours. I would interview one or two people, and then I would go out in the field and drive around and locate the people that had been named,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tracking down sexual contacts in the “free love” era required private eye skills. A lot of people infected with a sexually transmitted disease didn’t know the names of the people they slept with. Maybe they remember a lover who works in a deli, but they don’t remember the name of the deli either. They only remember that it’s on South Broadway, and it’s the only deli in the neighborhood that doesn’t serve breakfast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Potterat drives up and down Broadway until he finds it. Then he writes a note for the employee — without a name, he addresses it with defining features, for example, the guy with a thick brown mustache and scorpion tattoo on his bicep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A day later, the person calls,” Potterat said. “He was located, and he was tested. Turned out that he was positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ’70s, when gonorrhea took center stage, Potterat moved on to a new contact tracing job in Colorado. He sat at his desk in his paisley shirt, clashing paisley tie and \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=nigel+tufnel+haircut&tbm=isch&source=iu&ictx=1&fir=OMAqOACsHQAOVM%252CRCxqk4VPrFoGqM%252C_&vet=1&usg=AI4_-kRQ6TZ3UuNpqKaOiIvnniPYwFptEA&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiExp20777qAhXkna0KHesqC58Q9QEwAnoECAcQBw&biw=1431&bih=744#imgrc=OMAqOACsHQAOVM\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nigel Tufnel\u003c/a> shag haircut, working the phones. Then at night, he tracked people down at the biker bars and gay bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would spend time there — it’s sort of a see and be seen type of approach, and we gained their trust through the ’70s,” he says. “But everything changed with AIDS.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new virus with no name arrived in the ’80s. And, unlike syphilis or gonorrhea, it wouldn’t go away with a round of antibiotics. There was no test for AIDS, there was no treatment and it was 100% fatal. Health departments felt helpless, Potterat said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contact tracers were in a \u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/pdf/10.2105/AJPH.82.8.1158\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">moral quandary\u003c/a>. Many felt it was unethical to tell someone they might have been exposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What did we have to offer these people? We didn’t even have hope,” Potterat remembered. “And these were young people. How do you tell a 23-year-old you might have two years to live? And here I am working for a medical clinic, and there’s not a damn thing I can do about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of years later, Potterat concluded that was a mistake. They could have at least met with people to educate them about the virus and counsel them on how to stop spreading it further. Eventually, Potterat’s team \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/12083437/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">traced HIV infections\u003c/a> back to the origin of the epidemic in Colorado Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that, had we had the courage and the conviction to go visit these people, we could have saved several people, a dozen, 20,” he said “So on some level, I failed. I made up for it later, but failure is failure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1996px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11828042\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1996\" height=\"1242\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing.png 1996w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-800x498.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-1020x635.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-160x100.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-1536x956.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-1920x1195.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1996px) 100vw, 1996px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Graphic of the HIV network derived from contact tracing in Colorado in the late 1980s through the 1990s. \u003ccite>(From study: Risk network structure in the early epidemic phase of HIV transmission in Colorado Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Gay Community Resists\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gay community in San Francisco did not share Potterat’s enthusiasm for contact tracing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when a test was developed in the mid ’80s, and even when the first antiretrovirals came out, gay advocates in San Francisco were opposed to contact tracing. They were afraid of what would happen if local governments collected a list of gay men that could then be used against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Coronavirus coverage\" tag=\"coronavirus\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we create public health measures, which are doomed to scare people into avoiding public health departments, nobody gains, and the epidemic spreads,” said gay rights lawyer, Ben Schatz, during a 1987 televised debate on KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He warned what would come from naming names: lost jobs and lost housing. He and other advocates said public education was the way to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have to be able to protect themselves,” he said. “If they think that the state is going to swoop in and say your sexual partner has AIDS, then they’re just going to continue burying their heads in the sand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some epidemiologists thought the money needed for contact tracing would be better spent on other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my thinking about contact tracing back in those days was, ‘well, what exactly is it supposed to add?’ We’ve already told every single gay man they’re at high-risk, and they should get tested,” said UCSF doctor George Rutherford, who led the CDC’s AIDS response in San Francisco at the time. “At the time, the answer was, ‘Nothing,'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In smaller places, like Colorado where Potterat worked, they could contact trace and map disease networks. But in San Francisco, where a third of the population was infected, Rutherford says, it wasn’t \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/article-abstract/372541\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cost-effective\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, with much better drugs, it’s become part of a standard operating procedure for any AIDS control program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A new generation of tracers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veterans like Rutherford are relying on lessons learned in the ’80s AIDS era to build the state’s new corps of the coronavirus contact tracers. Gov. Gavin Newsom has made contact tracing one of his key pillars for combatting the pandemic, and he’s tapped experts at UCSF to help train \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821528/in-search-of-20000-covid-19-contact-tracers-california-taps-local-librarians-tax-assessors-city-legal-staff\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">20,000 new contact tracers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11828027\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/me-contact-tracing--800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Fagundes is one of 20,000 new contact tracers trained to help contain the coronavirus. \u003ccite>(Jasmin Serim)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of them is Lisa Fagundes, a librarian at the San Francisco Public Library, who began training in March when she was furloughed from her job on the first floor of the main library. She’s since been promoted to be a team lead, guiding other contact tracers as they place calls to people who have been exposed to someone who tested positive for COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a lot of contacts today, like 20 pages of contacts,” she said after a recent shift. “It’s just getting crazy busy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While people were generally receptive to their calls in the early months of the pandemic, privacy concerns have been mounting just as they did with HIV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re starting to encounter more of the segment of the population that doesn’t trust this whole system, that doesn’t trust the department of public health in general,” Fagundes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Lisa Fagundes, a contact tracer in San Francisco\"]‘We’re starting to encounter more of the segment of the population that doesn’t trust this whole system, that doesn’t trust the department of public health in general.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, it’s Latino immigrant communities and communities of color who are disproportionately impacted by COVID-19 — they are more likely to contract the virus and more likely to die from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the mistrust and fears of discrimination are the same as they were for the gay community in the ’80s: lost jobs, lost housing, and now, getting deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here, because a lot of people may or may not be documented,” Rutherford said. “People are hesitant, much like gay men were hesitant to get on a list of gay men.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It makes the work very difficult, Fagundes said, “because they’re a lot more curt and resistant, or suspicious or scared and upset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Overcoming Mistrust\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local state and county public health departments are leaning on lessons learned in the ’80s to overcome the mistrust. They are running social media campaigns to demystify contact tracing and remind people the U.S. has been doing this for decades to contain all sorts of outbreaks, like STDs, measles, tuberculosis and food poisoning. They are building bridges with the affected populations by partnering with community groups that already have trusted relationships with them. And they are emphasizing hiring contact tracers who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11822532/diversity-among-disease-detectives-key-to-containing-the-coronavirus\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bilingual and bicultural\u003c/a> to ease communication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to truly win the public’s buy-in for contact tracing, veterans say the local health departments need back up from the federal government — they need a leader with a unifying message: us against the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president today, just like the president in the ’80s, is doing the opposite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“COVID or HIV, pretending that it wasn’t there, or that it would go away,” Potterat said. “And if it doesn’t go away, ‘Well, it’s not affecting people that are really, really very important.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"John Potterat, contact tracer for 40 years\"]‘COVID or HIV, pretending that it wasn’t there, or that it would go away.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1980s, President Ronald Reagan refused to reference AIDS in public for the first several years of the epidemic, alienating the gay community that was most impacted by the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump refuses to wear a mask in public, repeatedly contradicts his top scientific advisors and routinely makes remarks that alienate the communities of color most impacted by the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We paid the price then for a president who wouldn’t utter the word,” said David Harvey, executive director of the National Coalition of STD Directors, referring to the illness and deaths that could have been prevented. “This is where we have history repeating itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a sustained national education campaign, without a unified national message and without leaders who model the behavior that curbs transmission of the virus, he said, the pandemic will spread, and more people will die.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 1968, John Potterat finished his tour of duty in Vietnam and came home to Los Angeles. He started working for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) on its syphilis eradication campaign in what became a 40-year career as a contact tracer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a given day, I would be in the clinic for two, three hours. I would interview one or two people, and then I would go out in the field and drive around and locate the people that had been named,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tracking down sexual contacts in the “free love” era required private eye skills. A lot of people infected with a sexually transmitted disease didn’t know the names of the people they slept with. Maybe they remember a lover who works in a deli, but they don’t remember the name of the deli either. They only remember that it’s on South Broadway, and it’s the only deli in the neighborhood that doesn’t serve breakfast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Potterat drives up and down Broadway until he finds it. Then he writes a note for the employee — without a name, he addresses it with defining features, for example, the guy with a thick brown mustache and scorpion tattoo on his bicep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A day later, the person calls,” Potterat said. “He was located, and he was tested. Turned out that he was positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ’70s, when gonorrhea took center stage, Potterat moved on to a new contact tracing job in Colorado. He sat at his desk in his paisley shirt, clashing paisley tie and \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=nigel+tufnel+haircut&tbm=isch&source=iu&ictx=1&fir=OMAqOACsHQAOVM%252CRCxqk4VPrFoGqM%252C_&vet=1&usg=AI4_-kRQ6TZ3UuNpqKaOiIvnniPYwFptEA&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiExp20777qAhXkna0KHesqC58Q9QEwAnoECAcQBw&biw=1431&bih=744#imgrc=OMAqOACsHQAOVM\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nigel Tufnel\u003c/a> shag haircut, working the phones. Then at night, he tracked people down at the biker bars and gay bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would spend time there — it’s sort of a see and be seen type of approach, and we gained their trust through the ’70s,” he says. “But everything changed with AIDS.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new virus with no name arrived in the ’80s. And, unlike syphilis or gonorrhea, it wouldn’t go away with a round of antibiotics. There was no test for AIDS, there was no treatment and it was 100% fatal. Health departments felt helpless, Potterat said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contact tracers were in a \u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/pdf/10.2105/AJPH.82.8.1158\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">moral quandary\u003c/a>. Many felt it was unethical to tell someone they might have been exposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What did we have to offer these people? We didn’t even have hope,” Potterat remembered. “And these were young people. How do you tell a 23-year-old you might have two years to live? And here I am working for a medical clinic, and there’s not a damn thing I can do about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of years later, Potterat concluded that was a mistake. They could have at least met with people to educate them about the virus and counsel them on how to stop spreading it further. Eventually, Potterat’s team \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/12083437/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">traced HIV infections\u003c/a> back to the origin of the epidemic in Colorado Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that, had we had the courage and the conviction to go visit these people, we could have saved several people, a dozen, 20,” he said “So on some level, I failed. I made up for it later, but failure is failure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1996px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11828042\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1996\" height=\"1242\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing.png 1996w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-800x498.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-1020x635.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-160x100.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-1536x956.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/ContactTracing-1920x1195.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1996px) 100vw, 1996px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Graphic of the HIV network derived from contact tracing in Colorado in the late 1980s through the 1990s. \u003ccite>(From study: Risk network structure in the early epidemic phase of HIV transmission in Colorado Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Gay Community Resists\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gay community in San Francisco did not share Potterat’s enthusiasm for contact tracing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when a test was developed in the mid ’80s, and even when the first antiretrovirals came out, gay advocates in San Francisco were opposed to contact tracing. They were afraid of what would happen if local governments collected a list of gay men that could then be used against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we create public health measures, which are doomed to scare people into avoiding public health departments, nobody gains, and the epidemic spreads,” said gay rights lawyer, Ben Schatz, during a 1987 televised debate on KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He warned what would come from naming names: lost jobs and lost housing. He and other advocates said public education was the way to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have to be able to protect themselves,” he said. “If they think that the state is going to swoop in and say your sexual partner has AIDS, then they’re just going to continue burying their heads in the sand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some epidemiologists thought the money needed for contact tracing would be better spent on other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my thinking about contact tracing back in those days was, ‘well, what exactly is it supposed to add?’ We’ve already told every single gay man they’re at high-risk, and they should get tested,” said UCSF doctor George Rutherford, who led the CDC’s AIDS response in San Francisco at the time. “At the time, the answer was, ‘Nothing,'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In smaller places, like Colorado where Potterat worked, they could contact trace and map disease networks. But in San Francisco, where a third of the population was infected, Rutherford says, it wasn’t \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/article-abstract/372541\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cost-effective\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, with much better drugs, it’s become part of a standard operating procedure for any AIDS control program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A new generation of tracers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veterans like Rutherford are relying on lessons learned in the ’80s AIDS era to build the state’s new corps of the coronavirus contact tracers. Gov. Gavin Newsom has made contact tracing one of his key pillars for combatting the pandemic, and he’s tapped experts at UCSF to help train \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821528/in-search-of-20000-covid-19-contact-tracers-california-taps-local-librarians-tax-assessors-city-legal-staff\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">20,000 new contact tracers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11828027\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/me-contact-tracing--800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Fagundes is one of 20,000 new contact tracers trained to help contain the coronavirus. \u003ccite>(Jasmin Serim)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of them is Lisa Fagundes, a librarian at the San Francisco Public Library, who began training in March when she was furloughed from her job on the first floor of the main library. She’s since been promoted to be a team lead, guiding other contact tracers as they place calls to people who have been exposed to someone who tested positive for COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a lot of contacts today, like 20 pages of contacts,” she said after a recent shift. “It’s just getting crazy busy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While people were generally receptive to their calls in the early months of the pandemic, privacy concerns have been mounting just as they did with HIV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re starting to encounter more of the segment of the population that doesn’t trust this whole system, that doesn’t trust the department of public health in general,” Fagundes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, it’s Latino immigrant communities and communities of color who are disproportionately impacted by COVID-19 — they are more likely to contract the virus and more likely to die from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the mistrust and fears of discrimination are the same as they were for the gay community in the ’80s: lost jobs, lost housing, and now, getting deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here, because a lot of people may or may not be documented,” Rutherford said. “People are hesitant, much like gay men were hesitant to get on a list of gay men.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It makes the work very difficult, Fagundes said, “because they’re a lot more curt and resistant, or suspicious or scared and upset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Overcoming Mistrust\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local state and county public health departments are leaning on lessons learned in the ’80s to overcome the mistrust. They are running social media campaigns to demystify contact tracing and remind people the U.S. has been doing this for decades to contain all sorts of outbreaks, like STDs, measles, tuberculosis and food poisoning. They are building bridges with the affected populations by partnering with community groups that already have trusted relationships with them. And they are emphasizing hiring contact tracers who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11822532/diversity-among-disease-detectives-key-to-containing-the-coronavirus\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bilingual and bicultural\u003c/a> to ease communication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to truly win the public’s buy-in for contact tracing, veterans say the local health departments need back up from the federal government — they need a leader with a unifying message: us against the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president today, just like the president in the ’80s, is doing the opposite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“COVID or HIV, pretending that it wasn’t there, or that it would go away,” Potterat said. “And if it doesn’t go away, ‘Well, it’s not affecting people that are really, really very important.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1980s, President Ronald Reagan refused to reference AIDS in public for the first several years of the epidemic, alienating the gay community that was most impacted by the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump refuses to wear a mask in public, repeatedly contradicts his top scientific advisors and routinely makes remarks that alienate the communities of color most impacted by the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We paid the price then for a president who wouldn’t utter the word,” said David Harvey, executive director of the National Coalition of STD Directors, referring to the illness and deaths that could have been prevented. “This is where we have history repeating itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a sustained national education campaign, without a unified national message and without leaders who model the behavior that curbs transmission of the virus, he said, the pandemic will spread, and more people will die.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s common knowledge that Sen. Kamala Harris is on Joe Biden’s short list for vice president, but another lower profile Californian is also being vetted for the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And you might say Los Angeles Congresswoman Karen Bass is having a moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Speaker Nancy Pelosi tapped the five-term Democrat to help write and pass a police reform measure. The House bill included a ban on chokeholds and no-knock warrants, and an end to so-called “qualified immunity,” which often shields police officers from lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bass, who chairs the Congressional Black Caucus, told the PBS NewsHour recently that the opposing measure from Republicans in the U.S. Senate lacked teeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need to study chokeholds. We don’t need to have data collection about no-knock warrants. We don’t need a federal registry that nobody sees,” Bass said. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Congressman Ted Lieu']‘She gets things done. She is no nonsense. And she’s able to bring people together to achieve a great result.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the House overwhelmingly. Los Angeles Congressman Ted Lieu, who also served with Bass in the State Legislature, says his colleague is a very hard worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She gets things done. She is no nonsense. And she’s able to bring people together to achieve a great result,” Lieu said. He also said he wasn’t surprised at all when Bass’s name popped up on Biden’s V.P. list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she is a remarkable person who has shown grace and courage and an ability to heal and unify people. And I think she is a fantastic legislator. And whatever is in the future for her, she would do an amazing job,” Lieu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bass has been working on police reform issues for decades. Raphael Sonenshein, executive director of the Pat Brown Institute at Cal State L.A., first met Bass in 1994. In the wake of civil unrest following the Rodney King/LAPD verdicts, Bass was a community organizer working with African Americans and Korean store owners in South Central L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a tremendous battle that was of deep political significance for intergroup relations,” Sonenshein recalls. “And Karen was navigating that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue, he says, was problem liquor stores in South Los Angeles — and Sonenshein says there was pressure from some in the Black community to blame Asian American business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But she was never going to allow herself to make it about not having Korean store owners. She was going to make it about people following the rules. And she stuck to that,” Sonenshein says, adding that she developed ties to the Korean community that remain today.[aside tag=\"2020-presidential-election\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade later in 2004, Bass was elected to the State Assembly, quickly climbing the leadership ladder. In 2008, Bass followed fellow Angeleno Fabian Nunez to become Speaker during the height of the mortgage crisis. With the state facing a huge deficit, she worked to find a solution with colleagues of both parties, including Mike Villines who was then the Republican Assembly Minority Leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s calming. She listens. She’s a total problem solver. I found her, when we were negotiating, to be very solution-orientated,” Villines told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just kind of all added up to us getting something done. But one thing that I would definitely want to say is that he’s a worker. So she would be at every meeting. She was always there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villines says he and Bass stay in touch, and get together socially from time to time. And he’d be more than happy to see her as Vice President or — if fate intervened — President.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be a Republican who is very comfortable having her in either role, because I’ve worked with her and I know that she would put the country first, just like she did the state. There’s no doubt in my mind,” Villines said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bass and Villines, along with their counterparts in the state Senate, were awarded the John F. Kennedy Profile in Courage Award for their bipartisan work dealing with California’s budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2010, Bass won a seat in Congress, representing a district that includes South L.A. and the wealthier Westside. Sonenshein says Bass has the ability and desire to find common ground. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Mike Villines']‘She’s calming. She listens. She’s a total problem solver. I found her when we were negotiating to be very solution-orientated.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She could smoke out from people some interesting quality that would not be predictable. And if there was a way to draw them toward a discussion with her, not necessarily just to do what she wanted, but to sort of sit down. And she was willing to be surprised,” said Sonenshein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a willingness to at least see some glimmer of good in the people who are on the other side of the table from you and figure that there’s gotta be something that you can have a discussion about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to police reform, Bass has been deeply involved in legislation around the coronavirus. Her background in healthcare — she studied to be a physician assistant at USC — has come in handy in helping Speaker Pelosi respond to the COVID-19 pandemic. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Bass is much less known than Kamala Harris, who some believe is the favorite to end up on the Democratic ticket. And, says Joel Goldstein, author of \u003ca href=\"http://centerforpolitics.org/crystalball/articles/author/joel-k-goldstein/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a book\u003c/a> about the vice presidency, says House members are rarely chosen as running mates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, it does happen. Geraldine Ferraro (1984) was from the House. Paul Ryan (2012) was from the House. But more often, the candidate comes from the Senate,” Goldstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Goldstein also says people who seem like perfect running mates don’t always end up being good V.P. candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that somebody is a left hander doesn’t mean that they’re going to be effective Major League Baseball pitcher if they can’t get the ball over the plate,” Goldstein said. “And so the fact that somebody checks off certain boxes doesn’t mean that they’re really a plausible pick if they’re not ready for a national campaign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, Goldstein says, it will come down to who Biden feels most comfortable with. No matter what, Karen Bass could still have a big future in Congress, where some see her as a leading candidate to replace Pelosi as Speaker when she retires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the House overwhelmingly. Los Angeles Congressman Ted Lieu, who also served with Bass in the State Legislature, says his colleague is a very hard worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She gets things done. She is no nonsense. And she’s able to bring people together to achieve a great result,” Lieu said. He also said he wasn’t surprised at all when Bass’s name popped up on Biden’s V.P. list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she is a remarkable person who has shown grace and courage and an ability to heal and unify people. And I think she is a fantastic legislator. And whatever is in the future for her, she would do an amazing job,” Lieu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bass has been working on police reform issues for decades. Raphael Sonenshein, executive director of the Pat Brown Institute at Cal State L.A., first met Bass in 1994. In the wake of civil unrest following the Rodney King/LAPD verdicts, Bass was a community organizer working with African Americans and Korean store owners in South Central L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a tremendous battle that was of deep political significance for intergroup relations,” Sonenshein recalls. “And Karen was navigating that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue, he says, was problem liquor stores in South Los Angeles — and Sonenshein says there was pressure from some in the Black community to blame Asian American business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But she was never going to allow herself to make it about not having Korean store owners. She was going to make it about people following the rules. And she stuck to that,” Sonenshein says, adding that she developed ties to the Korean community that remain today.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade later in 2004, Bass was elected to the State Assembly, quickly climbing the leadership ladder. In 2008, Bass followed fellow Angeleno Fabian Nunez to become Speaker during the height of the mortgage crisis. With the state facing a huge deficit, she worked to find a solution with colleagues of both parties, including Mike Villines who was then the Republican Assembly Minority Leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s calming. She listens. She’s a total problem solver. I found her, when we were negotiating, to be very solution-orientated,” Villines told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just kind of all added up to us getting something done. But one thing that I would definitely want to say is that he’s a worker. So she would be at every meeting. She was always there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villines says he and Bass stay in touch, and get together socially from time to time. And he’d be more than happy to see her as Vice President or — if fate intervened — President.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be a Republican who is very comfortable having her in either role, because I’ve worked with her and I know that she would put the country first, just like she did the state. There’s no doubt in my mind,” Villines said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bass and Villines, along with their counterparts in the state Senate, were awarded the John F. Kennedy Profile in Courage Award for their bipartisan work dealing with California’s budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2010, Bass won a seat in Congress, representing a district that includes South L.A. and the wealthier Westside. Sonenshein says Bass has the ability and desire to find common ground. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Bass is much less known than Kamala Harris, who some believe is the favorite to end up on the Democratic ticket. And, says Joel Goldstein, author of \u003ca href=\"http://centerforpolitics.org/crystalball/articles/author/joel-k-goldstein/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a book\u003c/a> about the vice presidency, says House members are rarely chosen as running mates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, it does happen. Geraldine Ferraro (1984) was from the House. Paul Ryan (2012) was from the House. But more often, the candidate comes from the Senate,” Goldstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Goldstein also says people who seem like perfect running mates don’t always end up being good V.P. candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that somebody is a left hander doesn’t mean that they’re going to be effective Major League Baseball pitcher if they can’t get the ball over the plate,” Goldstein said. “And so the fact that somebody checks off certain boxes doesn’t mean that they’re really a plausible pick if they’re not ready for a national campaign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, Goldstein says, it will come down to who Biden feels most comfortable with. No matter what, Karen Bass could still have a big future in Congress, where some see her as a leading candidate to replace Pelosi as Speaker when she retires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom's California Closures Ahead of July 4th: What You Need to Know",
"title": "Newsom's California Closures Ahead of July 4th: What You Need to Know",
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"content": "\u003cp>California looked like it was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11823854/california-reopening-bars-gyms-movie-theaters-friday-but-not-so-fast-bay-area\">opening back up\u003c/a> ... and then it wasn't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom on Wednesday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirusliveupdates/news/11827052/newsom-orders-closure-of-bars-restaurants-and-movie-theaters-in-19-counties-ahead-of-july-4-weekend\">announced the closure\u003c/a> of many commercial indoor activities in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1278406469663158272\">19 counties\u003c/a>, including Contra Costa, Santa Clara and Solano counties in the Bay Area. All bars, indoor restaurants, movie theaters, wineries, museums, family entertainment centers, zoos and card room gambling businesses will be closed in those counties for at least three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This move is prompted by an alarming jump in COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations, and seeks to limit the transmission of the coronavirus in indoor spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The bottom line is: The spread of this virus continues at a rate that is particularly concerning,\" Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of what's expected to be a busy Independence Day holiday weekend, Newsom said that he wanted to be \"proactive and get us through the 4th of July weekend in a way not to see a spike in cases.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are \u003cem>big\u003c/em> changes: Nearly three-quarters of California's roughly 40 million residents live in these 19 affected counties. And even if you don't live in Contra Costa, Santa Clara or Solano Counties, there are \u003cem>also\u003c/em> certain changes ahead of this holiday weekend that may still affect you in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read on for how and why your plans might change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What's this \"county monitoring list\" I'm hearing about?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>These changes to the shelter-in-place restrictions are part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11812296/newsoms-roadmap-to-guide-california-out-of-isolation\">\"dimmer switch\" approach\u003c/a> Newsom has long promised to use in reopening the state, in which restrictions can be reinstated as well as eased. Where California officials decide to make those changes depends on how each county performs on the state Department of Public Health's \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/COVID19CountyDataTable.aspx\">monitoring list\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list records elevated disease transmission, increasing hospitalizations and limited hospital capacity metrics for every county. If a county isn't meeting threshold criteria (i.e. if it's starting to concern the state), you'll see blue numbers on this tracker, because it's joined the \"watch list.\" The 19 counties subject to Newsom's new order were called out because they've been on the watch list for at least three consecutive days.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>I live in one of the Bay Area counties listed. What changes for me?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11827105\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11827105\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/movie.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/movie.jpg 1900w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/movie-800x539.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/movie-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/movie-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/movie-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Indoor movie theaters are among the businesses in 19 counties subject to Gavin Newsom's July 1 order. \u003ccite>(Monica Silvestre/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As of Wednesday, July 1, if you live in Contra Costa, Santa Clara or Solano Counties, or any of the other 16 counties on the list, you'll see the following closures — either sustained or newly-imposed — for \u003cem>indoor\u003c/em> operations of:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Movie theaters\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Wineries and tasting rooms\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Family entertainment centers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Zoos\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Museums\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Card room gambling\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>...and \u003cem>all\u003c/em> bars, whether drinks are served inside or outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember, this order affects indoor operations, since indoor spaces pose a higher risk of transmitting COVID-19: A restaurant's outdoor operations, for example, won't be closed by these new rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bookmark your county's reopening plans to see what's in store:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.coronavirus.cchealth.org/\">Contra Costa\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/covid19/Pages/public-health-orders.aspx\">Santa Clara\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/ph/coronavirus_links/roadmap_to_recovery.asp\">Solano\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>What about open spaces and beaches in the Bay Area?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The governor announced that parking lots at many state beaches near highly populated areas will be closed — and in counties with closed local beaches, state beaches will \u003cem>also\u003c/em> be closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, parking lots will now be closed for beaches over the weekend in Marin, Monterey, San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Cruz and Sonoma counties. That's in addition to existing closures of open spaces and trails around the region because of shelter-in-place orders — so if you're planning to head outside this weekend, make sure you check online before you leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why is Newsom so worried about July 4?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In his address, Newsom said family gatherings have contributed to the state's recent increase in transmission — and that it's an understandable impulse to want to get together, especially over a long holiday weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Patriotism in a COVID-19 environment can be expressed in a little bit different way,\" Newsom said, asking people to reconsider attending gatherings with those who are not in their immediate household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, holidays mean celebration, and that often means alcohol. The governor said people may start off a gathering with good intentions, wearing face masks, but after a drink or two, might let their guard (as well as their masks) down — and begin to mix in ways that increase the transmission of COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom urged Californians to continue adhering to social distancing protocols and wearing face coverings to limit the transmission of the disease. \"Wearing a face covering is a sign of toughness, of resolve, of someone who gives a damn,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why did Newsom mention firework displays?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11827109\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11827109\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/fireworks.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/fireworks.jpg 1900w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/fireworks-800x539.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/fireworks-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/fireworks-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/fireworks-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fireworks displays are affected \u003ccite>(Suvan Chowdhury/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom recommended that the 19 counties subject to mandatory closures also consider canceling July 4 fireworks displays, to limit large crowds that could increase transmission of the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you're in the Bay Area, this hardly represents a change: Even if you feel like you're \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825976\">hearing fireworks in your street\u003c/a> most nights, virtually all official firework displays in the Bay Area have already been canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What if a business doesn't obey these new closure orders?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s order is a carrot and stick approach, and it comes with some teeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor acknowledged that in a state of 40 million people, the order will be hard to enforce if people turn their backs on the guidelines. In response, the state has created multi-agency \"strike teams\" that will go after those who Newsom says are “thumbing their nose” at safety measures. State agencies included are the Department of Alcohol Beverage Control, the Barbers and Cosmetology Board, California Highway Patrol and Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's more education. I'm not coming out with a fist,\" Newsom said, who spoke of wanting to recognize the \"magnitude\" of these modifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Ghilarducci, director of California’s Office of Emergency Services (Cal OES) said the strike teams will begin enforcing measures on July 1, with the authority to issue citations for noncompliance. The initial focus will be on the 19 counties on the watch list, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These teams will target noncompliant workplaces — for failing to protect the public, but also their workers — and will build partnerships with local public health departments and businesses, Ghilarducci said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Newsom has ordered the closure of indoor restaurants, movie theaters and all bars in these 19 California counties. How does that affect you in the Bay Area?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California looked like it was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11823854/california-reopening-bars-gyms-movie-theaters-friday-but-not-so-fast-bay-area\">opening back up\u003c/a> ... and then it wasn't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom on Wednesday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirusliveupdates/news/11827052/newsom-orders-closure-of-bars-restaurants-and-movie-theaters-in-19-counties-ahead-of-july-4-weekend\">announced the closure\u003c/a> of many commercial indoor activities in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1278406469663158272\">19 counties\u003c/a>, including Contra Costa, Santa Clara and Solano counties in the Bay Area. All bars, indoor restaurants, movie theaters, wineries, museums, family entertainment centers, zoos and card room gambling businesses will be closed in those counties for at least three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This move is prompted by an alarming jump in COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations, and seeks to limit the transmission of the coronavirus in indoor spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The bottom line is: The spread of this virus continues at a rate that is particularly concerning,\" Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of what's expected to be a busy Independence Day holiday weekend, Newsom said that he wanted to be \"proactive and get us through the 4th of July weekend in a way not to see a spike in cases.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are \u003cem>big\u003c/em> changes: Nearly three-quarters of California's roughly 40 million residents live in these 19 affected counties. And even if you don't live in Contra Costa, Santa Clara or Solano Counties, there are \u003cem>also\u003c/em> certain changes ahead of this holiday weekend that may still affect you in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read on for how and why your plans might change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What's this \"county monitoring list\" I'm hearing about?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>These changes to the shelter-in-place restrictions are part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11812296/newsoms-roadmap-to-guide-california-out-of-isolation\">\"dimmer switch\" approach\u003c/a> Newsom has long promised to use in reopening the state, in which restrictions can be reinstated as well as eased. Where California officials decide to make those changes depends on how each county performs on the state Department of Public Health's \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/COVID19CountyDataTable.aspx\">monitoring list\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list records elevated disease transmission, increasing hospitalizations and limited hospital capacity metrics for every county. If a county isn't meeting threshold criteria (i.e. if it's starting to concern the state), you'll see blue numbers on this tracker, because it's joined the \"watch list.\" The 19 counties subject to Newsom's new order were called out because they've been on the watch list for at least three consecutive days.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>I live in one of the Bay Area counties listed. What changes for me?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11827105\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11827105\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/movie.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/movie.jpg 1900w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/movie-800x539.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/movie-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/movie-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/movie-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Indoor movie theaters are among the businesses in 19 counties subject to Gavin Newsom's July 1 order. \u003ccite>(Monica Silvestre/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As of Wednesday, July 1, if you live in Contra Costa, Santa Clara or Solano Counties, or any of the other 16 counties on the list, you'll see the following closures — either sustained or newly-imposed — for \u003cem>indoor\u003c/em> operations of:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Movie theaters\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Wineries and tasting rooms\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Family entertainment centers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Zoos\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Museums\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Card room gambling\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>...and \u003cem>all\u003c/em> bars, whether drinks are served inside or outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember, this order affects indoor operations, since indoor spaces pose a higher risk of transmitting COVID-19: A restaurant's outdoor operations, for example, won't be closed by these new rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bookmark your county's reopening plans to see what's in store:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.coronavirus.cchealth.org/\">Contra Costa\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/covid19/Pages/public-health-orders.aspx\">Santa Clara\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/ph/coronavirus_links/roadmap_to_recovery.asp\">Solano\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>What about open spaces and beaches in the Bay Area?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The governor announced that parking lots at many state beaches near highly populated areas will be closed — and in counties with closed local beaches, state beaches will \u003cem>also\u003c/em> be closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, parking lots will now be closed for beaches over the weekend in Marin, Monterey, San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Cruz and Sonoma counties. That's in addition to existing closures of open spaces and trails around the region because of shelter-in-place orders — so if you're planning to head outside this weekend, make sure you check online before you leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why is Newsom so worried about July 4?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In his address, Newsom said family gatherings have contributed to the state's recent increase in transmission — and that it's an understandable impulse to want to get together, especially over a long holiday weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Patriotism in a COVID-19 environment can be expressed in a little bit different way,\" Newsom said, asking people to reconsider attending gatherings with those who are not in their immediate household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, holidays mean celebration, and that often means alcohol. The governor said people may start off a gathering with good intentions, wearing face masks, but after a drink or two, might let their guard (as well as their masks) down — and begin to mix in ways that increase the transmission of COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom urged Californians to continue adhering to social distancing protocols and wearing face coverings to limit the transmission of the disease. \"Wearing a face covering is a sign of toughness, of resolve, of someone who gives a damn,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why did Newsom mention firework displays?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11827109\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11827109\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/fireworks.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/fireworks.jpg 1900w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/fireworks-800x539.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/fireworks-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/fireworks-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/fireworks-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fireworks displays are affected \u003ccite>(Suvan Chowdhury/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom recommended that the 19 counties subject to mandatory closures also consider canceling July 4 fireworks displays, to limit large crowds that could increase transmission of the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you're in the Bay Area, this hardly represents a change: Even if you feel like you're \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825976\">hearing fireworks in your street\u003c/a> most nights, virtually all official firework displays in the Bay Area have already been canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What if a business doesn't obey these new closure orders?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s order is a carrot and stick approach, and it comes with some teeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor acknowledged that in a state of 40 million people, the order will be hard to enforce if people turn their backs on the guidelines. In response, the state has created multi-agency \"strike teams\" that will go after those who Newsom says are “thumbing their nose” at safety measures. State agencies included are the Department of Alcohol Beverage Control, the Barbers and Cosmetology Board, California Highway Patrol and Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's more education. I'm not coming out with a fist,\" Newsom said, who spoke of wanting to recognize the \"magnitude\" of these modifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Ghilarducci, director of California’s Office of Emergency Services (Cal OES) said the strike teams will begin enforcing measures on July 1, with the authority to issue citations for noncompliance. The initial focus will be on the 19 counties on the watch list, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "whats-next-for-black-lives-matter-murals-in-downtown-san-jose",
"title": "What's Next for Black Lives Matter Murals in Downtown San Jose?",
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"headTitle": "What’s Next for Black Lives Matter Murals in Downtown San Jose? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>During the Black Lives Matter protests, numerous businesses covered their windows with plywood to protect against potential vandalism. San Jose State student Miko Baker saw that plywood as a blank canvas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She contacted the Latino-owned, local franchise of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cinnaholic.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cinnaholic\u003c/a> to ask if they’d be open to an artist putting up a mural.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just messaged them on Instagram, nothing super formal, just like, ‘Hey! Can I come paint your shop and help you out?’ And they were like, ‘Sure,'” Baker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a similar fashion, artists from all over San Jose volunteered to paint murals in solidarity with the protests. “Instead of us reaching out to shops, they were reaching out to us,” Baker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She soon turned her community project into \u003ca href=\"https://www.storiesforsolidarity.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Stories for Solidarity\u003c/a>, originally called \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/storefrontstories_original/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Storefront Stories\u003c/a>, an organization linking businesses and local artists to collaborate on mural projects. Baker is still filling out paperwork to become an official nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, she’s also organized mural projects with artists in \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/storefrontstoriessac/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sacramento\u003c/a>, and begun talking with artists in Redwood City, Oakland and Bakersfield to start similar movements in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/vagueidea/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Andrew “Andy” Gonzales\u003c/a> painted a mural outside of Philz Coffee, a background of blue featuring a quote from Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11826304\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11826304 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-800x600.jpeg\" alt='Andrew \"Andy\" Gonzales was one of the first artists to paint a mural in downtown San Jose as part of the \"Stories for Solidarity\" project. He painted a quote from Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey, which reads \"You at this time can only be destroyed by yourself from within and not from without. You have reached the point where victory is to be won from within and can only be lost from within.\" It stands outside Philz Coffee in downtown San Jose. ' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-632x474.jpeg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-536x402.jpeg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew “Andy” Gonzales was one of the first artists to paint a mural in downtown San Jose as part of the “Stories for Solidarity” project. He painted a quote from Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey, which can be seen outside Philz Coffee in downtown San Jose. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Miko Baker)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gonzales said he can’t afford therapy, so he paints to grapple with his emotions and stress. “All this stuff I have inside of me — there it goes. Lemme put it on a wall,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales reached out to other artists in the South Bay to contribute to the murals around downtown. He feels this movement gave many non-white, male artists a platform they didn’t have before. [aside tag=\"racism\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to get a lot of female artists, a lot of Black and brown artists out there, just doing their thing, just to shine some light on them” Gonzales said. “We might be underrepresented in the art community, at least as far as public art and galleries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now that stores are starting to reopen, the plywood boards are coming down. Cinnaholic liked their mural so much, it is moving the mural inside the bakery for display. Other stores are auctioning the pieces and giving the proceeds back to the artist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Or [the artist] can donate it to our organization where we can, hopefully, get an event space,” Baker said. Baker would like to see the art be displayed in galleries for everyone to be able to see this aspect of San Jose history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales doesn’t know what will happen to his art, but he’s not attached to it. He thinks of it like the Tibetan Buddhist mandalas made out of sand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These Buddhist monks spend hours, days just to create a beautiful piece of art out of sand and then, once it’s done, they just destroy it,” Gonzales said. “The act of creating the art was the art itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the summer, Gonzales and Baker are hoping to have a barbecue with the artists who participated in the mural project and showcase their work in an outdoor exhibition.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>During the Black Lives Matter protests, numerous businesses covered their windows with plywood to protect against potential vandalism. San Jose State student Miko Baker saw that plywood as a blank canvas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She contacted the Latino-owned, local franchise of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cinnaholic.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cinnaholic\u003c/a> to ask if they’d be open to an artist putting up a mural.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just messaged them on Instagram, nothing super formal, just like, ‘Hey! Can I come paint your shop and help you out?’ And they were like, ‘Sure,'” Baker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a similar fashion, artists from all over San Jose volunteered to paint murals in solidarity with the protests. “Instead of us reaching out to shops, they were reaching out to us,” Baker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She soon turned her community project into \u003ca href=\"https://www.storiesforsolidarity.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Stories for Solidarity\u003c/a>, originally called \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/storefrontstories_original/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Storefront Stories\u003c/a>, an organization linking businesses and local artists to collaborate on mural projects. Baker is still filling out paperwork to become an official nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, she’s also organized mural projects with artists in \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/storefrontstoriessac/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sacramento\u003c/a>, and begun talking with artists in Redwood City, Oakland and Bakersfield to start similar movements in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/vagueidea/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Andrew “Andy” Gonzales\u003c/a> painted a mural outside of Philz Coffee, a background of blue featuring a quote from Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11826304\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11826304 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-800x600.jpeg\" alt='Andrew \"Andy\" Gonzales was one of the first artists to paint a mural in downtown San Jose as part of the \"Stories for Solidarity\" project. He painted a quote from Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey, which reads \"You at this time can only be destroyed by yourself from within and not from without. You have reached the point where victory is to be won from within and can only be lost from within.\" It stands outside Philz Coffee in downtown San Jose. ' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-632x474.jpeg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-536x402.jpeg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew “Andy” Gonzales was one of the first artists to paint a mural in downtown San Jose as part of the “Stories for Solidarity” project. He painted a quote from Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey, which can be seen outside Philz Coffee in downtown San Jose. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Miko Baker)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gonzales said he can’t afford therapy, so he paints to grapple with his emotions and stress. “All this stuff I have inside of me — there it goes. Lemme put it on a wall,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales reached out to other artists in the South Bay to contribute to the murals around downtown. He feels this movement gave many non-white, male artists a platform they didn’t have before. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to get a lot of female artists, a lot of Black and brown artists out there, just doing their thing, just to shine some light on them” Gonzales said. “We might be underrepresented in the art community, at least as far as public art and galleries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now that stores are starting to reopen, the plywood boards are coming down. Cinnaholic liked their mural so much, it is moving the mural inside the bakery for display. Other stores are auctioning the pieces and giving the proceeds back to the artist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Or [the artist] can donate it to our organization where we can, hopefully, get an event space,” Baker said. Baker would like to see the art be displayed in galleries for everyone to be able to see this aspect of San Jose history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales doesn’t know what will happen to his art, but he’s not attached to it. He thinks of it like the Tibetan Buddhist mandalas made out of sand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These Buddhist monks spend hours, days just to create a beautiful piece of art out of sand and then, once it’s done, they just destroy it,” Gonzales said. “The act of creating the art was the art itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the summer, Gonzales and Baker are hoping to have a barbecue with the artists who participated in the mural project and showcase their work in an outdoor exhibition.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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