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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> has raised the stakes for businesses that steal wages and tripled the price of wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 13, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB261/id/3097188\">SB 261\u003c/a>, a bill championed by Santa Clara County officials and labor leaders. The new law imposes \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB261/id/3273327\">severe financial penalties\u003c/a> on unpaid wage judgments, with the aim of addressing the systemic failure of collection that has cost the state billions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employers need to pay their employees what they are owed,” bill author and state Sen. Aisha Wahab, D-Fremont, said at a press conference on Monday. “These employees work hard. They deserve every single dollar they work for. And the fact that employers are circumventing pay is a crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and local officials said that employers have historically been able to ignore court-ordered wage judgments with impunity, leaving tens of thousands of workers uncompensated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has not been any repercussion for employers that refuse to pay on wage theft judgment. This law changes that,” said Tony LoPresti, county counsel for Santa Clara County. He noted that the monetary loss from wage theft nationwide is “five times what the monetary loss is for burglary and larceny and robbery combined.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014943\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014943\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-567385215-scaled-e1761002972718.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1396\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Labor groups and workers, including John Beard, with the L.A. Black Worker Center (holding sign), participates in a news conference on the steps of City Hall, to urge the City Council to raise the Los Angeles minimum wage to $15 per hour and include paid sick days and wage theft protections. \u003ccite>(Katie Falkenberg/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Starting Jan. 1, 2026, employers who refuse to pay a wage theft judgment for 180 days will face a civil penalty of up to three times the outstanding judgment amount, plus interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half of the resulting penalty will go directly to the affected workers, while the other half supports increased enforcement efforts by the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also requires courts award workers and county prosecutors reasonable attorney fees and costs, making efforts towards enforcement of the law more sustainable, LoPresti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, the law will help prevent companies from simply closing and reorganizing to erase their debt, according to Ruth Silver Taube, supervising attorney of the Worker’s Rights Clinic at Santa Clara University School of Law.[aside postID=news_12060288 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-KAISER-STRIKE-START-MD-06-KQED.jpg']“This collaboration is a model for everybody in our communities to recognize that the economy, that workers, that government, and leaders can come together and say we demand better for working families,” said Jean Cohen, executive officer of the South Bay AFL-CIO Labor Council. “This legislation is a perfect example of the outcome of that commitment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wage theft is a particularly serious problem in Santa Clara County. Supervisor Betty Duong noted that since 2010, the Labor Commissioner’s Office has issued over $35 million in unpaid wage theft judgments in the county alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wage theft isn’t a victimless crime. It’s the theft of rent money, grocery money and child care money,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The failure to collect disproportionately impacts vulnerable groups. According to Wahab, workers in industries like construction — many of whom are immigrants and English language learners — are highly susceptible to wage theft and rarely see payments after winning their claims. Collection statistics underscore this crisis: a 2023 California State Auditor \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/reports/2023-104/\">report\u003c/a> found that the Labor Commission only fully collected on 12% of judgments between 2018 and 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some days at the Law Center’s clinic and on the advice line, I will get five or six clients coming in, or callers calling, that have not got wage theft judgment paid for years and years,” Taube said. “And it’s a huge problem, and it’s heartbreaking to hear their stories because they’ve actually done the work, went through a hearing, and a judgment was recorded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County’s own programs served as a model for SB 261. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This collaboration is a model for everybody in our communities to recognize that the economy, that workers, that government, and leaders can come together and say we demand better for working families,” said Jean Cohen, executive officer of the South Bay AFL-CIO Labor Council. “This legislation is a perfect example of the outcome of that commitment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wage theft is a particularly serious problem in Santa Clara County. Supervisor Betty Duong noted that since 2010, the Labor Commissioner’s Office has issued over $35 million in unpaid wage theft judgments in the county alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wage theft isn’t a victimless crime. It’s the theft of rent money, grocery money and child care money,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The failure to collect disproportionately impacts vulnerable groups. According to Wahab, workers in industries like construction — many of whom are immigrants and English language learners — are highly susceptible to wage theft and rarely see payments after winning their claims. Collection statistics underscore this crisis: a 2023 California State Auditor \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/reports/2023-104/\">report\u003c/a> found that the Labor Commission only fully collected on 12% of judgments between 2018 and 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some days at the Law Center’s clinic and on the advice line, I will get five or six clients coming in, or callers calling, that have not got wage theft judgment paid for years and years,” Taube said. “And it’s a huge problem, and it’s heartbreaking to hear their stories because they’ve actually done the work, went through a hearing, and a judgment was recorded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County’s own programs served as a model for SB 261. The county’s Food Permit Enforcement Program \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958124/santa-clara-county-pushes-food-businesses-to-pay-worker-wages-or-lose-permits\">leverages health permits\u003c/a> to compel food retailers with unpaid wage judgments to comply, or risk losing their authorization to operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong confirmed that the county’s permits are contingent on following all applicable workplace laws, meaning that employers with unpaid judgments should now expect issues with permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2019, this program has helped collect more than $110,000 for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, LoPresti said the state can ensure that justice for workers no longer “ends with a piece of paper. It ends with a paycheck”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On a recent Thursday evening, pastor Shantell Owens opened the doors of her Genesis Church in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/antioch\">Antioch\u003c/a>, an eastern Contra Costa County suburb, to two League of Women Voters volunteers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their mission: explain \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, the measure on California’s November ballot that would redraw the state’s congressional lines to help Democrats win more U.S. House seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owens beamed as she described the church’s services in a neighborhood rocked by shootings last year. Genesis distributes free groceries every Saturday morning, hosts financial empowerment workshops — and on this evening offered a crash course on California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">Nov. 4 special election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My biggest fear is that when people don’t know, they don’t vote,” Owens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>League volunteer Janet Hoy explained the basics of Proposition 50, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053249/california-approves-redistricting-plan-now-its-up-to-voters\">asks voters\u003c/a> to replace California’s current congressional district lines, drawn by a nonpartisan citizens commission, with a new pro-Democratic map through 2030. Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed it in response to a congressional redistricting in Texas designed to help Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antioch and neighboring Pittsburg are key pieces in the shuffle, showing the inherent tension between maximizing national political outcomes and representing local interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058747\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058747\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janet Hoy, Civil Engagement Chair for the League of Women Voters, addresses a small group on the pros and cons of Proposition 50, a temporary redistricting measure on the statewide ballot for Nov. 4, at Genesis Church in Antioch, California, on Oct. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“You can see how Antioch changes, right?” Hoy said, pointing to a PowerPoint slide comparing the current and proposed maps. “You can see it’s really moving around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 50 is approved, heavily Democratic Antioch and Pittsburg would move to a Central Valley district, boosting the reelection chances of vulnerable Democratic Rep. Josh Harder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new map would break up the current 8th Congressional District, which pairs parts of Antioch and Pittsburg with Richmond, Vallejo and other cities along the Carquinez Strait, creating a racially diverse, working-class district where concerns about long commutes and oil refinery operations could be addressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the lines were finalized in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912468/activists-helped-create-the-bay-areas-most-diverse-congressional-district-now-theyre-probably-getting-john-garamendi\">the new 8th District was championed\u003c/a> by Bay Area activists as an example of a redistricting process that prioritized local needs over partisan goals. But even supporters now back a map aimed at helping Democrats gain House seats.[aside label=\"2025 California Special Election\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50,Learn about Proposition 50' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/Aside-2025-Special-Election-Voter-Guide-Proposition-50-1200x675-1.png]“I think if there’s any way that we’re able to get more seats [in Congress] so that we can level the playing field to help the people here on the ground, we got to do it,” said Contra Costa County Supervisor Shanelle Scales-Preston, whose district overlaps much of the 8th District. “Hopefully, when [the commission] goes back in 2030, they can be intentional again about making sure they create a district for communities of color and working-class people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During 2021 public hearings, groups such as Black Women Organized for Political Action and Lift Up Contra Costa warned that Black, Latino and Asian voices were diluted in the prior map. Richmond was paired with the wealthy Lamorinda and Tri-Valley suburbs, while Vallejo and Martinez were in a district with Napa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers presented testimony on local bonds, or “communities of interest,” arguing that by combining these communities into one district would make their shared needs visible to elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were communities of interest around the refineries and environmental issues,” said Pedro Toledo, the chair of the Citizens Redistricting Commission. “There were also certainly quite a few communities of interest for low-income populations that wanted to be together and advocate together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission’s final report said the 8th was drawn “considering communities of interest to create a working-class focused district.” At the time, it was the only district in California where white, Latino, Black and Asian residents each accounted for at least 15% of the citizen voting-age population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058746\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058746\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sue Brandy, co-vice president of the League of Women Voters, presents slides outlining the pros and cons of Proposition 50 to a small group at Genesis Church in Antioch, California, on Oct. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the district lines did not produce \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11914055/in-the-bays-most-diverse-district-an-old-white-guy-is-the-frontrunner\">local representation\u003c/a>. Since 2022, the seat has been held by 80-year-old Democratic Rep. John Garamendi, a white man with rancher roots who lives in the Sacramento County town of Walnut Grove.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toledo said using the concept of communities of interest to draw political maps can strengthen representation, regardless of who is elected to the seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issues that a community in the Central Valley might care about — maybe water or health care — might be very different in a more urban setting,” he said. “That matters because one would hope that the official that a community elects would represent those issues in Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 50 would move more than 106,000 Antioch and Pittsburg voters to the 9th Congressional District. Registered Democrats outnumber Republicans in those cities by more than 40 percentage points, according to an analysis by the nonpartisan election guide California Target Book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shift would help Harder, who narrowly won the 9th District last year by just four points, while Donald Trump carried the district over Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058744\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058744\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mary Schreiber (left) and Jan Warren (right), a Walnut Creek resident of 40 years, discuss and take notes during the League of Women Voters’ presentation at Genesis Church in Antioch, California, on Oct. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Part of what this map is doing is shoring up those narrowly won seats,” said Eric McGhee, senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each congressional seat has to have roughly the same population, so in exchange for removing Antioch and Pittsburg, the Proposition 50 map adds the Solano County cities of Vacaville and Dixon to the 8th District, slightly increasing the share of white voters in the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, McGhee said Proposition 50 maintains the current levels of racial representation across California. He found that the map on the ballot \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/how-would-the-prop-50-redistricting-plan-affect-racial-and-geographic-representation/\">matches\u003c/a> the number of districts (16) where eligible Latino voters currently constitute a majority. Proposition 50 also keeps the same number of districts where Asian and Black voters make up at least 30% of voters (6 and 2, respectively).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is harder to assess changes to the map that split up communities of interest, McGhee said. These pairings often encompass racial or ethnic enclaves, but also can include neighborhoods that share socioeconomic status, places of worship, employers or means of transportation.[aside label=\"2025 California Special Election\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews,Read the latest coverage of the Nov. 4 special election and learn about key measures on the ballot.' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2025-Special-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]“The bottom line is that there’s no single definition that everybody agrees on,” McGhee said. “Probably the best way to know if you’ve violated a community of interest is if some people complain loudly and assertively after the map is adopted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, none of the advocacy groups that championed the current 8th District lines have organized against Proposition 50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scales-Preston, the county supervisor, has concerns about communities along the north shore of Contra Costa County having to share a district with parts of the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here in Pittsburg, you know, we touch the Delta, but it’s not like one of the Delta communities and the farming communities,” she said. “It’s totally different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Scales-Preston is supporting Proposition 50 because she views the need to break Republican control of Congress as paramount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has seen longer lines at food banks in Pittsburg and more residents bringing fishing poles to Bay Point Regional Shoreline in hopes of catching a free meal. She knows painful shortfalls will soon be coming to the health care and food safety nets as a result of the GOP-backed budget bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 50 for me is protecting health care for community members here, protecting our immigrant community…and protecting CalFresh,” Scales-Preston said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at Genesis Church, just a handful of people have trickled in to hear the presentation about Proposition 50. Shantell Owens doesn’t recognize any local parishioners, but she vows to take the information she’s learned about the special election back to her congregation on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t understand it because it’s not time for an election — but it’s happening, right?’ Owens said. “So it’s about really shaking people up to understand that this is happening and we need to be a part of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a recent Thursday evening, pastor Shantell Owens opened the doors of her Genesis Church in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/antioch\">Antioch\u003c/a>, an eastern Contra Costa County suburb, to two League of Women Voters volunteers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their mission: explain \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, the measure on California’s November ballot that would redraw the state’s congressional lines to help Democrats win more U.S. House seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owens beamed as she described the church’s services in a neighborhood rocked by shootings last year. Genesis distributes free groceries every Saturday morning, hosts financial empowerment workshops — and on this evening offered a crash course on California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">Nov. 4 special election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My biggest fear is that when people don’t know, they don’t vote,” Owens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>League volunteer Janet Hoy explained the basics of Proposition 50, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053249/california-approves-redistricting-plan-now-its-up-to-voters\">asks voters\u003c/a> to replace California’s current congressional district lines, drawn by a nonpartisan citizens commission, with a new pro-Democratic map through 2030. Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed it in response to a congressional redistricting in Texas designed to help Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antioch and neighboring Pittsburg are key pieces in the shuffle, showing the inherent tension between maximizing national political outcomes and representing local interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058747\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058747\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janet Hoy, Civil Engagement Chair for the League of Women Voters, addresses a small group on the pros and cons of Proposition 50, a temporary redistricting measure on the statewide ballot for Nov. 4, at Genesis Church in Antioch, California, on Oct. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“You can see how Antioch changes, right?” Hoy said, pointing to a PowerPoint slide comparing the current and proposed maps. “You can see it’s really moving around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 50 is approved, heavily Democratic Antioch and Pittsburg would move to a Central Valley district, boosting the reelection chances of vulnerable Democratic Rep. Josh Harder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new map would break up the current 8th Congressional District, which pairs parts of Antioch and Pittsburg with Richmond, Vallejo and other cities along the Carquinez Strait, creating a racially diverse, working-class district where concerns about long commutes and oil refinery operations could be addressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the lines were finalized in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912468/activists-helped-create-the-bay-areas-most-diverse-congressional-district-now-theyre-probably-getting-john-garamendi\">the new 8th District was championed\u003c/a> by Bay Area activists as an example of a redistricting process that prioritized local needs over partisan goals. But even supporters now back a map aimed at helping Democrats gain House seats.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think if there’s any way that we’re able to get more seats [in Congress] so that we can level the playing field to help the people here on the ground, we got to do it,” said Contra Costa County Supervisor Shanelle Scales-Preston, whose district overlaps much of the 8th District. “Hopefully, when [the commission] goes back in 2030, they can be intentional again about making sure they create a district for communities of color and working-class people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During 2021 public hearings, groups such as Black Women Organized for Political Action and Lift Up Contra Costa warned that Black, Latino and Asian voices were diluted in the prior map. Richmond was paired with the wealthy Lamorinda and Tri-Valley suburbs, while Vallejo and Martinez were in a district with Napa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers presented testimony on local bonds, or “communities of interest,” arguing that by combining these communities into one district would make their shared needs visible to elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were communities of interest around the refineries and environmental issues,” said Pedro Toledo, the chair of the Citizens Redistricting Commission. “There were also certainly quite a few communities of interest for low-income populations that wanted to be together and advocate together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission’s final report said the 8th was drawn “considering communities of interest to create a working-class focused district.” At the time, it was the only district in California where white, Latino, Black and Asian residents each accounted for at least 15% of the citizen voting-age population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058746\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058746\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sue Brandy, co-vice president of the League of Women Voters, presents slides outlining the pros and cons of Proposition 50 to a small group at Genesis Church in Antioch, California, on Oct. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the district lines did not produce \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11914055/in-the-bays-most-diverse-district-an-old-white-guy-is-the-frontrunner\">local representation\u003c/a>. Since 2022, the seat has been held by 80-year-old Democratic Rep. John Garamendi, a white man with rancher roots who lives in the Sacramento County town of Walnut Grove.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toledo said using the concept of communities of interest to draw political maps can strengthen representation, regardless of who is elected to the seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issues that a community in the Central Valley might care about — maybe water or health care — might be very different in a more urban setting,” he said. “That matters because one would hope that the official that a community elects would represent those issues in Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 50 would move more than 106,000 Antioch and Pittsburg voters to the 9th Congressional District. Registered Democrats outnumber Republicans in those cities by more than 40 percentage points, according to an analysis by the nonpartisan election guide California Target Book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shift would help Harder, who narrowly won the 9th District last year by just four points, while Donald Trump carried the district over Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058744\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058744\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mary Schreiber (left) and Jan Warren (right), a Walnut Creek resident of 40 years, discuss and take notes during the League of Women Voters’ presentation at Genesis Church in Antioch, California, on Oct. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Part of what this map is doing is shoring up those narrowly won seats,” said Eric McGhee, senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each congressional seat has to have roughly the same population, so in exchange for removing Antioch and Pittsburg, the Proposition 50 map adds the Solano County cities of Vacaville and Dixon to the 8th District, slightly increasing the share of white voters in the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, McGhee said Proposition 50 maintains the current levels of racial representation across California. He found that the map on the ballot \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/how-would-the-prop-50-redistricting-plan-affect-racial-and-geographic-representation/\">matches\u003c/a> the number of districts (16) where eligible Latino voters currently constitute a majority. Proposition 50 also keeps the same number of districts where Asian and Black voters make up at least 30% of voters (6 and 2, respectively).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is harder to assess changes to the map that split up communities of interest, McGhee said. These pairings often encompass racial or ethnic enclaves, but also can include neighborhoods that share socioeconomic status, places of worship, employers or means of transportation.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The bottom line is that there’s no single definition that everybody agrees on,” McGhee said. “Probably the best way to know if you’ve violated a community of interest is if some people complain loudly and assertively after the map is adopted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, none of the advocacy groups that championed the current 8th District lines have organized against Proposition 50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scales-Preston, the county supervisor, has concerns about communities along the north shore of Contra Costa County having to share a district with parts of the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here in Pittsburg, you know, we touch the Delta, but it’s not like one of the Delta communities and the farming communities,” she said. “It’s totally different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Scales-Preston is supporting Proposition 50 because she views the need to break Republican control of Congress as paramount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has seen longer lines at food banks in Pittsburg and more residents bringing fishing poles to Bay Point Regional Shoreline in hopes of catching a free meal. She knows painful shortfalls will soon be coming to the health care and food safety nets as a result of the GOP-backed budget bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 50 for me is protecting health care for community members here, protecting our immigrant community…and protecting CalFresh,” Scales-Preston said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at Genesis Church, just a handful of people have trickled in to hear the presentation about Proposition 50. Shantell Owens doesn’t recognize any local parishioners, but she vows to take the information she’s learned about the special election back to her congregation on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t understand it because it’s not time for an election — but it’s happening, right?’ Owens said. “So it’s about really shaking people up to understand that this is happening and we need to be a part of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California is joining 13 other states to create an alliance aimed at coordinating public health, Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> announced Wednesday in a direct rebuke of the Trump administration and Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s dramatic overhaul of the nation’s public health systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move comes as public health experts grow increasingly concerned about Kennedy’s transformation of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, where he’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054282/its-been-a-week-of-chaos-at-the-cdc-here-are-5-things-to-know\">fired top officials\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051152/health-experts-alarmed-by-rfk-jr-s-frightening-cuts-to-mrna-vaccine-funding\">slashed research funding\u003c/a>, changed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056934/rfk-jr-s-vaccine-panel-backs-away-from-plan-to-require-an-rx-for-a-covid-shot\">vaccine recommendations\u003c/a> and gutted the leadership of a key \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910276/rfk-jr-stacks-key-federal-immunization-committee-with-vaccine-skeptics\">federal immunization committee\u003c/a> and replaced them with novices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The new partnership is meant to coordinate public health leadership to improve communication, share information and position states to respond quickly to new threats. It includes the governors of Washington, Oregon, Hawaii, Colorado, Illinois, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Delaware, Maryland and North Carolina, plus the U.S. territory of Guam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It comes just weeks after Gov. Gavin Newsom also announced California would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054491/in-rebuke-of-rfk-jr-the-west-coast-unites-on-vaccine-policy\">band together with Oregon and Washington\u003c/a> to issue vaccine recommendations \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056289/california-law-sets-states-own-vaccine-schedules-deepening-rift-with-cdc\">separate from the federal government’s\u003c/a>. That move came in response to the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056934/rfk-jr-s-vaccine-panel-backs-away-from-plan-to-require-an-rx-for-a-covid-shot\">inconsistent guidance\u003c/a> on vaccines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom called the new Governors Public Health Alliance, a nonpartisan hub, though all the participating governors are Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said the alliance is being financially supported by GovAct, a nonpartisan, nonprofit initiative whose advisory board includes both Democratic and Republican former governors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> vetoed legislation that would have prohibited developers from offering companion AI chatbots for children unless the companies can promise the software won’t encourage harmful behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento players across the political spectrum watched the legislation closely, with advocates issuing press releases, open letters and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038154/kids-talking-ai-companion-chatbots-stanford-researchers-say-thats-bad-idea\">research reports\u003c/a> in hopes of swaying California’s tech-friendly governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/AB-1064-Veto.pdf\">veto message\u003c/a> published Monday, Newsom wrote that AB-1064 could lead to a total ban on minors using conversational AI tools. “AI is already shaping the world, and it is imperative that adolescents learn how to safely interact with AI systems,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re sorely disappointed to see Governor Newsom side with Big Tech over the more than 150 families who have suffered the most unimaginable loss: the passing of their child, encouraged by companion AI,” Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan of Orinda, the bill’s author, wrote in a statement, noting the bill was sponsored by Common Sense Media, California Attorney General Rob Bonta, and more than 20 organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These AI companies know the risks their products pose. They’ve made purposeful design decisions that put kids in harm’s way, creating chatbots that form dangerous emotional bonds with vulnerable young people,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917730\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917730\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56739_IMG_4228-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56739_IMG_4228-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56739_IMG_4228-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56739_IMG_4228-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56739_IMG_4228-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56739_IMG_4228-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblywoman Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, D-Orinda, on Political Breakdown. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen suicides lately. We’ve seen all sorts of mental health disruptions caused by AI companions. That said, the fight is just beginning,” Common Sense Media CEO Jim Steyer told KQED. “California is clearly leading the way in the United States and globally on these issues, and the next year or two are going to be absolutely critical in defining regulations, guardrails and a common sense future for the big tech industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade group TechNet lobbied heavily against the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.technet.org/the-impact-of-ca-ab-1064/\">running ads\u003c/a> that warned that Bauer-Kahan’s bill could deny children access to critical tools they need to succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We appreciate Governor Newsom’s thoughtful consideration and ultimate veto of this proposed legislation,” wrote Robert Boykin, TechNet’s Executive Director for California and the Southwest. “While TechNet shares the goal of AB 1064, the bill fails to meet its stated objectives while threatening students’ access to valuable AI-driven learning tools, potentially life-saving medical treatments, crisis response interventions, safety mechanisms, and other valuable AI technologies.”[aside postID=news_12059209 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251008_ENDOF10_-9-KQED.jpg']The host of AI-related bills that made it to Newsom’s desk this legislative session presented him with a political \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052617/newsoms-tightrope-walk-between-ai-regulation-and-silicon-valley-cash\">balancing act\u003c/a>, as he eyes a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043766/newsom-tries-to-find-political-footing-in-clash-with-trump\">run for the White House\u003c/a>. Many of the bills were opposed by trade associations heavily bankrolled by Silicon Valley, and California is home to \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/lists/ai50/\">32 of the 50 top AI companies\u003c/a> worldwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As if anticipating the blowback from child safety advocates, Newsom’s office released \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/10/13/governor-newsom-signs-bills-to-further-strengthen-californias-leadership-in-protecting-children-online/\">a list of 16 AI bills\u003c/a> he approved this session, some focused on children. “California has long stood as a bold leader in protecting children from the danger of emerging technology,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the list: SB 243 by Sen. Steve Padilla, D-San Diego, which placed softer limits on AI chatbots for kids. Advocacy groups, including Common Sense Media and \u003ca href=\"https://techoversight.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/SB-243-Remove-Support.pdf\">Tech Oversight California\u003c/a>, pulled their support from the bill in mid-September, arguing industry-friendly amendments weakened it and could establish a “dangerous” precedent for other states and countries taking California’s lead on AI regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a similar vein, Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058013/newsom-signs-california-ai-transparency-bill-tailored-to-meet-tech-industry-tastes\">industry-friendly version\u003c/a> of SB-53 by Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), after his original effort became target No. 1 for Silicon Valley lobbyists\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007323/can-california-still-lead-on-ai-regulation-following-newsoms-veto-of-ai-safety-bill\"> last legislative session\u003c/a> and died on Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all the bills Newsom signed this legislation session lack teeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 621, for instance, expands the ability of deepfake pornography victims to sue anyone who creates, digitally alters, or distributes a sexually explicit image or video in which they appear to engage in sexual conduct without their consent. The expanded private right of action is considered a notable strength when most other AI bills rely on regulatory enforcement, penalties, or agency reporting to sway business practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer said he was happy to see Newsom’s signature on AB 56, which supporters say will require first-in-the-nation warning labels on social media, similar to what California has mandated on packaging for alcohol and cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear that Gov. Newsom, and also the first partner, Jennifer Siebel Newsom, who’s heavily involved in all this legislation, have listened to parents, and advocacy groups around the state,” Steyer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The legislation would have restricted children’s access to AI chatbots, but Newsom sided with the tech industry, saying it would have led to a total ban on some AI tools for adolescents.",
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"title": "Newsom Vetoes Most-Watched Children's AI Bill, Signs 16 Others Targeting Tech | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> vetoed legislation that would have prohibited developers from offering companion AI chatbots for children unless the companies can promise the software won’t encourage harmful behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento players across the political spectrum watched the legislation closely, with advocates issuing press releases, open letters and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038154/kids-talking-ai-companion-chatbots-stanford-researchers-say-thats-bad-idea\">research reports\u003c/a> in hopes of swaying California’s tech-friendly governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/AB-1064-Veto.pdf\">veto message\u003c/a> published Monday, Newsom wrote that AB-1064 could lead to a total ban on minors using conversational AI tools. “AI is already shaping the world, and it is imperative that adolescents learn how to safely interact with AI systems,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re sorely disappointed to see Governor Newsom side with Big Tech over the more than 150 families who have suffered the most unimaginable loss: the passing of their child, encouraged by companion AI,” Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan of Orinda, the bill’s author, wrote in a statement, noting the bill was sponsored by Common Sense Media, California Attorney General Rob Bonta, and more than 20 organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These AI companies know the risks their products pose. They’ve made purposeful design decisions that put kids in harm’s way, creating chatbots that form dangerous emotional bonds with vulnerable young people,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917730\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917730\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56739_IMG_4228-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56739_IMG_4228-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56739_IMG_4228-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56739_IMG_4228-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56739_IMG_4228-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56739_IMG_4228-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblywoman Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, D-Orinda, on Political Breakdown. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen suicides lately. We’ve seen all sorts of mental health disruptions caused by AI companions. That said, the fight is just beginning,” Common Sense Media CEO Jim Steyer told KQED. “California is clearly leading the way in the United States and globally on these issues, and the next year or two are going to be absolutely critical in defining regulations, guardrails and a common sense future for the big tech industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade group TechNet lobbied heavily against the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.technet.org/the-impact-of-ca-ab-1064/\">running ads\u003c/a> that warned that Bauer-Kahan’s bill could deny children access to critical tools they need to succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We appreciate Governor Newsom’s thoughtful consideration and ultimate veto of this proposed legislation,” wrote Robert Boykin, TechNet’s Executive Director for California and the Southwest. “While TechNet shares the goal of AB 1064, the bill fails to meet its stated objectives while threatening students’ access to valuable AI-driven learning tools, potentially life-saving medical treatments, crisis response interventions, safety mechanisms, and other valuable AI technologies.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The host of AI-related bills that made it to Newsom’s desk this legislative session presented him with a political \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052617/newsoms-tightrope-walk-between-ai-regulation-and-silicon-valley-cash\">balancing act\u003c/a>, as he eyes a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043766/newsom-tries-to-find-political-footing-in-clash-with-trump\">run for the White House\u003c/a>. Many of the bills were opposed by trade associations heavily bankrolled by Silicon Valley, and California is home to \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/lists/ai50/\">32 of the 50 top AI companies\u003c/a> worldwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As if anticipating the blowback from child safety advocates, Newsom’s office released \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/10/13/governor-newsom-signs-bills-to-further-strengthen-californias-leadership-in-protecting-children-online/\">a list of 16 AI bills\u003c/a> he approved this session, some focused on children. “California has long stood as a bold leader in protecting children from the danger of emerging technology,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the list: SB 243 by Sen. Steve Padilla, D-San Diego, which placed softer limits on AI chatbots for kids. Advocacy groups, including Common Sense Media and \u003ca href=\"https://techoversight.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/SB-243-Remove-Support.pdf\">Tech Oversight California\u003c/a>, pulled their support from the bill in mid-September, arguing industry-friendly amendments weakened it and could establish a “dangerous” precedent for other states and countries taking California’s lead on AI regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a similar vein, Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058013/newsom-signs-california-ai-transparency-bill-tailored-to-meet-tech-industry-tastes\">industry-friendly version\u003c/a> of SB-53 by Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), after his original effort became target No. 1 for Silicon Valley lobbyists\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007323/can-california-still-lead-on-ai-regulation-following-newsoms-veto-of-ai-safety-bill\"> last legislative session\u003c/a> and died on Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all the bills Newsom signed this legislation session lack teeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 621, for instance, expands the ability of deepfake pornography victims to sue anyone who creates, digitally alters, or distributes a sexually explicit image or video in which they appear to engage in sexual conduct without their consent. The expanded private right of action is considered a notable strength when most other AI bills rely on regulatory enforcement, penalties, or agency reporting to sway business practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer said he was happy to see Newsom’s signature on AB 56, which supporters say will require first-in-the-nation warning labels on social media, similar to what California has mandated on packaging for alcohol and cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear that Gov. Newsom, and also the first partner, Jennifer Siebel Newsom, who’s heavily involved in all this legislation, have listened to parents, and advocacy groups around the state,” Steyer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "newsom-vetoes-stall-californias-reparations-push-for-black-descendants",
"title": "Newsom Vetoes Undercut Reparations Gains for Black Descendants in California",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Vetoes Undercut Reparations Gains for Black Descendants in California | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a handful of bills advancing the cause of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027903/california-lawmakers-target-historical-harm-to-black-residents-in-latest-bill-push\">reparations for Black Californians\u003c/a> on Monday, dealing the latest blow to a first-of-its-kind movement to atone for state-inflicted harms from slavery to the present day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom rejected bills that would have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910326/checking-in-on-californias-reparations-effort\">allowed the \u003c/a>descendants of enslaved people to receive preference in university admissions, business licenses and loans for first-time homebuyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor’s veto is more than disappointing,” Assemblymember Isaac Bryan, D-Los Angeles, who wrote the college admissions bill, said in a statement. “While the Trump Administration threatens our institutions of higher learning and attacks the foundations of diversity and inclusivity, now is not the time to shy away from the fight to protect students who have descended from legacies of harm and exclusion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a series of veto messages, the governor argued the bills were either unworkable, unnecessary or legally suspect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures were among several reparations-related bills advanced this year by the California Legislative Black Caucus, following a shift in strategy to focus on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046328/lineage-not-race-californias-strategy-to-advance-equity-for-descendants-of-slavery\">descendants of enslaved\u003c/a> people rather than race-based programs — an approach designed to withstand mounting legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 209, passed by voters in 1996, banned affirmative action in public institutions. And in 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court effectively ended affirmative action in college admissions, a decision that reinforced the legal hurdles facing California’s reparations efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054634\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom at a press conference to discuss the measures to redraw the state’s Congressional districts and put new maps before voters in a special election, in Sacramento, California, on Aug. 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom said California universities did not need Bryan’s bill, Assembly Bill 7, to prioritize applicants who were descendants of slaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I encourage the institutions referenced in this bill to review and determine how, when, and if this type of preference can be adopted,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor was more skeptical of the idea behind Assembly Bill 57, which would have set aside 10% of funds in the California Dream for All Program for descendants of enslaved people. The program provides down-payment assistance for first-time home buyers. Newsom instead vowed to set aside money in the state’s home-buying program for residents in low-income census tracts.[aside postID=news_12044638 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/12m-Reparations-1.jpg']“Creating an ancestry-based set-aside presents legal risks that could jeopardize [The California Housing Finance Agency’s] access to federal mortgage markets that are critical to providing housing assistance for thousands of Californians each year,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed two other reparations bills on Monday. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056446/what-california-can-learn-from-germanys-holocaust-reparations-program\">Assembly Bill 62\u003c/a> would have allowed residents who lost property through racially motivated eminent domain to petition the state for compensation. And Assembly bill 742 would have expedited the applications for descendants seeking professional licenses needed for professions including architects, barbers and dental hygienists. Newsom said both bills would strain state resources — and added that prioritizing more residents for expedited licenses would diminish the benefit for populations that are already fast-tracked, including military spouses and refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vetoes come days after reparations advocates were encouraged by Newsom’s approval of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB518\">Senate Bill 518\u003c/a>, which created a new state agency to oversee restitution for descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, authored by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson, D-San Diego, establishes a bureau within the Civil Rights Department that will verify eligibility, process claims and recommend how the state might deliver tangible repair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in support of reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021, organized by the Uhuru Movement. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new bureau will formalize a process for verifying lineage and implementing future reparations programs. But the law’s immediate impact is limited; it will require the governor and Legislature to allocate funding before the bureau can begin operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom highlighted the legislation during a recent appearance on the podcast \u003cem>Higher Learning with Van Lathan and Rachel Lindsay.\u003c/em> “I signed a bill two days ago with the Black Caucus as it relates to creating a new office to address these systemic issues,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alliance for Reparations, Reconciliation, and Truth praised the governor’s action, calling SB 518 a crucial step toward the vision outlined by the state’s Reparations Task Force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparations are not just about addressing historical slavery; they also focus on the ongoing harms and unfair practices that Black people continue to experience today in education, healthcare, housing and employment,” said Dr. Cheryl Grills, an ARRT leader and former task force member. “Gov. Newsom is helping California right its wrongs and continue laying the groundwork for a fair and equitable future and healing for everyone.”[aside postID=news_11948198 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/Rep-Episode-2_Thumbnail_1-1020x574.png']Lisa Holder, an ARRT leader, former task force member and president of the Equal Justice Society, said the bill reflects the power of broad coalitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re proud to have played a critical role in the passage of this bill,” she said. “Amid deep divisions, our coalition is advancing a cross-racial alliance that places reparations at the heart of a shared vision for a resilient, multicultural democracy. Truth-telling and collective healing are essential steps toward reconciliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s current reparations proposals \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916026/no-the-reparations-task-force-report-isnt-a-watershed-moment-action-will-be\">stem from recommendations\u003c/a> made by the state’s Reparations Task Force in a 2023 report. That 1,100-page document detailed how California lawmakers and institutions advanced the cause of slavery in the state’s early days and discriminated against Black residents in the decades that followed. The task force was created in 2020 when Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\">Assembly Bill 3121\u003c/a>, following a wave of national activism after the murder of George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom’s enthusiasm for the task force’s full slate of recommendations has cooled. While he has supported symbolic measures, like a formal state apology for slavery and systemic racism, he has resisted the idea of providing cash payments to eligible descendants, arguing that reparations must involve more than direct checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s legislative session ended in frustration for many advocates after disagreements within the Black Caucus and late amendments requested by Newsom derailed a proposal to create a similar agency. The governor later vetoed a bill to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-\">compensate victims of racially motivated property seizures\u003c/a>, saying there was no state entity to manage such a program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those setbacks \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">galvanized activists\u003c/a>. At the close of the 2024 session, more than 8,500 letters were delivered to Newsom urging him to support a slate of reparations bills. The caucus responded this year with its “Road to Repair” agenda — a rebranded package of measures that avoided the politically charged term “reparations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, advocates say California’s new agency represents a foundation — not a finish line. Its future depends on funding, legislation and political will. Still, for the first time, the state has a structure in place to make good on its promises. As Holder put it, “We cannot move forward as one human family until we confront the harm, acknowledge the debt and take tangible action to repair what has been done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/otaylor\">\u003cem>Otis R. Taylor Jr.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed several reparations bills that would have given descendants of enslaved people preferences in college admissions, housing and business programs.",
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"title": "Newsom Vetoes Undercut Reparations Gains for Black Descendants in California | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a handful of bills advancing the cause of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027903/california-lawmakers-target-historical-harm-to-black-residents-in-latest-bill-push\">reparations for Black Californians\u003c/a> on Monday, dealing the latest blow to a first-of-its-kind movement to atone for state-inflicted harms from slavery to the present day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom rejected bills that would have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910326/checking-in-on-californias-reparations-effort\">allowed the \u003c/a>descendants of enslaved people to receive preference in university admissions, business licenses and loans for first-time homebuyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor’s veto is more than disappointing,” Assemblymember Isaac Bryan, D-Los Angeles, who wrote the college admissions bill, said in a statement. “While the Trump Administration threatens our institutions of higher learning and attacks the foundations of diversity and inclusivity, now is not the time to shy away from the fight to protect students who have descended from legacies of harm and exclusion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a series of veto messages, the governor argued the bills were either unworkable, unnecessary or legally suspect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures were among several reparations-related bills advanced this year by the California Legislative Black Caucus, following a shift in strategy to focus on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046328/lineage-not-race-californias-strategy-to-advance-equity-for-descendants-of-slavery\">descendants of enslaved\u003c/a> people rather than race-based programs — an approach designed to withstand mounting legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 209, passed by voters in 1996, banned affirmative action in public institutions. And in 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court effectively ended affirmative action in college admissions, a decision that reinforced the legal hurdles facing California’s reparations efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054634\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom at a press conference to discuss the measures to redraw the state’s Congressional districts and put new maps before voters in a special election, in Sacramento, California, on Aug. 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom said California universities did not need Bryan’s bill, Assembly Bill 7, to prioritize applicants who were descendants of slaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I encourage the institutions referenced in this bill to review and determine how, when, and if this type of preference can be adopted,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor was more skeptical of the idea behind Assembly Bill 57, which would have set aside 10% of funds in the California Dream for All Program for descendants of enslaved people. The program provides down-payment assistance for first-time home buyers. Newsom instead vowed to set aside money in the state’s home-buying program for residents in low-income census tracts.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Creating an ancestry-based set-aside presents legal risks that could jeopardize [The California Housing Finance Agency’s] access to federal mortgage markets that are critical to providing housing assistance for thousands of Californians each year,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed two other reparations bills on Monday. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056446/what-california-can-learn-from-germanys-holocaust-reparations-program\">Assembly Bill 62\u003c/a> would have allowed residents who lost property through racially motivated eminent domain to petition the state for compensation. And Assembly bill 742 would have expedited the applications for descendants seeking professional licenses needed for professions including architects, barbers and dental hygienists. Newsom said both bills would strain state resources — and added that prioritizing more residents for expedited licenses would diminish the benefit for populations that are already fast-tracked, including military spouses and refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vetoes come days after reparations advocates were encouraged by Newsom’s approval of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB518\">Senate Bill 518\u003c/a>, which created a new state agency to oversee restitution for descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, authored by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson, D-San Diego, establishes a bureau within the Civil Rights Department that will verify eligibility, process claims and recommend how the state might deliver tangible repair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in support of reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021, organized by the Uhuru Movement. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new bureau will formalize a process for verifying lineage and implementing future reparations programs. But the law’s immediate impact is limited; it will require the governor and Legislature to allocate funding before the bureau can begin operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom highlighted the legislation during a recent appearance on the podcast \u003cem>Higher Learning with Van Lathan and Rachel Lindsay.\u003c/em> “I signed a bill two days ago with the Black Caucus as it relates to creating a new office to address these systemic issues,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alliance for Reparations, Reconciliation, and Truth praised the governor’s action, calling SB 518 a crucial step toward the vision outlined by the state’s Reparations Task Force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparations are not just about addressing historical slavery; they also focus on the ongoing harms and unfair practices that Black people continue to experience today in education, healthcare, housing and employment,” said Dr. Cheryl Grills, an ARRT leader and former task force member. “Gov. Newsom is helping California right its wrongs and continue laying the groundwork for a fair and equitable future and healing for everyone.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lisa Holder, an ARRT leader, former task force member and president of the Equal Justice Society, said the bill reflects the power of broad coalitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re proud to have played a critical role in the passage of this bill,” she said. “Amid deep divisions, our coalition is advancing a cross-racial alliance that places reparations at the heart of a shared vision for a resilient, multicultural democracy. Truth-telling and collective healing are essential steps toward reconciliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s current reparations proposals \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916026/no-the-reparations-task-force-report-isnt-a-watershed-moment-action-will-be\">stem from recommendations\u003c/a> made by the state’s Reparations Task Force in a 2023 report. That 1,100-page document detailed how California lawmakers and institutions advanced the cause of slavery in the state’s early days and discriminated against Black residents in the decades that followed. The task force was created in 2020 when Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\">Assembly Bill 3121\u003c/a>, following a wave of national activism after the murder of George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom’s enthusiasm for the task force’s full slate of recommendations has cooled. While he has supported symbolic measures, like a formal state apology for slavery and systemic racism, he has resisted the idea of providing cash payments to eligible descendants, arguing that reparations must involve more than direct checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s legislative session ended in frustration for many advocates after disagreements within the Black Caucus and late amendments requested by Newsom derailed a proposal to create a similar agency. The governor later vetoed a bill to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-\">compensate victims of racially motivated property seizures\u003c/a>, saying there was no state entity to manage such a program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those setbacks \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">galvanized activists\u003c/a>. At the close of the 2024 session, more than 8,500 letters were delivered to Newsom urging him to support a slate of reparations bills. The caucus responded this year with its “Road to Repair” agenda — a rebranded package of measures that avoided the politically charged term “reparations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, advocates say California’s new agency represents a foundation — not a finish line. Its future depends on funding, legislation and political will. Still, for the first time, the state has a structure in place to make good on its promises. As Holder put it, “We cannot move forward as one human family until we confront the harm, acknowledge the debt and take tangible action to repair what has been done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/otaylor\">\u003cem>Otis R. Taylor Jr.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-signs-ambitious-bill-to-boost-housing-density-near-public-transit",
"title": "Newsom Signs Ambitious Bill to Boost Housing Density Near Public Transit",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Signs Ambitious Bill to Boost Housing Density Near Public Transit | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> has taken a major step to clear the way for developers across the state to build new, taller apartments near\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/public-transit\"> transit hubs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed legislation on Friday that would allow for the construction of denser multi-family housing in neighborhoods within a half-mile of bustling train and bus stops on major transit networks like BART, Caltrain or the L.A. Metro rail system, overriding local zoning laws. Buildings closest to the transit hubs could go up to nine stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042670/controversial-housing-near-transit-bill-advances-to-next-stop-in-legislature\">SB 79\u003c/a>, has been viewed as one of the most significant \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">housing bills in decades\u003c/a>. It’s state Sen. Scott Wiener’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031302/wieners-controversial-bill-to-allow-housing-near-transit-is-back\">latest of several attempts\u003c/a> to spur new housing construction, a movement that has made \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057068/are-yimbys-winning-the-housing-debate\">political gains this year\u003c/a> — and, at the same time, to increase public transit’s revenue by drawing new ridership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 79 is a historic step toward tackling the root cause of California’s affordability crisis — our profound shortage of homes and too few people having access to transit,” Wiener, D-San Francisco, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, which will apply only to eight urbanized California counties with 16 or more passenger rail stations, also allows zoning for five- to eight-story buildings adjacent to light rail lines, as well as daily trains and rapid bus transit or streets with dedicated bus lanes. It takes effect July 1, 2026, in San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara, Alameda, Sacramento, Los Angeles, Orange and San Diego counties, absent cities’ alternative plans for transit-oriented upzoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010450\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks at a press event in front of the SFUSD offices in San Francisco on Oct. 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It will also allow transit agencies to set their own zoning rules on properties they own adjacent to transit-oriented development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents argue that a shortage of affordable housing has ensnared the state in an unaffordability crisis, exacerbated by “permitting, rezoning, and public funding barriers to build” affordable housing in the state, according to Wiener.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have [now] undone decades of housing prohibitions in our cities near the transit stations that we’ve all paid for, and we’ll start to see hopefully soon a [return] to the way California was envisioning its growth when we built these transit stations,” said Matt Lewis, a spokesperson for California YIMBY, a group that advocates for accelerating housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities must meet the housing targets outlined in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885996/california-cities-struggle-to-meet-new-housing-planning-guidelines\">Regional Housing Needs Assessment\u003c/a> to avoid lawsuits, losses in funding and other consequences, including what’s known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945744/california-building-boom-a-new-law-promised-big-but-has-yet-to-deliver-in-the-bay-area\">the “builder’s remedy,”\u003c/a> which allows developers to sidestep local zoning restrictions if the city is out of compliance with state housing law.[aside postID=news_12042670 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/008_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3485_qed-1020x680.jpg']Yet, how to achieve ambitious housing goals has caused controversy in a state where how and what to build is a touchy subject.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, city leaders are working on a plan to add more than 36,000 homes to the city’s west side and northern neighborhoods as part of\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/news/12057448/on-sfs-west-side-a-push-to-protect-historic-landmarks-amid-plans-for-more-housing\"> a new “family zoning” push\u003c/a> that would exempt these parts of the city from SB 79. If the Board of Supervisors doesn’t approve that plan by January, the state will start to impose fines and withhold critical funding for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are real consequences if we fail to pass family zoning,” San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie said Friday in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DPo2PTUEoEc/?hl=en\">Instagram post\u003c/a> about the carveouts in SB 79. “The state is ready with what they call the builder’s remedy, which means unlimited height and density on every block and stripping the city of all decision-making power on new projects.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In discussions in the Capitol, equity groups \u003ca href=\"https://wclp.org/sb79-oppose-unless-amended-to-protect-housing-input-affordability/\">argued\u003c/a> that the bill does not enshrine affordability requirements for new housing. Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/los-angeles-sb-79-map-neighborhoods-address-housing-california-bill-bass-newsom\">urged Newsom to veto the bill\u003c/a>, saying that it would “erode local control, diminish community input on planning and zoning and disproportionately impact low-resource neighborhoods.” And homeowner groups have said they \u003ca href=\"https://archive.ph/MIOix#selection-3119.0-3134.0\">fear\u003c/a> the bill will \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcsandiego.com/news/local/people-take-to-the-streets-of-south-park-to-protest-california-housing-bill/3897316/\">affect\u003c/a> the character of their neighborhoods and price out small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the bill cleared political hurdles and narrowly passed both houses of the Legislature after adding provisions for labor unions, and by exempting areas that are already covered by local housing policy that promotes transit. That allowed it to avoid the fate of Wiener’s previous three attempts in the last seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s decision was highly anticipated for weeks. His signing represents a significant step in California’s housing experiment, alongside several other housing bills signed Friday — including one to slash red tape around converting office buildings into residences and multiple bills meant to streamline the construction of accessory dwelling units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/abandlamudi\">\u003cem>Adhiti Bandlamudi\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "SB 79 from San Francisco state Sen. Scott Wiener builds on years of advocacy to add more housing stock in California’s biggest metro areas, overriding local zoning laws. ",
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"title": "Newsom Signs Ambitious Bill to Boost Housing Density Near Public Transit | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> has taken a major step to clear the way for developers across the state to build new, taller apartments near\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/public-transit\"> transit hubs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed legislation on Friday that would allow for the construction of denser multi-family housing in neighborhoods within a half-mile of bustling train and bus stops on major transit networks like BART, Caltrain or the L.A. Metro rail system, overriding local zoning laws. Buildings closest to the transit hubs could go up to nine stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042670/controversial-housing-near-transit-bill-advances-to-next-stop-in-legislature\">SB 79\u003c/a>, has been viewed as one of the most significant \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">housing bills in decades\u003c/a>. It’s state Sen. Scott Wiener’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031302/wieners-controversial-bill-to-allow-housing-near-transit-is-back\">latest of several attempts\u003c/a> to spur new housing construction, a movement that has made \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057068/are-yimbys-winning-the-housing-debate\">political gains this year\u003c/a> — and, at the same time, to increase public transit’s revenue by drawing new ridership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 79 is a historic step toward tackling the root cause of California’s affordability crisis — our profound shortage of homes and too few people having access to transit,” Wiener, D-San Francisco, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, which will apply only to eight urbanized California counties with 16 or more passenger rail stations, also allows zoning for five- to eight-story buildings adjacent to light rail lines, as well as daily trains and rapid bus transit or streets with dedicated bus lanes. It takes effect July 1, 2026, in San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara, Alameda, Sacramento, Los Angeles, Orange and San Diego counties, absent cities’ alternative plans for transit-oriented upzoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010450\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks at a press event in front of the SFUSD offices in San Francisco on Oct. 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It will also allow transit agencies to set their own zoning rules on properties they own adjacent to transit-oriented development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents argue that a shortage of affordable housing has ensnared the state in an unaffordability crisis, exacerbated by “permitting, rezoning, and public funding barriers to build” affordable housing in the state, according to Wiener.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have [now] undone decades of housing prohibitions in our cities near the transit stations that we’ve all paid for, and we’ll start to see hopefully soon a [return] to the way California was envisioning its growth when we built these transit stations,” said Matt Lewis, a spokesperson for California YIMBY, a group that advocates for accelerating housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities must meet the housing targets outlined in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885996/california-cities-struggle-to-meet-new-housing-planning-guidelines\">Regional Housing Needs Assessment\u003c/a> to avoid lawsuits, losses in funding and other consequences, including what’s known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945744/california-building-boom-a-new-law-promised-big-but-has-yet-to-deliver-in-the-bay-area\">the “builder’s remedy,”\u003c/a> which allows developers to sidestep local zoning restrictions if the city is out of compliance with state housing law.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Yet, how to achieve ambitious housing goals has caused controversy in a state where how and what to build is a touchy subject.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, city leaders are working on a plan to add more than 36,000 homes to the city’s west side and northern neighborhoods as part of\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/news/12057448/on-sfs-west-side-a-push-to-protect-historic-landmarks-amid-plans-for-more-housing\"> a new “family zoning” push\u003c/a> that would exempt these parts of the city from SB 79. If the Board of Supervisors doesn’t approve that plan by January, the state will start to impose fines and withhold critical funding for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are real consequences if we fail to pass family zoning,” San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie said Friday in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DPo2PTUEoEc/?hl=en\">Instagram post\u003c/a> about the carveouts in SB 79. “The state is ready with what they call the builder’s remedy, which means unlimited height and density on every block and stripping the city of all decision-making power on new projects.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In discussions in the Capitol, equity groups \u003ca href=\"https://wclp.org/sb79-oppose-unless-amended-to-protect-housing-input-affordability/\">argued\u003c/a> that the bill does not enshrine affordability requirements for new housing. Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/los-angeles-sb-79-map-neighborhoods-address-housing-california-bill-bass-newsom\">urged Newsom to veto the bill\u003c/a>, saying that it would “erode local control, diminish community input on planning and zoning and disproportionately impact low-resource neighborhoods.” And homeowner groups have said they \u003ca href=\"https://archive.ph/MIOix#selection-3119.0-3134.0\">fear\u003c/a> the bill will \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcsandiego.com/news/local/people-take-to-the-streets-of-south-park-to-protest-california-housing-bill/3897316/\">affect\u003c/a> the character of their neighborhoods and price out small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the bill cleared political hurdles and narrowly passed both houses of the Legislature after adding provisions for labor unions, and by exempting areas that are already covered by local housing policy that promotes transit. That allowed it to avoid the fate of Wiener’s previous three attempts in the last seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s decision was highly anticipated for weeks. His signing represents a significant step in California’s housing experiment, alongside several other housing bills signed Friday — including one to slash red tape around converting office buildings into residences and multiple bills meant to streamline the construction of accessory dwelling units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/abandlamudi\">\u003cem>Adhiti Bandlamudi\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "newsom-expands-care-court-mental-health-law-to-reach-more-californians",
"title": "Newsom Expands CARE Court Mental Health Law to Reach More Californians",
"publishDate": 1760122824,
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"headTitle": "Newsom Expands CARE Court Mental Health Law to Reach More Californians | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>’s marquee mental health programs may broaden its reach despite persistent questions about the number of people it’s helping and whether it’s achieving the goals he set out for it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007175/care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going\">when it launched\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom today signed a law that expands eligibility for CARE Court to include people who experience psychotic symptoms as a result of bipolar disorder. Under the law’s previous constraints, only people with schizophrenia and other limited psychotic disorders were eligible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, in a written statement, called the law and its expansion an important part of his administration’s efforts to bring people with serious \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mental-health\">mental illness\u003c/a> into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California doesn’t sit on the sidelines while people fall through the cracks,” he said. “We don’t stand by while people spiral on our sidewalks or cycle through emergency rooms and jail cells — we step up. We built CARE Court to connect people to treatment, dignity, and accountability — because care and accountability belong at the center of how we serve our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/newsom-california-mental-illness-treatment/\">introduced CARE Court in 2022\u003c/a>, creating a program that allows family members, first responders, doctors and others to petition the courts on behalf of people with severe psychosis who couldn’t care for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047982\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Once a petition is accepted, individuals are presented with a voluntary treatment plan, which can include counseling, medication and housing. If they refuse, a judge can, in theory, order them to participate in a treatment plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost two years in, CARE Court has struggled to fulfill Newsom’s initial promises. A recent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/09/care-court-2025-data/\">CalMatters investigation\u003c/a> found that the program has so far reached a few hundred people, far short of the thousands originally projected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law, by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/thomas-umberg-165043\">Sen. Tom Umberg,\u003c/a> a Santa Ana Democrat, sailed through the Legislature with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb27\">nearly unanimous bipartisan support,\u003c/a> no votes against and just a handful of abstentions.[aside postID=news_12048062 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Rodriguez_CARE_07_07_2025-1.jpg']“The beauty of CARE Court is that it holds both institutions and individuals accountable, ensures individuals get the care they need and gives judges a clear role in overseeing and guiding the process,” Umberg said in a written statement today. “This bill focuses on implementation by listening to and learning from counties about what’s working and what’s not, in order to meet the goals of the original CARE Court legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill faced plenty of criticism in the community, with counties \u003ca href=\"https://www.abridged.org/news/low-use-program-mental-illness-homelessness/\">questioning how they will implement\u003c/a> an expanded program on a tight timeline and disability rights advocates raising concerns about the effectiveness of a program they consider “unimplementable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to tell the truth,” said Lex Steppling, a founding member of All People’s Health Collective. “This is not workable. It’s not going to be workable. And I personally believe the cracks in the foundation are getting bigger and bigger and it’s going to collapse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steppling saved his harshest criticism for “the state’s self-described ‘liberal and progressive’ politicians,” who he said were too afraid of the Newsom administration to oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wide estimates on CARE Court expansion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Umberg’s legislation could expand CARE Court enrollment, though it’s unclear by how much. Umberg’s office doesn’t have an estimate of how many more people will be eligible for the program under the new parameters. San Diego County said the new rules could increase its numbers by anywhere from 3.5% to 48.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to focus on the right populations,” Umberg said. “I do think it will expand it, but not dramatically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983393\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/GettyImages-1244278587-scaled-e1713477910867.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1319\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Sen. Tom Umberg during the opening of Hope Center in Fullerton, California, on Oct. 27, 2022. \u003ccite>(Jeff Gritchen/MediaNews Group/Orange County Register via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Monica Porter Gilbert, a mental health policy advocate with Disability Rights California, said the lack of clear information from the state about how the program has been implemented thus far is a big part of the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels concerning to massively open the gates to expand eligibility for the program when we really have no evidence that the program is having a positive impact,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg initially wanted to expand CARE Court in a way that would have made even more people eligible for it. An earlier draft of his legislation would have included all mood disorders with psychotic features. But critics, including the County Behavioral Health Directors Association, warned that “massive expansion” would lead to people flooding into CARE Court faster than counties could provide services. As a concession, Umberg eventually limited his bill to bipolar disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Newsom’s mental health overhaul\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to expanding eligibility, Umberg’s bill also eliminates what he said are some “inefficiencies” from the CARE Court process. That includes combining two early court hearings into one, he said, thereby reducing the amount of time participants have to spend in court and saving administrative resources.[aside postID=news_12007420 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-1020x691.jpg']The legislation also allows the criminal justice system to refer someone directly into CARE Court if they are charged with a crime and are deemed incompetent to stand trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michelle Doty Cabrera, executive director of the California Behavioral Health Directors Association, said her organization opposed the new law. She worries that counties won’t have the staffing or housing resources necessary to handle an influx of people. And they are still working out kinks in a system that is still relatively new, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, she said, county behavioral health departments are also pivoting to address dozens of other new initiatives, including Newsom’s 2024 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/06/prop-1-mental-health-awards/\">mental health housing bond\u003c/a> known as Proposition 1 as well as CalAIM, the governor’s overhaul of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/12/calaim-federal-waivers/\">Medi-Cal for mental health services\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to allow counties to implement the very many things that have been put on the table,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/10/care-court-expansion-new-law/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Newsom introduced CARE Court to bring more people experiencing severe mental illness into treatment. It has helped fewer people than he projected, but a new law will make more people eligible for it.",
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"title": "Newsom Expands CARE Court Mental Health Law to Reach More Californians | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>’s marquee mental health programs may broaden its reach despite persistent questions about the number of people it’s helping and whether it’s achieving the goals he set out for it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007175/care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going\">when it launched\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom today signed a law that expands eligibility for CARE Court to include people who experience psychotic symptoms as a result of bipolar disorder. Under the law’s previous constraints, only people with schizophrenia and other limited psychotic disorders were eligible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, in a written statement, called the law and its expansion an important part of his administration’s efforts to bring people with serious \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mental-health\">mental illness\u003c/a> into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California doesn’t sit on the sidelines while people fall through the cracks,” he said. “We don’t stand by while people spiral on our sidewalks or cycle through emergency rooms and jail cells — we step up. We built CARE Court to connect people to treatment, dignity, and accountability — because care and accountability belong at the center of how we serve our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/newsom-california-mental-illness-treatment/\">introduced CARE Court in 2022\u003c/a>, creating a program that allows family members, first responders, doctors and others to petition the courts on behalf of people with severe psychosis who couldn’t care for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047982\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Once a petition is accepted, individuals are presented with a voluntary treatment plan, which can include counseling, medication and housing. If they refuse, a judge can, in theory, order them to participate in a treatment plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost two years in, CARE Court has struggled to fulfill Newsom’s initial promises. A recent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/09/care-court-2025-data/\">CalMatters investigation\u003c/a> found that the program has so far reached a few hundred people, far short of the thousands originally projected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law, by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/thomas-umberg-165043\">Sen. Tom Umberg,\u003c/a> a Santa Ana Democrat, sailed through the Legislature with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb27\">nearly unanimous bipartisan support,\u003c/a> no votes against and just a handful of abstentions.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The beauty of CARE Court is that it holds both institutions and individuals accountable, ensures individuals get the care they need and gives judges a clear role in overseeing and guiding the process,” Umberg said in a written statement today. “This bill focuses on implementation by listening to and learning from counties about what’s working and what’s not, in order to meet the goals of the original CARE Court legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill faced plenty of criticism in the community, with counties \u003ca href=\"https://www.abridged.org/news/low-use-program-mental-illness-homelessness/\">questioning how they will implement\u003c/a> an expanded program on a tight timeline and disability rights advocates raising concerns about the effectiveness of a program they consider “unimplementable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to tell the truth,” said Lex Steppling, a founding member of All People’s Health Collective. “This is not workable. It’s not going to be workable. And I personally believe the cracks in the foundation are getting bigger and bigger and it’s going to collapse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steppling saved his harshest criticism for “the state’s self-described ‘liberal and progressive’ politicians,” who he said were too afraid of the Newsom administration to oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wide estimates on CARE Court expansion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Umberg’s legislation could expand CARE Court enrollment, though it’s unclear by how much. Umberg’s office doesn’t have an estimate of how many more people will be eligible for the program under the new parameters. San Diego County said the new rules could increase its numbers by anywhere from 3.5% to 48.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to focus on the right populations,” Umberg said. “I do think it will expand it, but not dramatically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983393\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/GettyImages-1244278587-scaled-e1713477910867.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1319\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Sen. Tom Umberg during the opening of Hope Center in Fullerton, California, on Oct. 27, 2022. \u003ccite>(Jeff Gritchen/MediaNews Group/Orange County Register via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Monica Porter Gilbert, a mental health policy advocate with Disability Rights California, said the lack of clear information from the state about how the program has been implemented thus far is a big part of the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels concerning to massively open the gates to expand eligibility for the program when we really have no evidence that the program is having a positive impact,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg initially wanted to expand CARE Court in a way that would have made even more people eligible for it. An earlier draft of his legislation would have included all mood disorders with psychotic features. But critics, including the County Behavioral Health Directors Association, warned that “massive expansion” would lead to people flooding into CARE Court faster than counties could provide services. As a concession, Umberg eventually limited his bill to bipolar disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Newsom’s mental health overhaul\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to expanding eligibility, Umberg’s bill also eliminates what he said are some “inefficiencies” from the CARE Court process. That includes combining two early court hearings into one, he said, thereby reducing the amount of time participants have to spend in court and saving administrative resources.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The legislation also allows the criminal justice system to refer someone directly into CARE Court if they are charged with a crime and are deemed incompetent to stand trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michelle Doty Cabrera, executive director of the California Behavioral Health Directors Association, said her organization opposed the new law. She worries that counties won’t have the staffing or housing resources necessary to handle an influx of people. And they are still working out kinks in a system that is still relatively new, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, she said, county behavioral health departments are also pivoting to address dozens of other new initiatives, including Newsom’s 2024 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/06/prop-1-mental-health-awards/\">mental health housing bond\u003c/a> known as Proposition 1 as well as CalAIM, the governor’s overhaul of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/12/calaim-federal-waivers/\">Medi-Cal for mental health services\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to allow counties to implement the very many things that have been put on the table,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/10/care-court-expansion-new-law/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "sf-appeals-court-appears-reluctant-to-block-trumps-national-guard-deployment-to-portland",
"title": "SF Appeals Court Appears Reluctant to Block Trump’s National Guard Deployment to Portland",
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"headTitle": "SF Appeals Court Appears Reluctant to Block Trump’s National Guard Deployment to Portland | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A three-judge appeals panel in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> heard oral arguments on Thursday on whether President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> had the authority to federalize 200 Oregon National Guard troops and appeared reluctant to second-guess the president’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing comes as multiple court cases play out in numerous states over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058799/trumps-national-guard-moves-are-part-of-a-dangerous-plan-california-ag-warns\">Trump’s move to send in troops\u003c/a>, and as the president escalates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058130/san-francisco-officials-respond-to-trump-telling-us-generals-were-under-invasion-from-within\">his threats and rhetoric against Democratic led cities\u003c/a>. This week, Trump called those cities\u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1kmniegrR23cFlXDVVq9Gdf0bOniHzdWFO6ETNjHKWbQ/edit?tab=t.0\"> “war zones”\u003c/a> and said he may consider using the Insurrection Act, which would allow military troops to be used for civilian law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case being heard Thursday, the judges acknowledged the narrow nature of the issue before them: whether to halt a lower court’s order declaring the federalization of the Oregon Guard members illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not before the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals was the question of whether additional troops from California could be sent to Oregon, or if any of the troops could be deployed to Portland to protect an immigration building that’s been the site of ongoing protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because Oregon U.S. District Judge Karin J. Immergut last weekend issued two separate temporary restraining orders: one halting Trump’s federalization of the 200 Oregon troops, and another halting both the federalization of California Guard members and the deployment of troops from both states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043426\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1491\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-1536x1145.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom (right) speaks as Attorney General Rob Bonta looks on during a news conference on April 16, 2025, in Ceres, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California joined Oregon’s lawsuit after Trump ordered its state’s National Guard members to report to Portland last weekend. Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043314/california-to-sue-trump-for-sending-national-guard-troops-into-la-after-ice-protests\">previously sued over Trump’s\u003c/a> deployment of thousands of California National Guard troops and U.S. Marines to Los Angeles earlier this year — also in response to immigration protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court judges — two Trump appointees, one appointed by former President Bill Clinton — said they were only ruling on whether Trump had the authority to federalize the Oregon troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is relying on a \u003ca href=\"https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?req=granuleid:USC-prelim-title10-section12406&num=0&edition=prelim\">section of federal code\u003c/a> that allows the president to seize control of National Guard troops if there’s a threat of an invasion by a foreign country, a rebellion against the government or the president is unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The president gets to direct his resources as he deems fit,” said Judge Ryan D. Nelson, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.fjc.gov/history/judges/nelson-ryan-douglas\">nominated\u003c/a> by Trump in 2018. “And it just seems a little counterintuitive to me that the city of Portland can come in and say, no, you need to do it differently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zJ41xxYQEkk\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representing the federal government, Deputy Assistant Attorney General Eric McArthur said the ongoing protests outside an ICE facility in Portland meet the law’s standards because, dating back to June, they had at times \u003ca href=\"https://www.portland.gov/police/news/2025/6/15/portland-police-make-three-arrests-criminal-activity-near-ice-building\">resulted in violence\u003c/a> and led to the facility’s closure for more than three weeks earlier this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For months, the ICE facility in Portland and the federal law enforcement officers who worked there have faced a steady stream of violence, threats of violence and harassment from violent agitators bent on impeding federal immigration enforcement,” he said, adding later that “no dictionary definition of the term rebellion requires that it be aimed at overthrowing [the] entire government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assistant Attorney General Stacy Chaffin, representing Oregon and Portland, argued that local police and existing federal law enforcement were equipped to handle protests that federal officials often characterized as “low-energy” in their own internal reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When crimes occurred, she noted, arrests were made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what’s supposed to happen,” she said. “That’s how this process is supposed to work. It’s not that there is a protest, and then you just send in the military. This is protected speech. And for the most part, it is calm and sedate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058678\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/AP25278152013154-scaled-e1760043069367.jpg\" alt=\"A nighttime photo of several people walking and running in the street with tear gas in the air.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Law enforcement officers stand after deploying tear gas outside a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility during a protest on Oct. 4, 2025, in Portland, Oregon. \u003ccite>(Jenny Kane/The Associated Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This case, like the others filed in California and Illinois, hinges on how much deference the president should be given in deciding to seize control of National Guard troops, who state governors normally control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of Thursday’s debate focused on the timing of Trump’s order in September — months after some of the largest demonstrations occurred. Chaffin argued that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/06/department-of-defense-security-for-the-protection-of-department-of-homeland-security-functions/\">June 7 memo\u003c/a> Trump relied on in part to justify the September mobilization in Oregon was “stale” and mostly related to protests in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McArthur said the court should look at the totality of the circumstances, arguing that delaying the use of the Guard “effectively penalizes the president for using the National Guard as a last resort rather than a first resort.”[aside postID=news_12058936 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/BorderPatrolAgentsGetty.jpg']Nelson noted that the federal government has not yet appealed the second temporary restraining order barring Trump from deploying troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the issue of how those troops are used once they are deployed could be the subject of a future hearing — and acknowledged the broader issues at play when military troops are dispatched to American cities. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054322/judge-rules-trump-violated-law-by-sending-troops-to-los-angeles\">separate federal law\u003c/a> limits the use of military troops against U.S. civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to be clear. I’m very sensitive to the slippery slope argument that’s being made here and the slippery slope argument that’s been made in L.A. and around the country. I mean, this is something that clearly the founders were concerned about,” Nelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If National Guard troops are allowed in Portland, he went on, “it may well be that the forces are used in an improper way. But we don’t have any evidence of that right now. All we have is a document that says we have a federal facility under attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That he said, “doesn’t strike me as a glaring overuse on its face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals panel is likely to rule before the lower court’s order expires on Oct. 18. McArthur said the Trump administration did not appeal both orders because they assumed that if the appeals court rules that the first order is illegal, the second, related to California and the deployment of the troops, will be invalidated as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Trump administration appealed a lower court’s ruling that the deployment of Oregon National Guard troops in Portland is illegal.",
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"title": "SF Appeals Court Appears Reluctant to Block Trump’s National Guard Deployment to Portland | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A three-judge appeals panel in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> heard oral arguments on Thursday on whether President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> had the authority to federalize 200 Oregon National Guard troops and appeared reluctant to second-guess the president’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing comes as multiple court cases play out in numerous states over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058799/trumps-national-guard-moves-are-part-of-a-dangerous-plan-california-ag-warns\">Trump’s move to send in troops\u003c/a>, and as the president escalates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058130/san-francisco-officials-respond-to-trump-telling-us-generals-were-under-invasion-from-within\">his threats and rhetoric against Democratic led cities\u003c/a>. This week, Trump called those cities\u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1kmniegrR23cFlXDVVq9Gdf0bOniHzdWFO6ETNjHKWbQ/edit?tab=t.0\"> “war zones”\u003c/a> and said he may consider using the Insurrection Act, which would allow military troops to be used for civilian law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case being heard Thursday, the judges acknowledged the narrow nature of the issue before them: whether to halt a lower court’s order declaring the federalization of the Oregon Guard members illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not before the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals was the question of whether additional troops from California could be sent to Oregon, or if any of the troops could be deployed to Portland to protect an immigration building that’s been the site of ongoing protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because Oregon U.S. District Judge Karin J. Immergut last weekend issued two separate temporary restraining orders: one halting Trump’s federalization of the 200 Oregon troops, and another halting both the federalization of California Guard members and the deployment of troops from both states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043426\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1491\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-1536x1145.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom (right) speaks as Attorney General Rob Bonta looks on during a news conference on April 16, 2025, in Ceres, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California joined Oregon’s lawsuit after Trump ordered its state’s National Guard members to report to Portland last weekend. Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043314/california-to-sue-trump-for-sending-national-guard-troops-into-la-after-ice-protests\">previously sued over Trump’s\u003c/a> deployment of thousands of California National Guard troops and U.S. Marines to Los Angeles earlier this year — also in response to immigration protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court judges — two Trump appointees, one appointed by former President Bill Clinton — said they were only ruling on whether Trump had the authority to federalize the Oregon troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is relying on a \u003ca href=\"https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?req=granuleid:USC-prelim-title10-section12406&num=0&edition=prelim\">section of federal code\u003c/a> that allows the president to seize control of National Guard troops if there’s a threat of an invasion by a foreign country, a rebellion against the government or the president is unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The president gets to direct his resources as he deems fit,” said Judge Ryan D. Nelson, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.fjc.gov/history/judges/nelson-ryan-douglas\">nominated\u003c/a> by Trump in 2018. “And it just seems a little counterintuitive to me that the city of Portland can come in and say, no, you need to do it differently.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/zJ41xxYQEkk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/zJ41xxYQEkk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Representing the federal government, Deputy Assistant Attorney General Eric McArthur said the ongoing protests outside an ICE facility in Portland meet the law’s standards because, dating back to June, they had at times \u003ca href=\"https://www.portland.gov/police/news/2025/6/15/portland-police-make-three-arrests-criminal-activity-near-ice-building\">resulted in violence\u003c/a> and led to the facility’s closure for more than three weeks earlier this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For months, the ICE facility in Portland and the federal law enforcement officers who worked there have faced a steady stream of violence, threats of violence and harassment from violent agitators bent on impeding federal immigration enforcement,” he said, adding later that “no dictionary definition of the term rebellion requires that it be aimed at overthrowing [the] entire government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assistant Attorney General Stacy Chaffin, representing Oregon and Portland, argued that local police and existing federal law enforcement were equipped to handle protests that federal officials often characterized as “low-energy” in their own internal reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When crimes occurred, she noted, arrests were made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what’s supposed to happen,” she said. “That’s how this process is supposed to work. It’s not that there is a protest, and then you just send in the military. This is protected speech. And for the most part, it is calm and sedate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058678\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/AP25278152013154-scaled-e1760043069367.jpg\" alt=\"A nighttime photo of several people walking and running in the street with tear gas in the air.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Law enforcement officers stand after deploying tear gas outside a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility during a protest on Oct. 4, 2025, in Portland, Oregon. \u003ccite>(Jenny Kane/The Associated Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This case, like the others filed in California and Illinois, hinges on how much deference the president should be given in deciding to seize control of National Guard troops, who state governors normally control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of Thursday’s debate focused on the timing of Trump’s order in September — months after some of the largest demonstrations occurred. Chaffin argued that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/06/department-of-defense-security-for-the-protection-of-department-of-homeland-security-functions/\">June 7 memo\u003c/a> Trump relied on in part to justify the September mobilization in Oregon was “stale” and mostly related to protests in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McArthur said the court should look at the totality of the circumstances, arguing that delaying the use of the Guard “effectively penalizes the president for using the National Guard as a last resort rather than a first resort.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nelson noted that the federal government has not yet appealed the second temporary restraining order barring Trump from deploying troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the issue of how those troops are used once they are deployed could be the subject of a future hearing — and acknowledged the broader issues at play when military troops are dispatched to American cities. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054322/judge-rules-trump-violated-law-by-sending-troops-to-los-angeles\">separate federal law\u003c/a> limits the use of military troops against U.S. civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to be clear. I’m very sensitive to the slippery slope argument that’s being made here and the slippery slope argument that’s been made in L.A. and around the country. I mean, this is something that clearly the founders were concerned about,” Nelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If National Guard troops are allowed in Portland, he went on, “it may well be that the forces are used in an improper way. But we don’t have any evidence of that right now. All we have is a document that says we have a federal facility under attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That he said, “doesn’t strike me as a glaring overuse on its face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals panel is likely to rule before the lower court’s order expires on Oct. 18. McArthur said the Trump administration did not appeal both orders because they assumed that if the appeals court rules that the first order is illegal, the second, related to California and the deployment of the troops, will be invalidated as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-leads-resistance-as-trump-sends-troops-into-american-cities",
"title": "California Leads Resistance as Trump Sends Troops Into American Cities",
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"headTitle": "California Leads Resistance as Trump Sends Troops Into American Cities | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bimonthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>It’s a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058799/trumps-national-guard-moves-are-part-of-a-dangerous-plan-california-ag-warns\">threat\u003c/a> President Trump has made before:\u003c/strong> He first publicly mused about using military troops to quell civilian protests in 2020, during his first term, when demonstrations roiled the nation after Minneapolis police killed George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He didn’t send troops across the country, but did dispatch National Guard troops from 11 states to Washington, D.C., where they controversially helped clear protesters from Lafayette Square ahead of a presidential photo-op in front of a church. (An \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/09/1004832399/watchdog-report-says-police-did-not-clear-protesters-to-make-way-for-trump-last-\">investigation\u003c/a> later found that the park police and Guard members decided to disperse the crowd — using tear gas — independently of the president’s plans.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note that Washington, D.C., unlike cities in sovereign states, falls under greater federal control — the president commands the D.C. National Guard. Still, even before Trump’s reelection, pro-democracy experts saw the threats to use troops against civilians as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991317/protect-democracy-warns-how-trump-2-0-could-lead-to-authoritarianism\">troubling pattern of authoritarian tendencies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Things escalated in June, when Trump sent troops to L.A.:\u003c/strong> Trump said he was responding to “out-of-control” immigration protests when he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043221/protesters-and-immigration-authorities-face-off-for-a-2nd-day-in-la-area-after-arrests\">seized control of the California National Guard\u003c/a> from Gov. Gavin Newsom and deployed Guard members — and eventually 700 U.S. Marines — to the nation’s second largest city. State and local officials disputed that the protests were beyond their control and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043314/california-to-sue-trump-for-sending-national-guard-troops-into-la-after-ice-protests\">quickly sued\u003c/a>, asking a court to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043548/california-asks-court-to-stop-national-guard-marines-from-patrolling-la-streets\">remove the troops\u003c/a> from the streets. While the state has had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043935/how-solid-is-californias-legal-case-against-trump-deploying-troops-to-la\">success\u003c/a> in a district court, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043920/judge-weighs-californias-lawsuit-over-trumps-troop-deployment-in-la\">an appeals court halted\u003c/a> the lower judge’s order to remove the troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051797/california-argues-trumps-use-of-troops-in-l-a-violated-federal-law\">three-day trial\u003c/a> in August, a judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054322/judge-rules-trump-violated-law-by-sending-troops-to-los-angeles\">ruled in favor of California\u003c/a>, ruling that Trump had violated federal law and ordering him to stop using troops for policing, but an appeals court paused that decision. The case is still pending and is expected to be heard by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in general, some judges have appeared \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044621/appeals-court-hears-newsoms-case-against-trumps-national-guard-mobilization\">reticent to second-guess\u003c/a> the president’s authority on an issue related to national security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059095\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059095\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2220483644-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2220483644-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2220483644-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2220483644-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2220483644-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2220483644-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents surround federal and Border Patrol agents as they plan their exit after an immigration raid on Atlantic Boulevard in Bell, California, on June 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>First Washington, D.C., then an escalation with Oregon and Illinois:\u003c/strong> Trump argued that he needed troops in D.C. to combat crime — a rationale that shifted as he began sending forces to Portland and Chicago. He has claimed the troops are needed to protect immigration facilities and agents from protesters, though he often conflates crime and immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deployments have turned into a partisan showdown between blue states and red states, now playing out in multiple courts. California joined Oregon’s lawsuit after Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058677/newsom-says-trump-is-sending-300-california-national-guard-members-to-oregon\">tried to send California Guard members to Portland\u003c/a>, successfully securing a temporary order \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058715/trumps-order-to-deploy-california-national-guard-to-oregon-sparks-legal-showdown\">blocking that deployment\u003c/a>. Chicago and Illinois were not successful. Both cases are moving through appeals court.[aside postID=news_12058715 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/AP25278748416734-scaled.jpg']Both cases are moving through appeals courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans and Democrats are telling starkly different stories and military experts are concerned. The Trump administration insists the deployments are about public safety and the rule of law. On Monday, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said ICE facilities in Portland had been “under siege by these anarchists” for months and accused protesters of inciting violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats, including California Attorney General Rob Bonta, see Trump’s moves as a precursor to potentially \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058799/trumps-national-guard-moves-are-part-of-a-dangerous-plan-california-ag-warns\">more frightening uses of the military\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump does think that the military is his personal police force and his personal army. And he wants that force behind his policy decisions,” Bonta said. “He wants to weaponize the military against blue states and blue cities…. he’s also, I think, socializing the idea of the military in American cities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other Democrats have warned that Trump may use the troops to intimidate voters in blue states and to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/proposition-50-election-newsom-trump-21088506.php\">suppress the vote\u003c/a> in November’s special election and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta, though, said that the U.S. “is a nation that will never accept military rule.” And some former military leaders are speaking out. Retired Gen. Randy Manner, who will join Political Breakdown on Thursday, has warned that the president’s actions risk driving a wedge between the armed forces and the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "President Trump’s decision to deploy U.S. troops to Los Angeles, Portland and Chicago has ignited legal battles with California and other blue states, escalating tensions over presidential power, immigration enforcement, and the use of the military in American cities.",
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"title": "California Leads Resistance as Trump Sends Troops Into American Cities | KQED",
"description": "President Trump’s decision to deploy U.S. troops to Los Angeles, Portland and Chicago has ignited legal battles with California and other blue states, escalating tensions over presidential power, immigration enforcement, and the use of the military in American cities.",
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"headline": "California Leads Resistance as Trump Sends Troops Into American Cities",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bimonthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>It’s a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058799/trumps-national-guard-moves-are-part-of-a-dangerous-plan-california-ag-warns\">threat\u003c/a> President Trump has made before:\u003c/strong> He first publicly mused about using military troops to quell civilian protests in 2020, during his first term, when demonstrations roiled the nation after Minneapolis police killed George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He didn’t send troops across the country, but did dispatch National Guard troops from 11 states to Washington, D.C., where they controversially helped clear protesters from Lafayette Square ahead of a presidential photo-op in front of a church. (An \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/09/1004832399/watchdog-report-says-police-did-not-clear-protesters-to-make-way-for-trump-last-\">investigation\u003c/a> later found that the park police and Guard members decided to disperse the crowd — using tear gas — independently of the president’s plans.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note that Washington, D.C., unlike cities in sovereign states, falls under greater federal control — the president commands the D.C. National Guard. Still, even before Trump’s reelection, pro-democracy experts saw the threats to use troops against civilians as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991317/protect-democracy-warns-how-trump-2-0-could-lead-to-authoritarianism\">troubling pattern of authoritarian tendencies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Things escalated in June, when Trump sent troops to L.A.:\u003c/strong> Trump said he was responding to “out-of-control” immigration protests when he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043221/protesters-and-immigration-authorities-face-off-for-a-2nd-day-in-la-area-after-arrests\">seized control of the California National Guard\u003c/a> from Gov. Gavin Newsom and deployed Guard members — and eventually 700 U.S. Marines — to the nation’s second largest city. State and local officials disputed that the protests were beyond their control and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043314/california-to-sue-trump-for-sending-national-guard-troops-into-la-after-ice-protests\">quickly sued\u003c/a>, asking a court to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043548/california-asks-court-to-stop-national-guard-marines-from-patrolling-la-streets\">remove the troops\u003c/a> from the streets. While the state has had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043935/how-solid-is-californias-legal-case-against-trump-deploying-troops-to-la\">success\u003c/a> in a district court, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043920/judge-weighs-californias-lawsuit-over-trumps-troop-deployment-in-la\">an appeals court halted\u003c/a> the lower judge’s order to remove the troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051797/california-argues-trumps-use-of-troops-in-l-a-violated-federal-law\">three-day trial\u003c/a> in August, a judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054322/judge-rules-trump-violated-law-by-sending-troops-to-los-angeles\">ruled in favor of California\u003c/a>, ruling that Trump had violated federal law and ordering him to stop using troops for policing, but an appeals court paused that decision. The case is still pending and is expected to be heard by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in general, some judges have appeared \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044621/appeals-court-hears-newsoms-case-against-trumps-national-guard-mobilization\">reticent to second-guess\u003c/a> the president’s authority on an issue related to national security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059095\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059095\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2220483644-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2220483644-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2220483644-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2220483644-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2220483644-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2220483644-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents surround federal and Border Patrol agents as they plan their exit after an immigration raid on Atlantic Boulevard in Bell, California, on June 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>First Washington, D.C., then an escalation with Oregon and Illinois:\u003c/strong> Trump argued that he needed troops in D.C. to combat crime — a rationale that shifted as he began sending forces to Portland and Chicago. He has claimed the troops are needed to protect immigration facilities and agents from protesters, though he often conflates crime and immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deployments have turned into a partisan showdown between blue states and red states, now playing out in multiple courts. California joined Oregon’s lawsuit after Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058677/newsom-says-trump-is-sending-300-california-national-guard-members-to-oregon\">tried to send California Guard members to Portland\u003c/a>, successfully securing a temporary order \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058715/trumps-order-to-deploy-california-national-guard-to-oregon-sparks-legal-showdown\">blocking that deployment\u003c/a>. Chicago and Illinois were not successful. Both cases are moving through appeals court.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Both cases are moving through appeals courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans and Democrats are telling starkly different stories and military experts are concerned. The Trump administration insists the deployments are about public safety and the rule of law. On Monday, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said ICE facilities in Portland had been “under siege by these anarchists” for months and accused protesters of inciting violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats, including California Attorney General Rob Bonta, see Trump’s moves as a precursor to potentially \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058799/trumps-national-guard-moves-are-part-of-a-dangerous-plan-california-ag-warns\">more frightening uses of the military\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump does think that the military is his personal police force and his personal army. And he wants that force behind his policy decisions,” Bonta said. “He wants to weaponize the military against blue states and blue cities…. he’s also, I think, socializing the idea of the military in American cities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other Democrats have warned that Trump may use the troops to intimidate voters in blue states and to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/proposition-50-election-newsom-trump-21088506.php\">suppress the vote\u003c/a> in November’s special election and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta, though, said that the U.S. “is a nation that will never accept military rule.” And some former military leaders are speaking out. Retired Gen. Randy Manner, who will join Political Breakdown on Thursday, has warned that the president’s actions risk driving a wedge between the armed forces and the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "masking-bill-fuels-california-legal-battle-over-federal-immigration-agents",
"title": "Masking Bill Fuels California Legal Battle Over Federal Immigration Agents",
"publishDate": 1759939244,
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"headTitle": "Masking Bill Fuels California Legal Battle Over Federal Immigration Agents | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The videos have become almost routine: men in dark clothing and vests, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044570/california-bill-would-prohibit-ice-officers-from-wearing-masks-in-the-state\">often wearing masks\u003c/a>, wrestling people to the ground and whisking them away in unmarked vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could look like a kidnapping or a scene from a movie, but they are American immigration officers, and some of the people being swept up are U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s happening in the United States of America. Masked men jumping out of unmarked cars, people disappearing, no due process, no oversight, zero accountability,” California Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OC71635to-I\">said recently on “The Late Show with Stephen Colbert\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re losing confidence and trust in law enforcement,” he said, citing incidents where federal officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/aug/29/immigration-agents-los-angeles-detention-damages-claim\">pointed guns\u003c/a> at a teenager. “We had a 15-year-old disabled kid in Los Angeles who was waiting for his sister to come out of high school and they pulled out guns on this kid. They pulled out guns and handcuffed this young child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the scenes, Newsom signed a bill last month barring local and federal law enforcement from wearing masks while on duty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks after U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer granted an emergency temporary restraining order to stop President Trump’s deployment of the California National Guard, on Thursday, June 12, 2025, at the California State Supreme Court building in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Santiago Mejia/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new law quickly drew fire from federal officials. Acting U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli instructed federal officers to \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/USAttyEssayli/status/1971625330722119843\">disregard\u003c/a> what he called a dangerous and unconstitutional law. In a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fEbtGwPLi6E\">interview\u003c/a> on KCRA, Essayli accused California officials of passing the law because they “don’t want our immigration laws being enforced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So they’re dehumanizing, and they’re delegitimizing the federal government. They call ICE agents kidnappers. They’re saying they’re making people disappear,” he said. “People are being arrested in compliance with federal law and the Constitution. … And all they’re doing with this bill and this rhetoric is putting the lives of our agents in danger.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California’s latest immigration battle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The masking bill is the latest skirmish in an ongoing battle between California and the Trump administration over how federal law enforcement agencies operate in the state — a fight likely headed to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s already a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054322/judge-rules-trump-violated-law-by-sending-troops-to-los-angeles\">pending federal lawsuit\u003c/a> over President Donald Trump’s decision to seize control of the California National Guard earlier this summer and deploy guard troops and U.S. Marines to assist in immigration raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058608\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12058608 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2237687579-scaled-e1759877176351.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Federal agents confront protesters outside of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement building on Sept. 28, 2025, in Portland, Oregon. In a Truth Social post on Sept. 27, President Donald Trump authorized the deployment of military troops to “protect war-ravaged Portland, and any of our ICE Facilities under siege from attack by Antifa, and other domestic terrorists.” \u003ccite>(Mathieu Lewis-Rolland/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last weekend, California also joined a lawsuit in Oregon challenging the president’s move to send National Guard troops into Portland. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031821/legal-showdown-over-sanctuary-laws-tests-federal-vs-state-power-again\">legal battles over the state’s sanctuary laws\u003c/a>, which prohibit state and local police from assisting in immigration enforcement, date back to Trump’s first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Essayli and other federal prosecutors have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-07-23/protester-charges-essayli\">aggressively pursued criminal charges\u003c/a> against people who come into contact with federal officers, though many cases have been dismissed or reduced after grand juries \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/06/us/trump-dc-national-guard-grand-juries-crime.html\">declined to hand down indictments\u003c/a>. In some cases, evidence \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/jul/28/doj-la-protesters-false-claims\">contradicted\u003c/a> Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Department of Homeland Security agents’ claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the aggressive tactics and lack of identification by immigration officers raise questions about both the rights of Americans and the accountability of federal law enforcement officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000985\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12000985 size-full\" style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent;color: #767676\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat, wrote the No Secret Police Act (SB 627), barring law enforcement from wearing masks. \u003ccite>(Michelle Gachet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco state Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat, wrote the bill barring law enforcement from wearing masks. He said ICE’s “authoritarian tactics” are creating a combustible situation that makes law enforcement less safe by eroding trust with the public and opening the door to people \u003ca href=\"https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2025/04/25/ice-agent-impersonate-kidnapping-florida-woman/83271541007/\">impersonating law enforcement\u003c/a>. It also makes it nearly impossible for Americans to know whether the people detaining them are actually law enforcement, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of San José also passed a policy last week aimed at forcing federal immigration agents to unmask and identify themselves when they are working in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This entire ICE operation, essentially secret police, is terrifying and scary. Having ICE agents, and lord knows who else, vigilantes, bounty hunters, having them patrolling, roving around neighborhoods and grabbing people out of bus stops, out of their front yards, out their workplaces — it’s absolutely terrifying,” Wiener said. “You can’t even see the face of the person you’re dealing with. You don’t know who you’re interacting with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I’m a citizen. I am not doing anything wrong’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>U.S. citizens, including George Retes, are among those being caught up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retes, a 25-year-old Army veteran and security guard, was arrested in July during a raid on the Ventura County cannabis farm where he works as a security guard. He was held for three days before being released without charges. After he wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/openforum/article/ice-racial-profiling-21045429.php\">op-ed\u003c/a> about his experience, DHS accused him of assault on the social media platform \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DHSgov/status/1968378912326697368\">X\u003c/a>. No charges have been filed, according to his lawyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retes said he tried to comply with orders as he approached the farm in his vehicle, but federal agents gave him contradictory commands before using tear gas, smashing his car window, pepper-spraying his face, pulling him out of the car and pinning him to the ground with their knees. He was transferred to a Los Angeles County facility and released without explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059042\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/CamarilloCannabisFarmICEGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1307\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/CamarilloCannabisFarmICEGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/CamarilloCannabisFarmICEGetty-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/CamarilloCannabisFarmICEGetty-1536x1004.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Federal agents block a field and road during an ICE raid at a nearby licensed cannabis farm on July 10, 2025, near Camarillo, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Retes has filed a claim alleging unconstitutional detention — the precursor to a lawsuit — but his lawyers have been unable to identify the officers involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just trying to get to work. I’m a citizen. I am not doing anything wrong,” he said. “I thought everything was going to be OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retes missed his daughter’s third birthday during his detention, and was suspended from work for three weeks until he could prove he wasn’t charged with a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Institute for Justice attorney Anya Bidwell, who represents Retes, alleged that his arrest and detention — and the threat of assault charges now being leveled at him — illustrate how ICE officers are comfortable acting with impunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047761\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047761\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192084195592-scaled-e1759878934178.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator stands in front of a military vehicle approaching a federal immigration agents raid in the agriculture area of Camarillo, California, on July 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Michael Owen Baker/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bidwell said \u003ca href=\"https://www.ecfr.gov/current/title-8/chapter-I/subchapter-B/part-287/section-287.8#p-287.8%28c%29\">federal regulations\u003c/a> already require immigration officers to identify themselves when making arrests — a point noted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kaine.senate.gov/press-releases/warner-kaine-push-ice-to-require-agents-identify-themselves-limit-use-of-masks-and-face-coverings-during-enforcement-operations\">a letter earlier this year\u003c/a> from Virginia Sens. Mark Warner and Tim Kaine, who demanded ICE agents unmask and identify themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This administration is kind of just exploiting the cracks that we have in the system,” Bidwell said. “Federal officials have such a high degree of immunity that they essentially don’t even care if they break the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not following their own regulations,” she added. “But again, it doesn’t matter that they’re not following their own regulations, at least in their mind, because like, go ahead, sue me. What are you going to do?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Local police caught in the middle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By contrast, local and state police in California are legally required to identify themselves in most cases, said Brian Marvel, president of the Peace Officers Research Association of California, or PORAC. The group represents 87,000 rank-and-file police officers in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to have either a badge or a name or identification indicating that you’re a peace officer in the state of California,” Marvel said, adding that after someone is arrested,” their name, their ID number and the agency they work for will be all available to that individual.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/ICECMGETTY.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/ICECMGETTY.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/ICECMGETTY-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/ICECMGETTY-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person is detained as clashes break out after U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officers attempted to raid a store in Bell, just south of Los Angeles, on June 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Etienne Laurent/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>PORAC opposed the masking bill, arguing that it unfairly entangles local police in a broader political fight that’s really about federal authorities. Marvel said no California agency uses masks to conceal identity, but the law could expose officers to lawsuits even if they cover their faces for legitimate reasons, like cold weather or to protect their health and safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal officials have made clear they will not comply. Before Newsom signed the bill, Department of Homeland Security officials called on the governor to veto it. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/09/16/dhs-calls-governor-newsom-veto-californias-no-secret-police-act\">a statement\u003c/a>, DHS insisted federal agents do identify themselves but wear masks to prevent doxing and retaliation from “highly sophisticated gangs like Tren de Aragua and MS-13, criminal rings, murderers, and rapists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin went on to blame Wiener for violence against ICE agents, saying that his legislation “and rhetoric comparing them to ‘secret police’ — likening them to the Gestapo — is despicable.”[aside postID=news_12058586 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/IMG_1173-2000x1500.jpg']Wiener, who has himself been frequently targeted and doxed, said McLaughlin’s comments are meant to silence critics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of us want anyone to be doxed,” he said. “Being a law enforcement officer has certain risks. Just like being an elected official has certain risks … Anyone who says, ‘I can only be a law enforcement officer on patrol if I wear a ski mask,’ I think that person needs to do some introspection and decide if law enforcement is really the right calling for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Wiener and others acknowledged that the public runs the risk of criminal charges if they don’t comply with a federal agent. Marvel, from PORAC, recommended compliance even if an agent refuses to show identification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here in America, the likelihood of that actually being a legitimate kidnapping is pretty slight. So I would assume that they are legitimate law enforcement officers,” he said. “Compliance is the best route because it’s less likely to escalate a situation, less likely to turn into a violent altercation or an officer-involved shooting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley Law School Dean Erwin Chemerinsky said police have a clear obligation to identify themselves when arresting someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If law enforcement personnel take somebody and arrest them, law enforcement personnel need to let them know that they have been arrested,” he said. “It’s the only way for somebody to know that they haven’t been kidnapped. And so when ICE agents in masks without identification are taking people into custody, that shouldn’t be deemed a lawful arrest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Chemerinsky acknowledged the only recourse is a lawsuit or asking a judge to dismiss charges. Neither, he said, is a sure bet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The videos have become almost routine: men in dark clothing and vests, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044570/california-bill-would-prohibit-ice-officers-from-wearing-masks-in-the-state\">often wearing masks\u003c/a>, wrestling people to the ground and whisking them away in unmarked vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could look like a kidnapping or a scene from a movie, but they are American immigration officers, and some of the people being swept up are U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s happening in the United States of America. Masked men jumping out of unmarked cars, people disappearing, no due process, no oversight, zero accountability,” California Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OC71635to-I\">said recently on “The Late Show with Stephen Colbert\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re losing confidence and trust in law enforcement,” he said, citing incidents where federal officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/aug/29/immigration-agents-los-angeles-detention-damages-claim\">pointed guns\u003c/a> at a teenager. “We had a 15-year-old disabled kid in Los Angeles who was waiting for his sister to come out of high school and they pulled out guns on this kid. They pulled out guns and handcuffed this young child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the scenes, Newsom signed a bill last month barring local and federal law enforcement from wearing masks while on duty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks after U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer granted an emergency temporary restraining order to stop President Trump’s deployment of the California National Guard, on Thursday, June 12, 2025, at the California State Supreme Court building in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Santiago Mejia/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new law quickly drew fire from federal officials. Acting U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli instructed federal officers to \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/USAttyEssayli/status/1971625330722119843\">disregard\u003c/a> what he called a dangerous and unconstitutional law. In a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fEbtGwPLi6E\">interview\u003c/a> on KCRA, Essayli accused California officials of passing the law because they “don’t want our immigration laws being enforced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So they’re dehumanizing, and they’re delegitimizing the federal government. They call ICE agents kidnappers. They’re saying they’re making people disappear,” he said. “People are being arrested in compliance with federal law and the Constitution. … And all they’re doing with this bill and this rhetoric is putting the lives of our agents in danger.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California’s latest immigration battle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The masking bill is the latest skirmish in an ongoing battle between California and the Trump administration over how federal law enforcement agencies operate in the state — a fight likely headed to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s already a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054322/judge-rules-trump-violated-law-by-sending-troops-to-los-angeles\">pending federal lawsuit\u003c/a> over President Donald Trump’s decision to seize control of the California National Guard earlier this summer and deploy guard troops and U.S. Marines to assist in immigration raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058608\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12058608 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2237687579-scaled-e1759877176351.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Federal agents confront protesters outside of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement building on Sept. 28, 2025, in Portland, Oregon. In a Truth Social post on Sept. 27, President Donald Trump authorized the deployment of military troops to “protect war-ravaged Portland, and any of our ICE Facilities under siege from attack by Antifa, and other domestic terrorists.” \u003ccite>(Mathieu Lewis-Rolland/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last weekend, California also joined a lawsuit in Oregon challenging the president’s move to send National Guard troops into Portland. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031821/legal-showdown-over-sanctuary-laws-tests-federal-vs-state-power-again\">legal battles over the state’s sanctuary laws\u003c/a>, which prohibit state and local police from assisting in immigration enforcement, date back to Trump’s first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Essayli and other federal prosecutors have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-07-23/protester-charges-essayli\">aggressively pursued criminal charges\u003c/a> against people who come into contact with federal officers, though many cases have been dismissed or reduced after grand juries \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/06/us/trump-dc-national-guard-grand-juries-crime.html\">declined to hand down indictments\u003c/a>. In some cases, evidence \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/jul/28/doj-la-protesters-false-claims\">contradicted\u003c/a> Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Department of Homeland Security agents’ claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the aggressive tactics and lack of identification by immigration officers raise questions about both the rights of Americans and the accountability of federal law enforcement officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000985\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12000985 size-full\" style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent;color: #767676\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Scott_Wiener_20111118_1473_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat, wrote the No Secret Police Act (SB 627), barring law enforcement from wearing masks. \u003ccite>(Michelle Gachet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco state Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat, wrote the bill barring law enforcement from wearing masks. He said ICE’s “authoritarian tactics” are creating a combustible situation that makes law enforcement less safe by eroding trust with the public and opening the door to people \u003ca href=\"https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2025/04/25/ice-agent-impersonate-kidnapping-florida-woman/83271541007/\">impersonating law enforcement\u003c/a>. It also makes it nearly impossible for Americans to know whether the people detaining them are actually law enforcement, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of San José also passed a policy last week aimed at forcing federal immigration agents to unmask and identify themselves when they are working in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This entire ICE operation, essentially secret police, is terrifying and scary. Having ICE agents, and lord knows who else, vigilantes, bounty hunters, having them patrolling, roving around neighborhoods and grabbing people out of bus stops, out of their front yards, out their workplaces — it’s absolutely terrifying,” Wiener said. “You can’t even see the face of the person you’re dealing with. You don’t know who you’re interacting with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I’m a citizen. I am not doing anything wrong’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>U.S. citizens, including George Retes, are among those being caught up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retes, a 25-year-old Army veteran and security guard, was arrested in July during a raid on the Ventura County cannabis farm where he works as a security guard. He was held for three days before being released without charges. After he wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/openforum/article/ice-racial-profiling-21045429.php\">op-ed\u003c/a> about his experience, DHS accused him of assault on the social media platform \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DHSgov/status/1968378912326697368\">X\u003c/a>. No charges have been filed, according to his lawyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retes said he tried to comply with orders as he approached the farm in his vehicle, but federal agents gave him contradictory commands before using tear gas, smashing his car window, pepper-spraying his face, pulling him out of the car and pinning him to the ground with their knees. He was transferred to a Los Angeles County facility and released without explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059042\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/CamarilloCannabisFarmICEGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1307\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/CamarilloCannabisFarmICEGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/CamarilloCannabisFarmICEGetty-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/CamarilloCannabisFarmICEGetty-1536x1004.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Federal agents block a field and road during an ICE raid at a nearby licensed cannabis farm on July 10, 2025, near Camarillo, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Retes has filed a claim alleging unconstitutional detention — the precursor to a lawsuit — but his lawyers have been unable to identify the officers involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just trying to get to work. I’m a citizen. I am not doing anything wrong,” he said. “I thought everything was going to be OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retes missed his daughter’s third birthday during his detention, and was suspended from work for three weeks until he could prove he wasn’t charged with a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Institute for Justice attorney Anya Bidwell, who represents Retes, alleged that his arrest and detention — and the threat of assault charges now being leveled at him — illustrate how ICE officers are comfortable acting with impunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047761\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047761\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192084195592-scaled-e1759878934178.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator stands in front of a military vehicle approaching a federal immigration agents raid in the agriculture area of Camarillo, California, on July 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Michael Owen Baker/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bidwell said \u003ca href=\"https://www.ecfr.gov/current/title-8/chapter-I/subchapter-B/part-287/section-287.8#p-287.8%28c%29\">federal regulations\u003c/a> already require immigration officers to identify themselves when making arrests — a point noted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kaine.senate.gov/press-releases/warner-kaine-push-ice-to-require-agents-identify-themselves-limit-use-of-masks-and-face-coverings-during-enforcement-operations\">a letter earlier this year\u003c/a> from Virginia Sens. Mark Warner and Tim Kaine, who demanded ICE agents unmask and identify themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This administration is kind of just exploiting the cracks that we have in the system,” Bidwell said. “Federal officials have such a high degree of immunity that they essentially don’t even care if they break the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not following their own regulations,” she added. “But again, it doesn’t matter that they’re not following their own regulations, at least in their mind, because like, go ahead, sue me. What are you going to do?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Local police caught in the middle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By contrast, local and state police in California are legally required to identify themselves in most cases, said Brian Marvel, president of the Peace Officers Research Association of California, or PORAC. The group represents 87,000 rank-and-file police officers in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to have either a badge or a name or identification indicating that you’re a peace officer in the state of California,” Marvel said, adding that after someone is arrested,” their name, their ID number and the agency they work for will be all available to that individual.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/ICECMGETTY.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/ICECMGETTY.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/ICECMGETTY-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/ICECMGETTY-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person is detained as clashes break out after U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officers attempted to raid a store in Bell, just south of Los Angeles, on June 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Etienne Laurent/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>PORAC opposed the masking bill, arguing that it unfairly entangles local police in a broader political fight that’s really about federal authorities. Marvel said no California agency uses masks to conceal identity, but the law could expose officers to lawsuits even if they cover their faces for legitimate reasons, like cold weather or to protect their health and safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal officials have made clear they will not comply. Before Newsom signed the bill, Department of Homeland Security officials called on the governor to veto it. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/09/16/dhs-calls-governor-newsom-veto-californias-no-secret-police-act\">a statement\u003c/a>, DHS insisted federal agents do identify themselves but wear masks to prevent doxing and retaliation from “highly sophisticated gangs like Tren de Aragua and MS-13, criminal rings, murderers, and rapists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin went on to blame Wiener for violence against ICE agents, saying that his legislation “and rhetoric comparing them to ‘secret police’ — likening them to the Gestapo — is despicable.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Wiener, who has himself been frequently targeted and doxed, said McLaughlin’s comments are meant to silence critics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of us want anyone to be doxed,” he said. “Being a law enforcement officer has certain risks. Just like being an elected official has certain risks … Anyone who says, ‘I can only be a law enforcement officer on patrol if I wear a ski mask,’ I think that person needs to do some introspection and decide if law enforcement is really the right calling for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Wiener and others acknowledged that the public runs the risk of criminal charges if they don’t comply with a federal agent. Marvel, from PORAC, recommended compliance even if an agent refuses to show identification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here in America, the likelihood of that actually being a legitimate kidnapping is pretty slight. So I would assume that they are legitimate law enforcement officers,” he said. “Compliance is the best route because it’s less likely to escalate a situation, less likely to turn into a violent altercation or an officer-involved shooting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley Law School Dean Erwin Chemerinsky said police have a clear obligation to identify themselves when arresting someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If law enforcement personnel take somebody and arrest them, law enforcement personnel need to let them know that they have been arrested,” he said. “It’s the only way for somebody to know that they haven’t been kidnapped. And so when ICE agents in masks without identification are taking people into custody, that shouldn’t be deemed a lawful arrest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Chemerinsky acknowledged the only recourse is a lawsuit or asking a judge to dismiss charges. Neither, he said, is a sure bet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Newsom’s Veto of Sober Housing Bill Sparks a Backlash in SF",
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"content": "\u003cp>After Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> last week vetoed an initiative aimed at expanding sober housing in California, San Francisco supervisors are proposing new legislation that would all but bar new city money from funding supportive housing developments that don’t \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034006/san-francisco-mans-housing-struggle-relapse-put-him-back-on-streets\">require residents to be drug-free\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, San Francisco’s exclusively drug-tolerant [permanent supportive housing] model is blamed for disproportionate rates of fatal overdoses, chaotic and too often violent\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>neighborhood conditions, and a wide range of drug-driven public safety challenges,” Supervisor Matt Dorsey said in a statement. “It’s time to deliver the drug-free options [permanent supportive housing] residents have long been asking for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For about a decade, California has required supportive housing programs that utilize state funding to follow a “Housing First” framework, which aims to remove barriers to housing by requiring programs to accept tenants regardless of their credit score, criminal history or drug use, among other conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco legislation, co-sponsored by Board President Rafael Mandelman, aims to expand the availability of drug-free supportive housing in the city, despite Newsom’s veto of the state bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference announcing legislation to increase nightlife in Downtown San Francisco to help the recovery of the neighborhood, in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Matt Haney’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB255\">AB 255\u003c/a>, which would have allowed cities and counties to use up to 10% of state supportive housing dollars to fund sober living centers, was returned unsigned by Gov. Gavin Newsom on Sept. 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney and other San Francisco leaders have long \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990693/san-francisco-lawmakers-want-sober-housing-to-be-part-of-homelessness-plan\">advocated for the expansion of state-funded sober living programs\u003c/a>, which many believe are prohibited by California’s Housing First framework.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Interagency Council on Homelessness, which oversees the implementation of those guidelines in the state, said the intention is to provide housing as a starting place for all people, including those who want to seek recovery, instead of using housing as a “reward” for achieving recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many housing providers have interpreted the framework to mean they could not bar a new tenant, or evict an existing one, if they were not sober — which Haney said creates living environments that make it difficult for many people trying to get sober.[aside postID=news_12057616 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826_SFHARMREDUCTION00437_TV-KQED-1.jpg']“If you know you need to get off of and away from drugs, you shouldn’t be forced into housing where drug use is allowed and where recovery is not supported,” he said. “Some folks won’t go into housing because they know that it actually is dangerous for them because they’re still experiencing an addiction. … This isn’t about having zero tolerance to drug use. It’s about having environments where recovery is explicitly supported, and that is the goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Newsom, jurisdictions can already use state dollars to “support recovery housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was news to most cities and counties,” Haney said after \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB255\">AB 255\u003c/a> was vetoed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said in his veto message that he believes “recovery-focused” housing is essential, but that Haney’s legislation would require the state to establish a separate — and costly — certification and oversight process. The Senate Appropriations Committee estimated that creating the new regulatory system would have cost more than $4 million in its first year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he pointed to guidance the California Interagency Council on Homelessness published in July, which allows jurisdictions to access state funding for recovery housing already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11962415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11962415\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A series of tents lined up along a city sidewalk.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment on a sidewalk in San Francisco on Sept. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the guidance, recovery housing programs “may include sobriety requirements; however, the decision to pursue sobriety must be made by the participant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea, it said, is that choice is central to the Housing First framework — “This includes the choice to participate in recovery housing and sober living programs, programs with a focus on implementing harm reduction methods, or other programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People using substances or in recovery from substance use disorders have diverse needs, goals, and interests and should be provided with meaningful choice within the housing and services options available to them,” the guidance continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the veto, Haney and San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie, who co-sponsored the bill, both said they were disappointed but would continue to create housing “across the spectrum” at the city level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation announced Tuesday appears poised to do just that.[aside postID=news_12057448 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-24-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']Dorsey said he and Mandelman — with support from Supervisors Stephen Sherrill and Danny Sauter — would propose legislation to prevent San Francisco officials from using city dollars to open new non-sober housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city already generates independent revenue for sober housing through Proposition C, which voters passed in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie said that since he took office, “We’ve stood up over 300 new beds, the right kind of beds, treatment beds, recovery beds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s not offered a new drug-free supportive program that provides the sort of permanent housing that Dorsey’s proposal would apply to, though.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, it would prohibit the use of city funds for drug-tolerant permanent supportive housing sites and more clearly separate the models of permanent supportive housing projects in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Dorsey’s office, there would be three: state-funded housing that prohibits evictions of tenants found using illegal drugs; drug-free sites that disallow use of illegal drugs but allow legal substances like alcohol and marijuana; and sober, recovery-oriented housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort — and sobriety restrictions on housing in general — could invite more pushback from homelessness advocates, like Coalition on Homelessness Executive Director Jennifer Friedenbach, who opposed the less-restrictive Assembly bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people are at a place where they would love to have sober housing, so let’s do that, but let’s not rob Peter to pay Paul,” she said. “Let’s find funding for that and expand it so there are those options available for people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney pushed back on Friedenbach’s assertion that his state bill would have carved out a portion of already-thin funding exclusively for those in recovery. Dorsey’s forthcoming city legislation, on the other hand, would appear to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/abandlamudi\">\u003cem>Adhiti Bandlamudi\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For about a decade, California has required supportive housing programs that utilize state funding to follow a “Housing First” framework, which aims to remove barriers to housing by requiring programs to accept tenants regardless of their credit score, criminal history or drug use, among other conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco legislation, co-sponsored by Board President Rafael Mandelman, aims to expand the availability of drug-free supportive housing in the city, despite Newsom’s veto of the state bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference announcing legislation to increase nightlife in Downtown San Francisco to help the recovery of the neighborhood, in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Matt Haney’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB255\">AB 255\u003c/a>, which would have allowed cities and counties to use up to 10% of state supportive housing dollars to fund sober living centers, was returned unsigned by Gov. Gavin Newsom on Sept. 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney and other San Francisco leaders have long \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990693/san-francisco-lawmakers-want-sober-housing-to-be-part-of-homelessness-plan\">advocated for the expansion of state-funded sober living programs\u003c/a>, which many believe are prohibited by California’s Housing First framework.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Interagency Council on Homelessness, which oversees the implementation of those guidelines in the state, said the intention is to provide housing as a starting place for all people, including those who want to seek recovery, instead of using housing as a “reward” for achieving recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many housing providers have interpreted the framework to mean they could not bar a new tenant, or evict an existing one, if they were not sober — which Haney said creates living environments that make it difficult for many people trying to get sober.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If you know you need to get off of and away from drugs, you shouldn’t be forced into housing where drug use is allowed and where recovery is not supported,” he said. “Some folks won’t go into housing because they know that it actually is dangerous for them because they’re still experiencing an addiction. … This isn’t about having zero tolerance to drug use. It’s about having environments where recovery is explicitly supported, and that is the goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Newsom, jurisdictions can already use state dollars to “support recovery housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was news to most cities and counties,” Haney said after \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB255\">AB 255\u003c/a> was vetoed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said in his veto message that he believes “recovery-focused” housing is essential, but that Haney’s legislation would require the state to establish a separate — and costly — certification and oversight process. The Senate Appropriations Committee estimated that creating the new regulatory system would have cost more than $4 million in its first year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he pointed to guidance the California Interagency Council on Homelessness published in July, which allows jurisdictions to access state funding for recovery housing already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11962415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11962415\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A series of tents lined up along a city sidewalk.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230925-ENCAMPMENT-SAN-FRANCISCO-GETTY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment on a sidewalk in San Francisco on Sept. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the guidance, recovery housing programs “may include sobriety requirements; however, the decision to pursue sobriety must be made by the participant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea, it said, is that choice is central to the Housing First framework — “This includes the choice to participate in recovery housing and sober living programs, programs with a focus on implementing harm reduction methods, or other programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People using substances or in recovery from substance use disorders have diverse needs, goals, and interests and should be provided with meaningful choice within the housing and services options available to them,” the guidance continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the veto, Haney and San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie, who co-sponsored the bill, both said they were disappointed but would continue to create housing “across the spectrum” at the city level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation announced Tuesday appears poised to do just that.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Dorsey said he and Mandelman — with support from Supervisors Stephen Sherrill and Danny Sauter — would propose legislation to prevent San Francisco officials from using city dollars to open new non-sober housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city already generates independent revenue for sober housing through Proposition C, which voters passed in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie said that since he took office, “We’ve stood up over 300 new beds, the right kind of beds, treatment beds, recovery beds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s not offered a new drug-free supportive program that provides the sort of permanent housing that Dorsey’s proposal would apply to, though.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, it would prohibit the use of city funds for drug-tolerant permanent supportive housing sites and more clearly separate the models of permanent supportive housing projects in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Dorsey’s office, there would be three: state-funded housing that prohibits evictions of tenants found using illegal drugs; drug-free sites that disallow use of illegal drugs but allow legal substances like alcohol and marijuana; and sober, recovery-oriented housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort — and sobriety restrictions on housing in general — could invite more pushback from homelessness advocates, like Coalition on Homelessness Executive Director Jennifer Friedenbach, who opposed the less-restrictive Assembly bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people are at a place where they would love to have sober housing, so let’s do that, but let’s not rob Peter to pay Paul,” she said. “Let’s find funding for that and expand it so there are those options available for people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney pushed back on Friedenbach’s assertion that his state bill would have carved out a portion of already-thin funding exclusively for those in recovery. Dorsey’s forthcoming city legislation, on the other hand, would appear to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/abandlamudi\">\u003cem>Adhiti Bandlamudi\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/reveal300px.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/reveal",
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"rss": "http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
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