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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vowed on Wednesday to take a new recall attempt seriously during a taping of KQED’s Political Breakdown. Conservative activists, who forced a recall election in 2021, announced earlier this week that they are launching a new effort to remove him from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the 2021 recall was ultimately rejected by nearly 62% of voters, the campaign caught many Democrats by surprise. This time around, Newsom wanted to sound the alarm bells early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"California Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘I don’t dismiss these things lightly at all. I take this one very, very seriously.’[/pullquote]“If it happens, we’ll take it on with a furiousness of purpose, meaning [and] mission that we took on the last one,” he told hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos, who recorded the interview in Sacramento. “I don’t dismiss these things lightly at all. I take this one very, very seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Catch up fast: \u003c/strong>Leaders of Rescue California, one of the leading political committees behind the 2021 recall, announced Monday that they served Newsom with official recall papers, the first step toward putting the recall question on the ballot. “Gavin Newsom has abandoned the state to advance his Presidential ambitions, leaving behind a $73 Billion budget deficit and a public safety, immigration and education crisis,” Anne Dunsmore, Rescue California’s campaign director, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The context: \u003c/strong>Rescue California could soon begin collecting signatures from voters to qualify the recall on a future ballot. The group would need signatures from roughly 1.3 million registered voters, one of the lowest thresholds in America but still a tall order. The fact remains that \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/recalls/complete-list-recall-attempts\">most recall attempts fail to qualify for the ballot\u003c/a>. And the last Newsom recall campaign hit a straight flush when a judge granted the campaign an extension to gather voter signatures, just weeks after Newsom violated his own COVID guidance to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847570/gov-newsom-went-to-party-violated-own-virus-rules\">attend a birthday party at The French Laundry\u003c/a>, a posh restaurant in Napa County, in 2020. The lapse in judgment galvanized his opponents and spurred support for the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Zoom in:\u003c/strong> Newsom was candid in his assessment of right-wing efforts to kick him out of office, showing why he is a frontline surrogate for President Joe Biden. “They want to roll back to a pre-1960s world — on voting rights, on civil rights, on LGBTQ rights, on women’s rights,” he said. “This is the same group that’s out there promoting the IVF-type legislation. These are the same groups that want to criminalize doctors and women that try to leave the state to access reproductive care. These are the same Trump-backed people that tried to light democracy on fire and vandalize this country and are still in denial that he lost the last election. So these are serious forces, and this is the exact same group that successfully got it on the ballot before, and it doesn’t take a lot to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Zoom out: \u003c/strong>Newsom acknowledged that the last attempt to remove him was widely shrugged off — at least initially. After all, four previous attempts had failed to qualify for the ballot. The 2021 recall ended up being a bruising campaign that Newsom said was particularly challenging for his four children. “I will say, no B.S., that recall for them was hard,” he said. “That’s when it gets personal, and they felt that. They felt it at school, people mocking their dad. They see recall signs and people when you walk into a grocery store or something. They’re going to likely see that again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What we’re watching:\u003c/strong> The 2021 campaign prompted Democrats in the state Legislature to weigh changes to California’s recall laws. One proposal could come before voters in November: \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SCA1\">Senate Constitutional Amendment 1\u003c/a> would eliminate successor elections in statewide recalls. Instead, the recall question would appear alone on the ballot with no replacement candidates. Under the proposal, the current rules for replacing elected officials would apply, meaning the lieutenant governor would likely take over if the governor were to be recalled. The measure still needs to win supermajority approval in the Assembly to qualify for the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Listen up:\u003c/strong> The Political Breakdown episode featuring Newsom drops today. Find it wherever you get your podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Zoom out: \u003c/strong>Newsom acknowledged that the last attempt to remove him was widely shrugged off — at least initially. After all, four previous attempts had failed to qualify for the ballot. The 2021 recall ended up being a bruising campaign that Newsom said was particularly challenging for his four children. “I will say, no B.S., that recall for them was hard,” he said. “That’s when it gets personal, and they felt that. They felt it at school, people mocking their dad. They see recall signs and people when you walk into a grocery store or something. They’re going to likely see that again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What we’re watching:\u003c/strong> The 2021 campaign prompted Democrats in the state Legislature to weigh changes to California’s recall laws. One proposal could come before voters in November: \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SCA1\">Senate Constitutional Amendment 1\u003c/a> would eliminate successor elections in statewide recalls. Instead, the recall question would appear alone on the ballot with no replacement candidates. Under the proposal, the current rules for replacing elected officials would apply, meaning the lieutenant governor would likely take over if the governor were to be recalled. The measure still needs to win supermajority approval in the Assembly to qualify for the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Listen up:\u003c/strong> The Political Breakdown episode featuring Newsom drops today. Find it wherever you get your podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Newsom Staved Off the Recall — Now His Campaign Donors Are Looking for Results",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Staved Off the Recall — Now His Campaign Donors Are Looking for Results | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As Gov. Gavin Newsom wraps up a month of high-stakes decisions about what should become law in California, he’s also making calls that affect many of the donors who just spent millions of dollars to help him defeat the historic Sept. 14 recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Prof. Jessica Levinson, Loyola Law School\"]‘It is this perfect storm highlighting for us how money works in politics.’[/pullquote]Labor unions, real estate moguls, tech titans — interest groups that lobby at the state Capitol often try to sway elections. That’s nothing new. But the attempt to remove Newsom presented them with an unusually stark opportunity to try to wield influence: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/05/gavin-newsom-recall-money/\">Donors could give the governor unlimited sums of campaign money\u003c/a> for an election held \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-legislature-bills-passed-2021/\">the same week Newsom began signing and vetoing bills\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It turbo-charged something that was already supercharged,” said Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School and former president of the Los Angeles City Ethics Commission. “It is this perfect storm highlighting for us how money works in politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Normally, the job of the most powerful decision-maker in California only comes before voters every four years. Regular elections in November take place after the governor has concluded signing bills for the year — and the law limits how much money donors can give. But those conventions didn’t apply to the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you start from donation-land and you drive to decision-land, that road used to be a lot longer. But thanks to the recall it’s half a block away,” Levinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11888736\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1340327585-1020x678.jpg\"]For some donors, the unusual election was just another way to give to someone they already supported: About 260 donors who contributed to the anti-recall committee also gave Newsom a total of $1 million this year for his 2022 reelection campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has until October 10 to finish signing the roughly 800 bills lawmakers sent him this year. His spokesperson Erin Mellon said, “The governor’s decisions, always grounded in sound policy and good governance, are made in the best interest of the state of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some key donors who contributed to the $71 million campaign war chest that helped Newsom keep his job. Click on any of the options listed below to learn how much each group donated and what bills they’re invested in the outcome of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#entertainment\">\u003cstrong>Entertainment industry\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#tech\">\u003cstrong>Big Tech\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#tribes\">\u003cstrong>Native American tribes\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#realtors\">\u003cstrong>Real estate industry\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#labor\">\u003cstrong>Labor unions\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891028\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891028 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"The stories-high, bright-white letters of the Hollywood sign are seen from the ground directly below, filling the entire frame.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1703\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-2048x1363.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Hollywood sign seen on Dec. 4, 2012, in Southern California. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"entertainment\">\u003c/a>Hollywood: $3.9 million\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloombergtax.com/daily-tax-report-state/union-backed-california-bill-offers-new-film-and-tv-tax-break\">entertainment industry lobbied for expanded tax credits\u003c/a> last year, but legislation never reached the governor’s desk. This year, show biz executives donated at least $3.9 million to help Newsom fight the recall as their lobbyists scored new industry tax breaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That generosity included a $3 million check in May from Netflix founder Reed Hastings, making him Newsom’s biggest individual donor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Newsom signed legislation as part of the state budget that gives \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB144\">an additional $330 million in tax credits to film and television productions\u003c/a>. The credits have not yet been awarded, but \u003ca href=\"https://variety.com/2021/biz/news/california-netflix-film-tax-credit-1235046051/\">Netflix was the biggest winner\u003c/a> in an earlier round, scoring $43 million for three productions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These tax breaks, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/21/governor-newsom-signs-legislation-to-bolster-states-film-and-television-industry-creating-good-jobs-and-promoting-a-diverse-workforce/\">Newsom said when he signed them into law\u003c/a>, will “fuel the California Comeback through thousands of good jobs right here in the Golden State.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next month, Deadline reported, \u003ca href=\"https://deadline.com/2021/08/gavin-newsom-recall-jeffrey-katzenberg-hollywood-1234810924/\">Hollywood bigwigs hosted a virtual fundraiser \u003c/a>to help Newsom fight the recall. Campaign finance records show that in August director Steven Spielberg gave the anti-recall campaign $25,000, Disney Studios executive Alan Horn and his wife gave $50,000, and Jeffrey Katzenberg, the veteran film producer who recently founded a tech company, gave $500,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katzenberg, in a recent New York Times podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/09/16/opinion/sway-kara-swisher-jeffrey-katzenberg.html\">called the effort to oust Newsom a “nonsensical, idiotic recall” \u003c/a>and said governors across the country have faced extraordinary challenges in managing the pandemic. Newsom, he said, has “actually done a decent job, given the circumstances.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11789507\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11789507 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/cellphone-1920.jpg\" alt=\"A close-up of a mobile phone screen, with app icons for Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, Snapchat, Facebook Messenger, and Twitter.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/cellphone-1920.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/cellphone-1920-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/cellphone-1920-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/cellphone-1920-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/cellphone-1920-1200x801.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chandan Khanna/AFP via Getty Images\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"tech\">\u003c/a>Tech: $3.8 million\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Relationship status between Newsom and the tech industry? It’s complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech executives who had a history of supporting Democrats, including Newsom, turned heads when they \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/recode/22245414/gavin-newsom-recall-silicon-valley-money\">started donating to the campaign to throw the governor out of office\u003c/a>, saying they were fed up with his pandemic management. Their money helped gather enough signatures to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/voting-california-recall-election/\">put the recall on the ballot\u003c/a> and their Silicon Valley fame gave the GOP-led campaign a bipartisan patina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech investor David Sacks — who gave Newsom nearly $60,000 in 2018 only to spend more than $100,000 trying to oust him this year — said the recall was worth it even though Newsom won in a landslide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look at when Newsom relaxed the lockdowns, it was at every step of the recall process,” Sacks said recently on \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/R76THi_c90o?t=1185\">his “All In” podcast\u003c/a>. “And he got the education unions to stand down on the issue of school reopenings, I think because he was facing this recall. So … the recall was worth it, just for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other tech titans helped defend Newsom — to the tune of at least $3.8 million. That includes $750,000 from Priscilla Chan, wife of Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg; $400,000 from Laurene Powell Jobs, the widow of Apple founder Steve Jobs; $500,000 from DoorDash executives and their spouses; $100,000 from former Google CEO Eric Schmidt; $100,000 from Airbnb; and $75,000 from Uber and its CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom doesn’t have a lot of tech-related legislation to evaluate this year. Most of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/05/california-social-media-regulations-2021/\">the bills internet companies lobbied against\u003c/a> stalled early in the year and never reached his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lawmakers did \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB286\">send him a bill meant to crack down on food delivery apps\u003c/a> such as DoorDash and Uber Eats by prohibiting them from marking up the price of food they deliver and requiring them to reveal any service fees to customers. Tech trade associations oppose it, arguing that fee arrangements between restaurants and delivery services should remain confidential. Newsom has yet to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He already signed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-legislature-bills-passed-2021/\">legislation targeting warehouses like Amazon’s\u003c/a>, where workers had complained of skipping bathroom breaks and safety precautions under pressure to meet quick delivery times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And two years ago, Newsom signed sweeping legislation meant to curb the gig economy by limiting the use of independent contractors — a move that put him at odds with donors such as Uber and DoorDash.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"tribes\">\u003c/a>Native American tribes: $3.8 million\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Several Native American tribes that run casinos donated a combined $3.8 million to help Newsom fight the recall as they pushed to expand gambling in California. Tribes are behind a proposed ballot initiative that \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/fiscal-impact-estimate-report%2819-0029A1%29.pdf\">would allow sports betting at their casinos\u003c/a> — if voters approve and if the governor sanctions it through compacts with individual tribes. The tribes’ proposal is \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/states/california/story/2021/08/31/sports-gambling-giants-back-new-online-betting-initiative-in-california-1390581\">one of a few different sports betting measures\u003c/a> that could be on the ballot next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Legislature this year, tribes lobbied for bills to expand recognition of Native Americans and change how the state and tribal governments work together on issues related to child welfare, foster children and firefighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/09/24/on-native-american-day-governor-newsom-signs-package-of-legislation-to-advance-equity-and-inclusion-support-california-native-communities/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/09/24/on-native-american-day-governor-newsom-signs-package-of-legislation-to-advance-equity-and-inclusion-support-california-native-communities/\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">signed the bills on Native American Day\u003c/a> this past September, including legislation to replace the Columbus Day holiday in state courts with Native American Day on Sept. 24; \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/religion-california-san-francisco-sacramento-gavin-newsom-d6dd0f163797de25cb38ab8419504afb?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=0cf142936b-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-0cf142936b-148328085&mc_cid=0cf142936b&mc_eid=304e5f7b04\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://apnews.com/article/religion-california-san-francisco-sacramento-gavin-newsom-d6dd0f163797de25cb38ab8419504afb?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=0cf142936b-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-0cf142936b-148328085&mc_cid=0cf142936b&mc_eid=304e5f7b04\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">to build a memorial to Native Americans at the state Capitol\u003c/a> where a statue of a missionary was toppled amid protests against racism; and to establish recommendations permitting Native American students to wear cultural or spiritual items at high school graduation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s relationship with Native American tribes predates the recall. During his first year as governor, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article231693103.html\">Newsom apologized on behalf of the state\u003c/a> for “the many instances of violence, maltreatment and neglect California inflicted on tribes.” And he established a Truth and Healing Council to clarify historical records about the relationship between tribes and the state — \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/06/18/governor-newsom-issues-apology-to-native-americans-for-states-historical-wrongdoings-establishes-truth-and-healing-council/\">efforts his office described as first in the nation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891029\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891029 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A wooden facade with scaffolding towers over the older, more residential buildings.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1703\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-2048x1362.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-1920x1277.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New building construction is seen in the Hollywood neighborhood of Los Angeles Sept. 24, 2021. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"realtors\">\u003c/a>Real estate: $5.3 million\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Developers, real estate investors and realtors gave at least $5.3 million to help Newsom fight the recall as their industry pushed legislation to make it easier to build more homes in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not building enough housing at all income levels in the state of California,” Newsom said last week as he signed more than two dozen bills aimed at boosting development. “We recognize that we’ve got to make up for decades and decades of … that neglect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the second batch of housing bills Newsom has signed since the recall. The first included two controversial measures that will allow duplexes in neighborhoods zoned for single-family houses and let cities approve buildings with up to 10 apartments in areas near public transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics suing the state over the new law allowing 10-unit apartment buildings dubbed it a “birthday present to developers.” Supporters argue that building more homes will help Californians who struggle to afford rent in the state’s tight housing markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s shortage of affordable homes has been a focus of Newsom’s since he ran for governor in 2018. He campaigned on a goal to build 3.5 million homes by 2025, but so far has not come close. Newsom said the new laws he signed this year should help spur construction of 40,000 new housing units, plus 44,000 units and treatment beds for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, not all developers are on Newsom’s side. Geoff Palmer, who owns a company that has built many Southern California apartment buildings, was one of the biggest donors to the effort to recall Newsom. He gave $200,000 to help qualify the recall for the ballot and more than $1 million to support the candidacy of Republican radio host Larry Elder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888489\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1350px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11888489\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/depori9ofucejcwer.jpg\" alt='Protesters hold up a sign that reads, \"Medicare for All! Defeat the Recall! Healthy California Now.\"' width=\"1350\" height=\"900\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/depori9ofucejcwer.jpg 1350w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/depori9ofucejcwer-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/depori9ofucejcwer-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/depori9ofucejcwer-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1350px) 100vw, 1350px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Activists, including those from the National Union of Healthcare Workers (NUHW), demonstrate in Sacramento on June 15, 2021, to push Gov. Gavin Newsom to enact single-payer health care and defend him from the Republican-driven recall campaign. “I expect him to lead on California accomplishing single-payer and being an example for the rest of the country,” said Sal Rosselli, president of NUHW. \u003ccite>(Angela Hart/California Healthline)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"labor\">\u003c/a>Labor unions: $25.7 million\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Labor unions are the elephant in the room when it comes to money Newsom raised to fight the recall. Organized labor donated at least $25.7 million — or more than one-third of the total the governor raised to keep his job. Unions, of course, have deep ties to the Democratic Party and a stake in nearly every aspect of state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One labor leader cited Newsom’s actions to let child care workers unionize, provide extra sick leave during the pandemic and reverse cuts to in-home caregivers as reasons they put so much money and effort into helping him win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SEIU members will fight to protect the significant gains for workers and communities that we secured in partnership with our pro-worker Governor,” April Verrett, president of SEIU California, said in a statement after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SEIU donated $6.6 million to the anti-recall campaign and deployed thousands of its members to knock on doors and call voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the union, which represents nursing home workers, is waiting to see whether Newsom will sign a package of bills it pushed to strengthen nursing home regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Newsom signed a pay hike for prison guards, whose union donated $1.8 million to fight the recall. And, amid soaring tax revenues, he signed a state budget that gives public schools more money than ever. Teachers gave about $2.4 million to defeat the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction workers gave nearly $7 million to the anti-recall campaign. Newsom pushed this year for more spending on high-speed rail, which would have been a boon to construction jobs, but was unable to convince lawmakers to agree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='More on the 2021 Recall Election' tag='recall']The governor did not do everything labor unions wanted. He vetoed legislation that would have allowed farmworkers more ways to vote in union elections, triggering a protest in which they marched to the French Laundry — the posh wine country restaurant where Newsom infamously dined with lobbyists during last year’s pandemic restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom did not extend extra pandemic sick leave, despite lobbying by unions to do so, nor provide “hero pay” for frontline workers. He vetoed labor-backed legislation to raise the rate of pay that workers get while out on family leave. And despite expanding Medi-Cal health insurance to cover more undocumented immigrants with lower incomes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888480/if-newsom-survives-the-recall-the-health-care-unions-who-backed-him-expect-a-push-for-single-payer-health-care\">he has not established a “single payer” health care system\u003c/a> — something pushed by nurses unions that backed his 2018 election and gave him $1 million to defeat the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters data reporter Jeremia Kimelman contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The recall election gave interest groups an opportunity to try to wield influence. They donated millions to help Gavin Newsom keep his job. Now he's deciding the fate of their bills.",
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"title": "Newsom Staved Off the Recall — Now His Campaign Donors Are Looking for Results | KQED",
"description": "The recall election gave interest groups an opportunity to try to wield influence. They donated millions to help Gavin Newsom keep his job. Now he's deciding the fate of their bills.",
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"headline": "Newsom Staved Off the Recall — Now His Campaign Donors Are Looking for Results",
"datePublished": "2021-10-05T07:00:08-07:00",
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"source": "CalMatters",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/laurel-rosenhall/\">Laurel Rosenhall\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As Gov. Gavin Newsom wraps up a month of high-stakes decisions about what should become law in California, he’s also making calls that affect many of the donors who just spent millions of dollars to help him defeat the historic Sept. 14 recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It is this perfect storm highlighting for us how money works in politics.’",
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"citation": "Prof. Jessica Levinson, Loyola Law School",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Labor unions, real estate moguls, tech titans — interest groups that lobby at the state Capitol often try to sway elections. That’s nothing new. But the attempt to remove Newsom presented them with an unusually stark opportunity to try to wield influence: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/05/gavin-newsom-recall-money/\">Donors could give the governor unlimited sums of campaign money\u003c/a> for an election held \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-legislature-bills-passed-2021/\">the same week Newsom began signing and vetoing bills\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It turbo-charged something that was already supercharged,” said Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School and former president of the Los Angeles City Ethics Commission. “It is this perfect storm highlighting for us how money works in politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Normally, the job of the most powerful decision-maker in California only comes before voters every four years. Regular elections in November take place after the governor has concluded signing bills for the year — and the law limits how much money donors can give. But those conventions didn’t apply to the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you start from donation-land and you drive to decision-land, that road used to be a lot longer. But thanks to the recall it’s half a block away,” Levinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For some donors, the unusual election was just another way to give to someone they already supported: About 260 donors who contributed to the anti-recall committee also gave Newsom a total of $1 million this year for his 2022 reelection campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has until October 10 to finish signing the roughly 800 bills lawmakers sent him this year. His spokesperson Erin Mellon said, “The governor’s decisions, always grounded in sound policy and good governance, are made in the best interest of the state of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some key donors who contributed to the $71 million campaign war chest that helped Newsom keep his job. Click on any of the options listed below to learn how much each group donated and what bills they’re invested in the outcome of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#entertainment\">\u003cstrong>Entertainment industry\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#tech\">\u003cstrong>Big Tech\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#tribes\">\u003cstrong>Native American tribes\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#realtors\">\u003cstrong>Real estate industry\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#labor\">\u003cstrong>Labor unions\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891028\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891028 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"The stories-high, bright-white letters of the Hollywood sign are seen from the ground directly below, filling the entire frame.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1703\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-2048x1363.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-157554504-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Hollywood sign seen on Dec. 4, 2012, in Southern California. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"entertainment\">\u003c/a>Hollywood: $3.9 million\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloombergtax.com/daily-tax-report-state/union-backed-california-bill-offers-new-film-and-tv-tax-break\">entertainment industry lobbied for expanded tax credits\u003c/a> last year, but legislation never reached the governor’s desk. This year, show biz executives donated at least $3.9 million to help Newsom fight the recall as their lobbyists scored new industry tax breaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That generosity included a $3 million check in May from Netflix founder Reed Hastings, making him Newsom’s biggest individual donor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Newsom signed legislation as part of the state budget that gives \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB144\">an additional $330 million in tax credits to film and television productions\u003c/a>. The credits have not yet been awarded, but \u003ca href=\"https://variety.com/2021/biz/news/california-netflix-film-tax-credit-1235046051/\">Netflix was the biggest winner\u003c/a> in an earlier round, scoring $43 million for three productions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These tax breaks, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/21/governor-newsom-signs-legislation-to-bolster-states-film-and-television-industry-creating-good-jobs-and-promoting-a-diverse-workforce/\">Newsom said when he signed them into law\u003c/a>, will “fuel the California Comeback through thousands of good jobs right here in the Golden State.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next month, Deadline reported, \u003ca href=\"https://deadline.com/2021/08/gavin-newsom-recall-jeffrey-katzenberg-hollywood-1234810924/\">Hollywood bigwigs hosted a virtual fundraiser \u003c/a>to help Newsom fight the recall. Campaign finance records show that in August director Steven Spielberg gave the anti-recall campaign $25,000, Disney Studios executive Alan Horn and his wife gave $50,000, and Jeffrey Katzenberg, the veteran film producer who recently founded a tech company, gave $500,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katzenberg, in a recent New York Times podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/09/16/opinion/sway-kara-swisher-jeffrey-katzenberg.html\">called the effort to oust Newsom a “nonsensical, idiotic recall” \u003c/a>and said governors across the country have faced extraordinary challenges in managing the pandemic. Newsom, he said, has “actually done a decent job, given the circumstances.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11789507\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11789507 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/cellphone-1920.jpg\" alt=\"A close-up of a mobile phone screen, with app icons for Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, Snapchat, Facebook Messenger, and Twitter.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/cellphone-1920.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/cellphone-1920-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/cellphone-1920-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/cellphone-1920-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/cellphone-1920-1200x801.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chandan Khanna/AFP via Getty Images\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"tech\">\u003c/a>Tech: $3.8 million\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Relationship status between Newsom and the tech industry? It’s complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech executives who had a history of supporting Democrats, including Newsom, turned heads when they \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/recode/22245414/gavin-newsom-recall-silicon-valley-money\">started donating to the campaign to throw the governor out of office\u003c/a>, saying they were fed up with his pandemic management. Their money helped gather enough signatures to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/voting-california-recall-election/\">put the recall on the ballot\u003c/a> and their Silicon Valley fame gave the GOP-led campaign a bipartisan patina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech investor David Sacks — who gave Newsom nearly $60,000 in 2018 only to spend more than $100,000 trying to oust him this year — said the recall was worth it even though Newsom won in a landslide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look at when Newsom relaxed the lockdowns, it was at every step of the recall process,” Sacks said recently on \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/R76THi_c90o?t=1185\">his “All In” podcast\u003c/a>. “And he got the education unions to stand down on the issue of school reopenings, I think because he was facing this recall. So … the recall was worth it, just for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other tech titans helped defend Newsom — to the tune of at least $3.8 million. That includes $750,000 from Priscilla Chan, wife of Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg; $400,000 from Laurene Powell Jobs, the widow of Apple founder Steve Jobs; $500,000 from DoorDash executives and their spouses; $100,000 from former Google CEO Eric Schmidt; $100,000 from Airbnb; and $75,000 from Uber and its CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom doesn’t have a lot of tech-related legislation to evaluate this year. Most of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/05/california-social-media-regulations-2021/\">the bills internet companies lobbied against\u003c/a> stalled early in the year and never reached his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lawmakers did \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB286\">send him a bill meant to crack down on food delivery apps\u003c/a> such as DoorDash and Uber Eats by prohibiting them from marking up the price of food they deliver and requiring them to reveal any service fees to customers. Tech trade associations oppose it, arguing that fee arrangements between restaurants and delivery services should remain confidential. Newsom has yet to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He already signed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-legislature-bills-passed-2021/\">legislation targeting warehouses like Amazon’s\u003c/a>, where workers had complained of skipping bathroom breaks and safety precautions under pressure to meet quick delivery times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And two years ago, Newsom signed sweeping legislation meant to curb the gig economy by limiting the use of independent contractors — a move that put him at odds with donors such as Uber and DoorDash.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"tribes\">\u003c/a>Native American tribes: $3.8 million\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Several Native American tribes that run casinos donated a combined $3.8 million to help Newsom fight the recall as they pushed to expand gambling in California. Tribes are behind a proposed ballot initiative that \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/fiscal-impact-estimate-report%2819-0029A1%29.pdf\">would allow sports betting at their casinos\u003c/a> — if voters approve and if the governor sanctions it through compacts with individual tribes. The tribes’ proposal is \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/states/california/story/2021/08/31/sports-gambling-giants-back-new-online-betting-initiative-in-california-1390581\">one of a few different sports betting measures\u003c/a> that could be on the ballot next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Legislature this year, tribes lobbied for bills to expand recognition of Native Americans and change how the state and tribal governments work together on issues related to child welfare, foster children and firefighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/09/24/on-native-american-day-governor-newsom-signs-package-of-legislation-to-advance-equity-and-inclusion-support-california-native-communities/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/09/24/on-native-american-day-governor-newsom-signs-package-of-legislation-to-advance-equity-and-inclusion-support-california-native-communities/\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">signed the bills on Native American Day\u003c/a> this past September, including legislation to replace the Columbus Day holiday in state courts with Native American Day on Sept. 24; \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/religion-california-san-francisco-sacramento-gavin-newsom-d6dd0f163797de25cb38ab8419504afb?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=0cf142936b-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-0cf142936b-148328085&mc_cid=0cf142936b&mc_eid=304e5f7b04\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://apnews.com/article/religion-california-san-francisco-sacramento-gavin-newsom-d6dd0f163797de25cb38ab8419504afb?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=0cf142936b-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-0cf142936b-148328085&mc_cid=0cf142936b&mc_eid=304e5f7b04\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">to build a memorial to Native Americans at the state Capitol\u003c/a> where a statue of a missionary was toppled amid protests against racism; and to establish recommendations permitting Native American students to wear cultural or spiritual items at high school graduation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s relationship with Native American tribes predates the recall. During his first year as governor, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article231693103.html\">Newsom apologized on behalf of the state\u003c/a> for “the many instances of violence, maltreatment and neglect California inflicted on tribes.” And he established a Truth and Healing Council to clarify historical records about the relationship between tribes and the state — \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/06/18/governor-newsom-issues-apology-to-native-americans-for-states-historical-wrongdoings-establishes-truth-and-healing-council/\">efforts his office described as first in the nation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891029\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891029 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A wooden facade with scaffolding towers over the older, more residential buildings.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1703\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-2048x1362.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-1235482342-1920x1277.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New building construction is seen in the Hollywood neighborhood of Los Angeles Sept. 24, 2021. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"realtors\">\u003c/a>Real estate: $5.3 million\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Developers, real estate investors and realtors gave at least $5.3 million to help Newsom fight the recall as their industry pushed legislation to make it easier to build more homes in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not building enough housing at all income levels in the state of California,” Newsom said last week as he signed more than two dozen bills aimed at boosting development. “We recognize that we’ve got to make up for decades and decades of … that neglect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the second batch of housing bills Newsom has signed since the recall. The first included two controversial measures that will allow duplexes in neighborhoods zoned for single-family houses and let cities approve buildings with up to 10 apartments in areas near public transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics suing the state over the new law allowing 10-unit apartment buildings dubbed it a “birthday present to developers.” Supporters argue that building more homes will help Californians who struggle to afford rent in the state’s tight housing markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s shortage of affordable homes has been a focus of Newsom’s since he ran for governor in 2018. He campaigned on a goal to build 3.5 million homes by 2025, but so far has not come close. Newsom said the new laws he signed this year should help spur construction of 40,000 new housing units, plus 44,000 units and treatment beds for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, not all developers are on Newsom’s side. Geoff Palmer, who owns a company that has built many Southern California apartment buildings, was one of the biggest donors to the effort to recall Newsom. He gave $200,000 to help qualify the recall for the ballot and more than $1 million to support the candidacy of Republican radio host Larry Elder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888489\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1350px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11888489\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/depori9ofucejcwer.jpg\" alt='Protesters hold up a sign that reads, \"Medicare for All! Defeat the Recall! Healthy California Now.\"' width=\"1350\" height=\"900\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/depori9ofucejcwer.jpg 1350w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/depori9ofucejcwer-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/depori9ofucejcwer-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/depori9ofucejcwer-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1350px) 100vw, 1350px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Activists, including those from the National Union of Healthcare Workers (NUHW), demonstrate in Sacramento on June 15, 2021, to push Gov. Gavin Newsom to enact single-payer health care and defend him from the Republican-driven recall campaign. “I expect him to lead on California accomplishing single-payer and being an example for the rest of the country,” said Sal Rosselli, president of NUHW. \u003ccite>(Angela Hart/California Healthline)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"labor\">\u003c/a>Labor unions: $25.7 million\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Labor unions are the elephant in the room when it comes to money Newsom raised to fight the recall. Organized labor donated at least $25.7 million — or more than one-third of the total the governor raised to keep his job. Unions, of course, have deep ties to the Democratic Party and a stake in nearly every aspect of state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One labor leader cited Newsom’s actions to let child care workers unionize, provide extra sick leave during the pandemic and reverse cuts to in-home caregivers as reasons they put so much money and effort into helping him win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SEIU members will fight to protect the significant gains for workers and communities that we secured in partnership with our pro-worker Governor,” April Verrett, president of SEIU California, said in a statement after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SEIU donated $6.6 million to the anti-recall campaign and deployed thousands of its members to knock on doors and call voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the union, which represents nursing home workers, is waiting to see whether Newsom will sign a package of bills it pushed to strengthen nursing home regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Newsom signed a pay hike for prison guards, whose union donated $1.8 million to fight the recall. And, amid soaring tax revenues, he signed a state budget that gives public schools more money than ever. Teachers gave about $2.4 million to defeat the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction workers gave nearly $7 million to the anti-recall campaign. Newsom pushed this year for more spending on high-speed rail, which would have been a boon to construction jobs, but was unable to convince lawmakers to agree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor did not do everything labor unions wanted. He vetoed legislation that would have allowed farmworkers more ways to vote in union elections, triggering a protest in which they marched to the French Laundry — the posh wine country restaurant where Newsom infamously dined with lobbyists during last year’s pandemic restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom did not extend extra pandemic sick leave, despite lobbying by unions to do so, nor provide “hero pay” for frontline workers. He vetoed labor-backed legislation to raise the rate of pay that workers get while out on family leave. And despite expanding Medi-Cal health insurance to cover more undocumented immigrants with lower incomes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888480/if-newsom-survives-the-recall-the-health-care-unions-who-backed-him-expect-a-push-for-single-payer-health-care\">he has not established a “single payer” health care system\u003c/a> — something pushed by nurses unions that backed his 2018 election and gave him $1 million to defeat the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters data reporter Jeremia Kimelman contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California recall election was a blowout win for Gov. Gavin Newsom that reinforced the state’s political divisions: The Democratic governor won big support in coastal areas and urban centers, while the rural north and agricultural inland, with far fewer voters, largely wanted him gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like two states,” Menlo College political scientist Melissa Michelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Prof. Melissa Michelson, Menlo College\"]‘It’s almost like two states.’[/pullquote]Though California is a liberal stronghold where Democrats hold every statewide office and have two-thirds majorities in the Legislature, it is also home to deeply conservative areas. Those residents have long felt alienated from Sacramento, where Democrats have been in full control for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A conservative movement in far Northern California has for years sought to break away and create its own state to better reflect the area’s political sensitivities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Republicans still are able to win some local elections, the party hasn’t captured a statewide race since 2006. Last year, then-President Donald Trump got 6 million votes in California in 2020 — more than any Republican presidential candidate before him — but still lost in a landslide to Democrat Joe Biden, who won nearly 64% of the votes.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nRepublicans hold just 11 of the state’s 53 U.S. House seats, but their strongholds don’t have nearly enough votes to overcome Los Angeles, the San Francisco Bay Area and other Democratic areas in statewide elections. And counties such as San Diego and especially Orange, respectively the second- and third-most populated, used to be mainly Republican but no longer are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With about 85% of the recall ballots counted, those opposed to retiring Newsom early had 64%. In San Diego, “no” on the recall was winning by 17 percentage points and in Orange it was up by 4 points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno, the 10th-most populated county, was the largest where the recall was leading. But it was only ahead by 1 percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11888358\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51419_010_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]Jeffrey Cummins, a professor of political science at California State University, Fresno, said the results reinforce that Newsom’s partisan critics represent “a pretty small share of the population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are very vocal about that disdain for Sacramento and state government in particular, and the recall just gave them … a national platform to voice their opposition to the direction the state is headed,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GOP organizers of the recall failed to broaden their appeal and even struggled to turn out Republicans in their core areas. For example, Kern County — most of which is represented in Congress by House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy — will have less than 50% turnout when all the votes are counted. Statewide turnout is projected at about 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County — with 10 million people, the largest county in the nation — is the state’s Democratic nucleus, where statewide elections can be won or lost depending on turnout. With 3 million Democrats, it accounts for nearly one-third of the party’s statewide total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were in the LA media market more than any other. And that was intentional,” Newsom campaign spokesperson Nathan Click said. It apparently worked — Newsom got nearly 71% support there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s long been true that Democrats tend to dominate in urban areas across the U.S., with Republicans more prevalent in rural and farming areas. But deep, geographic polarization wasn’t always a marker in California politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Nathan Click, Spokesperson for Newsom campaign\"]‘We were in the LA media market more than any other. And that was intentional.’[/pullquote]There’s no single cause of the current divide. But causes include the early 1990s recession and the closing of military bases and the collapse of the defense industry, which prompted many white, working-class residents to leave the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s economy became more focused on a rising Silicon Valley and the entertainment industry, both liberal bastions. At the same time, the state grew more diverse as millions of Latino and Asian people moved in. Over time, the coastal areas where most of the population lives grew more diverse and Democratic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric McGhee, a senior fellow at the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California, said a decade ago the geographic divide largely was defined by the San Francisco and Los Angeles areas, but San Diego, Orange and San Bernardino counties, with a combined population of 8.5 million people, all have become more diverse and Democratic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his first days in office, Newsom has promised to not ignore the Central Valley and has made it a point to travel there on a regular basis. He backs the controversial high-speed rail project under construction in the region and has vowed to provide more drinking water to areas that lack it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Related Coverage' tag='recall-election']But his administration has also alienated farmers, the backbone of the region’s economy, with restrictions on water usage amid a drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Wednesday pledged to respect and work hard on behalf of those who supported him and those who didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those who voted ‘yes,’ they matter. I care. And I want them to know I’m going to do my best to have their backs as well,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reality is that Newsom can’t make everyone happy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Newsom is governing a very large and very diverse state, and it’s hard to be attentive to the very liberal coasts and the more moderate or even conservative [areas],” said Jessica Trounstine, a political science professor at the University of California, Merced, in the state’s Central Valley.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Jeffrey Cummins, a professor of political science at California State University, Fresno, said the results reinforce that Newsom’s partisan critics represent “a pretty small share of the population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are very vocal about that disdain for Sacramento and state government in particular, and the recall just gave them … a national platform to voice their opposition to the direction the state is headed,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GOP organizers of the recall failed to broaden their appeal and even struggled to turn out Republicans in their core areas. For example, Kern County — most of which is represented in Congress by House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy — will have less than 50% turnout when all the votes are counted. Statewide turnout is projected at about 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County — with 10 million people, the largest county in the nation — is the state’s Democratic nucleus, where statewide elections can be won or lost depending on turnout. With 3 million Democrats, it accounts for nearly one-third of the party’s statewide total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were in the LA media market more than any other. And that was intentional,” Newsom campaign spokesperson Nathan Click said. It apparently worked — Newsom got nearly 71% support there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s long been true that Democrats tend to dominate in urban areas across the U.S., with Republicans more prevalent in rural and farming areas. But deep, geographic polarization wasn’t always a marker in California politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>There’s no single cause of the current divide. But causes include the early 1990s recession and the closing of military bases and the collapse of the defense industry, which prompted many white, working-class residents to leave the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s economy became more focused on a rising Silicon Valley and the entertainment industry, both liberal bastions. At the same time, the state grew more diverse as millions of Latino and Asian people moved in. Over time, the coastal areas where most of the population lives grew more diverse and Democratic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric McGhee, a senior fellow at the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California, said a decade ago the geographic divide largely was defined by the San Francisco and Los Angeles areas, but San Diego, Orange and San Bernardino counties, with a combined population of 8.5 million people, all have become more diverse and Democratic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his first days in office, Newsom has promised to not ignore the Central Valley and has made it a point to travel there on a regular basis. He backs the controversial high-speed rail project under construction in the region and has vowed to provide more drinking water to areas that lack it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Labor unions put a massive effort into helping Gov. Gavin Newsom defeat the recent recall attempt against him. Labor-sponsored get-out-the-vote campaigns rallied tens of thousands of volunteers to make millions of phone calls and texts and knock on hundreds of thousands of doors throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Federation’s spokesperson Steve Smith said it was one of the largest such efforts in the state’s history. And, he said, unions now expect to see their hard work pay off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got a lot of work to do on COVID protections, on restoring our economy, on tackling income inequality,” Smith said. ” And we expect big things to happen over the course of the next several years on those issues and others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith says the Labor Federation’s legislative agenda isn’t set for next year yet. But he said they want the governor to support efforts to raise worker pay, improve protections for gig workers and lessen income inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Smith said labor’s primary motivation was preventing a Republican from winning the governor’s office. Unions were especially worried about Larry Elder, a right-wing radio host who led with voters among candidates seeking to replace Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve made a lot of progress, not just under Governor Newsom, but for the last couple of decades on workers’ rights,” Smith said. “We’re a national leader on workers’ rights and that was under threat with this recall. Any one of those Republicans, especially Larry Elder, would have taken us in the wrong direction at light speed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Max Arias, executive director of the Service Employees International Union Local 99, said the defeat of the recall was a huge victory for working people — one they hope to build on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thousands and thousands of volunteers and members didn’t turn out because they have a specific expectation of the governor,” Arias said. “They turned out because that is exactly how we build power. And we expect and hope that the governor will continue to work in partnership with working people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union turnout came at a crucial time for Newsom. A \u003ca href=\"https://news.berkeley.edu/2021/07/27/newsom-holds-only-slim-margin-in-recall-vote-berkeley-igs-poll-finds/\">late July poll\u003c/a> showed the governor barely beating the recall, largely due to Democrats being unengaged in the election. The Labor Federation’s Smith said the union’s get out the vote campaign was able to mobilize quickly to turn out their voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was undertaken over the course of, really, eight weeks that we had from the time the program ramped up to Election Day,” Smith said.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, union members made over 31 million phone calls to potential voters and knocked on 1.5 million doors. The SEIU alone spent $6 million fighting the recall. The union said it was focused on turning out communities of color. According to the Political Data Inc. election tracker, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politicaldata.com/2021-special-election-tracker/\">total voter turnout \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.politicaldata.com/2021-special-election-tracker/\">so far \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.politicaldata.com/2021-special-election-tracker/\"> is about 44%\u003c/a>. Turnout stands at 40% for for Latino voters, 43% for Asian voters and 40% for African American voters.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Labor unions put a massive effort into helping Gov. Gavin Newsom defeat the recent recall attempt against him. Labor-sponsored get-out-the-vote campaigns rallied tens of thousands of volunteers to make millions of phone calls and texts and knock on hundreds of thousands of doors throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Federation’s spokesperson Steve Smith said it was one of the largest such efforts in the state’s history. And, he said, unions now expect to see their hard work pay off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got a lot of work to do on COVID protections, on restoring our economy, on tackling income inequality,” Smith said. ” And we expect big things to happen over the course of the next several years on those issues and others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith says the Labor Federation’s legislative agenda isn’t set for next year yet. But he said they want the governor to support efforts to raise worker pay, improve protections for gig workers and lessen income inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Smith said labor’s primary motivation was preventing a Republican from winning the governor’s office. Unions were especially worried about Larry Elder, a right-wing radio host who led with voters among candidates seeking to replace Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve made a lot of progress, not just under Governor Newsom, but for the last couple of decades on workers’ rights,” Smith said. “We’re a national leader on workers’ rights and that was under threat with this recall. Any one of those Republicans, especially Larry Elder, would have taken us in the wrong direction at light speed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Max Arias, executive director of the Service Employees International Union Local 99, said the defeat of the recall was a huge victory for working people — one they hope to build on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thousands and thousands of volunteers and members didn’t turn out because they have a specific expectation of the governor,” Arias said. “They turned out because that is exactly how we build power. And we expect and hope that the governor will continue to work in partnership with working people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union turnout came at a crucial time for Newsom. A \u003ca href=\"https://news.berkeley.edu/2021/07/27/newsom-holds-only-slim-margin-in-recall-vote-berkeley-igs-poll-finds/\">late July poll\u003c/a> showed the governor barely beating the recall, largely due to Democrats being unengaged in the election. The Labor Federation’s Smith said the union’s get out the vote campaign was able to mobilize quickly to turn out their voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was undertaken over the course of, really, eight weeks that we had from the time the program ramped up to Election Day,” Smith said.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, union members made over 31 million phone calls to potential voters and knocked on 1.5 million doors. The SEIU alone spent $6 million fighting the recall. The union said it was focused on turning out communities of color. According to the Political Data Inc. election tracker, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politicaldata.com/2021-special-election-tracker/\">total voter turnout \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.politicaldata.com/2021-special-election-tracker/\">so far \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.politicaldata.com/2021-special-election-tracker/\"> is about 44%\u003c/a>. Turnout stands at 40% for for Latino voters, 43% for Asian voters and 40% for African American voters.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Scott and Marisa discuss Governor Gavin Newsom’s defeat of the recall attempt, ongoing recall attempts at the local level, the possibility of changes to the recall process and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797540/state-supreme-court-justice-mariano-florentino-cuellar-on-growing-up-in-a-border-town-and-switching-from-academia-to-the-courts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Supreme Court Justice Mariano-Florentino Cuéllar’s\u003c/a> decision to step down from the court. Then, Juan Rodriguez, manager of the campaign to defeat the recall, joins to discuss investments in the field campaign and how that organizing carries over into the 2022 midterms, lessons for national Democrats about campaigning on COVID response and his own journey in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Scott and Marisa discuss Governor Gavin Newsom’s defeat of the recall attempt, ongoing recall attempts at the local level, the possibility of changes to the recall process and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797540/state-supreme-court-justice-mariano-florentino-cuellar-on-growing-up-in-a-border-town-and-switching-from-academia-to-the-courts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Supreme Court Justice Mariano-Florentino Cuéllar’s\u003c/a> decision to step down from the court. Then, Juan Rodriguez, manager of the campaign to defeat the recall, joins to discuss investments in the field campaign and how that organizing carries over into the 2022 midterms, lessons for national Democrats about campaigning on COVID response and his own journey in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California legislative leaders wasted no time announcing their intentions to reform the state’s more than century-old recall process, after voters on Tuesday overwhelmingly defeated a prolonged and costly effort to oust Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters want to be able to hold leaders accountable, said state Sen. Steve Glazer, D-Orinda, chair of the Elections and Constitutional Amendments Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But they don’t want this partisan manipulation where a small minority can force an election and have a candidate prevail with less than a majority vote. That is anti-democratic,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The State Senate and the Assembly elections committees will hold joint hearings in the coming months to explore possible reforms to the 1911 constitutional amendment. One proposal on the table would increase the number of signatures needed to qualify a recall for the ballot. (Currently, that \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Laws_governing_recall_in_California\">qualifying threshold for executive officials — like the governor — is 12% of the total number of votes cast in the most recent election\u003c/a>, and 20% of total votes for state legislators and judges.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another proposal is to divide the recall into two separate ballots, with the first asking voters if an official should be recalled, and the second asking who the replacement candidate should be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glazer said he’s troubled by the current format — in which the two questions appear together on the same ballot — because it means a majority of votes is required to recall an official, but only a plurality of votes is then necessary for a replacement candidate to take control. Additionally, when officials are recalled, they are not allowed to be included among the list of replacement candidates, which critics say is an unfair disadvantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I continue to be very uncomfortable with the second question and how it’s set up in the recall process and the hijinks it creates and the lack of, potentially, a democratic choice that it creates,” Glazer said. “I’m very troubled by that second question and its consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But making any changes to the process could prove difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the recall process is laid out in the state Constitution, amending it would require significant voter buy-in, notes Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"newsom-recall\"]And even though there appears to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-the-environment-july-2021.pdf\">growing public support for making changes to the recall process\u003c/a>, Levinson says California voters are notoriously averse to tweaking ballot measures in any way that might limit their own power as citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there’s a question of reforming a process where it would be harder for us to recall an elected official, harder for it to get on the ballot, harder for it to pass, we tend to really shy away from that,” Levinson said. “Because anything that smacks of taking power away from voters is almost universally unpopular.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there are many who question whether massive reforms are needed at all. A \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6kt7w3ts\">recent UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll\u003c/a> shows state Democrats clearly in favor of reform, and Republicans less likely to want changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican political consultant Mike Madrid says it’s important to remember how rare it is for recalls to succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the more than 100 years since the recall amendment was approved, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/recalls/recall-history-california-1913-present\">only six state elected officials have actually been recalled from their offices\u003c/a>, despite nearly 200 attempts, according to the California Secretary of State’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid says the recall against Newsom likely wouldn’t have qualified for the ballot under regular circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting it on the ballot “was only successful because of an extended period of time [for signature gathering], during a once-in-a-century global pandemic,” he said. “So before we start reforming this system, let’s put this in context here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, state Democratic lawmakers maintain the process needs serious updating. They point out that officials can be recalled for any reason — unlike in several other states, in which the process can only proceed if an official is convicted of an act of malfeasance or a serious crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marc Berman, D-Menlo Park, chair of the Assembly Elections Committee, also notes that there are no time restraints on the process, pointing out that Newsom is up for reelection in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a majority of Californians are very frustrated that we just spent $276 million on this recall election that, from the looks of it, has certified what voters said three years ago and what voters could have said next year,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/ca-recall-election-cost-of-gavin-newsom/11021178/\">the cost may end up being higher\u003c/a>. Secretary of State Shirley Weber estimates that when all the bills come due, the tab for this recall election may be closer to $300 million — which works out to about $14 per registered voter.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California legislative leaders wasted no time announcing their intentions to reform the state’s more than century-old recall process, after voters on Tuesday overwhelmingly defeated a prolonged and costly effort to oust Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters want to be able to hold leaders accountable, said state Sen. Steve Glazer, D-Orinda, chair of the Elections and Constitutional Amendments Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But they don’t want this partisan manipulation where a small minority can force an election and have a candidate prevail with less than a majority vote. That is anti-democratic,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The State Senate and the Assembly elections committees will hold joint hearings in the coming months to explore possible reforms to the 1911 constitutional amendment. One proposal on the table would increase the number of signatures needed to qualify a recall for the ballot. (Currently, that \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Laws_governing_recall_in_California\">qualifying threshold for executive officials — like the governor — is 12% of the total number of votes cast in the most recent election\u003c/a>, and 20% of total votes for state legislators and judges.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another proposal is to divide the recall into two separate ballots, with the first asking voters if an official should be recalled, and the second asking who the replacement candidate should be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glazer said he’s troubled by the current format — in which the two questions appear together on the same ballot — because it means a majority of votes is required to recall an official, but only a plurality of votes is then necessary for a replacement candidate to take control. Additionally, when officials are recalled, they are not allowed to be included among the list of replacement candidates, which critics say is an unfair disadvantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I continue to be very uncomfortable with the second question and how it’s set up in the recall process and the hijinks it creates and the lack of, potentially, a democratic choice that it creates,” Glazer said. “I’m very troubled by that second question and its consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But making any changes to the process could prove difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the recall process is laid out in the state Constitution, amending it would require significant voter buy-in, notes Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And even though there appears to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-the-environment-july-2021.pdf\">growing public support for making changes to the recall process\u003c/a>, Levinson says California voters are notoriously averse to tweaking ballot measures in any way that might limit their own power as citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there’s a question of reforming a process where it would be harder for us to recall an elected official, harder for it to get on the ballot, harder for it to pass, we tend to really shy away from that,” Levinson said. “Because anything that smacks of taking power away from voters is almost universally unpopular.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there are many who question whether massive reforms are needed at all. A \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6kt7w3ts\">recent UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll\u003c/a> shows state Democrats clearly in favor of reform, and Republicans less likely to want changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican political consultant Mike Madrid says it’s important to remember how rare it is for recalls to succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the more than 100 years since the recall amendment was approved, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/recalls/recall-history-california-1913-present\">only six state elected officials have actually been recalled from their offices\u003c/a>, despite nearly 200 attempts, according to the California Secretary of State’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid says the recall against Newsom likely wouldn’t have qualified for the ballot under regular circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting it on the ballot “was only successful because of an extended period of time [for signature gathering], during a once-in-a-century global pandemic,” he said. “So before we start reforming this system, let’s put this in context here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, state Democratic lawmakers maintain the process needs serious updating. They point out that officials can be recalled for any reason — unlike in several other states, in which the process can only proceed if an official is convicted of an act of malfeasance or a serious crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marc Berman, D-Menlo Park, chair of the Assembly Elections Committee, also notes that there are no time restraints on the process, pointing out that Newsom is up for reelection in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a majority of Californians are very frustrated that we just spent $276 million on this recall election that, from the looks of it, has certified what voters said three years ago and what voters could have said next year,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/ca-recall-election-cost-of-gavin-newsom/11021178/\">the cost may end up being higher\u003c/a>. Secretary of State Shirley Weber estimates that when all the bills come due, the tab for this recall election may be closer to $300 million — which works out to about $14 per registered voter.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom beat back a recall election effort Tuesday, ending a months-long campaign with a resounding victory that served to vindicate his leadership of the state through the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than an hour after polls closed, a tally of mostly early returns showed voters had decisively rejected the recall effort — by an almost 2-1 margin — according to results from the California Secretary of State’s Office, prompting the Associated Press to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-recall-results-gavin-newsom-a590782877be099d44f1766b2d138394\">call the race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“‘No’ is not the only thing that was expressed tonight. I want to focus on what we said yes to as a state. We said yes to science, we said yes to vaccines, we said yes to ending this pandemic,” Newsom told reporters in Sacramento minutes after the results were announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m humbled and grateful to the millions and millions of Californians that exercise their fundamental right to vote and express themselves so overwhelmingly by rejecting the division, by rejecting the cynicism, by rejecting so much of the negativity that’s defined our politics in this country over the course of so many years,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s vote brings to a close a campaign that in politics began a lifetime ago — in the early weeks of 2020.[aside postID=\"news_11888358\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51419_010_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]The petition to remove Newsom from office, launched by retired Yolo County sheriff’s deputy Orrin Heatlie, was one of six that had been circulated by the governor’s opponents since he took office in January 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the vote to the ballot took an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/entertainment-health-elections-california-coronavirus-pandemic-c4cbdfdfa832495d19b4c1639f1cfb90\">unlikely synchronization of political fortune and Newsom’s own missteps\u003c/a>. In early November, a Sacramento judge gave the recall campaign an additional four months to collect signatures, citing the difficulties in distributing petitions during the state’s coronavirus stay-at-home order. Later that same day, Newsom dined at the upscale French Laundry restaurant in Napa Valley, against his own guidance to avoid gatherings as the spread of COVID-19 picked up pace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dinner became the enduring symbol of the recall campaign and fodder for the most convincing attack against the governor: that he failed to practice what he preached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1437994196934135814\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that sentiment did not ultimately prove strong enough to convince a majority of voters to support his ouster, polls show it continues to trail him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies (IGS) survey conducted \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1g8696rv\">this month\u003c/a>, 56% of likely voters agreed with the following statement: “Through his own actions, Newsom has demonstrated that the strict policies and behaviors that he wants others to follow during the pandemic don’t apply to him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voter discontent snowballed in early December when Newsom instituted \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11849487/newsom-to-impose-sweeping-new-stay-at-home-order-as-covid-19-rates-soar\">a second round of sweeping closures\u003c/a> of businesses and activities, even shuttering outdoor dining, as COVID infection rates soared statewide. And midway into the academic year, as most California kids were still attending classes virtually, many faulted the governor for not doing more to open schools — and lambasting him for \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/states/california/story/2020/10/30/newsom-sends-his-children-back-to-school-classrooms-in-california-1332811\">sending his own four children\u003c/a> back to private school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those mounting frustrations spurred his detractors into action. Instead of waiting for the 2022 gubernatorial election, thousands of voters signed petitions to put the governor’s fate on the ballot this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A few months ago, I mean, there was a great opening where Republicans really could have taken advantage of the situation in California and introduced a candidate that could have been able to triangulate with the electorate,” Luis Alvarado, a Republican consultant, told KQED. “But once again, I think as Republicans, we sometimes just don’t understand the map or we just truly believe that miracles can happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888658\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/Image-from-iOS-scaled-e1631686696478.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888658 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/Image-from-iOS-scaled-e1631686696478.jpg\" alt=\"A group of masked Newsom supporters cheer and throw their hands in the air.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Recall opponents celebrate Tuesday night at Manny’s in San Francisco, after the race was called in Newsom’s favor. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the months since the recall campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870959/newsom-recall-campaign-officially-has-enough-valid-signatures-to-force-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reached its milestone for \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870959/newsom-recall-campaign-officially-has-enough-valid-signatures-to-force-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">signatures\u003c/a> — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/2021-ca-gov-recall/newsom-recall-faqs\">12% of total votes cast\u003c/a> in the 2018 gubernatorial election — the greatest danger to Newsom has been Democratic voter apathy, not a tidal wave of voter discontent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to really look back and say that late July period when Republicans were engaged and really not so much the other voters was an aberration,” IGS Director Mark DiCamillo said. As Democratic and independent voters became more engaged over the last month, he noted, the race reflected “that big Democratic advantage that you usually see in statewide elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling of the entire electorate on the recall question has remained remarkably steady, and notably similar to the results of the 2018 governor’s race. The last IGS preelection survey put support for the recall at 38% of likely voters — the same percentage of votes received by Republican John Cox (a current recall candidate) three years ago when he ran against Newsom and was handily defeated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s pretty much playing out as we expected,” said DiCamillo, who anticipated Newsom’s margin would narrow slightly — to about a 25-point advantage — as more day-of votes, in support of the recall, were tallied. “Still, it’s a big win for Gavin Newsom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the summer, as a total of 46 candidates threw their hats into the ring, pollsters predicted a smaller and more conservative electorate for the recall election — a dynamic that could pose a threat to Newsom, with the thinking that many Democrats would skip the off-year vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fears of a low-turnout election were exacerbated by the decision of Democratic state lawmakers to speed up the recall process. In June, as COVID rates plummeted and vaccines became widely available, they approved a change in state election law that allowed the vote to be moved up, to mid-September, in the hopes of capturing the post-pandemic goodwill of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the start of voting coincided with the rise of the coronavirus delta variant in the state, largely affecting the unvaccinated. And by early August, \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/california-recall-polls/\">polls\u003c/a> suggested Newsom faced the real risk of being removed from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/chalexhall/status/1437994898251157504\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the resurgence of the virus also allowed Newsom to draw his clearest contrast between himself and the candidates hoping to replace him, most notably conservative radio talk show host Larry Elder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late July, Newsom announced vaccine mandates for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11882436/california-requiring-proof-of-vaccine-or-weekly-testing-for-health-workers-and-state-employees\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California state employees, health care workers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11884606/newsom-mandates-covid-vaccines-or-regular-tests-for-all-california-teachers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">school staff\u003c/a>, along with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11880805/california-to-require-face-masks-at-schools-this-fall\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">mask requirement for school children\u003c/a> — orders that Elder promised to revoke on Day One if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This [recall] is something that is bigger than any of this election stuff, which is that we are in a pandemic,” state Sen. Steve Glazer, D-Orinda, told KQED Tuesday night, referring to the last 18 months as “the most traumatic time in American history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin’s had his stumbles in this space, but he also has led in this space. And the consequences go beyond partisanship,” Glazer said. “It’s bigger than the recall. It’s trust in government, it’s trust in science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elder’s dominance of the replacement candidate field also presented Newsom’s campaign with the foil it was desperately searching for — after previous attempts to try to link the recall to Republican voter suppression efforts or the Jan. 6 U.S. Capitol attack fell flat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Elder’s emergence as the clear favorite for replacing Newsom — on the second question on the ballot — allowed the governor to turn the race from a referendum to a choice: Newsom spent the final days of the campaign slamming Elder’s conservative positions on climate policy, abortion and the minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Republicans] don’t understand that when you have a candidate that is truly aligned with Trumpism … that doesn’t actually resonate with Californians,” Alvarado, the GOP consultant, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Elder remained the overwhelming favorite among voters who filled in the second question — garnering the support of well over 40% of those voters — he received nowhere near the number of votes needed to oust Newsom. Even before the votes had been counted, he and his supporters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888445/officials-fear-a-new-normal-as-republicans-make-baseless-california-fraud-claims\">blamed the outcome \u003c/a>on election\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888445/officials-fear-a-new-normal-as-republicans-make-baseless-california-fraud-claims\"> fraud\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"newsom-recall\" label=\"More Recall Election Coverage\"]“I think the rhetoric we heard about, that Mr. Elder was espousing, is antiquated and racist and classist and sexist,” said Holly Mitchell, a Democratic Los Angeles County supervisor. “And that white supremacist ideology lost tonight. And I couldn’t be more proud of my fellow Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell said the vast number of challenges California faces, from creating more affordable housing to addressing environmental and health crises, is what “for me, made this recall effort and the money wasted so deeply offensive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have real work to do,” she said, calling the contest an unnecessary distraction. “But we’re back on track and we’ll all be back to work first thing in the morning, representing the needs of California residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s vote could end up being the last gubernatorial recall held under the current rules, which were enacted by voters and added to the state constitution in 1911, \u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com/california-recall-theres-a-method-to-what-looks-like-madness-167622\">an effort\u003c/a> by Progressives to curb rampant political corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leading state Democratic officials, \u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2021/07/20/some-serious-problems-with-california-recall-laws-secretary-of-state-says/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">including Secretary of State Shirley Weber\u003c/a>, have already voiced support for reexamining the process. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/09/09/opinion/california-recall-newsom.html\">Advocates for reform\u003c/a> note that other states with recall provisions have much higher thresholds for reaching the ballot, such as requiring a greater percentage of signatures or sanctioning it only if an official is convicted of an act of malfeasance or a serious crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s vote is only the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/13/1036533187/californias-newsom-is-only-the-4th-governor-to-face-a-recall-vote\">fourth gubernatorial recall election\u003c/a> in U.S. history. Two of those challenges have been in California — the last in 2003, when actor Arnold Schwarzenegger successfully ousted then-Gov. Gray Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while three-quarters of the voters surveyed in the IGS poll said they support retaining the recall provision, \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6kt7w3ts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">most said they were open to various changes\u003c/a> that would make it harder to remove state officials from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the legislators coming out of this may choose to do what is most advantageous to perhaps the majority party. I mean, that’s the way politics works. The winning side gets to decide the next move,” DiCamillo, the director of IGS, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I think for voters, they do want to see some reform. So it really becomes a question of what those specific reforms are and whether they seem fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Matthew Green contributed reporting to this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A solid majority voted to keep Gov. Gavin Newsom in office despite a concerted effort by his mostly Republican opponents to oust him, well over a year before the end of his elected term.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom beat back a recall election effort Tuesday, ending a months-long campaign with a resounding victory that served to vindicate his leadership of the state through the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than an hour after polls closed, a tally of mostly early returns showed voters had decisively rejected the recall effort — by an almost 2-1 margin — according to results from the California Secretary of State’s Office, prompting the Associated Press to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-recall-results-gavin-newsom-a590782877be099d44f1766b2d138394\">call the race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“‘No’ is not the only thing that was expressed tonight. I want to focus on what we said yes to as a state. We said yes to science, we said yes to vaccines, we said yes to ending this pandemic,” Newsom told reporters in Sacramento minutes after the results were announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m humbled and grateful to the millions and millions of Californians that exercise their fundamental right to vote and express themselves so overwhelmingly by rejecting the division, by rejecting the cynicism, by rejecting so much of the negativity that’s defined our politics in this country over the course of so many years,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s vote brings to a close a campaign that in politics began a lifetime ago — in the early weeks of 2020.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The petition to remove Newsom from office, launched by retired Yolo County sheriff’s deputy Orrin Heatlie, was one of six that had been circulated by the governor’s opponents since he took office in January 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the vote to the ballot took an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/entertainment-health-elections-california-coronavirus-pandemic-c4cbdfdfa832495d19b4c1639f1cfb90\">unlikely synchronization of political fortune and Newsom’s own missteps\u003c/a>. In early November, a Sacramento judge gave the recall campaign an additional four months to collect signatures, citing the difficulties in distributing petitions during the state’s coronavirus stay-at-home order. Later that same day, Newsom dined at the upscale French Laundry restaurant in Napa Valley, against his own guidance to avoid gatherings as the spread of COVID-19 picked up pace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dinner became the enduring symbol of the recall campaign and fodder for the most convincing attack against the governor: that he failed to practice what he preached.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>While that sentiment did not ultimately prove strong enough to convince a majority of voters to support his ouster, polls show it continues to trail him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies (IGS) survey conducted \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1g8696rv\">this month\u003c/a>, 56% of likely voters agreed with the following statement: “Through his own actions, Newsom has demonstrated that the strict policies and behaviors that he wants others to follow during the pandemic don’t apply to him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voter discontent snowballed in early December when Newsom instituted \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11849487/newsom-to-impose-sweeping-new-stay-at-home-order-as-covid-19-rates-soar\">a second round of sweeping closures\u003c/a> of businesses and activities, even shuttering outdoor dining, as COVID infection rates soared statewide. And midway into the academic year, as most California kids were still attending classes virtually, many faulted the governor for not doing more to open schools — and lambasting him for \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/states/california/story/2020/10/30/newsom-sends-his-children-back-to-school-classrooms-in-california-1332811\">sending his own four children\u003c/a> back to private school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those mounting frustrations spurred his detractors into action. Instead of waiting for the 2022 gubernatorial election, thousands of voters signed petitions to put the governor’s fate on the ballot this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A few months ago, I mean, there was a great opening where Republicans really could have taken advantage of the situation in California and introduced a candidate that could have been able to triangulate with the electorate,” Luis Alvarado, a Republican consultant, told KQED. “But once again, I think as Republicans, we sometimes just don’t understand the map or we just truly believe that miracles can happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888658\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/Image-from-iOS-scaled-e1631686696478.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888658 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/Image-from-iOS-scaled-e1631686696478.jpg\" alt=\"A group of masked Newsom supporters cheer and throw their hands in the air.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Recall opponents celebrate Tuesday night at Manny’s in San Francisco, after the race was called in Newsom’s favor. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the months since the recall campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870959/newsom-recall-campaign-officially-has-enough-valid-signatures-to-force-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reached its milestone for \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870959/newsom-recall-campaign-officially-has-enough-valid-signatures-to-force-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">signatures\u003c/a> — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/2021-ca-gov-recall/newsom-recall-faqs\">12% of total votes cast\u003c/a> in the 2018 gubernatorial election — the greatest danger to Newsom has been Democratic voter apathy, not a tidal wave of voter discontent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to really look back and say that late July period when Republicans were engaged and really not so much the other voters was an aberration,” IGS Director Mark DiCamillo said. As Democratic and independent voters became more engaged over the last month, he noted, the race reflected “that big Democratic advantage that you usually see in statewide elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling of the entire electorate on the recall question has remained remarkably steady, and notably similar to the results of the 2018 governor’s race. The last IGS preelection survey put support for the recall at 38% of likely voters — the same percentage of votes received by Republican John Cox (a current recall candidate) three years ago when he ran against Newsom and was handily defeated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s pretty much playing out as we expected,” said DiCamillo, who anticipated Newsom’s margin would narrow slightly — to about a 25-point advantage — as more day-of votes, in support of the recall, were tallied. “Still, it’s a big win for Gavin Newsom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the summer, as a total of 46 candidates threw their hats into the ring, pollsters predicted a smaller and more conservative electorate for the recall election — a dynamic that could pose a threat to Newsom, with the thinking that many Democrats would skip the off-year vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fears of a low-turnout election were exacerbated by the decision of Democratic state lawmakers to speed up the recall process. In June, as COVID rates plummeted and vaccines became widely available, they approved a change in state election law that allowed the vote to be moved up, to mid-September, in the hopes of capturing the post-pandemic goodwill of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the start of voting coincided with the rise of the coronavirus delta variant in the state, largely affecting the unvaccinated. And by early August, \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/california-recall-polls/\">polls\u003c/a> suggested Newsom faced the real risk of being removed from office.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>But the resurgence of the virus also allowed Newsom to draw his clearest contrast between himself and the candidates hoping to replace him, most notably conservative radio talk show host Larry Elder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late July, Newsom announced vaccine mandates for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11882436/california-requiring-proof-of-vaccine-or-weekly-testing-for-health-workers-and-state-employees\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California state employees, health care workers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11884606/newsom-mandates-covid-vaccines-or-regular-tests-for-all-california-teachers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">school staff\u003c/a>, along with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11880805/california-to-require-face-masks-at-schools-this-fall\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">mask requirement for school children\u003c/a> — orders that Elder promised to revoke on Day One if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This [recall] is something that is bigger than any of this election stuff, which is that we are in a pandemic,” state Sen. Steve Glazer, D-Orinda, told KQED Tuesday night, referring to the last 18 months as “the most traumatic time in American history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin’s had his stumbles in this space, but he also has led in this space. And the consequences go beyond partisanship,” Glazer said. “It’s bigger than the recall. It’s trust in government, it’s trust in science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elder’s dominance of the replacement candidate field also presented Newsom’s campaign with the foil it was desperately searching for — after previous attempts to try to link the recall to Republican voter suppression efforts or the Jan. 6 U.S. Capitol attack fell flat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Elder’s emergence as the clear favorite for replacing Newsom — on the second question on the ballot — allowed the governor to turn the race from a referendum to a choice: Newsom spent the final days of the campaign slamming Elder’s conservative positions on climate policy, abortion and the minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Republicans] don’t understand that when you have a candidate that is truly aligned with Trumpism … that doesn’t actually resonate with Californians,” Alvarado, the GOP consultant, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Elder remained the overwhelming favorite among voters who filled in the second question — garnering the support of well over 40% of those voters — he received nowhere near the number of votes needed to oust Newsom. Even before the votes had been counted, he and his supporters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888445/officials-fear-a-new-normal-as-republicans-make-baseless-california-fraud-claims\">blamed the outcome \u003c/a>on election\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888445/officials-fear-a-new-normal-as-republicans-make-baseless-california-fraud-claims\"> fraud\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think the rhetoric we heard about, that Mr. Elder was espousing, is antiquated and racist and classist and sexist,” said Holly Mitchell, a Democratic Los Angeles County supervisor. “And that white supremacist ideology lost tonight. And I couldn’t be more proud of my fellow Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell said the vast number of challenges California faces, from creating more affordable housing to addressing environmental and health crises, is what “for me, made this recall effort and the money wasted so deeply offensive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have real work to do,” she said, calling the contest an unnecessary distraction. “But we’re back on track and we’ll all be back to work first thing in the morning, representing the needs of California residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s vote could end up being the last gubernatorial recall held under the current rules, which were enacted by voters and added to the state constitution in 1911, \u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com/california-recall-theres-a-method-to-what-looks-like-madness-167622\">an effort\u003c/a> by Progressives to curb rampant political corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leading state Democratic officials, \u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2021/07/20/some-serious-problems-with-california-recall-laws-secretary-of-state-says/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">including Secretary of State Shirley Weber\u003c/a>, have already voiced support for reexamining the process. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/09/09/opinion/california-recall-newsom.html\">Advocates for reform\u003c/a> note that other states with recall provisions have much higher thresholds for reaching the ballot, such as requiring a greater percentage of signatures or sanctioning it only if an official is convicted of an act of malfeasance or a serious crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s vote is only the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/13/1036533187/californias-newsom-is-only-the-4th-governor-to-face-a-recall-vote\">fourth gubernatorial recall election\u003c/a> in U.S. history. Two of those challenges have been in California — the last in 2003, when actor Arnold Schwarzenegger successfully ousted then-Gov. Gray Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while three-quarters of the voters surveyed in the IGS poll said they support retaining the recall provision, \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6kt7w3ts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">most said they were open to various changes\u003c/a> that would make it harder to remove state officials from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the legislators coming out of this may choose to do what is most advantageous to perhaps the majority party. I mean, that’s the way politics works. The winning side gets to decide the next move,” DiCamillo, the director of IGS, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I think for voters, they do want to see some reform. So it really becomes a question of what those specific reforms are and whether they seem fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Matthew Green contributed reporting to this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For years leading up to the 2020 election, then-President Donald Trump was clear: If he lost, it would be because of voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/13/1036158468/the-california-recall-and-its-very-real-political-consequences-explained\">California’s recall election\u003c/a> Tuesday, for which ballots were mailed to all 22 million registered voters in the state, he made a similar baseless declaration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Does anybody really believe the California Recall Election isn’t rigged?” Trump said in a statement Monday. “Millions and millions of Mail-In Ballots will make this just another giant Election Scam, no different, but less blatant, than the 2020 Presidential Election Scam!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Republican hasn’t won a statewide race in California since 2006, and recent polling shows Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom favored to beat the recall and keep his office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Republicans are already setting the stage to blame a loss on voter fraud, and not on a declining base of support in a state that President Biden won by 5 million votes last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are all sort of reasons the 2020 election, in my opinion, was full of shenanigans,” the leading GOP replacement candidate, \u003ca href=\"https://www.foxnews.com/politics/elder-urges-supporters-to-report-anything-suspicious-in-california-recall-election\">Larry Elder, said this month\u003c/a>. “And my fear is they’re going to try that in this election in the recall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/09/08/politics/larry-elder-claims-california-recall/index.html\">Elder’s campaign even set up a website\u003c/a> where concerned voters can report suspicious election activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a tactic that experts said is leading to threats against election workers, but also one they now expect to continue moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just kind of hanging on for ’22 and ’24, because I don’t think this is going anywhere anytime soon,” said Neal Kelley, registrar of voters in California’s Orange County and a Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"california-recall\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There has never been evidence to support the claim that widespread fraud affected the results of the 2020 election, but a wide majority of Republican voters still believe it did. A recent \u003ca href=\"https://news.yahoo.com/poll-two-thirds-of-republicans-still-think-the-2020-election-was-rigged-165934695.html\">Yahoo News/YouGov poll\u003c/a>, for instance, found that 66% of GOP voters said last year’s election was stolen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That conspiracy theory is taking a toll on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/08/17/1027747378/death-threats-and-conspiracy-theories-why-2020-wont-end-for-election-officials\">voting officials, who now have to administer the country’s elections while also being subjected to death threats\u003c/a> and intense pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/local-election-officials-survey\">recent survey\u003c/a> found that a third of election administrators nationwide felt unsafe while doing their jobs during the last election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelley said members of his staff have been followed and videotaped while picking up ballots from drop boxes in recent weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been doing this almost 18 years, and I would say the end of ’19 leading into ’20 and then all the way up to today has been the most stressful period of my career,” Kelley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up until now, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/02/02/rick-scotts-zombie-claim-about-voter-fraud-2018/\">fraud claims\u003c/a> have been mostly isolated to national campaigns and the occasional statewide race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jamie Shew, who oversees elections in Douglas County, Kansas, said he worries the tactic could trickle down to local races, where margins are often extremely thin. Last year, for instance, a county commission race was decided by just three votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates running accepted the results after a hand recount, but Shew said he worries next time they might not be so lucky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in [2016 and 2018], candidates were going to ‘there was fraud’ rather than it was a bad campaign,” Shew said. But “2020 took it to a whole new level. And I don’t think that’s going to go away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all Republicans are embracing the claims. John Cox, a business executive running to replace Newsom, said voter fraud concerns are “another distraction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Frankly, all this talk about the election not being valid is a cul de sac because it’s going to result in some people deciding not to vote,” Cox said as he campaigned Monday outside the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Secretary of State Shirley Weber — the state’s chief elections official — said concerns about election security are “inaccurate.” California, she said, has “the strictest voting system testing, procedures for use and security requirements in the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All votes, whether in person, by mail or drop box, will be cast on paper ballots that can be hand-counted afterward if there are questions about the tally in any county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the challenge for election officials is the vote counting and vote reporting process, which can lead to changes in results that appear to swing back and forth before final tallies are released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, where election officials can begin processing mailed ballots ahead of Election Day, the first batch of results often is from mail-in ballots. Those are expected to slightly favor Democrats. Then come results from in-person polling places on Election Day, which is when higher percentages of Republicans typically vote. Finally, late-arriving mail ballots are counted and reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots will be counted up to seven days after the election as long as they are postmarked by Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local elections officials are seeing increased activity from a group of election observers aligned with Republicans, said Donna Johnston, Sutter County registrar of voters and president of the California Association of Clerks and Election Officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said election officials welcome observers and the chance to explain procedures that ensure election security and integrity. The increase in distrust, though, is “heartbreaking to us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Election officials take it personally when somebody is just making unfounded accusations about what we do,” Johnston said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press’s Adam Beam, Christina A. Cassidy, Michael R. Blood and Nicholas Riccardi contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit npr.org.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are all sort of reasons the 2020 election, in my opinion, was full of shenanigans,” the leading GOP replacement candidate, \u003ca href=\"https://www.foxnews.com/politics/elder-urges-supporters-to-report-anything-suspicious-in-california-recall-election\">Larry Elder, said this month\u003c/a>. “And my fear is they’re going to try that in this election in the recall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/09/08/politics/larry-elder-claims-california-recall/index.html\">Elder’s campaign even set up a website\u003c/a> where concerned voters can report suspicious election activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a tactic that experts said is leading to threats against election workers, but also one they now expect to continue moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just kind of hanging on for ’22 and ’24, because I don’t think this is going anywhere anytime soon,” said Neal Kelley, registrar of voters in California’s Orange County and a Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There has never been evidence to support the claim that widespread fraud affected the results of the 2020 election, but a wide majority of Republican voters still believe it did. A recent \u003ca href=\"https://news.yahoo.com/poll-two-thirds-of-republicans-still-think-the-2020-election-was-rigged-165934695.html\">Yahoo News/YouGov poll\u003c/a>, for instance, found that 66% of GOP voters said last year’s election was stolen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That conspiracy theory is taking a toll on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/08/17/1027747378/death-threats-and-conspiracy-theories-why-2020-wont-end-for-election-officials\">voting officials, who now have to administer the country’s elections while also being subjected to death threats\u003c/a> and intense pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/local-election-officials-survey\">recent survey\u003c/a> found that a third of election administrators nationwide felt unsafe while doing their jobs during the last election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelley said members of his staff have been followed and videotaped while picking up ballots from drop boxes in recent weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been doing this almost 18 years, and I would say the end of ’19 leading into ’20 and then all the way up to today has been the most stressful period of my career,” Kelley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up until now, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/02/02/rick-scotts-zombie-claim-about-voter-fraud-2018/\">fraud claims\u003c/a> have been mostly isolated to national campaigns and the occasional statewide race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jamie Shew, who oversees elections in Douglas County, Kansas, said he worries the tactic could trickle down to local races, where margins are often extremely thin. Last year, for instance, a county commission race was decided by just three votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates running accepted the results after a hand recount, but Shew said he worries next time they might not be so lucky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in [2016 and 2018], candidates were going to ‘there was fraud’ rather than it was a bad campaign,” Shew said. But “2020 took it to a whole new level. And I don’t think that’s going to go away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all Republicans are embracing the claims. John Cox, a business executive running to replace Newsom, said voter fraud concerns are “another distraction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Frankly, all this talk about the election not being valid is a cul de sac because it’s going to result in some people deciding not to vote,” Cox said as he campaigned Monday outside the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Secretary of State Shirley Weber — the state’s chief elections official — said concerns about election security are “inaccurate.” California, she said, has “the strictest voting system testing, procedures for use and security requirements in the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All votes, whether in person, by mail or drop box, will be cast on paper ballots that can be hand-counted afterward if there are questions about the tally in any county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the challenge for election officials is the vote counting and vote reporting process, which can lead to changes in results that appear to swing back and forth before final tallies are released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, where election officials can begin processing mailed ballots ahead of Election Day, the first batch of results often is from mail-in ballots. Those are expected to slightly favor Democrats. Then come results from in-person polling places on Election Day, which is when higher percentages of Republicans typically vote. Finally, late-arriving mail ballots are counted and reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots will be counted up to seven days after the election as long as they are postmarked by Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local elections officials are seeing increased activity from a group of election observers aligned with Republicans, said Donna Johnston, Sutter County registrar of voters and president of the California Association of Clerks and Election Officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said election officials welcome observers and the chance to explain procedures that ensure election security and integrity. The increase in distrust, though, is “heartbreaking to us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Election officials take it personally when somebody is just making unfounded accusations about what we do,” Johnston said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press’s Adam Beam, Christina A. Cassidy, Michael R. Blood and Nicholas Riccardi contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit npr.org.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A rare event happens Tuesday in California: Californians will decide whether Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom should remain in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Find Your Ballot Drop-Off Location' tag='find-your-box']It’s only the second recall election in the state to qualify for the ballot, but the second in the past 20 years. That previous recall, in 2003, resulted in actor Arnold Schwarzenegger becoming governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot has changed since then on many fronts, but that it’s even happening in the first place — and who the leading Republican contender is — is an example of how politics has shifted in the state and reflects a national shift toward sharper partisanship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election will also have national consequences. A California governor could appoint a new U.S. senator to the evenly divided chamber in the next year or so. And this is the first big test of whether Democrats can fire up their base — even in a very blue state — ahead of next year’s midterm elections when Republicans are favored to take back the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a primer on the recall, how it works and how we got here. But first:\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What are the potential national political consequences?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The fact that a Democratic governor in a state that President Biden won by almost 30 percentage points in 2020 doesn’t stand a near 0% chance of being ousted tells you a degree of the story of off-year elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The party out of power is usually the one that’s most fired up.\u003c/strong> During this pandemic, conservatives have been particularly vexed by Democratic governance — and they have no greater example for their ire, of everything they dislike about liberals, than California. So Newsom was already a ripe target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A test of Democratic mobilization.\u003c/strong> All eyes will be on to what degree Democrats are enthusiastic ahead of 2022. There are certainly motivators, considering the stakes the threat of Republican governance poses to the center-left, from the handling of the pandemic to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/09/1035467999/justice-department-sues-texas-over-new-abortion-ban\">extreme abortion laws like Texas’s\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given that \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/administration/news-releases-and-advisories/2020-news-releases-and-advisories/ap20108\">Democrats outnumber GOP voters by almost 5 million in California\u003c/a>, how close Republicans get to recalling Newsom — or of course if he’s recalled — is going to be something to watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>In very practical terms, the U.S. Senate could be at stake.\u003c/strong> At first, this doesn’t seem to make sense, since this is about a governorship. But consider that Democrats control the 50-50 Senate by only the narrowest of margins, needing Vice President Harris to break ties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California governor has the power to appoint a U.S. senator and should there be a vacancy, Newsom or his replacement would serve until January 2023, and Sen. Dianne Feinstein would be approaching 90 at that point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A test of Biden’s clout.\u003c/strong> The president is campaigning for and with Newsom on Monday. That raises the political stakes. If Newsom were to lose — or if the election is close — Biden’s sway would be in question. And it would come at a time when \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/02/1033433959/biden-approval-rating-afghanistan-withdrawal\">Biden’s approval rating has been slipping nationally\u003c/a>, given the resurgent coronavirus due to the delta variant and following the Afghanistan withdrawal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A sign of the growing strength of a partisan minority?\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Laws_governing_recall_in_California\">To qualify for the ballot, a recall effort requires signatures\u003c/a> that amount to at least 12% of the turnout of the last gubernatorial election, plus some other total vote thresholds. While this year that’s about 1.5 million signatures — undoubtedly a lot of signatures — you can find 12% of people who agree that they are very upset about a lot of things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What are the future repercussions when that’s the bar to cause \u003ca href=\"https://www.abc10.com/article/news/politics/california-recall-elections-will-cost-276-million/103-60b467b4-ac53-4684-a9ea-5454cf8d1b3e\">a statewide election that is costing California $276 million\u003c/a>? Calculating that out for future fights, as the country becomes even more polarized, could be astronomical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The factors at play here — the relatively low threshold to get on the ballot, and then if the governor is recalled, that the replacement could win with a plurality of votes — follow larger, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/09/1002593823/how-democratic-is-american-democracy-key-pillars-face-stress-tests\">national complaints about the growing power of a political minority\u003c/a>, like with the Senate filibuster and the Electoral College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888331\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11888331\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"One person is visible behind a very large machine in a room filled with machines with cables everywhere.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers sort through mail-in ballots at the Santa Clara County registrar of voters office on Aug. 25, 2021, in San Jose. The registrar has prepared to take in and process thousands of ballots in this year’s recall election. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>So how does this recall actually work?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Californians have been legally able to recall their governors since 1911. Every governor in the past 60 years has faced a recall attempt, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/recalls/recall-history-california-1913-present\">only two, including this one, have qualified for the ballot\u003c/a>. Newsom has faced at least five attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s opponents got 1.7 million signatures to get this recall on the ballot, higher than the 1.5 million needed, but they also had more time than usual. Normally, recall petitioners get a little over five months to turn in signatures. This effort was extended four months beyond that because of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How did Newsom end up in this position?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The recall effort began in June 2020 and didn’t have to do with COVID-19. As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/scottshafer\">KQED’s Scott Shafer\u003c/a> told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/1035158231\">NPR Politics podcast\u003c/a>, it was about the death penalty, crime, homelessness, housing costs and immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it very much became about the pandemic after \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/entertainment-health-elections-california-coronavirus-pandemic-c4cbdfdfa832495d19b4c1639f1cfb90\">Newsom was caught on camera at a birthday party\u003c/a> — without a mask — \u003ca href=\"https://www.yahoo.com/now/most-expensive-restaurants-us-114917409.html#:~:text=The%20French%20Laundry%20%2D%20Yountville%2C%20California&text=The%20restaurant%20has%20three%20Michelin,%24325%20and%20%24350%20per%20person.\">at one of the most expensive restaurants in the country\u003c/a>, The French Laundry, last November. It reeked of hypocrisy, given that this was during the height of the pandemic and with restrictions in place in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How will a winner be decided?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ballots were mailed to all 22 million registered voters in the state about a month before Tuesday’s election. There are \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/2021-ca-gov-recall/newsom-recall-faqs?ltclid=4cc29b6b-6cc2-4250-98f2-055dc9ef7a1cif%20it%3Fback%3Dhttps%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2Fsearch%3Fclient%3Dsafari%26as_qdr%3Dall%26as_occt%3Dany%26safe%3Dactive%26as_q%3Dwhat%20is%20the%20date%20of%20the%20California%20gubernatorial%20recall%26channel%3Daplab%26source%3Da-app1%26hl%3Den\">two questions voters can decide on\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Should Newsom be recalled?\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Who should replace him?\u003c/strong> If a majority votes “no” on the first question, then the second question doesn’t matter. But if “yes” on Question 1 gets 50% plus one vote, Newsom would be recalled, and the highest vote-getter on Question 2 would become governor (by Oct. 22 when the state would certify the results) and serve out the remainder of Newsom’s term.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>Californians do not have to vote on both questions. And the use of mail-in ballots could complicate the turnout picture, altering the traditional notion of whose voters are motivated to hit the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who is on the ballot to replace Newsom?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are 46 people who qualified to be on the ballot — 24 Republicans, 10 people with no party affiliation, nine Democrats, two from the Green Party and one Libertarian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leading replacement contender is Republican Larry Elder, a controversial talk radio host. (The ballot also includes Caitlyn Jenner, who is not expected to fare well.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888333\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888333 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-scaled.jpg\" alt='A man wearing a \"Recall Newsom\" T-shirt takes a selfie with Larry Elder.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Johnny Marin takes a photo with Republican recall candidate Larry Elder at a town hall event in Downey as Elder campaigns to try to beat Gov. Gavin Newsom in the recall election. The conservative talk show host is the front-runner in the race to replace Newsom. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Who is Larry Elder?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Related Coverage' tag='recall']Newsom has been happy to elevate Elder because of his many controversial statements. For example, Elder, who is Black, has said it can be argued that enslavers are owed reparations because slavery was legal and enslaved people were “property” of those owners. He has also said Blacks “exaggerate” racism, that “women exaggerate” sexism and that working mothers aren’t as “dedicated” to work as others — among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That someone who has expressed such extreme views could be the leading Republican candidate in a state like California shows just how much the party — not just in California but across the country — has changed since electing Donald Trump as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>When was the last California recall?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>2003. Local issues, from an energy crisis and a budget deficit to a gas tax hike, dominated and hobbled Democratic Gov. Gray Davis. Davis’s approval rating was mired in the 20s, he was recalled, and America was given “The Governator.” (If you think that’s bad, you can imagine — if you don’t remember — the number of \u003cem>Total Recall\u003c/em> headlines in reference to that election.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three major differences, though, between the 2003 and 2021 recalls:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>This recall has been far more nationalized. Newsom has essentially put GOP governance on the ballot, especially regarding the coronavirus pandemic, which is what ironically supercharged the effort to get the recall on the ballot in the first place.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Unlike Davis, Newsom is fairly popular. His approval ratings are routinely above 50%.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>And Schwarzenegger was something that’s now seemingly an endangered species among elected officials: a Republican moderate. Elder is decidedly not. In addition to his controversial views, Elder has definitively said he would appoint a Republican to the U.S. Senate if Feinstein’s seat were to come open.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A rare event happens Tuesday in California: Californians will decide whether Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom should remain in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It’s only the second recall election in the state to qualify for the ballot, but the second in the past 20 years. That previous recall, in 2003, resulted in actor Arnold Schwarzenegger becoming governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot has changed since then on many fronts, but that it’s even happening in the first place — and who the leading Republican contender is — is an example of how politics has shifted in the state and reflects a national shift toward sharper partisanship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election will also have national consequences. A California governor could appoint a new U.S. senator to the evenly divided chamber in the next year or so. And this is the first big test of whether Democrats can fire up their base — even in a very blue state — ahead of next year’s midterm elections when Republicans are favored to take back the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a primer on the recall, how it works and how we got here. But first:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What are the potential national political consequences?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The fact that a Democratic governor in a state that President Biden won by almost 30 percentage points in 2020 doesn’t stand a near 0% chance of being ousted tells you a degree of the story of off-year elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The party out of power is usually the one that’s most fired up.\u003c/strong> During this pandemic, conservatives have been particularly vexed by Democratic governance — and they have no greater example for their ire, of everything they dislike about liberals, than California. So Newsom was already a ripe target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A test of Democratic mobilization.\u003c/strong> All eyes will be on to what degree Democrats are enthusiastic ahead of 2022. There are certainly motivators, considering the stakes the threat of Republican governance poses to the center-left, from the handling of the pandemic to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/09/1035467999/justice-department-sues-texas-over-new-abortion-ban\">extreme abortion laws like Texas’s\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given that \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/administration/news-releases-and-advisories/2020-news-releases-and-advisories/ap20108\">Democrats outnumber GOP voters by almost 5 million in California\u003c/a>, how close Republicans get to recalling Newsom — or of course if he’s recalled — is going to be something to watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>In very practical terms, the U.S. Senate could be at stake.\u003c/strong> At first, this doesn’t seem to make sense, since this is about a governorship. But consider that Democrats control the 50-50 Senate by only the narrowest of margins, needing Vice President Harris to break ties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California governor has the power to appoint a U.S. senator and should there be a vacancy, Newsom or his replacement would serve until January 2023, and Sen. Dianne Feinstein would be approaching 90 at that point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A test of Biden’s clout.\u003c/strong> The president is campaigning for and with Newsom on Monday. That raises the political stakes. If Newsom were to lose — or if the election is close — Biden’s sway would be in question. And it would come at a time when \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/02/1033433959/biden-approval-rating-afghanistan-withdrawal\">Biden’s approval rating has been slipping nationally\u003c/a>, given the resurgent coronavirus due to the delta variant and following the Afghanistan withdrawal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A sign of the growing strength of a partisan minority?\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Laws_governing_recall_in_California\">To qualify for the ballot, a recall effort requires signatures\u003c/a> that amount to at least 12% of the turnout of the last gubernatorial election, plus some other total vote thresholds. While this year that’s about 1.5 million signatures — undoubtedly a lot of signatures — you can find 12% of people who agree that they are very upset about a lot of things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What are the future repercussions when that’s the bar to cause \u003ca href=\"https://www.abc10.com/article/news/politics/california-recall-elections-will-cost-276-million/103-60b467b4-ac53-4684-a9ea-5454cf8d1b3e\">a statewide election that is costing California $276 million\u003c/a>? Calculating that out for future fights, as the country becomes even more polarized, could be astronomical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The factors at play here — the relatively low threshold to get on the ballot, and then if the governor is recalled, that the replacement could win with a plurality of votes — follow larger, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/09/1002593823/how-democratic-is-american-democracy-key-pillars-face-stress-tests\">national complaints about the growing power of a political minority\u003c/a>, like with the Senate filibuster and the Electoral College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888331\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11888331\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"One person is visible behind a very large machine in a room filled with machines with cables everywhere.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1336372841-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers sort through mail-in ballots at the Santa Clara County registrar of voters office on Aug. 25, 2021, in San Jose. The registrar has prepared to take in and process thousands of ballots in this year’s recall election. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>So how does this recall actually work?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Californians have been legally able to recall their governors since 1911. Every governor in the past 60 years has faced a recall attempt, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/recalls/recall-history-california-1913-present\">only two, including this one, have qualified for the ballot\u003c/a>. Newsom has faced at least five attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s opponents got 1.7 million signatures to get this recall on the ballot, higher than the 1.5 million needed, but they also had more time than usual. Normally, recall petitioners get a little over five months to turn in signatures. This effort was extended four months beyond that because of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How did Newsom end up in this position?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The recall effort began in June 2020 and didn’t have to do with COVID-19. As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/scottshafer\">KQED’s Scott Shafer\u003c/a> told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/1035158231\">NPR Politics podcast\u003c/a>, it was about the death penalty, crime, homelessness, housing costs and immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it very much became about the pandemic after \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/entertainment-health-elections-california-coronavirus-pandemic-c4cbdfdfa832495d19b4c1639f1cfb90\">Newsom was caught on camera at a birthday party\u003c/a> — without a mask — \u003ca href=\"https://www.yahoo.com/now/most-expensive-restaurants-us-114917409.html#:~:text=The%20French%20Laundry%20%2D%20Yountville%2C%20California&text=The%20restaurant%20has%20three%20Michelin,%24325%20and%20%24350%20per%20person.\">at one of the most expensive restaurants in the country\u003c/a>, The French Laundry, last November. It reeked of hypocrisy, given that this was during the height of the pandemic and with restrictions in place in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How will a winner be decided?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ballots were mailed to all 22 million registered voters in the state about a month before Tuesday’s election. There are \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/2021-ca-gov-recall/newsom-recall-faqs?ltclid=4cc29b6b-6cc2-4250-98f2-055dc9ef7a1cif%20it%3Fback%3Dhttps%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2Fsearch%3Fclient%3Dsafari%26as_qdr%3Dall%26as_occt%3Dany%26safe%3Dactive%26as_q%3Dwhat%20is%20the%20date%20of%20the%20California%20gubernatorial%20recall%26channel%3Daplab%26source%3Da-app1%26hl%3Den\">two questions voters can decide on\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Should Newsom be recalled?\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Who should replace him?\u003c/strong> If a majority votes “no” on the first question, then the second question doesn’t matter. But if “yes” on Question 1 gets 50% plus one vote, Newsom would be recalled, and the highest vote-getter on Question 2 would become governor (by Oct. 22 when the state would certify the results) and serve out the remainder of Newsom’s term.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>Californians do not have to vote on both questions. And the use of mail-in ballots could complicate the turnout picture, altering the traditional notion of whose voters are motivated to hit the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who is on the ballot to replace Newsom?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are 46 people who qualified to be on the ballot — 24 Republicans, 10 people with no party affiliation, nine Democrats, two from the Green Party and one Libertarian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leading replacement contender is Republican Larry Elder, a controversial talk radio host. (The ballot also includes Caitlyn Jenner, who is not expected to fare well.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888333\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888333 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-scaled.jpg\" alt='A man wearing a \"Recall Newsom\" T-shirt takes a selfie with Larry Elder.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1235151948-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Johnny Marin takes a photo with Republican recall candidate Larry Elder at a town hall event in Downey as Elder campaigns to try to beat Gov. Gavin Newsom in the recall election. The conservative talk show host is the front-runner in the race to replace Newsom. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Who is Larry Elder?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Newsom has been happy to elevate Elder because of his many controversial statements. For example, Elder, who is Black, has said it can be argued that enslavers are owed reparations because slavery was legal and enslaved people were “property” of those owners. He has also said Blacks “exaggerate” racism, that “women exaggerate” sexism and that working mothers aren’t as “dedicated” to work as others — among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That someone who has expressed such extreme views could be the leading Republican candidate in a state like California shows just how much the party — not just in California but across the country — has changed since electing Donald Trump as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>When was the last California recall?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>2003. Local issues, from an energy crisis and a budget deficit to a gas tax hike, dominated and hobbled Democratic Gov. Gray Davis. Davis’s approval rating was mired in the 20s, he was recalled, and America was given “The Governator.” (If you think that’s bad, you can imagine — if you don’t remember — the number of \u003cem>Total Recall\u003c/em> headlines in reference to that election.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three major differences, though, between the 2003 and 2021 recalls:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>This recall has been far more nationalized. Newsom has essentially put GOP governance on the ballot, especially regarding the coronavirus pandemic, which is what ironically supercharged the effort to get the recall on the ballot in the first place.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Unlike Davis, Newsom is fairly popular. His approval ratings are routinely above 50%.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>And Schwarzenegger was something that’s now seemingly an endangered species among elected officials: a Republican moderate. Elder is decidedly not. In addition to his controversial views, Elder has definitively said he would appoint a Republican to the U.S. Senate if Feinstein’s seat were to come open.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Can Recall Ads in Spanish Sway Latino Voters? Two Families Weigh In",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tomorrow (Tuesday) is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/recall\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">last day to vote in California’s recall election\u003c/a>, and heading into the final stretch, campaigns on both sides are trying hard to sway Latinos, who make up a sizable chunk of the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos represent 35% of California’s adult population, but account for only 21% of those most likely to vote — nearly 60% of whom are registered Democrats — according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/JTF_RaceandVotingJTF.pdf\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. California’s Latino voters have also helped hand Democrats a complete lock on the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No politician can take Latino votes and our community for granted,” Olga Miranda, president of SEIU Local 87, said at a recent phone- banking event to persuade voters to reject the recall of Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11884716,news_11885191' hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Newsom-Picture.jpg']\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843511/more-important-than-ever-the-race-to-boost-californias-latino-vote\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">In addition to phone banks, rallies and grassroots-level organizing\u003c/a>, both sides of the recall contest have in recent weeks pumped the airwaves — and social media platforms — with Spanish-language television and radio ads to garner crucial Latino votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://socialinnovation.usc.edu/staff/manuel-pastor/#:~:text=Manuel%20Pastor%20is%20a%20Distinguished,D.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Manuel Pastor\u003c/a>, director of the Equity Research Institute at the University of Southern California, said this recall election shows how campaign messaging to Latino voters has evolved from the days when candidates would just say a few words in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think you’re starting to see some level of sophistication, which is not so much around what kind of Spanish you speak as it is around what kind of issues you address and whether or not they actually hit people where they live,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hector Barajas, a Republican political consultant working on the effort to remove Newsom, said people of color, and Latinos in particular, have borne the brunt of the pandemic, both financially and physically. The pro-recall campaign leans into that frustration, betting that families who’ve been pushed to the margins will vote to remove Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a \u003ca href=\"https://rescuecalifornia.org/rescue-california-launches-statewide-spanish-language-radio-ad-to-recall-gavin-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Spanish-language radio ad from the conservative group Rescue California\u003c/a> directly blames Newsom for the hardship that many working families in the state have experienced, emphasizing the high cost of living and the negative impact that online learning has had on children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, opponents of the recall — who are labeling the effort a “\u003ca href=\"https://stoptherepublicanrecall.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Republican power grab\u003c/a>” — have tried to cast a light on the anti-immigrant stances of some key players behind the campaign, in a defensive effort to scare and mobilize Spanish-speaking Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But are either of these strategies actually effective in engaging the Latino electorate? Earlier this month, KQED sat down with two families — one from the East Bay and one from the Central Valley, representing different political and regional perspectives — to hear their thoughts on how to successfully earn their votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s María Peña and Lina Blanco facilitated two intimate focus groups with the families to record their responses to nine Spanish-language political ads from both sides of the recall effort, as well as spots from two recall candidates: Kevin Faulconer and Larry Elder.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Turning our mics to families\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In our first focus group, we spoke with three members of the Díaz family, representing two generations: Itzel, who considers herself independent or nonpartisan, and her parents María de Jesus and Porfirio, who are both registered Democrats. All three were born in Jalisco, Mexico, and voted in the U.S. for the first time in the 2020 presidential election. They all speak Spanish as their first language and call Oakland home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888163 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A smiling family poses at a dining room table, the parents seated side by side and the adult daughter leaning on her father's shoulder.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Itzel Diaz and her parents, Maria and Porfirio Diaz, in their Oakland home on Sept. 9, 2021, after dropping off their ballots for California’s gubernatorial recall election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The second focus group included three members of the Avila family, who also represent two generations: Debbie and her brother Obed, as well as their mother Adela. All three are registered Republicans, self-identify as Mexican American, and speak Spanish fluently. Debbie and Adela live in Modesto and Obed lives in Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888230\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888230 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-1020x574.jpg\" alt=\"Side-by-side photos of an adult daughter and her mother, both smiling.\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Debbie and Adela Avila in Modesto on Sept. 12, 2021. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Avila family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In both bilingual conversations, we asked participants the same questions:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>“How do each of these ads make you feel?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“What stood out to you while watching them?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“On a scale of 1 to 5, how likely are you to vote YES or NO on the recall after watching each one?”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>KQED then opened the floor for participants to suggest strategies politicians should consider implementing in future elections to better reach and engage Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A range of reactions\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Itzel, the independent voter from Oakland, said she was initially struck by Kevin Faulconer’s fluency in Spanish. She had grown used to seeing political ads where a politician would speak just a phrase of Spanish here or there and consider it enough to win her vote. Yet, she was most taken by how staged she thought the casting seemed, and \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/5g-OgDeAGao\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the general lack of Latino representation on-screen\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt it was like a series of checkboxes. It’s the way they think what Hispanics look like. I didn’t see a representation of Afro-Latinos or queer Latinos,” she said of the Faulconer ad. “It’s very obvious who they think are not going to vote for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her father, Porfirio, agreed, saying Faulconer’s ad tailored its message toward well-to-do Latinos. Like Itzel, he believes this reveals how little most politicians and strategists seem to know about California’s incredibly diverse Latino population, and how many political ads seem designed to only reach\u003cb> \u003c/b>a selective few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After viewing Spanish-language ads for Elder — \u003ca href=\"https://www.electelder.com/news/larry-elder-campaign-releases-spanish-ads/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one of the candidate speaking from his office\u003c/a> and another \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/article253950243.html\">voiced by former Democratic state Senate Majority Leader Gloria Romero\u003c/a>, who recently endorsed him — Itzel called them “horrible,” both in content and delivery. She noted that Elder’s accent felt very forced.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Lack of imagination’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But what frustrated Itzel most was that both ads emphasized school closures during the pandemic and the negative impact it has had on youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The schools did not close. The classes continued online and the children continued learning,” she said. “They do not mention the effort, the operation and the infrastructure that it took [to get] digital access to a lot of those children that never had it before,” she said.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Itzel Díaz, independent voter in Oakland']‘I feel offended in that sense that I mean really, they think that with pure fear they are going to convince us? What a lack of imagination.’[/pullquote]But Itzel also said she felt offended by the three anti-recall spots paid for by Gov. Gavin Newsom’s campaign — including one that claimed Republicans backing the recall were the same anti-immigrant politicians who support \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/21lxnsuj1Sg\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">embedding microchips into immigrants\u003c/a>. Trying to reach Latinos with fear-based messaging, she said, may have worked 20 or 30 years ago, but not today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are ignoring the fact that there are a lot of very well-educated people in the community. That is, people are very well-informed right now,” she said. “I feel offended in that sense that I mean really, they think that with pure fear they are going to convince us? What a lack of imagination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she believes the anti-recall effort should have focused more on the legislative victories of recent years. This year alone, California lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11879724/so-thankful-california-to-offer-medi-cal-to-235000-undocumented-californians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">expanded Medi-Cal eligibility \u003c/a>to lower-income adults 50 and older, regardless of immigration status, and provided an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862122/how-to-get-your-california-stimulus-check-and-other-tax-credits-youre-entitled-to\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">additional $600 to undocumented taxpayers who earn less than $75,000\u003c/a> and were ineligible for federal stimulus payments.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Something that disappoints me, frustrates me is that they are focusing 100% on fear [and] on the trauma that people already have,” Itzel said, calling that strategy completely unnecessary. “[Newsom] has done so many things to support the Latino community. I feel he missed an opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porfirio agreed with his daughter’s criticism. He wished the campaign would stop spending so much money on resources to produce fear-based ads and instead emphasize specific ways in which Newsom’s administration has supported the Latino community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are very rushed, they look as if they waited too long to prepare for this election,” he said of the Newsom campaign’s ad strategy, which he claims has had no impact on him. “Sadly, it’s the approach they take in every election, right? To scare people with negativity and leave aside the positive contribution. It’s as if they keep betting on that, as if they believe it has more impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Obed Avila, from Merced, a Republican and former Marine, said he wasn’t swayed by an \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/j8zSmXltm18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">anti-recall ad paid for by the California Latino PAC\u003c/a>, linking recall proponents to supporters of Proposition 187, the 1994 ballot measure that targeted the state’s undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the stuff is a little bit one-sided,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his sister, Debbie, also a Republican, disagrees. She said the anti-recall ad brought her back to that infamous ballot measure from nearly 30 years ago.[aside postID='news_11857451' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/022_KQED_SanFrancisco_PollingPlaces_11032020-1020x680.jpg']“I remember the feeling of being treated like a second-class citizen,” she said, through tears. “I have a lot of pride in my family. Of my dad and the hard labor that he’s done in the field, and even my mom who’s sitting next to me, and the work of ‘mi gente.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Debbie personally dislikes Newsom, she plans to vote against the recall because she refuses to align herself with candidates who backed the Trump administration. She said she also supported Newsom’s mandate to shut down the state during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that shutting down the state was a difficult decision, but I feel that it needed to be done,” she said. She believes the move helped save lives and curb the spread of COVID-19 in her community, even though she knows many people are still suffering from the pandemic’s economic impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Debbie’s no vote on the recall may seem like an unexpected one for a registered Republican, she said she was also swayed by her support for recent Democratic state legislation helping undocumented seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see a Republican candidate who would have fought for our undocumented seniors [who’ve] worked in the fields their entire lives, and many of them still are working in the fields today,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Yo voto con mi fe’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Adela — Debbie and Obed’s mother — who worked as a farm laborer and a teacher for decades, said her spiritual views are the most important factor when deciding whom to vote for. “Yo voto con mi fe [faith],” she said. “I don’t look at what other people are doing. I vote if they tell me what their plans are and if I agree with their plans, I’ll vote for them. If not, I won’t.”[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Debbie Avila, registered Republican in Modesto']‘I have a lot of pride in my family — of my dad and the hard labor that he’s done in the field, and even my mom who’s sitting next to me, and the work of ‘mi gente.”[/pullquote]Both Adela and Obed said they were frustrated that both Faulconer and Elder shared so little information about themselves or their plans for how to implement change as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can make promises, but show me how you’re going to fix it, what your plan is,” Obed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a general contractor, Obed has worked on several affordable housing projects for unhoused communities in the Central Valley, but is frustrated by what he sees as money wasted. “I’ve seen millions and billions of dollars being wasted just for a temporary Band-Aid. I want to see how they’re going to do these solutions to win my vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though Obed said he likes Larry Elder the most out of all the candidates, \u003ca href=\"https://www.electelder.com/news/larry-elder-campaign-releases-spanish-ads/\">he didn’t find his Spanish ad effective at all\u003c/a>. His sister Debbie agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of 30 seconds and spending, you know, the thousands and probably millions of dollars he’s using to put this on the air on radio ads or TV ads, I wish he would have used that to tell me who [Elder] is as a candidate, and what his plan is for the state,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888164 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man fills out his ballot at a dining room table, with his wife in the background in another room.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Porfirio Diaz fills out his mail-in ballot for California’s gubernatorial recall election at his home in Oakland on Sept. 9, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Missed opportunities and the road ahead\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>So how should politicians transform their campaign strategies to more meaningfully connect with Latino voters?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly every participant agreed that while it was encouraging to see candidates attempt to speak Spanish or run ads in Spanish, the ads they watched had no impact on who they would decide to vote for, nor did the messages apply to their everyday lives. Simply seeing ads in Spanish wasn’t enough for them to not feel like an afterthought in a last-minute campaign effort, they said. Instead, they wanted to see the candidates address issues that really affected their day-to-day lives.[aside postID='news_11886210' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS51191_IMG_3342-qut-1020x765.jpg']The Díaz and Avila families made it clear they are both deeply committed to their community’s well-being. Debbie and Adela, from Modesto, want to see politicians coming to communities in the Central Valley, introducing themselves to residents and learning about their biggest concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, both families said, politicians need to continue that relationship-building process with Latino communities year-round — not just at election time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to invite us to the table, and many times they don’t invite us to the table,” Debbie said. “I would love it if they had an advisory committee that had people from all walks of life. It would be nice to even see undocumented folks and see teenagers. There’s a lot of wisdom to what they have to say.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porfirio, in Oakland, also stressed that in addition to politicians reaching out to people in his community, Latino voters must also exercise their right to vote and hold legislators accountable for addressing their needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Mexico … I never missed an election. I always believe that this is one of the most important civil rights. Not only should we demand it, but we should also defend it,” he said. “We have not valued the importance that we have, or we have not believed it. We have not demanded it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hear more of our conversation with the Díaz and Avila families on KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/thebay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>The Bay\u003c/em>\u003c/a> podcast below.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7373530706&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Both sides of the gubernatorial recall effort are pumping the airwaves with Spanish-language ads in the hopes of winning over California's large Latino voting block. KQED recently spoke with two very different Latino families to gauge their reactions.\r\n",
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"title": "Can Recall Ads in Spanish Sway Latino Voters? Two Families Weigh In | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tomorrow (Tuesday) is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/recall\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">last day to vote in California’s recall election\u003c/a>, and heading into the final stretch, campaigns on both sides are trying hard to sway Latinos, who make up a sizable chunk of the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos represent 35% of California’s adult population, but account for only 21% of those most likely to vote — nearly 60% of whom are registered Democrats — according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/JTF_RaceandVotingJTF.pdf\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. California’s Latino voters have also helped hand Democrats a complete lock on the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No politician can take Latino votes and our community for granted,” Olga Miranda, president of SEIU Local 87, said at a recent phone- banking event to persuade voters to reject the recall of Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843511/more-important-than-ever-the-race-to-boost-californias-latino-vote\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">In addition to phone banks, rallies and grassroots-level organizing\u003c/a>, both sides of the recall contest have in recent weeks pumped the airwaves — and social media platforms — with Spanish-language television and radio ads to garner crucial Latino votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://socialinnovation.usc.edu/staff/manuel-pastor/#:~:text=Manuel%20Pastor%20is%20a%20Distinguished,D.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Manuel Pastor\u003c/a>, director of the Equity Research Institute at the University of Southern California, said this recall election shows how campaign messaging to Latino voters has evolved from the days when candidates would just say a few words in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think you’re starting to see some level of sophistication, which is not so much around what kind of Spanish you speak as it is around what kind of issues you address and whether or not they actually hit people where they live,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hector Barajas, a Republican political consultant working on the effort to remove Newsom, said people of color, and Latinos in particular, have borne the brunt of the pandemic, both financially and physically. The pro-recall campaign leans into that frustration, betting that families who’ve been pushed to the margins will vote to remove Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a \u003ca href=\"https://rescuecalifornia.org/rescue-california-launches-statewide-spanish-language-radio-ad-to-recall-gavin-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Spanish-language radio ad from the conservative group Rescue California\u003c/a> directly blames Newsom for the hardship that many working families in the state have experienced, emphasizing the high cost of living and the negative impact that online learning has had on children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, opponents of the recall — who are labeling the effort a “\u003ca href=\"https://stoptherepublicanrecall.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Republican power grab\u003c/a>” — have tried to cast a light on the anti-immigrant stances of some key players behind the campaign, in a defensive effort to scare and mobilize Spanish-speaking Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But are either of these strategies actually effective in engaging the Latino electorate? Earlier this month, KQED sat down with two families — one from the East Bay and one from the Central Valley, representing different political and regional perspectives — to hear their thoughts on how to successfully earn their votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s María Peña and Lina Blanco facilitated two intimate focus groups with the families to record their responses to nine Spanish-language political ads from both sides of the recall effort, as well as spots from two recall candidates: Kevin Faulconer and Larry Elder.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Turning our mics to families\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In our first focus group, we spoke with three members of the Díaz family, representing two generations: Itzel, who considers herself independent or nonpartisan, and her parents María de Jesus and Porfirio, who are both registered Democrats. All three were born in Jalisco, Mexico, and voted in the U.S. for the first time in the 2020 presidential election. They all speak Spanish as their first language and call Oakland home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888163 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A smiling family poses at a dining room table, the parents seated side by side and the adult daughter leaning on her father's shoulder.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Itzel Diaz and her parents, Maria and Porfirio Diaz, in their Oakland home on Sept. 9, 2021, after dropping off their ballots for California’s gubernatorial recall election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The second focus group included three members of the Avila family, who also represent two generations: Debbie and her brother Obed, as well as their mother Adela. All three are registered Republicans, self-identify as Mexican American, and speak Spanish fluently. Debbie and Adela live in Modesto and Obed lives in Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888230\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888230 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-1020x574.jpg\" alt=\"Side-by-side photos of an adult daughter and her mother, both smiling.\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Debbie and Adela Avila in Modesto on Sept. 12, 2021. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Avila family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In both bilingual conversations, we asked participants the same questions:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>“How do each of these ads make you feel?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“What stood out to you while watching them?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“On a scale of 1 to 5, how likely are you to vote YES or NO on the recall after watching each one?”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>KQED then opened the floor for participants to suggest strategies politicians should consider implementing in future elections to better reach and engage Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A range of reactions\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Itzel, the independent voter from Oakland, said she was initially struck by Kevin Faulconer’s fluency in Spanish. She had grown used to seeing political ads where a politician would speak just a phrase of Spanish here or there and consider it enough to win her vote. Yet, she was most taken by how staged she thought the casting seemed, and \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/5g-OgDeAGao\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the general lack of Latino representation on-screen\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt it was like a series of checkboxes. It’s the way they think what Hispanics look like. I didn’t see a representation of Afro-Latinos or queer Latinos,” she said of the Faulconer ad. “It’s very obvious who they think are not going to vote for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her father, Porfirio, agreed, saying Faulconer’s ad tailored its message toward well-to-do Latinos. Like Itzel, he believes this reveals how little most politicians and strategists seem to know about California’s incredibly diverse Latino population, and how many political ads seem designed to only reach\u003cb> \u003c/b>a selective few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After viewing Spanish-language ads for Elder — \u003ca href=\"https://www.electelder.com/news/larry-elder-campaign-releases-spanish-ads/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one of the candidate speaking from his office\u003c/a> and another \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/article253950243.html\">voiced by former Democratic state Senate Majority Leader Gloria Romero\u003c/a>, who recently endorsed him — Itzel called them “horrible,” both in content and delivery. She noted that Elder’s accent felt very forced.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Lack of imagination’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But what frustrated Itzel most was that both ads emphasized school closures during the pandemic and the negative impact it has had on youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The schools did not close. The classes continued online and the children continued learning,” she said. “They do not mention the effort, the operation and the infrastructure that it took [to get] digital access to a lot of those children that never had it before,” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But Itzel also said she felt offended by the three anti-recall spots paid for by Gov. Gavin Newsom’s campaign — including one that claimed Republicans backing the recall were the same anti-immigrant politicians who support \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/21lxnsuj1Sg\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">embedding microchips into immigrants\u003c/a>. Trying to reach Latinos with fear-based messaging, she said, may have worked 20 or 30 years ago, but not today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are ignoring the fact that there are a lot of very well-educated people in the community. That is, people are very well-informed right now,” she said. “I feel offended in that sense that I mean really, they think that with pure fear they are going to convince us? What a lack of imagination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she believes the anti-recall effort should have focused more on the legislative victories of recent years. This year alone, California lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11879724/so-thankful-california-to-offer-medi-cal-to-235000-undocumented-californians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">expanded Medi-Cal eligibility \u003c/a>to lower-income adults 50 and older, regardless of immigration status, and provided an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862122/how-to-get-your-california-stimulus-check-and-other-tax-credits-youre-entitled-to\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">additional $600 to undocumented taxpayers who earn less than $75,000\u003c/a> and were ineligible for federal stimulus payments.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Something that disappoints me, frustrates me is that they are focusing 100% on fear [and] on the trauma that people already have,” Itzel said, calling that strategy completely unnecessary. “[Newsom] has done so many things to support the Latino community. I feel he missed an opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porfirio agreed with his daughter’s criticism. He wished the campaign would stop spending so much money on resources to produce fear-based ads and instead emphasize specific ways in which Newsom’s administration has supported the Latino community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are very rushed, they look as if they waited too long to prepare for this election,” he said of the Newsom campaign’s ad strategy, which he claims has had no impact on him. “Sadly, it’s the approach they take in every election, right? To scare people with negativity and leave aside the positive contribution. It’s as if they keep betting on that, as if they believe it has more impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Obed Avila, from Merced, a Republican and former Marine, said he wasn’t swayed by an \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/j8zSmXltm18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">anti-recall ad paid for by the California Latino PAC\u003c/a>, linking recall proponents to supporters of Proposition 187, the 1994 ballot measure that targeted the state’s undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the stuff is a little bit one-sided,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his sister, Debbie, also a Republican, disagrees. She said the anti-recall ad brought her back to that infamous ballot measure from nearly 30 years ago.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I remember the feeling of being treated like a second-class citizen,” she said, through tears. “I have a lot of pride in my family. Of my dad and the hard labor that he’s done in the field, and even my mom who’s sitting next to me, and the work of ‘mi gente.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Debbie personally dislikes Newsom, she plans to vote against the recall because she refuses to align herself with candidates who backed the Trump administration. She said she also supported Newsom’s mandate to shut down the state during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that shutting down the state was a difficult decision, but I feel that it needed to be done,” she said. She believes the move helped save lives and curb the spread of COVID-19 in her community, even though she knows many people are still suffering from the pandemic’s economic impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Debbie’s no vote on the recall may seem like an unexpected one for a registered Republican, she said she was also swayed by her support for recent Democratic state legislation helping undocumented seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see a Republican candidate who would have fought for our undocumented seniors [who’ve] worked in the fields their entire lives, and many of them still are working in the fields today,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Yo voto con mi fe’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Adela — Debbie and Obed’s mother — who worked as a farm laborer and a teacher for decades, said her spiritual views are the most important factor when deciding whom to vote for. “Yo voto con mi fe [faith],” she said. “I don’t look at what other people are doing. I vote if they tell me what their plans are and if I agree with their plans, I’ll vote for them. If not, I won’t.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Both Adela and Obed said they were frustrated that both Faulconer and Elder shared so little information about themselves or their plans for how to implement change as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can make promises, but show me how you’re going to fix it, what your plan is,” Obed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a general contractor, Obed has worked on several affordable housing projects for unhoused communities in the Central Valley, but is frustrated by what he sees as money wasted. “I’ve seen millions and billions of dollars being wasted just for a temporary Band-Aid. I want to see how they’re going to do these solutions to win my vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though Obed said he likes Larry Elder the most out of all the candidates, \u003ca href=\"https://www.electelder.com/news/larry-elder-campaign-releases-spanish-ads/\">he didn’t find his Spanish ad effective at all\u003c/a>. His sister Debbie agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of 30 seconds and spending, you know, the thousands and probably millions of dollars he’s using to put this on the air on radio ads or TV ads, I wish he would have used that to tell me who [Elder] is as a candidate, and what his plan is for the state,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888164 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man fills out his ballot at a dining room table, with his wife in the background in another room.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Porfirio Diaz fills out his mail-in ballot for California’s gubernatorial recall election at his home in Oakland on Sept. 9, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Missed opportunities and the road ahead\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>So how should politicians transform their campaign strategies to more meaningfully connect with Latino voters?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly every participant agreed that while it was encouraging to see candidates attempt to speak Spanish or run ads in Spanish, the ads they watched had no impact on who they would decide to vote for, nor did the messages apply to their everyday lives. Simply seeing ads in Spanish wasn’t enough for them to not feel like an afterthought in a last-minute campaign effort, they said. Instead, they wanted to see the candidates address issues that really affected their day-to-day lives.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Díaz and Avila families made it clear they are both deeply committed to their community’s well-being. Debbie and Adela, from Modesto, want to see politicians coming to communities in the Central Valley, introducing themselves to residents and learning about their biggest concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, both families said, politicians need to continue that relationship-building process with Latino communities year-round — not just at election time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to invite us to the table, and many times they don’t invite us to the table,” Debbie said. “I would love it if they had an advisory committee that had people from all walks of life. It would be nice to even see undocumented folks and see teenagers. There’s a lot of wisdom to what they have to say.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porfirio, in Oakland, also stressed that in addition to politicians reaching out to people in his community, Latino voters must also exercise their right to vote and hold legislators accountable for addressing their needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Mexico … I never missed an election. I always believe that this is one of the most important civil rights. Not only should we demand it, but we should also defend it,” he said. “We have not valued the importance that we have, or we have not believed it. We have not demanded it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hear more of our conversation with the Díaz and Avila families on KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/thebay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>The Bay\u003c/em>\u003c/a> podcast below.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7373530706&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
},
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
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