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However, opposition groups, led by the oil industry, have questioned the need for a special session to address the bill and want to redirect focus to maintaining the state’s dwindling number of oil refiners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he was proud that the Assembly was able to get the bill through despite pushback from the oil industry, particularly the Western States Petroleum Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big oil that knowingly continues to lie to the people of this state, our nation, for that matter, around the world,” Newsom said. “They are the polluted heart of this climate crisis. They continue to lie and they continue to manipulate. And they’re taking advantage of you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom had hoped to pass the bill at the end of this year’s regular session but wasn’t able to get it through. In a statement, he said he had called for a special session this fall to address gas price spikes after identifying the problem as a result of gas-related bills passed during a special session last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Alex Lee, one of the principal co-authors of ABX2-1, said that working through the bill in a special session has given lawmakers more time to focus on the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are opening up the big oil and oil industry to more scrutiny by our public regulators, enabling us to understand more how they price gouge and set prices,” he told KQED. “The more and more we’ve learned from the sector, there are very few … actors who play a big part in why there are so many shocking price spikes at the pump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The WSPA criticized the special session as unnecessary. Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the industry association’s CEO, said the state should be focused on retaining its refiners, which have dropped from 30 to nine since the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need a rushed special session to address the needed infrastructure and investment that we should be talking about to keep refineries running and producers producing,” Reheis-Boyd told KQED. “In our opinion, the conversation should be focused on production, on pipelines, on ports and all that impact on refineries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As time ran out on the regular legislative session, Newsom had found himself \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1994047/newsom-is-in-a-standoff-with-democrats-on-energy-bills-time-is-running-out\">locked in a stalemate with lawmakers\u003c/a> over his energy agenda and whether to call the special session, which Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire (D–Healdsburg) was initially firmly against.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans and labor groups also opposed the bill, and it did not receive universal support from Newsom’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost a fourth of Senate Democrats did not support the bill — Sen. Melissa Hurtado (D–Sanger) joined Republicans in voting against it, and eight Democrats abstained or were absent. The bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009203/california-senate-passes-bill-aimed-at-preventing-gas-price-spikes\">passed the Senate\u003c/a> on Friday with a 23–9 majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">previous Assembly vote\u003c/a>, Assemblymembers Jasmeet Bains (D–Delano) and Esmeralda Soria (D–Fresno) joined Republican lawmakers opposing the bill, while 44 voted in favor. The other 17 lawmakers abstained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='gas-prices']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has touted the bill as a way to protect consumers from surging gas prices, Reheis-Boyd argued that it could increase prices if refiners are forced to maintain a reserve. She said there should be more focus on the fees and taxes Californians pay on gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee, however, said that those costs don’t add to the volatility ABX2-1 is designed to address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conservatives and the oil companies love to blame taxes and fees and regulations, but those things are very constant,” he said. “What isn’t constant is if the consumer goes to the pump one week and it’s one price and then another week, it’s 10% more, and another week it’s 5% less.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">previously told KQED\u003c/a> that Assembly hearings throughout the session have shown that these spikes and dips are due to oil availability and that without inventory concerns, “there should be much lower prices” for Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Gregg Hart (D–Santa Barbara), who introduced the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">told KQED earlier this month\u003c/a> that part of the reason the bill is needed is because the number of refiners in California will only continue to decline as the state moves to phase out gas cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will have constraints that occur with fuel supply as these steps in the ladder go down and refineries are closed,” he said. “We have to manage this collaboratively with the oil industry and figure out a way to smooth that out and make it work for consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that now, the CEC will meet to assess the oil market and supply demands, look at health and safety concerns raised by refinery workers, and more to ultimately come up with the right standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to overstate, I don’t want to overpromise, but we now have the tools,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom had hoped to pass the bill at the end of this year’s regular session but wasn’t able to get it through. In a statement, he said he had called for a special session this fall to address gas price spikes after identifying the problem as a result of gas-related bills passed during a special session last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Alex Lee, one of the principal co-authors of ABX2-1, said that working through the bill in a special session has given lawmakers more time to focus on the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are opening up the big oil and oil industry to more scrutiny by our public regulators, enabling us to understand more how they price gouge and set prices,” he told KQED. “The more and more we’ve learned from the sector, there are very few … actors who play a big part in why there are so many shocking price spikes at the pump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The WSPA criticized the special session as unnecessary. Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the industry association’s CEO, said the state should be focused on retaining its refiners, which have dropped from 30 to nine since the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need a rushed special session to address the needed infrastructure and investment that we should be talking about to keep refineries running and producers producing,” Reheis-Boyd told KQED. “In our opinion, the conversation should be focused on production, on pipelines, on ports and all that impact on refineries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As time ran out on the regular legislative session, Newsom had found himself \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1994047/newsom-is-in-a-standoff-with-democrats-on-energy-bills-time-is-running-out\">locked in a stalemate with lawmakers\u003c/a> over his energy agenda and whether to call the special session, which Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire (D–Healdsburg) was initially firmly against.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans and labor groups also opposed the bill, and it did not receive universal support from Newsom’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost a fourth of Senate Democrats did not support the bill — Sen. Melissa Hurtado (D–Sanger) joined Republicans in voting against it, and eight Democrats abstained or were absent. The bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009203/california-senate-passes-bill-aimed-at-preventing-gas-price-spikes\">passed the Senate\u003c/a> on Friday with a 23–9 majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">previous Assembly vote\u003c/a>, Assemblymembers Jasmeet Bains (D–Delano) and Esmeralda Soria (D–Fresno) joined Republican lawmakers opposing the bill, while 44 voted in favor. The other 17 lawmakers abstained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has touted the bill as a way to protect consumers from surging gas prices, Reheis-Boyd argued that it could increase prices if refiners are forced to maintain a reserve. She said there should be more focus on the fees and taxes Californians pay on gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee, however, said that those costs don’t add to the volatility ABX2-1 is designed to address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conservatives and the oil companies love to blame taxes and fees and regulations, but those things are very constant,” he said. “What isn’t constant is if the consumer goes to the pump one week and it’s one price and then another week, it’s 10% more, and another week it’s 5% less.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">previously told KQED\u003c/a> that Assembly hearings throughout the session have shown that these spikes and dips are due to oil availability and that without inventory concerns, “there should be much lower prices” for Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Gregg Hart (D–Santa Barbara), who introduced the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">told KQED earlier this month\u003c/a> that part of the reason the bill is needed is because the number of refiners in California will only continue to decline as the state moves to phase out gas cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will have constraints that occur with fuel supply as these steps in the ladder go down and refineries are closed,” he said. “We have to manage this collaboratively with the oil industry and figure out a way to smooth that out and make it work for consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that now, the CEC will meet to assess the oil market and supply demands, look at health and safety concerns raised by refinery workers, and more to ultimately come up with the right standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to overstate, I don’t want to overpromise, but we now have the tools,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California state Senate passed a measure Friday to prevent gas prices from spiking in a state where it is notoriously expensive to fill up at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, would give energy regulators the authority to require that refiners keep a certain amount of fuel on hand. The goal is to try to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-price-gov-newsom-spike-1bf913e3cc0b478af557dab034e0435e\">keep prices from increasing suddenly\u003c/a> when refiners go offline for maintenance. Proponents say it would save Californians billions of dollars at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was inspired by findings from the state’s Division of Petroleum Market Oversight, which demonstrated that gas price spikes are largely caused by increases in global crude oil prices and unplanned refinery outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat representing Berkeley, said the proposal is about saving money for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While global crude prices are not something we can control, a shortage of refined gasoline is something that we can prepare for,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom unveiled the legislation in August, during the last week of the regular legislative session. But lawmakers in the state Assembly said they needed more time to consider it. The governor called the Legislature into a special session to try to pass it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needs final approval by the state Assembly before it can reach Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has received intense pushback from Republican lawmakers, labor groups and the oil industry. Some opponents say it could unintentionally raise overall gas prices and threaten the safety of workers by giving the state more oversight over refinery maintenance schedules. They argued delaying necessary maintenance could lead to accidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association criticized Newsom and the Democratic lawmakers supporting the bill, saying it would not benefit consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they were serious about affordability, they’d be working with our industry on real solutions,” Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the group’s president, said in a statement. “Instead, they’re forcing a system they don’t understand, and Californians will pay the price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians pay the highest rates at the pump due to taxes and environmental regulations. The average price for regular unleaded gas in the state is about $4.67 per gallon as of Friday, compared to the national average of $3.21, according to AAA.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12007232,news_12006862,news_12003090\"]Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle said there shouldn’t have been a special session to weigh the proposal, because the bill does not do anything urgent. The proposal fails to address the state taxes and regulations that contribute to higher gas prices, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, who’s making the money?” Dahle said. “Who’s gouging Californians for every gallon of gas? It’s the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, governors representing Nevada and Arizona, which import gas from California, sent a letter urging Newsom to reconsider the proposal. They said at the time they were concerned it could increase prices in their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Newsom has tried to apply pressure on the Legislature to pass oil and gas regulations. He \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">called a special session in 2022\u003c/a> to pass a tax on oil company profits. The governor then said \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-sacramento-gavin-newsom-f67b8f4a8e0d7a978d4bf34ada1ea256\">he wanted a penalty, not a tax\u003c/a>. The law he ended up signing months later \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-oil-company-profits-penalty-bill-7092c33a80bcab63658e118bbcbabf11\">gave state regulators the power\u003c/a> to penalize oil companies for making too much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire, a Democrat representing the North Coast, said the bill lawmakers advanced Friday would help address a problem that drastically impacts people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putting mechanisms in place to help prevent costs from spiking and sending family budgets into a tailspin benefits us all, and working together, we’ve been able to do just that,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California state Senate passed a measure Friday to prevent gas prices from spiking in a state where it is notoriously expensive to fill up at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, would give energy regulators the authority to require that refiners keep a certain amount of fuel on hand. The goal is to try to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-price-gov-newsom-spike-1bf913e3cc0b478af557dab034e0435e\">keep prices from increasing suddenly\u003c/a> when refiners go offline for maintenance. Proponents say it would save Californians billions of dollars at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was inspired by findings from the state’s Division of Petroleum Market Oversight, which demonstrated that gas price spikes are largely caused by increases in global crude oil prices and unplanned refinery outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat representing Berkeley, said the proposal is about saving money for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While global crude prices are not something we can control, a shortage of refined gasoline is something that we can prepare for,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom unveiled the legislation in August, during the last week of the regular legislative session. But lawmakers in the state Assembly said they needed more time to consider it. The governor called the Legislature into a special session to try to pass it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needs final approval by the state Assembly before it can reach Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has received intense pushback from Republican lawmakers, labor groups and the oil industry. Some opponents say it could unintentionally raise overall gas prices and threaten the safety of workers by giving the state more oversight over refinery maintenance schedules. They argued delaying necessary maintenance could lead to accidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association criticized Newsom and the Democratic lawmakers supporting the bill, saying it would not benefit consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they were serious about affordability, they’d be working with our industry on real solutions,” Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the group’s president, said in a statement. “Instead, they’re forcing a system they don’t understand, and Californians will pay the price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians pay the highest rates at the pump due to taxes and environmental regulations. The average price for regular unleaded gas in the state is about $4.67 per gallon as of Friday, compared to the national average of $3.21, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle said there shouldn’t have been a special session to weigh the proposal, because the bill does not do anything urgent. The proposal fails to address the state taxes and regulations that contribute to higher gas prices, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, who’s making the money?” Dahle said. “Who’s gouging Californians for every gallon of gas? It’s the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, governors representing Nevada and Arizona, which import gas from California, sent a letter urging Newsom to reconsider the proposal. They said at the time they were concerned it could increase prices in their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Newsom has tried to apply pressure on the Legislature to pass oil and gas regulations. He \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">called a special session in 2022\u003c/a> to pass a tax on oil company profits. The governor then said \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-sacramento-gavin-newsom-f67b8f4a8e0d7a978d4bf34ada1ea256\">he wanted a penalty, not a tax\u003c/a>. The law he ended up signing months later \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-oil-company-profits-penalty-bill-7092c33a80bcab63658e118bbcbabf11\">gave state regulators the power\u003c/a> to penalize oil companies for making too much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire, a Democrat representing the North Coast, said the bill lawmakers advanced Friday would help address a problem that drastically impacts people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putting mechanisms in place to help prevent costs from spiking and sending family budgets into a tailspin benefits us all, and working together, we’ve been able to do just that,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Proposition 35 Aims to Improve Health Care for Low-Income Californians. Critics Warn it Could Backfire",
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"content": "\u003cp>Among the blitz of election ads flooding TV, social media and street corners, you won’t see any opposition to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/10/california-propositions-november-election/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">ballot measure\u003c/a> proposing to lock in billions of dollars to pay doctors more for treating low-income patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, opponents of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/propositions/prop-35-health-care-tax/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Proposition 35\u003c/a> have a warning, even if they don’t have the money to pay for ads: The measure could backfire and cause the state to lose billions in federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/07/medi-cal-mco-tax-initiative/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Proposition 35 would take an existing tax on health insurance plans\u003c/a> and use the money to increase payment to doctors and other providers who see Medi-Cal patients. Its supporters have \u003ca href=\"https://powersearch.sos.ca.gov/advanced.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">raised $50 million\u003c/a>, drawing from groups representing hospitals, doctors and insurers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Medi-Cal\u003c/a>, the subsidized insurance plan serving some 14 million Californians, has ballooned in size over the past decade with increased eligibility and benefits. But those changes haven’t come with a commensurate increase in payment to doctors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, health care providers and advocates say too few doctors accept Medi-Cal, leaving patients with nowhere to turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2024/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>, the measure is leading and likely to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, opponents, represented by a small coalition of community health advocates, seniors and activists for good governance, say the details of the proposition put the state at risk of losing billions in federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the federal government, under both the Biden and Trump administrations, has warned California that its tax on health plans to fund Medi-Cal services takes unfair advantage of a loophole in federal regulations. The federal Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services intends to close that loophole, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/CA-MCO-Tax-Waiver.pdf\">regulators wrote in a letter\u003c/a> to California officials late last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the fatal flaw of this initiative,” said Kiran Savage-Sangwan, executive director of the California Pan-Ethnic Health Coalition, which is leading the opposition. “We can all have opinions on how to spend the money, but we have to raise the funds first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem, opponents say, lies in how California taxes health plans and how Proposition 35 limits changes in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, the Managed Care Organization Tax, also known as the MCO Tax, generates revenue for Medi-Cal by taxing health insurers that serve both Medi-Cal and commercially insured patients. The federal government gives California a dollar-for-dollar match to whatever the tax raises funds. For Proposition 35, that’s an estimated $7 billion to $8 billion annually through 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, California has historically placed the majority of the tax burden on Medi-Cal insurers and not commercial insurers. In its letter to state officials, federal regulators said Medi-Cal plans represent 50% of all insured people but bear “99% of the total tax burden.” That is at odds with the spirit of the law, which is meant to redistribute revenue from commercial insurers to Medi-Cal plans, regulators wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 35 would cap the tax on commercial insurers at a minimal rate. Any attempts to modify the tax would have to go back to the ballot box or be approved by three-fourths of the Legislature. Opponents say that means federal rule changes requiring the commercial tax to be more equal to the Medi-Cal tax will force the state to reduce taxes on the Medi-Cal plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The end result of that is when the federal government makes good on their promise to change the rules on this tax, the revenue we raise from this tax will be dramatically reduced, and we would leave billions of dollars on the table,” Savage-Sangwan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the measure said this argument is false but did not provide details. They say Proposition 35 will make the Medi-Cal program more stable and higher rates will encourage more providers to see low-income patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Medi-Cal reimbursement rates fall in the bottom third compared to all other states, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/medicaid/state-indicator/medicaid-to-medicare-fee-index/?currentTimeframe=0&sortModel=%7B%22colId%22:%22All%20Services%22,%22sort%22:%22desc%22%7D\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Kaiser Family Foundation\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/02/midwife-medi-cal/?series=no-deliveries-maternity-care\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">rates for specific services like obstetrics\u003c/a> are among the lowest in the country.[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 35 is a critically needed investment to protect and expand access to care for Medi-Cal patients and all Californians,” said Molly Weedn, spokesperson for the Yes on Prop. 35 campaign, in a statement. “The principal purpose behind Prop. 35 is to provide stability and predictability… to address the significant shortfall of providers who can see Medi-Cal patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Health Plans said that it did not ask for the commercial tax cap in the proposition and that it has historically supported this tax structure to pay for Medi-Cal. A higher tax on commercial plans could increase premiums.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where is Gov. Newsom on Proposition 35?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The largest donors to the yes campaign are the California Hospital Association, Global Medical Response, and the California Medical Association, which collectively donated $38 million. Opponents have raised no money, according to \u003ca href=\"https://powersearch.sos.ca.gov/advanced.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">state campaign finance records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has not taken a formal stance on the measure, although he said at a press conference in July that he’s concerned about how it would lock in tax revenue for a single purpose. The state budget he signed that month shifted most of the tax revenue from the tax on health insurers into the general fund to pay for the Medi-Cal program.[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california,Learn about the California Propositions' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters approve Proposition 35, the state would face a $2.6 billion deficit in the current budget, which relies on the tax to fill in gaps. That deficit would increase to $11.9 billion over the next three budget cycles, according to an analysis from the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This initiative hamstrings our ability to have the kind of flexibility that’s required at the moment we’re living in. I haven’t come out publicly against it. But I’m implying a point of view. Perhaps you can read between those many, many lines,” \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/newsom-ballot-measures/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Newsom said at the press conference\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office did not respond to multiple requests on whether he would formally oppose the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Savage-Sangwan said the opposition had not solicited any money for their campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are using the very small megaphone that we do have to just get the facts out,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trade-offs in 2024 health care ballot measure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The political split over Proposition 35 is unusual. The measure’s opponents are often on the same side as its supporters when it comes to health policy issues in the Capitol. But community health advocates say they’re speaking up because the future ramifications of the initiative are too risky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make clear that the goals of the prop are goals we agree with. We recognize our providers in Medi-Cal are paid far too little, and that disproportionately impacts people of color, children of color especially,” said Mayra Alvarez, president of The Children’s Partnership, another opposing group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some lawmakers agree. During multiple budget hearings, Sen. Caroline Menjivar, a Democrat from Van Nuys, came to oppose the proposition in part because the industry organizations that negotiated who would get money from the tax left out “community providers” and those “who don’t have high-paid lobbyists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By listening to those with boots on the ground, the legislature developed a plan to equitably address many Medi-Cal concerns over the next few years,” Menjivar said in a statement from the opposition campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to generate more than $30 billion over the next four years. The budget Newsom signed puts most of the money in the state’s general spending account but sets aside roughly $2 billion to increase rates for services, including community health workers, private duty nursing, adult and children’s day centers and children at risk of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/07/medi-cal-eligibility-california-review/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">automatic Medi-Cal disenrollment\u003c/a>. If Proposition 35 passes, different groups will get rate increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weedn with the Yes on Prop. 35 campaign said the initiative won’t automatically cause cuts if it passes. It would be up to the Legislature to decide how to pay for the programs opponents are worried about, she said, and that the initiative provides about $2 billion of flexible dollars annually for legislative priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-09-at-10.11.15%E2%80%AFAM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12008728\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-09-at-10.11.15%E2%80%AFAM.png\" alt='A screenshot of a graph that reads \"Which California health providers get rate increases under the MCO tax?\"' width=\"1258\" height=\"1346\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-09-at-10.11.15 AM.png 1258w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-09-at-10.11.15 AM-800x856.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-09-at-10.11.15 AM-1020x1091.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-09-at-10.11.15 AM-160x171.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1258px) 100vw, 1258px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 35 would take an existing tax on health insurance plans and use the money to increase payment to doctors who see Medi-Cal patients. Critics say it could backfire and cause the state to lose billions in federal funding.",
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"title": "Proposition 35 Aims to Improve Health Care for Low-Income Californians. Critics Warn it Could Backfire | KQED",
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"headline": "Proposition 35 Aims to Improve Health Care for Low-Income Californians. Critics Warn it Could Backfire",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Among the blitz of election ads flooding TV, social media and street corners, you won’t see any opposition to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/10/california-propositions-november-election/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">ballot measure\u003c/a> proposing to lock in billions of dollars to pay doctors more for treating low-income patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, opponents of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/propositions/prop-35-health-care-tax/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Proposition 35\u003c/a> have a warning, even if they don’t have the money to pay for ads: The measure could backfire and cause the state to lose billions in federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/07/medi-cal-mco-tax-initiative/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Proposition 35 would take an existing tax on health insurance plans\u003c/a> and use the money to increase payment to doctors and other providers who see Medi-Cal patients. Its supporters have \u003ca href=\"https://powersearch.sos.ca.gov/advanced.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">raised $50 million\u003c/a>, drawing from groups representing hospitals, doctors and insurers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Medi-Cal\u003c/a>, the subsidized insurance plan serving some 14 million Californians, has ballooned in size over the past decade with increased eligibility and benefits. But those changes haven’t come with a commensurate increase in payment to doctors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, health care providers and advocates say too few doctors accept Medi-Cal, leaving patients with nowhere to turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2024/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>, the measure is leading and likely to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, opponents, represented by a small coalition of community health advocates, seniors and activists for good governance, say the details of the proposition put the state at risk of losing billions in federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the federal government, under both the Biden and Trump administrations, has warned California that its tax on health plans to fund Medi-Cal services takes unfair advantage of a loophole in federal regulations. The federal Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services intends to close that loophole, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/CA-MCO-Tax-Waiver.pdf\">regulators wrote in a letter\u003c/a> to California officials late last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the fatal flaw of this initiative,” said Kiran Savage-Sangwan, executive director of the California Pan-Ethnic Health Coalition, which is leading the opposition. “We can all have opinions on how to spend the money, but we have to raise the funds first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem, opponents say, lies in how California taxes health plans and how Proposition 35 limits changes in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, the Managed Care Organization Tax, also known as the MCO Tax, generates revenue for Medi-Cal by taxing health insurers that serve both Medi-Cal and commercially insured patients. The federal government gives California a dollar-for-dollar match to whatever the tax raises funds. For Proposition 35, that’s an estimated $7 billion to $8 billion annually through 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, California has historically placed the majority of the tax burden on Medi-Cal insurers and not commercial insurers. In its letter to state officials, federal regulators said Medi-Cal plans represent 50% of all insured people but bear “99% of the total tax burden.” That is at odds with the spirit of the law, which is meant to redistribute revenue from commercial insurers to Medi-Cal plans, regulators wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 35 would cap the tax on commercial insurers at a minimal rate. Any attempts to modify the tax would have to go back to the ballot box or be approved by three-fourths of the Legislature. Opponents say that means federal rule changes requiring the commercial tax to be more equal to the Medi-Cal tax will force the state to reduce taxes on the Medi-Cal plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The end result of that is when the federal government makes good on their promise to change the rules on this tax, the revenue we raise from this tax will be dramatically reduced, and we would leave billions of dollars on the table,” Savage-Sangwan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the measure said this argument is false but did not provide details. They say Proposition 35 will make the Medi-Cal program more stable and higher rates will encourage more providers to see low-income patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Medi-Cal reimbursement rates fall in the bottom third compared to all other states, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/medicaid/state-indicator/medicaid-to-medicare-fee-index/?currentTimeframe=0&sortModel=%7B%22colId%22:%22All%20Services%22,%22sort%22:%22desc%22%7D\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Kaiser Family Foundation\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/02/midwife-medi-cal/?series=no-deliveries-maternity-care\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">rates for specific services like obstetrics\u003c/a> are among the lowest in the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 35 is a critically needed investment to protect and expand access to care for Medi-Cal patients and all Californians,” said Molly Weedn, spokesperson for the Yes on Prop. 35 campaign, in a statement. “The principal purpose behind Prop. 35 is to provide stability and predictability… to address the significant shortfall of providers who can see Medi-Cal patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Health Plans said that it did not ask for the commercial tax cap in the proposition and that it has historically supported this tax structure to pay for Medi-Cal. A higher tax on commercial plans could increase premiums.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where is Gov. Newsom on Proposition 35?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The largest donors to the yes campaign are the California Hospital Association, Global Medical Response, and the California Medical Association, which collectively donated $38 million. Opponents have raised no money, according to \u003ca href=\"https://powersearch.sos.ca.gov/advanced.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">state campaign finance records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has not taken a formal stance on the measure, although he said at a press conference in July that he’s concerned about how it would lock in tax revenue for a single purpose. The state budget he signed that month shifted most of the tax revenue from the tax on health insurers into the general fund to pay for the Medi-Cal program.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters approve Proposition 35, the state would face a $2.6 billion deficit in the current budget, which relies on the tax to fill in gaps. That deficit would increase to $11.9 billion over the next three budget cycles, according to an analysis from the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This initiative hamstrings our ability to have the kind of flexibility that’s required at the moment we’re living in. I haven’t come out publicly against it. But I’m implying a point of view. Perhaps you can read between those many, many lines,” \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/newsom-ballot-measures/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Newsom said at the press conference\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office did not respond to multiple requests on whether he would formally oppose the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Savage-Sangwan said the opposition had not solicited any money for their campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are using the very small megaphone that we do have to just get the facts out,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trade-offs in 2024 health care ballot measure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The political split over Proposition 35 is unusual. The measure’s opponents are often on the same side as its supporters when it comes to health policy issues in the Capitol. But community health advocates say they’re speaking up because the future ramifications of the initiative are too risky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make clear that the goals of the prop are goals we agree with. We recognize our providers in Medi-Cal are paid far too little, and that disproportionately impacts people of color, children of color especially,” said Mayra Alvarez, president of The Children’s Partnership, another opposing group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some lawmakers agree. During multiple budget hearings, Sen. Caroline Menjivar, a Democrat from Van Nuys, came to oppose the proposition in part because the industry organizations that negotiated who would get money from the tax left out “community providers” and those “who don’t have high-paid lobbyists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By listening to those with boots on the ground, the legislature developed a plan to equitably address many Medi-Cal concerns over the next few years,” Menjivar said in a statement from the opposition campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to generate more than $30 billion over the next four years. The budget Newsom signed puts most of the money in the state’s general spending account but sets aside roughly $2 billion to increase rates for services, including community health workers, private duty nursing, adult and children’s day centers and children at risk of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/07/medi-cal-eligibility-california-review/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">automatic Medi-Cal disenrollment\u003c/a>. If Proposition 35 passes, different groups will get rate increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weedn with the Yes on Prop. 35 campaign said the initiative won’t automatically cause cuts if it passes. It would be up to the Legislature to decide how to pay for the programs opponents are worried about, she said, and that the initiative provides about $2 billion of flexible dollars annually for legislative priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-09-at-10.11.15%E2%80%AFAM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12008728\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-09-at-10.11.15%E2%80%AFAM.png\" alt='A screenshot of a graph that reads \"Which California health providers get rate increases under the MCO tax?\"' width=\"1258\" height=\"1346\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-09-at-10.11.15 AM.png 1258w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-09-at-10.11.15 AM-800x856.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-09-at-10.11.15 AM-1020x1091.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-09-at-10.11.15 AM-160x171.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1258px) 100vw, 1258px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-vowed-to-build-housing-on-surplus-state-property-99-of-the-land-will-stay-vacant",
"title": "Newsom Vowed to Build Housing on Excess State Property. Here's How It's Going.",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Vowed to Build Housing on Excess State Property. Here’s How It’s Going. | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 10: An earlier version of the headline for this story incorrectly identified the percentage of state-owned excess land that would stay vacant. The actual percentage is unknown. The headline has been edited. The story was also edited to clarify that the Department of General Services analyzed 44,000 parcels, which includes all state-owned land.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> became governor of California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hklaw.com/en/insights/publications/2019/09/new-california-surplus-lands-maps-and-legislation\">he campaigned\u003c/a> on a promise to make excess state-owned land available for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after he entered office, he made good on that promise, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/EO-N-06-19.pdf\">issuing an executive order\u003c/a> that directed state agencies to assess more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.dgs.ca.gov/RESD/Projects/Page-Content/Projects-List-Folder/Executive-Order-N-06-19-Affordable-Housing-Development#@ViewBag.JumpTo\">44,000 parcels to determine their suitability for development\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order reads, in part, that “state agencies own thousands of parcels of land throughout the state, some of which exceed those agencies’ foreseeable needs,” and that “state land is often located in or near urban areas where the need for new housing is acute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as it turned out, only 46 of those 44,000 parcels, which represent all of the state’s land, were found to be both in excess of the state’s needs and suitable for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those, 19\u003ca href=\"https://www.dgs.ca.gov/RESD/Projects/Page-Content/Projects-List-Folder/Executive-Order-N-06-19-Affordable-Housing-Development#@ViewBag.JumpTo\"> have concrete plans\u003c/a> for development, and one has finished construction. Last week, Newsom announced the most recent project under his executive order: a 372-unit apartment building that will be built on top of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/about-hcd/newsroom/outdated-san-francisco-dmv-will-soon-become-site-over-370-new-homes\">outdated San Francisco DMV office\u003c/a>. Once construction is complete, the DMV office will be renovated and will continue to operate as it did before, but with tenants living above.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, the properties propose adding an estimated 4,200 units of new housing — a not insignificant amount that is nonetheless dwarfed by the state’s goal of planning for some \u003ca href=\"https://statewide-housing-plan-cahcd.hub.arcgis.com/\">2.5 million new homes\u003c/a> by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Affordable Housing\" aria-label=\"Interactive area chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-NJdtu\" src=\"https://experience.arcgis.com/experience/f9b1ccf48e864ac8af8014cbb89371b8/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 2000; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"1000\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n \u003cem>A map of \u003ca href=\"https://experience.arcgis.com/experience/f9b1ccf48e864ac8af8014cbb89371b8/\">California’s excess sites\u003c/a>. (California Department of General Services)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of the state’s excess land was disqualified for housing because it’s located in forests, on beaches or far from cities and existing infrastructure required for people to live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where you have ‘vacant land’ that folks refer to, that land is not [actually] available,” said Ana Lasso, director of California’s Department of General Services. “It doesn’t have the utilities or the infrastructure to accept housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For affordable housing developers, the dearth of buildable excess land underscores a point they’ve long argued with state leaders: Quick-fix solutions to the housing crisis are usually neither quick nor a real fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JT Harechmak, policy director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, said finding available land is only one part of the problem. The bigger issue is getting the funding to construct housing on it. While the state has invested an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/08/23/governor-newsom-awards-more-than-789-million-to-build-thousands-of-sustainable-homes-for-californians/#:~:text=Since%20taking%20office%2C%20Governor%20Newsom,%2427%20billion%20to%20address%20homelessness.\">$40 billion\u003c/a> in affordable housing, most of that funding represents one-time allocations as opposed to ongoing support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of our developers have a backlog of projects — many of them are shovel-ready and ready to go,” he said. “They just lack the final amount of funding that they need to cross the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008493\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008493\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Sonrisa, a 58-unit building in downtown Sacramento that provides affordable housing for individuals earning up to $56,000 annually. Completed under Gov. Gavin Newsom’s 2019 executive order, the project broke ground in June 2021, with tenants moving in last year. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Sonrisa Studio Apartments)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sonrisadowntown.com/\">Sonrisa\u003c/a>, a 58-unit apartment building in downtown Sacramento, is the first project to be completed under Newsom’s 2019 executive order and offers housing to people earning up to $56,000 annually. The project broke ground in June 2021, and tenants moved in last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danielle Foster, executive director of the Capitol Area Development Authority (CADA), said Newsom’s executive order helped speed construction. By allowing CADA to lease the land for practically pennies, the state helped her organization reduce construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great help to have parcels that are primed for affordable housing development,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The property, located on just a quarter of an acre of land, also forced her organization to think more creatively about building infill housing — new homes and apartments built within an existing city — so CADA sought to maximize the number of units it could build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008492\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008492\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"667\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1.jpg 1000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The interior of an apartment at Sonrisa, a 58-unit building in downtown Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Sonrisa Studio Apartments)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sonrisa’s 58 apartments are micro-units: small studio apartments that fit within 267 square feet. Each unit has a small kitchenette with a stove and fridge and an area that doubles as both a living room and bedroom. A Murphy bed folds into the wall so tenants can prop a couch against the wall during the day. Tenants receive a free local transit pass and access to onsite bike storage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We showed how we could create livability in small spaces,” Foster said. “We have private developers also building like this now. It’s fun to see how this work contributes to the affordable housing stock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener said projects like these are not a silver bullet for the housing crisis but rather one piece of the puzzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007934 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24207558088069-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically, we’ve not had nearly enough money, and many cities have made it impossible to zone for and approve this kind of housing, so we’ve been methodically resolving permitting and zoning issues,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he reiterated affordable housing developers’ concerns that freeing up excess state land isn’t the biggest piece of that puzzle: “The funding issue remains.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some housing experts have likened the budget for an affordable housing project to a lasagna, with many layers often overlapping to hold up the project. Developers have long complained that without a permanent statewide source of funding, financing affordable housing will continue to be convoluted and inefficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many affordable housing developers relied on two multibillion-dollar bond measures to fund their projects — a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000157/bay-areas-20-billion-housing-bond-pulled-from-ballots-leaving-advocates-heartbroken\">$20 billion Bay Area-wide bond\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993185/why-a-10-billion-california-housing-bond-wont-be-on-novembers-ballot\">$10 billion statewide bond\u003c/a>. Both failed to make it to the voters this November. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007340/how-prop-5-would-impact-affordable-housing-and-property-taxes\">Proposition 5\u003c/a>, which would make it easier for local governments to pass bond measures for affordable housing and public infrastructure, is seen by some developers as the best bet to secure future funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Welton Jordan, chief real estate development officer for affordable housing developer EAH Housing, said his company has submitted a proposal for one project on an excess state-owned site. Though EAH’s proposal was not ultimately chosen, the nonprofit is interested in submitting proposals for other sites in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as construction costs soar and demand grows, it only becomes more expensive to build, Jordan said. He hopes the state can dedicate more subsidies to actually build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never enough,” Jordan said. “While every little bit helps, and you don’t want to sound ungrateful, you really need a permanent source at the state level for affordable housing, and that hasn’t happened quite yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are 26 excess sites the state identified as suitable for housing that have not yet been offered to developers. Some are in high-fire risk zones, regulatory floodways, or on steep slopes. Others are within a quarter-mile of hazardous waste sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tara Gallegos, a spokesperson for the governor’s office, said all of those parcels are “gearing up for development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A push to put affordable housing on excess land owned by California, like a project at an outdated San Francisco DMV office, faces obstacles, including infrastructure and funding issues.",
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"title": "Newsom Vowed to Build Housing on Excess State Property. Here's How It's Going. | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 10: An earlier version of the headline for this story incorrectly identified the percentage of state-owned excess land that would stay vacant. The actual percentage is unknown. The headline has been edited. The story was also edited to clarify that the Department of General Services analyzed 44,000 parcels, which includes all state-owned land.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> became governor of California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hklaw.com/en/insights/publications/2019/09/new-california-surplus-lands-maps-and-legislation\">he campaigned\u003c/a> on a promise to make excess state-owned land available for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after he entered office, he made good on that promise, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/EO-N-06-19.pdf\">issuing an executive order\u003c/a> that directed state agencies to assess more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.dgs.ca.gov/RESD/Projects/Page-Content/Projects-List-Folder/Executive-Order-N-06-19-Affordable-Housing-Development#@ViewBag.JumpTo\">44,000 parcels to determine their suitability for development\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order reads, in part, that “state agencies own thousands of parcels of land throughout the state, some of which exceed those agencies’ foreseeable needs,” and that “state land is often located in or near urban areas where the need for new housing is acute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as it turned out, only 46 of those 44,000 parcels, which represent all of the state’s land, were found to be both in excess of the state’s needs and suitable for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those, 19\u003ca href=\"https://www.dgs.ca.gov/RESD/Projects/Page-Content/Projects-List-Folder/Executive-Order-N-06-19-Affordable-Housing-Development#@ViewBag.JumpTo\"> have concrete plans\u003c/a> for development, and one has finished construction. Last week, Newsom announced the most recent project under his executive order: a 372-unit apartment building that will be built on top of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/about-hcd/newsroom/outdated-san-francisco-dmv-will-soon-become-site-over-370-new-homes\">outdated San Francisco DMV office\u003c/a>. Once construction is complete, the DMV office will be renovated and will continue to operate as it did before, but with tenants living above.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, the properties propose adding an estimated 4,200 units of new housing — a not insignificant amount that is nonetheless dwarfed by the state’s goal of planning for some \u003ca href=\"https://statewide-housing-plan-cahcd.hub.arcgis.com/\">2.5 million new homes\u003c/a> by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Affordable Housing\" aria-label=\"Interactive area chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-NJdtu\" src=\"https://experience.arcgis.com/experience/f9b1ccf48e864ac8af8014cbb89371b8/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 2000; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"1000\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n \u003cem>A map of \u003ca href=\"https://experience.arcgis.com/experience/f9b1ccf48e864ac8af8014cbb89371b8/\">California’s excess sites\u003c/a>. (California Department of General Services)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of the state’s excess land was disqualified for housing because it’s located in forests, on beaches or far from cities and existing infrastructure required for people to live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where you have ‘vacant land’ that folks refer to, that land is not [actually] available,” said Ana Lasso, director of California’s Department of General Services. “It doesn’t have the utilities or the infrastructure to accept housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For affordable housing developers, the dearth of buildable excess land underscores a point they’ve long argued with state leaders: Quick-fix solutions to the housing crisis are usually neither quick nor a real fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JT Harechmak, policy director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, said finding available land is only one part of the problem. The bigger issue is getting the funding to construct housing on it. While the state has invested an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/08/23/governor-newsom-awards-more-than-789-million-to-build-thousands-of-sustainable-homes-for-californians/#:~:text=Since%20taking%20office%2C%20Governor%20Newsom,%2427%20billion%20to%20address%20homelessness.\">$40 billion\u003c/a> in affordable housing, most of that funding represents one-time allocations as opposed to ongoing support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of our developers have a backlog of projects — many of them are shovel-ready and ready to go,” he said. “They just lack the final amount of funding that they need to cross the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008493\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008493\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Sonrisa, a 58-unit building in downtown Sacramento that provides affordable housing for individuals earning up to $56,000 annually. Completed under Gov. Gavin Newsom’s 2019 executive order, the project broke ground in June 2021, with tenants moving in last year. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Sonrisa Studio Apartments)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sonrisadowntown.com/\">Sonrisa\u003c/a>, a 58-unit apartment building in downtown Sacramento, is the first project to be completed under Newsom’s 2019 executive order and offers housing to people earning up to $56,000 annually. The project broke ground in June 2021, and tenants moved in last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danielle Foster, executive director of the Capitol Area Development Authority (CADA), said Newsom’s executive order helped speed construction. By allowing CADA to lease the land for practically pennies, the state helped her organization reduce construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great help to have parcels that are primed for affordable housing development,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The property, located on just a quarter of an acre of land, also forced her organization to think more creatively about building infill housing — new homes and apartments built within an existing city — so CADA sought to maximize the number of units it could build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008492\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008492\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"667\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1.jpg 1000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The interior of an apartment at Sonrisa, a 58-unit building in downtown Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Sonrisa Studio Apartments)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sonrisa’s 58 apartments are micro-units: small studio apartments that fit within 267 square feet. Each unit has a small kitchenette with a stove and fridge and an area that doubles as both a living room and bedroom. A Murphy bed folds into the wall so tenants can prop a couch against the wall during the day. Tenants receive a free local transit pass and access to onsite bike storage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We showed how we could create livability in small spaces,” Foster said. “We have private developers also building like this now. It’s fun to see how this work contributes to the affordable housing stock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener said projects like these are not a silver bullet for the housing crisis but rather one piece of the puzzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically, we’ve not had nearly enough money, and many cities have made it impossible to zone for and approve this kind of housing, so we’ve been methodically resolving permitting and zoning issues,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he reiterated affordable housing developers’ concerns that freeing up excess state land isn’t the biggest piece of that puzzle: “The funding issue remains.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some housing experts have likened the budget for an affordable housing project to a lasagna, with many layers often overlapping to hold up the project. Developers have long complained that without a permanent statewide source of funding, financing affordable housing will continue to be convoluted and inefficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many affordable housing developers relied on two multibillion-dollar bond measures to fund their projects — a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000157/bay-areas-20-billion-housing-bond-pulled-from-ballots-leaving-advocates-heartbroken\">$20 billion Bay Area-wide bond\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993185/why-a-10-billion-california-housing-bond-wont-be-on-novembers-ballot\">$10 billion statewide bond\u003c/a>. Both failed to make it to the voters this November. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007340/how-prop-5-would-impact-affordable-housing-and-property-taxes\">Proposition 5\u003c/a>, which would make it easier for local governments to pass bond measures for affordable housing and public infrastructure, is seen by some developers as the best bet to secure future funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Welton Jordan, chief real estate development officer for affordable housing developer EAH Housing, said his company has submitted a proposal for one project on an excess state-owned site. Though EAH’s proposal was not ultimately chosen, the nonprofit is interested in submitting proposals for other sites in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as construction costs soar and demand grows, it only becomes more expensive to build, Jordan said. He hopes the state can dedicate more subsidies to actually build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never enough,” Jordan said. “While every little bit helps, and you don’t want to sound ungrateful, you really need a permanent source at the state level for affordable housing, and that hasn’t happened quite yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are 26 excess sites the state identified as suitable for housing that have not yet been offered to developers. Some are in high-fire risk zones, regulatory floodways, or on steep slopes. Others are within a quarter-mile of hazardous waste sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tara Gallegos, a spokesperson for the governor’s office, said all of those parcels are “gearing up for development.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Law Recognizes Unique Health Needs of Indigenous Latin Americans",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-genesis-blocks-gb-drop-cap drop-cap-letter gb-font-size-3 gb-block-drop-cap\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"gb-drop-cap-text\">\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was produced by \u003ca href=\"https://www.eltimpano.org/\">El Tímpano\u003c/a>\u003c/i>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">, a bilingual nonprofit news outlet that amplifies the voices of Latino and Mayan immigrants in Oakland and the wider Bay Area. The original version of the story can be found \u003ca href=\"https://www.eltimpano.org/health/california-enacts-landmark-law-to-improve-health-data-collection-on-indigenous-people-with-roots-in-latin-america/\">here\u003c/a>\u003c/i>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]F[/dropcap]or two years, Latino health advocates have pushed for legislation that would require the state to collect better health data on the number of Mesoamerican indigenous peoples who immigrate to California. After a blow to their efforts in 2023, the proponents of SB1016, also known as the Latino and Indigenous Disparities Reduction Act, are now celebrating — Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill into law on Sept. 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>The Latino and Indigenous Disparities Reduction Act passed both chambers of the California State Legislature with overwhelming support in August. Now, with Gov. Newsom’s sign-off, the California Department of Public Health will begin distinguishing Mesoamerican Indigenous groups in health data about Latinos. Indigenous peoples from Latin America are typically lumped into government data about Latinos, although many do not identify as Latinos themselves. \u003ca href=\"https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/145891467991974540/pdf/Indigenous-Latin-America-in-the-twenty-first-century-the-first-decade.pdf\">The World Bank\u003c/a> estimates there are 780 indigenous peoples and 560 indigenous languages spoken in Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Public Health will include 10 nationalities and six languages in data collection and will leave a blank space in surveys for people to fill out additional demographic information. The agency will have five years to produce a report that includes rates for major diseases, leading causes of death, and information about pregnancy, housing, and mental health. Then, the department will begin issuing annual reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Latinos and Indigenous Mesoamericans are vibrant and diverse communities, each with unique health needs,” said State Sen. Lena Gonzalez, a Democrat from Los Angeles and the bill’s sponsor, in a public statement. “Every Latino deserves to be seen, heard, and represented in our healthcare system, especially in the data that drives resource allocation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the law call this a first step in addressing health disparities, which exist in Mesoamerican indigenous communities throughout California but are not well studied. Accurate data on the population size of indigenous peoples in California is also sparse — one advocacy group, the Mixteco/Indigena Community Organizing Project, \u003ca href=\"https://mixteco.org/mixtec/#:~:text=California%20is%20home%20to%20an,Mixtecs%2C%20Zapotecs%2C%20and%20Pur%C3%A9pechas.\">estimates\u003c/a> there are more than 170,000 indigenous people in California who originate from Mexico alone. In Oakland, an indigenous Mayan Mam-speaking population from Guatemala has grown rapidly in recent years, and estimates for population size have ranged from \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/oakland-fruitvale-guatemala-neighborhood-17667201.php\">10,000\u003c/a> to up to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/community-in-oaklands-fruitvale-district-works-to-save-ancient-guatemalan-language/\">40,000\u003c/a>, according to some news reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008269\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008269\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1.jpg\" alt=\"Several women wearing red clothing and aprons stand around a table with a cooler on it while holding plates of food.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1703\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1-2048x1362.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1-1920x1277.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Indigenous-Mayan women distribute lunch following weaving and Mam courses at the Clinton Park Community Center in Oakland on July 13, 2024. \u003ccite>(Hiram Alejandro Durán for El Tímpano/CatchLight Local/Report for America corps member)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gerardo Jeronimo, an Oakland-based certified medical interpreter for Mayan Mam, said he had seen firsthand how lumping Indigenous folks in with all Latinos can cause significant harm in health care settings, leading to misunderstandings, inconsistent care, and, in some cases, worsening health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeronimo, who immigrated from Guatemala 20 years ago and speaks the Todos Santos dialect of Mayan Mam, began working as a medical interpreter nearly six years ago at Alameda Health Systems and has since branched out on his own, starting an interpreting company called El Interprete Maya. He said the new law is long overdue, and he hopes the information collected will help improve language accessibility and culturally competent care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The health care system is a machine,” Jeronimo said. “That’s where SB 1016 is very important because now you can kind of let the machine know, ‘By the way, I don’t speak Spanish … I don’t fit really nicely into this.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have all done so much work to get here to this very moment, and we are incredibly grateful that the Governor has signed SB1016 into law,” said Arcenio Lopez, Executive Director of MICOP, in a public statement. “This decision is a major milestone in recognizing the thriving Indigenous Mesoamerican communities in California. Our voices have been heard, and we are thrilled to see this crucial step toward data equity and justice, ensuring that the Indigenous community is fully represented and supported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Latino Coalition for a Healthy California, a health advocacy organization, has led the data disaggregation effort with sponsorship by Gonzalez. The duo attempted to pass a similar bill last year, which would have required two different agencies to collect data. That bill also passed with overwhelming support in both legislative chambers but was vetoed by Gov. Newsom in October 2023, who said the bill was “premature” and that the federal government’s Office of Management and Budget (OMB) was taking similar steps to disaggregate data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March of 2024, the White House \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/briefing-room/2024/03/28/omb-publishes-revisions-to-statistical-policy-directive-no-15-standards-for-maintaining-collecting-and-presenting-federal-data-on-race-and-ethnicity/#:~:text=Using%20one%20combined%20question%20for,data%20when%20useful%20and%20appropriate.\">announced\u003c/a> the OMB changes to include disaggregated data by ethnicity, but the changes did not meet the level of specificity California health advocates were hoping for.[aside postID=\"news_12005009,arts_13966047\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have the power and we can establish that legacy and that leadership by going beyond the OMB outlined changes to actually reflect the population in California,” said Seciah Aquino, Executive Director of the Latino Coalition for a Healthy California, in an interview before Gov. Newsom signed the bill. “Given that we make up 40% of the population — over 16 million Latinos and Indigenous community members — we need that data at the detailed level to actually dig deeper into health outcomes, but also to bring success and effectiveness to many of the programs and campaigns that we have been able to advance in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008270\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008270\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit sits at a desk in an office writing on a piece of paper with an American flag behind him.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1664\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1-800x520.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1-1020x663.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1-1536x998.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1-2048x1331.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1-1920x1248.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom signed SB610 on Sept 28 after vetoing a similar bill last year. \u003ccite>(Photo Courtesy of Governor of California via Flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to The Latino Coalition for a Healthy California, the California Department of Public Health estimates that implementation of the bill will cost the department more than $4.7 million between fiscal years 2027 to 2029 to get the research off the ground, followed by $718,000 in annual costs. However, Aquino believes that the estimate is too high, considering that the agency has already established a data disaggregation process for the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/OPP/Pages/AB-1726-Asian-and-Pacific-Islander-Data-Disaggregation.aspx\">Asian and Pacific Islander population\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, a California Department of Public Health spokesperson said the agency was “looking forward” to implementing the new law“to continue to improve the health and welfare of the people from these communities.” The department did not confirm the estimated cost when asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those who work closely with indigenous communities, the potential cost is a small tradeoff for improved health care among a growing and often overlooked population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeronimo, for example, said he recently worked with an indigenous patient who was diagnosed with cancer in 2021 and had been receiving complicated information regarding his diagnosis and treatment in Spanish despite Mayan Mam being his primary language. Jeronimo said the man was not aware of the type of cancer he had been diagnosed with and had not been taking his medication as prescribed because of confusion caused by the language barrier, a situation that could been avoided had the man been identified as an Indigenous Mayan Mam speaker sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By identifying the indigenous language before the health care journey begins, they’re saving everybody time, everybody emotional impact, financial impact, and socially, you create a rapport,” Jeronimo said. “You’re creating a safe place.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-genesis-blocks-gb-drop-cap drop-cap-letter gb-font-size-3 gb-block-drop-cap\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"gb-drop-cap-text\">\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was produced by \u003ca href=\"https://www.eltimpano.org/\">El Tímpano\u003c/a>\u003c/i>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">, a bilingual nonprofit news outlet that amplifies the voices of Latino and Mayan immigrants in Oakland and the wider Bay Area. The original version of the story can be found \u003ca href=\"https://www.eltimpano.org/health/california-enacts-landmark-law-to-improve-health-data-collection-on-indigenous-people-with-roots-in-latin-america/\">here\u003c/a>\u003c/i>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">F\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>or two years, Latino health advocates have pushed for legislation that would require the state to collect better health data on the number of Mesoamerican indigenous peoples who immigrate to California. After a blow to their efforts in 2023, the proponents of SB1016, also known as the Latino and Indigenous Disparities Reduction Act, are now celebrating — Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill into law on Sept. 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>The Latino and Indigenous Disparities Reduction Act passed both chambers of the California State Legislature with overwhelming support in August. Now, with Gov. Newsom’s sign-off, the California Department of Public Health will begin distinguishing Mesoamerican Indigenous groups in health data about Latinos. Indigenous peoples from Latin America are typically lumped into government data about Latinos, although many do not identify as Latinos themselves. \u003ca href=\"https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/145891467991974540/pdf/Indigenous-Latin-America-in-the-twenty-first-century-the-first-decade.pdf\">The World Bank\u003c/a> estimates there are 780 indigenous peoples and 560 indigenous languages spoken in Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Public Health will include 10 nationalities and six languages in data collection and will leave a blank space in surveys for people to fill out additional demographic information. The agency will have five years to produce a report that includes rates for major diseases, leading causes of death, and information about pregnancy, housing, and mental health. Then, the department will begin issuing annual reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Latinos and Indigenous Mesoamericans are vibrant and diverse communities, each with unique health needs,” said State Sen. Lena Gonzalez, a Democrat from Los Angeles and the bill’s sponsor, in a public statement. “Every Latino deserves to be seen, heard, and represented in our healthcare system, especially in the data that drives resource allocation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the law call this a first step in addressing health disparities, which exist in Mesoamerican indigenous communities throughout California but are not well studied. Accurate data on the population size of indigenous peoples in California is also sparse — one advocacy group, the Mixteco/Indigena Community Organizing Project, \u003ca href=\"https://mixteco.org/mixtec/#:~:text=California%20is%20home%20to%20an,Mixtecs%2C%20Zapotecs%2C%20and%20Pur%C3%A9pechas.\">estimates\u003c/a> there are more than 170,000 indigenous people in California who originate from Mexico alone. In Oakland, an indigenous Mayan Mam-speaking population from Guatemala has grown rapidly in recent years, and estimates for population size have ranged from \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/oakland-fruitvale-guatemala-neighborhood-17667201.php\">10,000\u003c/a> to up to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/community-in-oaklands-fruitvale-district-works-to-save-ancient-guatemalan-language/\">40,000\u003c/a>, according to some news reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008269\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008269\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1.jpg\" alt=\"Several women wearing red clothing and aprons stand around a table with a cooler on it while holding plates of food.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1703\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1-2048x1362.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-02-scaled-1-1920x1277.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Indigenous-Mayan women distribute lunch following weaving and Mam courses at the Clinton Park Community Center in Oakland on July 13, 2024. \u003ccite>(Hiram Alejandro Durán for El Tímpano/CatchLight Local/Report for America corps member)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gerardo Jeronimo, an Oakland-based certified medical interpreter for Mayan Mam, said he had seen firsthand how lumping Indigenous folks in with all Latinos can cause significant harm in health care settings, leading to misunderstandings, inconsistent care, and, in some cases, worsening health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeronimo, who immigrated from Guatemala 20 years ago and speaks the Todos Santos dialect of Mayan Mam, began working as a medical interpreter nearly six years ago at Alameda Health Systems and has since branched out on his own, starting an interpreting company called El Interprete Maya. He said the new law is long overdue, and he hopes the information collected will help improve language accessibility and culturally competent care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The health care system is a machine,” Jeronimo said. “That’s where SB 1016 is very important because now you can kind of let the machine know, ‘By the way, I don’t speak Spanish … I don’t fit really nicely into this.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have all done so much work to get here to this very moment, and we are incredibly grateful that the Governor has signed SB1016 into law,” said Arcenio Lopez, Executive Director of MICOP, in a public statement. “This decision is a major milestone in recognizing the thriving Indigenous Mesoamerican communities in California. Our voices have been heard, and we are thrilled to see this crucial step toward data equity and justice, ensuring that the Indigenous community is fully represented and supported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Latino Coalition for a Healthy California, a health advocacy organization, has led the data disaggregation effort with sponsorship by Gonzalez. The duo attempted to pass a similar bill last year, which would have required two different agencies to collect data. That bill also passed with overwhelming support in both legislative chambers but was vetoed by Gov. Newsom in October 2023, who said the bill was “premature” and that the federal government’s Office of Management and Budget (OMB) was taking similar steps to disaggregate data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March of 2024, the White House \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/briefing-room/2024/03/28/omb-publishes-revisions-to-statistical-policy-directive-no-15-standards-for-maintaining-collecting-and-presenting-federal-data-on-race-and-ethnicity/#:~:text=Using%20one%20combined%20question%20for,data%20when%20useful%20and%20appropriate.\">announced\u003c/a> the OMB changes to include disaggregated data by ethnicity, but the changes did not meet the level of specificity California health advocates were hoping for.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have the power and we can establish that legacy and that leadership by going beyond the OMB outlined changes to actually reflect the population in California,” said Seciah Aquino, Executive Director of the Latino Coalition for a Healthy California, in an interview before Gov. Newsom signed the bill. “Given that we make up 40% of the population — over 16 million Latinos and Indigenous community members — we need that data at the detailed level to actually dig deeper into health outcomes, but also to bring success and effectiveness to many of the programs and campaigns that we have been able to advance in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008270\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008270\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit sits at a desk in an office writing on a piece of paper with an American flag behind him.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1664\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1-800x520.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1-1020x663.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1-1536x998.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1-2048x1331.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/10.02.2024-SB1016-03-scaled-1-1920x1248.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom signed SB610 on Sept 28 after vetoing a similar bill last year. \u003ccite>(Photo Courtesy of Governor of California via Flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to The Latino Coalition for a Healthy California, the California Department of Public Health estimates that implementation of the bill will cost the department more than $4.7 million between fiscal years 2027 to 2029 to get the research off the ground, followed by $718,000 in annual costs. However, Aquino believes that the estimate is too high, considering that the agency has already established a data disaggregation process for the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/OPP/Pages/AB-1726-Asian-and-Pacific-Islander-Data-Disaggregation.aspx\">Asian and Pacific Islander population\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, a California Department of Public Health spokesperson said the agency was “looking forward” to implementing the new law“to continue to improve the health and welfare of the people from these communities.” The department did not confirm the estimated cost when asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those who work closely with indigenous communities, the potential cost is a small tradeoff for improved health care among a growing and often overlooked population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeronimo, for example, said he recently worked with an indigenous patient who was diagnosed with cancer in 2021 and had been receiving complicated information regarding his diagnosis and treatment in Spanish despite Mayan Mam being his primary language. Jeronimo said the man was not aware of the type of cancer he had been diagnosed with and had not been taking his medication as prescribed because of confusion caused by the language barrier, a situation that could been avoided had the man been identified as an Indigenous Mayan Mam speaker sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By identifying the indigenous language before the health care journey begins, they’re saving everybody time, everybody emotional impact, financial impact, and socially, you create a rapport,” Jeronimo said. “You’re creating a safe place.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-homelessness-funds-come-with-a-catch-cities-must-follow-housing-laws",
"title": "California Homelessness Funds Come With a Catch: Cities Must Follow Housing Laws",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom on Friday dangled a new carrot in front of cities looking to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/encampment-sweeps\">clean up homeless encampments\u003c/a>: money in exchange for compliance with state housing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the $131 million in new \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-and-funding/programs-active/encampment-resolution-funding-program\">Encampment Resolution Funding Program\u003c/a> dollars would be available to 18 cities and counties across the state, including seven in the Bay Area, representing a nearly $50 million investment in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the money comes with new conditions, including that local governments maintain a compliant housing element — a state-mandated document detailing where cities propose to permit new housing — and follow all state housing laws. If they fail to do so, the state could revoke the grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to provide carrots, not just sticks,” Newsom said. But, he warned, “We will claw back funds. … If you’re out of compliance, we’re no longer interested in funding failure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement comes after Newsom on Thursday said the city of Norwalk, southeast of Los Angeles, was far behind on its housing element and violated state law by imposing a shelter moratorium, making it ineligible for state housing and homelessness funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has increased pressure on cities to clear encampments following a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> in June that gave them the green light to enforce camping bans by citing and arresting people, whether or not there are shelter beds available. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">July executive order\u003c/a>, he directed state agencies to dismantle camps on their land and urged cities to follow suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959131\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a row of tents in a plaza in front of city hall\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall in 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, at least 18 jurisdictions around the state have enacted anti-camping laws, according to a tally maintained by the National Homelessness Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Newsom said that since the beginning of July, California has cleared 991 encampments and 18,771 cubic yards of debris on state-owned land, while 12,200 camps have been removed since 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President and CEO Jim Wunderman of Bay Area Council, a business-backed advocacy organization, said he was encouraged to see the governor maintain a focus on clearing encampments and provide “real money to cities to make that possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said there’s been tremendous frustration in the business community in recent years over the lack of progress on homelessness. “Now,” he said, “we’re seeing that happen,” thanks to the opening provided by the Supreme Court. “It really enables cities now to take control of their destiny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000360\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000360\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Public Works employees clear debris left under Highway 101 near Cesar Chavez Street. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The governor also announced a new effort to streamline encampment sweeps by allowing local communities to get reimbursed by the state for clearing encampments on state-owned land in their jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow for the National Alliance to End Homelessness, welcomed that emphasis on shared responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Communities can only address homelessness when all levels of government are working together and leveraging each other’s resources,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007425 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231017-LakeMercedRVs-023-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This marked a change in tone for the governor, who’s struck a more combative note in the recent past, blaming cities for making excuses and not doing enough to address the crisis. “He talked about sharing responsibility with cities, which felt important,” Visotzky said. “He was stepping away from some of the finger-pointing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Newsom took office in 2019, the state has funneled more than $27 billion toward the homelessness crisis. Despite that, the number of homeless Californians has risen nearly 20% in that time, \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2023-ahar-part-1.Pdf\">surpassing 180,000 at last count\u003c/a> — with nearly 70% of those unsheltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state’s investment is unprecedented, researchers at the policy nonprofit All Home said it doesn’t come close to what’s needed. The organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991834/slashing-bay-area-homelessness-would-cost-9-5-billion-report-says\">estimates\u003c/a> that slashing homelessness in the Bay Area alone would require an additional $9.5 billion on top of current spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has disbursed $737 million through the Encampment Resolution Funding Program since 2021, according to Newsom’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Here’s a list of the latest Encampment Resolution Fund recipients:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>City of Antioch: $6,812,686\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Berkeley: $5,395,637\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Carlsbad: $2,994,225\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Los Angeles: $11,351,281\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Palm Springs: $5,106,731\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Petaluma: $8,098,978\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Redlands: $5,341,800\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Richmond: $9,336,746\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Sacramento: $18,199,661\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of San José: $4,821,083\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Victorville: $6,365,070\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Visalia: $3,000,000\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>County of Contra Costa: $5,708,516\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>County of Riverside: $12,612,779\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>County of San Bernardino: $11,000,000\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City and County of San Francisco: $7,975,486\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Humboldt County — Continuum of Care: $3,784,294\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pasadena — Continuum of Care: $2,772,801\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom on Friday dangled a new carrot in front of cities looking to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/encampment-sweeps\">clean up homeless encampments\u003c/a>: money in exchange for compliance with state housing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the $131 million in new \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-and-funding/programs-active/encampment-resolution-funding-program\">Encampment Resolution Funding Program\u003c/a> dollars would be available to 18 cities and counties across the state, including seven in the Bay Area, representing a nearly $50 million investment in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the money comes with new conditions, including that local governments maintain a compliant housing element — a state-mandated document detailing where cities propose to permit new housing — and follow all state housing laws. If they fail to do so, the state could revoke the grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to provide carrots, not just sticks,” Newsom said. But, he warned, “We will claw back funds. … If you’re out of compliance, we’re no longer interested in funding failure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement comes after Newsom on Thursday said the city of Norwalk, southeast of Los Angeles, was far behind on its housing element and violated state law by imposing a shelter moratorium, making it ineligible for state housing and homelessness funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has increased pressure on cities to clear encampments following a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> in June that gave them the green light to enforce camping bans by citing and arresting people, whether or not there are shelter beds available. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">July executive order\u003c/a>, he directed state agencies to dismantle camps on their land and urged cities to follow suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959131\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a row of tents in a plaza in front of city hall\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall in 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, at least 18 jurisdictions around the state have enacted anti-camping laws, according to a tally maintained by the National Homelessness Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Newsom said that since the beginning of July, California has cleared 991 encampments and 18,771 cubic yards of debris on state-owned land, while 12,200 camps have been removed since 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President and CEO Jim Wunderman of Bay Area Council, a business-backed advocacy organization, said he was encouraged to see the governor maintain a focus on clearing encampments and provide “real money to cities to make that possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said there’s been tremendous frustration in the business community in recent years over the lack of progress on homelessness. “Now,” he said, “we’re seeing that happen,” thanks to the opening provided by the Supreme Court. “It really enables cities now to take control of their destiny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000360\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000360\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Public Works employees clear debris left under Highway 101 near Cesar Chavez Street. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The governor also announced a new effort to streamline encampment sweeps by allowing local communities to get reimbursed by the state for clearing encampments on state-owned land in their jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow for the National Alliance to End Homelessness, welcomed that emphasis on shared responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Communities can only address homelessness when all levels of government are working together and leveraging each other’s resources,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This marked a change in tone for the governor, who’s struck a more combative note in the recent past, blaming cities for making excuses and not doing enough to address the crisis. “He talked about sharing responsibility with cities, which felt important,” Visotzky said. “He was stepping away from some of the finger-pointing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Newsom took office in 2019, the state has funneled more than $27 billion toward the homelessness crisis. Despite that, the number of homeless Californians has risen nearly 20% in that time, \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2023-ahar-part-1.Pdf\">surpassing 180,000 at last count\u003c/a> — with nearly 70% of those unsheltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state’s investment is unprecedented, researchers at the policy nonprofit All Home said it doesn’t come close to what’s needed. The organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991834/slashing-bay-area-homelessness-would-cost-9-5-billion-report-says\">estimates\u003c/a> that slashing homelessness in the Bay Area alone would require an additional $9.5 billion on top of current spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has disbursed $737 million through the Encampment Resolution Funding Program since 2021, according to Newsom’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Here’s a list of the latest Encampment Resolution Fund recipients:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>City of Antioch: $6,812,686\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Berkeley: $5,395,637\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Carlsbad: $2,994,225\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Los Angeles: $11,351,281\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Palm Springs: $5,106,731\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Petaluma: $8,098,978\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Redlands: $5,341,800\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Richmond: $9,336,746\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Sacramento: $18,199,661\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of San José: $4,821,083\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Victorville: $6,365,070\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Visalia: $3,000,000\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>County of Contra Costa: $5,708,516\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>County of Riverside: $12,612,779\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>County of San Bernardino: $11,000,000\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City and County of San Francisco: $7,975,486\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Humboldt County — Continuum of Care: $3,784,294\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pasadena — Continuum of Care: $2,772,801\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Newsom Signs Law That Could Extend 'Last Call' — but Only for a Private Club in LA Clippers’ New Arena",
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"content": "\u003cp>The last call for drinks is 2 a.m. in California, but the state will soon carve out an exception to allow alcohol to be served until 4 a.m. for one private, members-only club located in \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/sports-technology-nba-nhl-los-angeles-clippers-c2d937b78072daf9088e792c14089d3b\">the Los Angeles Clippers’ new state-of-the-art arena\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom over the weekend will allow about 100 club members to be served wine, beer and other liquor until 4 a.m. in private suites inside the Intuit Dome after game days and concerts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was sponsored by a group owned by Steve Ballmer, the current Clippers owner and former CEO of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/06cd71793f7e4ebc82c436ef7674d73f\">Microsoft\u003c/a>. Ballmer funded the Intuit Dome and his wife, Connie Ballmer, gave Newsom’s campaign \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2598713&amendid=0\">$1 million\u003c/a> in 2021 to help fight a recall election against the governor. The group owned by Steve Ballmer also spent roughly $220,000 this year to sway lawmakers on the legislation, among other proposals, according to lobbying reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure drew criticism from some, including ethics experts, for granting an exception benefiting a major campaign donor’s family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly going to become an issue for his opponents and critics to point to the fact that he seemed to provide a special favor to a wealthy sports franchise owner and its facility and its wealthy fans,” said John Pelissero, director of government ethics at Santa Clara University. “It just doesn’t look good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s spokesperson Izzy Gardon said, “The governor’s decisions on legislation are made solely on the merits of each bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time the governor has faced a backlash for carving out exceptions for a select few. He was lambasted for attending \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/gavin-newsom-birthdays-california-coronavirus-pandemic-b89221b870cb137e3eb1695631000f9e\">a birthday party\u003c/a> in 2020 at the pricy French Laundry restaurant in wine country north of San Francisco, breaking the very rules he preached to the public to slow the spread of the coronavirus during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007639\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007639\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Ballmer, the owner of the Los Angeles Clippers, speaks onstage at the ribbon-cutting ceremony during the opening night of the Intuit Dome on Aug. 15, 2024, in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Kevin Winter/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new California law allowing the exception for the private club members comes after California lawmakers spent years unsuccessfully pushing to extend \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/4baec7b626104ec0bc15e08e0679d0ec\">the last call for drinks\u003c/a> in a few cities. Several states, including New York and Tennessee, have already passed legislation extending serving hours beyond 2 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they think opening venues and having drinking until 4 o’clock in the morning is good for just exclusive groups, then it should be for everyone, and my contention is, it’s not good for anyone,” Republican state Sen. Kelly Seyarto said in August of the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives working for Steve Ballmer didn’t immediately respond to calls about the new law and potential influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The arena located in Inglewood — 12 miles from the team’s old arena in downtown Los Angeles — officially opened in August with 18,000 seats. It is scheduled to host the 2026 All-Star Game and serve as the basketball venue for the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the new California law said it’s a pilot program that will boost the local economy and attract more visitors to the entertainment hub in the city of Inglewood, which boasts several iconic venues, including the Rams’ SoFi stadium, the Forum, and now the new Intuit Dome. Under the law, the exception will sunset in January 2030, and the new last-call rule still needs final approval from the city. Opponents worry the new last-call hours will lead to more drunk driving and promote excessive drinking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a signing message, Newsom also said he would direct California Highway Patrol to work with local police to monitor drunken driving incidents in the area and report back findings to lawmakers for further consideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remain cognizant of the potential risks to public safety posed by extending service hours for alcoholic beverage service, which could lead to an increase in driving under the influence-related crashes and fatalities,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The last call for drinks is 2 a.m. in California, but the state will soon carve out an exception to allow alcohol to be served until 4 a.m. for one private, members-only club located in \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/sports-technology-nba-nhl-los-angeles-clippers-c2d937b78072daf9088e792c14089d3b\">the Los Angeles Clippers’ new state-of-the-art arena\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom over the weekend will allow about 100 club members to be served wine, beer and other liquor until 4 a.m. in private suites inside the Intuit Dome after game days and concerts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was sponsored by a group owned by Steve Ballmer, the current Clippers owner and former CEO of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/06cd71793f7e4ebc82c436ef7674d73f\">Microsoft\u003c/a>. Ballmer funded the Intuit Dome and his wife, Connie Ballmer, gave Newsom’s campaign \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2598713&amendid=0\">$1 million\u003c/a> in 2021 to help fight a recall election against the governor. The group owned by Steve Ballmer also spent roughly $220,000 this year to sway lawmakers on the legislation, among other proposals, according to lobbying reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure drew criticism from some, including ethics experts, for granting an exception benefiting a major campaign donor’s family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly going to become an issue for his opponents and critics to point to the fact that he seemed to provide a special favor to a wealthy sports franchise owner and its facility and its wealthy fans,” said John Pelissero, director of government ethics at Santa Clara University. “It just doesn’t look good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s spokesperson Izzy Gardon said, “The governor’s decisions on legislation are made solely on the merits of each bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time the governor has faced a backlash for carving out exceptions for a select few. He was lambasted for attending \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/gavin-newsom-birthdays-california-coronavirus-pandemic-b89221b870cb137e3eb1695631000f9e\">a birthday party\u003c/a> in 2020 at the pricy French Laundry restaurant in wine country north of San Francisco, breaking the very rules he preached to the public to slow the spread of the coronavirus during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007639\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007639\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Ballmer, the owner of the Los Angeles Clippers, speaks onstage at the ribbon-cutting ceremony during the opening night of the Intuit Dome on Aug. 15, 2024, in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Kevin Winter/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new California law allowing the exception for the private club members comes after California lawmakers spent years unsuccessfully pushing to extend \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/4baec7b626104ec0bc15e08e0679d0ec\">the last call for drinks\u003c/a> in a few cities. Several states, including New York and Tennessee, have already passed legislation extending serving hours beyond 2 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they think opening venues and having drinking until 4 o’clock in the morning is good for just exclusive groups, then it should be for everyone, and my contention is, it’s not good for anyone,” Republican state Sen. Kelly Seyarto said in August of the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives working for Steve Ballmer didn’t immediately respond to calls about the new law and potential influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The arena located in Inglewood — 12 miles from the team’s old arena in downtown Los Angeles — officially opened in August with 18,000 seats. It is scheduled to host the 2026 All-Star Game and serve as the basketball venue for the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the new California law said it’s a pilot program that will boost the local economy and attract more visitors to the entertainment hub in the city of Inglewood, which boasts several iconic venues, including the Rams’ SoFi stadium, the Forum, and now the new Intuit Dome. Under the law, the exception will sunset in January 2030, and the new last-call rule still needs final approval from the city. Opponents worry the new last-call hours will lead to more drunk driving and promote excessive drinking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a signing message, Newsom also said he would direct California Highway Patrol to work with local police to monitor drunken driving incidents in the area and report back findings to lawmakers for further consideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remain cognizant of the potential risks to public safety posed by extending service hours for alcoholic beverage service, which could lead to an increase in driving under the influence-related crashes and fatalities,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Regional nonprofits that serve Californians with developmental disabilities will now be required to make their records publicly available on request as part of a bill Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move, which requires the centers to adhere to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thefirstamendment.org/media/publicrecordsact.pdf\">California Public Records Act (PRA)\u003c/a>, adds a layer of transparency to a system that serves nearly 450,000 people and has faced \u003ca href=\"https://lhc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Reports/273/Report273.pdf\">heavy criticism\u003c/a> for its opacity and lack of accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1147\">AB 1147\u003c/a>, authored by \u003ca href=\"https://a30.asmdc.org/\">Assemblymember Dawn Addis\u003c/a> (D-San Luis Obispo), passed through both houses of the state Legislature in September without opposition. It will affect the 21 nonprofit “regional centers” across the state that manage the developmental disability system’s $15 billion annual budget to coordinate services for people with conditions such as autism, Down syndrome and cerebral palsy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/09/28/governor-newsom-signs-legislation-to-strengthen-support-opportunities-and-safety-for-californians-with-disabilities/\">broader package\u003c/a> signed by the governor that’s aimed at supporting Californians with disabilities, including stronger protections for disabled students. It also follows the announcement of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.chhs.ca.gov/home/master-plan-for-developmental-services/#\">ambitious effort\u003c/a> to significantly reform the state’s developmental disability system earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m proud to continue our historic actions to protect vulnerable students, improve statewide supports, and strengthen future opportunities for the disabled community,” Newsom said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/09/28/governor-newsom-signs-legislation-to-strengthen-support-opportunities-and-safety-for-californians-with-disabilities/\">statement\u003c/a> on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judy Mark, president of Disability Voices United, a cosponsor of AB 1147, said the legislation clarifies the responsibility that regional centers have to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This new law proves that regional centers are doing the government’s business and should be as transparent as other government agencies,” Mark said in an email. She noted the “intense engagement by self-advocates and family members” as instrumental in the bill’s passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_12005734\" hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/231023-DisabilityCareHomes-033-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law marks the first time regional centers will be required to comply with the PRA since their creation under the landmark 1977 \u003ca href=\"https://www.dds.ca.gov/transparency/laws-regulations/lanterman-act-and-related-laws/\">Lanterman Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regional centers themselves had opposed the bill, citing a lack of resources and concerns about accidental disclosure of private information. Amy Westling, executive director of the Association of Regional Center Agencies (ARCA), said that with the bill’s passage, regional centers are now “evaluating the operational changes required and assessing new statewide training needs to comply with the PRA and other elements of AB 1147.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that most information related to regional center operations is already available from each regional center’s website and through existing Public Records Act requests to the state Department of Developmental Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vivian Haun, a senior policy attorney for Disability Rights California, explained that the Lanterman Act originally established regional centers as independent nonprofit organizations to maximize their responsiveness to the communities they serve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a result, regional centers have been given tremendous discretion in how they spend state funds,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haun added that for the centers to fulfill their original mission, it is critical for people with developmental disabilities to “feel seen, heard and understood by their regional centers.” But, she said, “that’s hard to achieve when people don’t have fair and open access to information about the policies and practices that gatekeep some of the most crucial services in their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969597/whistleblowers-call-out-california-group-home-for-abuse-against-disabled-residents\">KQED published an investigation of\u003c/a> abuse allegations at a disability group home in the Sacramento area that fell within the jurisdiction of the Alta Regional Center. The investigation found that Katrina Turner, a nonverbal woman with a developmental disability, had suffered repeated incidents of abuse and neglect over roughly 18 months. At the time, information about how the regional center investigated the alleged incidents was not publicly available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elaine Sheffer and Patrick Turner, Katrina Turner’s parents, said the new bill is an important first step in addressing what they consider the system’s failings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think that AB 1147 is definitely a good start in the right direction to transparency and accountability in an industry where it’s been desperately needed and denied to families who oftentimes have not even been made aware that they have rights,” they said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This story was made possible in part with funding and support from the USC Center for Health Journalism’s Data Fellowship.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The private regional nonprofits that serve nearly 450,000 Californians with developmental disabilities will now be required to make their records publicly available on request as part of a bill Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law on Saturday.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Regional nonprofits that serve Californians with developmental disabilities will now be required to make their records publicly available on request as part of a bill Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move, which requires the centers to adhere to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thefirstamendment.org/media/publicrecordsact.pdf\">California Public Records Act (PRA)\u003c/a>, adds a layer of transparency to a system that serves nearly 450,000 people and has faced \u003ca href=\"https://lhc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Reports/273/Report273.pdf\">heavy criticism\u003c/a> for its opacity and lack of accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1147\">AB 1147\u003c/a>, authored by \u003ca href=\"https://a30.asmdc.org/\">Assemblymember Dawn Addis\u003c/a> (D-San Luis Obispo), passed through both houses of the state Legislature in September without opposition. It will affect the 21 nonprofit “regional centers” across the state that manage the developmental disability system’s $15 billion annual budget to coordinate services for people with conditions such as autism, Down syndrome and cerebral palsy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/09/28/governor-newsom-signs-legislation-to-strengthen-support-opportunities-and-safety-for-californians-with-disabilities/\">broader package\u003c/a> signed by the governor that’s aimed at supporting Californians with disabilities, including stronger protections for disabled students. It also follows the announcement of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.chhs.ca.gov/home/master-plan-for-developmental-services/#\">ambitious effort\u003c/a> to significantly reform the state’s developmental disability system earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m proud to continue our historic actions to protect vulnerable students, improve statewide supports, and strengthen future opportunities for the disabled community,” Newsom said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/09/28/governor-newsom-signs-legislation-to-strengthen-support-opportunities-and-safety-for-californians-with-disabilities/\">statement\u003c/a> on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judy Mark, president of Disability Voices United, a cosponsor of AB 1147, said the legislation clarifies the responsibility that regional centers have to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This new law proves that regional centers are doing the government’s business and should be as transparent as other government agencies,” Mark said in an email. She noted the “intense engagement by self-advocates and family members” as instrumental in the bill’s passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law marks the first time regional centers will be required to comply with the PRA since their creation under the landmark 1977 \u003ca href=\"https://www.dds.ca.gov/transparency/laws-regulations/lanterman-act-and-related-laws/\">Lanterman Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regional centers themselves had opposed the bill, citing a lack of resources and concerns about accidental disclosure of private information. Amy Westling, executive director of the Association of Regional Center Agencies (ARCA), said that with the bill’s passage, regional centers are now “evaluating the operational changes required and assessing new statewide training needs to comply with the PRA and other elements of AB 1147.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that most information related to regional center operations is already available from each regional center’s website and through existing Public Records Act requests to the state Department of Developmental Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vivian Haun, a senior policy attorney for Disability Rights California, explained that the Lanterman Act originally established regional centers as independent nonprofit organizations to maximize their responsiveness to the communities they serve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a result, regional centers have been given tremendous discretion in how they spend state funds,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haun added that for the centers to fulfill their original mission, it is critical for people with developmental disabilities to “feel seen, heard and understood by their regional centers.” But, she said, “that’s hard to achieve when people don’t have fair and open access to information about the policies and practices that gatekeep some of the most crucial services in their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969597/whistleblowers-call-out-california-group-home-for-abuse-against-disabled-residents\">KQED published an investigation of\u003c/a> abuse allegations at a disability group home in the Sacramento area that fell within the jurisdiction of the Alta Regional Center. The investigation found that Katrina Turner, a nonverbal woman with a developmental disability, had suffered repeated incidents of abuse and neglect over roughly 18 months. At the time, information about how the regional center investigated the alleged incidents was not publicly available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elaine Sheffer and Patrick Turner, Katrina Turner’s parents, said the new bill is an important first step in addressing what they consider the system’s failings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think that AB 1147 is definitely a good start in the right direction to transparency and accountability in an industry where it’s been desperately needed and denied to families who oftentimes have not even been made aware that they have rights,” they said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This story was made possible in part with funding and support from the USC Center for Health Journalism’s Data Fellowship.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californias-bold-moves-to-curb-fentanyl-deaths-leave-experts-urging-for-more",
"title": "California’s Bold Moves to Curb Fentanyl Deaths Leave Experts Urging for More",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> is forging ahead with a series of new laws aimed at reducing overdose deaths, even as opioid overdose rates have started to decline slightly. The new measures signed by Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> this week include expanded access to addiction treatment, life-saving overdose reversal medications, and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California legislators have shown a serious commitment to addressing the fentanyl crisis,” said Dr. Keith Humphreys, a professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at Stanford University. While deaths remain higher than pre-pandemic levels, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nvss/vsrr/drug-overdose-data.htm\">the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> reports that fatal overdoses across the country have dropped to their lowest numbers in three years. California is just beginning to see a \u003ca href=\"https://skylab.cdph.ca.gov/ODdash/?tab=CA\">downward trend\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reasons for this shift remain unclear. “Why? The best answer is, ‘We don’t know,'” said Dr. Dan Ciccarone, a professor of addiction medicine at UCSF. “People will point to different interventions, whether it’s restoring public order, increasing access to naloxone, or expanding treatment options, but none of these happened swiftly or broadly enough to fully explain the drop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fentanyl, the inexpensive opioid that’s 20–40 times stronger than heroin, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">flooded the drug market in San Francisco\u003c/a> and other cities in recent years, leading to record deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not just about one law — it’s a coordinated suite of policies focused on prevention, treatment, and harm reduction. As both an addiction researcher and a resident, I feel California is moving in the right direction,” Humphreys said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the newly signed bills is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1842\">AB 1842\u003c/a>, which eliminates the need for insurers to require prior authorization before treating patients with opioid use disorder. Ciccarone called it a critical move, describing prior authorization as “a clinical barrier that frustrates both doctors and patients and ultimately stifles care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Contents of a harm reduction kit on June 17, 2024. The kit includes new syringes, fentanyl test strips and Narcan. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another key piece of legislation, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1976\">AB 1976\u003c/a>, will require businesses to stock naloxone, a medication that can instantly reverse opioid overdoses, in their first-aid kits by 2027. Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1841\">AB 1841\u003c/a> will provide two doses of naloxone to resident advisors at public colleges in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Access to methadone, a medication used to treat opioid addiction, will also be broadened under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992298/a-bay-area-lawmaker-pushes-to-expand-access-to-methadone\">AB 2115\u003c/a>, which allows patients to take home more doses and increases the number of practitioners permitted to prescribe it. Current regulations require most patients to visit clinics daily to receive a single dose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I support most of these bills and believe each will contribute in small but meaningful ways,” Ciccarone said. He singled out the elimination of prior authorization requirements as particularly impactful and praised the expansion of naloxone access into schools and workplaces as “a great package of ideas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, Ciccarone noted the absence of a more controversial measure: supervised drug consumption sites, where individuals can use illicit drugs under the supervision of trained staff. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1979220/debate-heats-up-over-effort-to-pilot-safe-injection-sites-in-california\">Research\u003c/a> shows that such sites reduce hospitalizations, lower public costs, and save lives. Gov. Newsom vetoed a bill in 2022 that would have allowed a limited number of California cities to pilot these facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006134 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57150_037_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most effective solutions are often the ones people fear the most,” Ciccarone said. “What we need now is the courage and political will to take bolder steps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another critical policy gap, according to Humphreys, is the failure to pass a \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB3073/id/2966699\">bill\u003c/a> that would have mandated wastewater testing for illicit drugs. This measure died in committee earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wastewater testing reveals where drugs are being used and what’s circulating in the community,” Humphreys said. “It’s an early warning system for dangerous substances, and it also shows whether investments in treatment, prevention, and law enforcement are actually making a difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, 7,748 Californians died from fentanyl overdoses, more than double the number just five years ago, according to the CDC. While the new laws represent significant progress, addiction experts caution that the road to reversing the opioid crisis remains long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several additional bills signed by Newsom are aimed at curbing fentanyl use and saving lives:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 2429\u003c/strong>: Expands high school health education to include lessons on the dangers of fentanyl use.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 2136\u003c/strong>: Prevents law enforcement from arresting individuals who allow harm reduction service providers to test their drugs.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 997\u003c/strong>: Authorizes middle and high school students to carry naloxone and requires schools to stock and distribute fentanyl test strips.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 908\u003c/strong>: Directs the state’s health department to investigate fentanyl-related deaths among children ages 0 to 5.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 1468\u003c/strong>: Encourages providers to prescribe a three-day supply of narcotic medication to begin detoxification or maintenance treatment for people using opioids.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 910\u003c/strong>: Enhances programming, drug testing, and medication-assisted treatment for individuals in the criminal justice system.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> is forging ahead with a series of new laws aimed at reducing overdose deaths, even as opioid overdose rates have started to decline slightly. The new measures signed by Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> this week include expanded access to addiction treatment, life-saving overdose reversal medications, and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California legislators have shown a serious commitment to addressing the fentanyl crisis,” said Dr. Keith Humphreys, a professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at Stanford University. While deaths remain higher than pre-pandemic levels, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nvss/vsrr/drug-overdose-data.htm\">the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> reports that fatal overdoses across the country have dropped to their lowest numbers in three years. California is just beginning to see a \u003ca href=\"https://skylab.cdph.ca.gov/ODdash/?tab=CA\">downward trend\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reasons for this shift remain unclear. “Why? The best answer is, ‘We don’t know,'” said Dr. Dan Ciccarone, a professor of addiction medicine at UCSF. “People will point to different interventions, whether it’s restoring public order, increasing access to naloxone, or expanding treatment options, but none of these happened swiftly or broadly enough to fully explain the drop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fentanyl, the inexpensive opioid that’s 20–40 times stronger than heroin, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">flooded the drug market in San Francisco\u003c/a> and other cities in recent years, leading to record deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not just about one law — it’s a coordinated suite of policies focused on prevention, treatment, and harm reduction. As both an addiction researcher and a resident, I feel California is moving in the right direction,” Humphreys said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the newly signed bills is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1842\">AB 1842\u003c/a>, which eliminates the need for insurers to require prior authorization before treating patients with opioid use disorder. Ciccarone called it a critical move, describing prior authorization as “a clinical barrier that frustrates both doctors and patients and ultimately stifles care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Contents of a harm reduction kit on June 17, 2024. The kit includes new syringes, fentanyl test strips and Narcan. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another key piece of legislation, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1976\">AB 1976\u003c/a>, will require businesses to stock naloxone, a medication that can instantly reverse opioid overdoses, in their first-aid kits by 2027. Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1841\">AB 1841\u003c/a> will provide two doses of naloxone to resident advisors at public colleges in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Access to methadone, a medication used to treat opioid addiction, will also be broadened under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992298/a-bay-area-lawmaker-pushes-to-expand-access-to-methadone\">AB 2115\u003c/a>, which allows patients to take home more doses and increases the number of practitioners permitted to prescribe it. Current regulations require most patients to visit clinics daily to receive a single dose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I support most of these bills and believe each will contribute in small but meaningful ways,” Ciccarone said. He singled out the elimination of prior authorization requirements as particularly impactful and praised the expansion of naloxone access into schools and workplaces as “a great package of ideas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, Ciccarone noted the absence of a more controversial measure: supervised drug consumption sites, where individuals can use illicit drugs under the supervision of trained staff. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1979220/debate-heats-up-over-effort-to-pilot-safe-injection-sites-in-california\">Research\u003c/a> shows that such sites reduce hospitalizations, lower public costs, and save lives. Gov. Newsom vetoed a bill in 2022 that would have allowed a limited number of California cities to pilot these facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most effective solutions are often the ones people fear the most,” Ciccarone said. “What we need now is the courage and political will to take bolder steps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another critical policy gap, according to Humphreys, is the failure to pass a \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB3073/id/2966699\">bill\u003c/a> that would have mandated wastewater testing for illicit drugs. This measure died in committee earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wastewater testing reveals where drugs are being used and what’s circulating in the community,” Humphreys said. “It’s an early warning system for dangerous substances, and it also shows whether investments in treatment, prevention, and law enforcement are actually making a difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, 7,748 Californians died from fentanyl overdoses, more than double the number just five years ago, according to the CDC. While the new laws represent significant progress, addiction experts caution that the road to reversing the opioid crisis remains long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several additional bills signed by Newsom are aimed at curbing fentanyl use and saving lives:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 2429\u003c/strong>: Expands high school health education to include lessons on the dangers of fentanyl use.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 2136\u003c/strong>: Prevents law enforcement from arresting individuals who allow harm reduction service providers to test their drugs.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 997\u003c/strong>: Authorizes middle and high school students to carry naloxone and requires schools to stock and distribute fentanyl test strips.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 908\u003c/strong>: Directs the state’s health department to investigate fentanyl-related deaths among children ages 0 to 5.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 1468\u003c/strong>: Encourages providers to prescribe a three-day supply of narcotic medication to begin detoxification or maintenance treatment for people using opioids.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 910\u003c/strong>: Enhances programming, drug testing, and medication-assisted treatment for individuals in the criminal justice system.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s $20-an-hour\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\"> minimum wage\u003c/a> for larger fast food chains has not led to overall job losses, according to a new report by UC Berkeley’s Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new wage floor, the highest in the U.S., went into effect on April 1. According to research by economists Michael Reich of UC Berkeley and Denis Sosinskiy of UC Davis, menu prices have only slightly increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> found that hundreds of thousands of fast-food workers saw their hourly pay rise by an average of 18%, yet the wage hike did not reduce employment, as industry groups had warned. Menu prices grew by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The policy did not affect employment adversely. It did increase fast food prices, on a one-time basis only, by about 3.7%,” the authors concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are consistent with the bulk of minimum wage studies, which find “minimal employment effects,” Reich and Sosinskiy wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To assess the policy’s effect on industry employment, Reich and Sosinskiy used the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Current Employment Statistics. In a category of businesses dominated by fast food, the data show about 750,000 jobs statewide in July 2024 and July 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983537\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983537\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom poses for a portrait in the Sacramento KQED offices on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The report comes as California voters will decide the fate of a minimum wage bump to $18 an hour by 2026 for all employees. Opponents of Proposition 32, which is on the November ballot, argue that businesses adjusting to a more costly payroll would be forced to raise consumer prices and slash jobs, a position similar to those who fought the fast food wage hike when it was being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 32 would not impact higher pay floors already set by dozens of cities and counties or in certain industries, such as fast food and health care. Most health care facilities will be required \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm#:~:text=When%20does%20the%20minimum%20wage,in%20the%202024%20Budget%2C%20or\">to start\u003c/a> gradually increasing the hourly minimum wage to $25 as early as Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001133 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/FastFoodWorkersGetty1-1020x712.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom, who signed the state law enacting the fast food wage hike last September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">touted federal jobs data\u003c/a> pointing to industry growth despite higher payroll expenses. Critics responded by highlighting a separate federal data set adjusted for seasonal variations, which shows relatively small job losses of about 2,200 from April through August in quick-service restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, there were approximately 737,000 \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">fast food jobs\u003c/a> as of last month, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Most fast-food employees in California are adult women of color who, in 2022, made an hourly \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/09/28/california-increases-minimum-wage-protections-for-fast-food-workers/\">average\u003c/a> of $16.21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses, the law Newsom signed in 2023 only applies to fast food restaurants in chains that have 60 or more locations nationwide to mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation also established a first-of-its-kind Fast Food Council made up of worker and employer representatives. It has the authority to keep increasing the industry’s minimum wage by up to 3.5% annually. At a council meeting in Los Angeles earlier this month, dozens of franchise restaurant owners requested the nine-member council hold off from mandating another increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many said they struggled financially to cope with the current pay of at least $20 an hour, had reduced work hours or jobs and even closed stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s $20-an-hour\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\"> minimum wage\u003c/a> for larger fast food chains has not led to overall job losses, according to a new report by UC Berkeley’s Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new wage floor, the highest in the U.S., went into effect on April 1. According to research by economists Michael Reich of UC Berkeley and Denis Sosinskiy of UC Davis, menu prices have only slightly increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> found that hundreds of thousands of fast-food workers saw their hourly pay rise by an average of 18%, yet the wage hike did not reduce employment, as industry groups had warned. Menu prices grew by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The policy did not affect employment adversely. It did increase fast food prices, on a one-time basis only, by about 3.7%,” the authors concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are consistent with the bulk of minimum wage studies, which find “minimal employment effects,” Reich and Sosinskiy wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To assess the policy’s effect on industry employment, Reich and Sosinskiy used the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Current Employment Statistics. In a category of businesses dominated by fast food, the data show about 750,000 jobs statewide in July 2024 and July 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983537\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983537\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom poses for a portrait in the Sacramento KQED offices on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The report comes as California voters will decide the fate of a minimum wage bump to $18 an hour by 2026 for all employees. Opponents of Proposition 32, which is on the November ballot, argue that businesses adjusting to a more costly payroll would be forced to raise consumer prices and slash jobs, a position similar to those who fought the fast food wage hike when it was being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 32 would not impact higher pay floors already set by dozens of cities and counties or in certain industries, such as fast food and health care. Most health care facilities will be required \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm#:~:text=When%20does%20the%20minimum%20wage,in%20the%202024%20Budget%2C%20or\">to start\u003c/a> gradually increasing the hourly minimum wage to $25 as early as Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom, who signed the state law enacting the fast food wage hike last September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">touted federal jobs data\u003c/a> pointing to industry growth despite higher payroll expenses. Critics responded by highlighting a separate federal data set adjusted for seasonal variations, which shows relatively small job losses of about 2,200 from April through August in quick-service restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, there were approximately 737,000 \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">fast food jobs\u003c/a> as of last month, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Most fast-food employees in California are adult women of color who, in 2022, made an hourly \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/09/28/california-increases-minimum-wage-protections-for-fast-food-workers/\">average\u003c/a> of $16.21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses, the law Newsom signed in 2023 only applies to fast food restaurants in chains that have 60 or more locations nationwide to mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation also established a first-of-its-kind Fast Food Council made up of worker and employer representatives. It has the authority to keep increasing the industry’s minimum wage by up to 3.5% annually. At a council meeting in Los Angeles earlier this month, dozens of franchise restaurant owners requested the nine-member council hold off from mandating another increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many said they struggled financially to cope with the current pay of at least $20 an hour, had reduced work hours or jobs and even closed stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>[Updated at 3:15 p.m. Sept. 30]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> sued a Catholic hospital in Northern California for denying a pregnant patient emergency abortion care, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> announced during a Monday press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the lawsuit, filed in Humboldt County Superior Court, Bonta alleges Providence St. Joseph Hospital in Eureka violated multiple laws, including the state’s Emergency Services Law, which mandates hospitals to provide care “necessary to relieve or eliminate the emergency medical condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case reveals the limits and challenges of abortion access in California despite the state having some of the nation’s strongest reproductive health protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Eureka resident Dr. Anna Nusslock was 15 weeks pregnant when her water broke, she said at the press conference. Multiple doctors told her that the twins she was carrying would not survive, and if she didn’t receive an emergency abortion, neither would she. But Providence St. Joseph Hospital told Nusslock that it could not provide her with an abortion due to a hospital policy prohibiting medical intervention so long as “fetal heart tones” were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While experiencing bleeding and “blinding pain,” Nusslock was rushed 12 miles to Mad River Community Hospital in Arcata, California, where she received a life-saving surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am here today to tell my story for one simple reason, because I don’t want other people in my community to experience the same life-threatening trauma that I experienced,” Nusslock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said that it’s not unusual to hear tragic stories of women denied life-saving treatment coming out of the 22 states with full or partial abortion bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as Anna’s story illustrates, even here in California, we are not immune from this problem,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence, which operates 51 hospitals and 1,000 clinics on the West Coast, a spokesperson said the hospital learned about the lawsuit Monday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are currently reviewing the filings to understand what is being alleged,” Bryan Kawasaki wrote in a statement, which added that the hospital was “heartbroken” over Nusslock’s experience. “We review every event that may not have met our patient needs or expectations to understand what happened and take appropriate steps to meet those needs and expectations for every patient we encounter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s suit also alleges that Providence’s policy discriminates against pregnant patients, providing different choices than they would for other patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005009 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/iStock_000039661108_Large_qed-1020x678.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hospital ignores the medical advice of their physicians and the desires of their patients, subjecting them to intrusive hospital policies that are of no benefit to the patient’s health,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mary Ziegler, an abortion law expert at UC Davis, said that although the state has some of the strongest abortion rights in the country, there are “parts of California where those rights aren’t being realized.” That tends to be in disproportionately rural, conservative and smaller communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve also seen the influence of which kinds of hospitals operate in those communities,” Ziegler said. “Catholic and conservative hospitals tend to have different policies regarding access to these rights than others do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Widely seen as a potential candidate for governor in 2026, Bonta has used his enforcement powers to preserve and strengthen reproductive rights in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Bonta welcomed abortion care providers from states with restrictive laws like Arizona and Idaho, promising to protect them from anti-abortion laws. Last year, Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11962088/california-sues-anti-abortion-counseling-centers-says-they-misled-women\">sued an anti-abortion group\u003c/a> and a chain of anti-abortion counseling centers, alleging the organizations misled women when they offered unproven treatments to reverse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990192/what-the-supreme-court-ruling-on-the-abortion-pill-means-for-access-in-california\">medication abortions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said his attorneys believe there may be others who have endured experiences similar to Nusslock and urged others who may have been denied medical care to share their stories with the state Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t yet know the full scope of this problem or how many patients have suffered, but we do know that unless we act, this will happen again and again,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ziegler said the state government has made major financial and political commitments facilitating abortion access, positioning itself as an “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002780/california-democrats-strike-back-against-local-conservative-rebellions-on-lgbtq-rights-abortion\">abortion sanctuary\u003c/a>” since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the constitutional right to an abortion two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge now is to make those resources work in underprivileged parts of California,” Ziegler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There may need to be more kind of targeted work done at the local level — as opposed to the state level — to make sure that the people we know are still not aware of or able to access those resources are able to do so,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>[Updated at 3:15 p.m. Sept. 30]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> sued a Catholic hospital in Northern California for denying a pregnant patient emergency abortion care, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> announced during a Monday press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the lawsuit, filed in Humboldt County Superior Court, Bonta alleges Providence St. Joseph Hospital in Eureka violated multiple laws, including the state’s Emergency Services Law, which mandates hospitals to provide care “necessary to relieve or eliminate the emergency medical condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case reveals the limits and challenges of abortion access in California despite the state having some of the nation’s strongest reproductive health protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Eureka resident Dr. Anna Nusslock was 15 weeks pregnant when her water broke, she said at the press conference. Multiple doctors told her that the twins she was carrying would not survive, and if she didn’t receive an emergency abortion, neither would she. But Providence St. Joseph Hospital told Nusslock that it could not provide her with an abortion due to a hospital policy prohibiting medical intervention so long as “fetal heart tones” were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While experiencing bleeding and “blinding pain,” Nusslock was rushed 12 miles to Mad River Community Hospital in Arcata, California, where she received a life-saving surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am here today to tell my story for one simple reason, because I don’t want other people in my community to experience the same life-threatening trauma that I experienced,” Nusslock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said that it’s not unusual to hear tragic stories of women denied life-saving treatment coming out of the 22 states with full or partial abortion bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as Anna’s story illustrates, even here in California, we are not immune from this problem,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence, which operates 51 hospitals and 1,000 clinics on the West Coast, a spokesperson said the hospital learned about the lawsuit Monday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are currently reviewing the filings to understand what is being alleged,” Bryan Kawasaki wrote in a statement, which added that the hospital was “heartbroken” over Nusslock’s experience. “We review every event that may not have met our patient needs or expectations to understand what happened and take appropriate steps to meet those needs and expectations for every patient we encounter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s suit also alleges that Providence’s policy discriminates against pregnant patients, providing different choices than they would for other patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hospital ignores the medical advice of their physicians and the desires of their patients, subjecting them to intrusive hospital policies that are of no benefit to the patient’s health,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mary Ziegler, an abortion law expert at UC Davis, said that although the state has some of the strongest abortion rights in the country, there are “parts of California where those rights aren’t being realized.” That tends to be in disproportionately rural, conservative and smaller communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve also seen the influence of which kinds of hospitals operate in those communities,” Ziegler said. “Catholic and conservative hospitals tend to have different policies regarding access to these rights than others do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Widely seen as a potential candidate for governor in 2026, Bonta has used his enforcement powers to preserve and strengthen reproductive rights in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Bonta welcomed abortion care providers from states with restrictive laws like Arizona and Idaho, promising to protect them from anti-abortion laws. Last year, Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11962088/california-sues-anti-abortion-counseling-centers-says-they-misled-women\">sued an anti-abortion group\u003c/a> and a chain of anti-abortion counseling centers, alleging the organizations misled women when they offered unproven treatments to reverse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990192/what-the-supreme-court-ruling-on-the-abortion-pill-means-for-access-in-california\">medication abortions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said his attorneys believe there may be others who have endured experiences similar to Nusslock and urged others who may have been denied medical care to share their stories with the state Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t yet know the full scope of this problem or how many patients have suffered, but we do know that unless we act, this will happen again and again,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ziegler said the state government has made major financial and political commitments facilitating abortion access, positioning itself as an “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002780/california-democrats-strike-back-against-local-conservative-rebellions-on-lgbtq-rights-abortion\">abortion sanctuary\u003c/a>” since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the constitutional right to an abortion two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge now is to make those resources work in underprivileged parts of California,” Ziegler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There may need to be more kind of targeted work done at the local level — as opposed to the state level — to make sure that the people we know are still not aware of or able to access those resources are able to do so,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-francisco-advocates-intensify-call-for-newsom-to-sign-traffic-safety-bill-after-recent-pedestrian-deaths",
"title": "Newsom Vetoes Traffic Safety Bill, Despite Pressure After Recent Pedestrian Deaths",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 6 p.m. Saturday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has vetoed a bill that would have required most passenger vehicles sold in California to have additional passive intelligent speed assistance systems to alert drivers when they go 10 miles per hour or more over the speed limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco pedestrian advocates had been ramping up pressure on Newsom to sign the state bill, saying it would have helped reduce traffic-related deaths and serious injuries in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The calls for Newsom to sign the bill, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco, intensified after two pedestrians were killed on Lombard St. in just the last two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walk SF’s Marta Lindsey said that, despite the efforts by officials to curtail traffic-related fatalities, the data speaks for itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are dealing with a multi-headed beast,” Lindsey said. “How our streets are designed is so important in terms of how drivers behave, and so in the last 10 years, the city has been doing a lot of the right things, but it hasn’t happened at the scale or the number of layers needed to address the fact that the threat has risen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rise in road deaths in California is a completely preventable tragedy,” Wiener said in a statement. “The evidence is clear: Rising levels of dangerous speeding are placing all Californians in danger, and by taking prudent steps to improve safety, we can save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police are still pursuing their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10413631/san-francisco-fire-department-signs-on-to-vision-zero-pedestrian-safety-plan\">Vision Zero \u003c/a>goal, six months after the deadline that the city set in its 2014 initiative to reduce citywide traffic-related deaths to zero within 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"pedestrian-safety\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco has seemingly made little consistent progress on that front: \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data/traffic-fatalities#traffic-fatalities\">39 pedestrians \u003c/a>were killed in 2022 alone, the deadliest year for traffic-related fatalities since 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the city’s Department of Public Health has already reported 23 traffic fatalities so far this year, exceeding the 22 recorded in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Riggs, a USCF professor who focuses on mobility and transportation issues, believes that educating the public in simple terms is an often overlooked piece of the Vision Zero puzzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we consider Vision Zero, I think we forget substantive components about how we influence not only drivers but bicyclists and pedestrians to be responsible roadway users,” Riggs said. He points to a unique approach that San Francisco police took last week when an officer donned an inflatable chicken suit and crossed the road at the intersection of Alemany Boulevard and Rousseau Street in the city’s Excelsior neighborhood, where a 76-year-old man \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/pedestrian-dies-hit-and-run-s-f-18690047.php\"> was killed in a hit-and-run earlier this year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who didn’t stop for the officer in the chicken suit were immediately flagged by other officers standing by and issued citations for failing to yield to a pedestrian. A video of the chicken exercise was \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/collinrugg/status/1837639499247178090?s=12\"> posted on X\u003c/a>, drawing about 6 million views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many different kinds of educational frames we can put on what is happening on the roadway that don’t involve planner speak or engineering speak,” Riggs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a formal veto request letter to Newsom, the California Senate Republican Caucus called SB 961 “overly prescriptive” and said that “the real focus should be on increasing law enforcement presence in our communities and appropriately punishing those who blatantly disregard traffic laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cathy Chase, the president of Advocates for Highway and Auto Safety, which supported the bill, said, “We need to flip the script and think about how many people are being killed on our roadways — preventably — when we have solutions at hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We need a multipronged approach where there is more effective law enforcement of traffic safety violations, and also the use of available technology to slow cars down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lindsey, of Walk SF, said she was not at all surprised about pushback against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They fought seatbelts, by the way, they fought windshield wipers, they fought airbags, they fought the rearview cameras,” she said, referring to the auto industry and anti-regulatory lawmakers. “They fight all of this stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco has seemingly made little consistent progress on that front: \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data/traffic-fatalities#traffic-fatalities\">39 pedestrians \u003c/a>were killed in 2022 alone, the deadliest year for traffic-related fatalities since 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the city’s Department of Public Health has already reported 23 traffic fatalities so far this year, exceeding the 22 recorded in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Riggs, a USCF professor who focuses on mobility and transportation issues, believes that educating the public in simple terms is an often overlooked piece of the Vision Zero puzzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we consider Vision Zero, I think we forget substantive components about how we influence not only drivers but bicyclists and pedestrians to be responsible roadway users,” Riggs said. He points to a unique approach that San Francisco police took last week when an officer donned an inflatable chicken suit and crossed the road at the intersection of Alemany Boulevard and Rousseau Street in the city’s Excelsior neighborhood, where a 76-year-old man \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/pedestrian-dies-hit-and-run-s-f-18690047.php\"> was killed in a hit-and-run earlier this year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who didn’t stop for the officer in the chicken suit were immediately flagged by other officers standing by and issued citations for failing to yield to a pedestrian. A video of the chicken exercise was \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/collinrugg/status/1837639499247178090?s=12\"> posted on X\u003c/a>, drawing about 6 million views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many different kinds of educational frames we can put on what is happening on the roadway that don’t involve planner speak or engineering speak,” Riggs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a formal veto request letter to Newsom, the California Senate Republican Caucus called SB 961 “overly prescriptive” and said that “the real focus should be on increasing law enforcement presence in our communities and appropriately punishing those who blatantly disregard traffic laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cathy Chase, the president of Advocates for Highway and Auto Safety, which supported the bill, said, “We need to flip the script and think about how many people are being killed on our roadways — preventably — when we have solutions at hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We need a multipronged approach where there is more effective law enforcement of traffic safety violations, and also the use of available technology to slow cars down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lindsey, of Walk SF, said she was not at all surprised about pushback against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They fought seatbelts, by the way, they fought windshield wipers, they fought airbags, they fought the rearview cameras,” she said, referring to the auto industry and anti-regulatory lawmakers. “They fight all of this stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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