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"content": "\u003cp>Maria Vargas sells sliced jicama, cucumbers, and watermelon, among other fruits, from a sidewalk stand in San Francisco’s Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The El Salvadoran immigrant has two children and is expecting a third. After losing her previous job, she said she had no other choice but to find some way to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is more expensive,” Vargas said in Spanish. “Food and rent are increasing by a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of increasing household costs are top of mind for many Latinos in San Francisco and across the country, and are becoming a key campaign issue in this election year. While Latino voters have historically supported Democrats, Latino voter organizations say these concerns — and in particular, skyrocketing rents — are propelling some to shift their political alliances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That should worry presidential candidates, along with politicians competing for seats in congressional battleground states, though experts say there isn’t much evidence that trend has taken root yet in California. The Pew Research Center \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/religious-landscape-study/database/compare/party-affiliation/by/racial-and-ethnic-composition/among/state/california/\">found\u003c/a> that among adults in the state, approximately 50% of Latinos lean Democratic, 21% lean Republican and 29% expressed no party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Madrid, a partner at the public relations firm Grassroots Lab, said Democrats’ concern with cultural issues is missing the core political issue for many Latinos: the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really no longer the party of the working class, and it shows in its policy and its priorities,” he said. “The working class is starting to revolt. They’re starting to say, ‘Enough.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that for the past 30 years, Latinos have always focused on growth in the economy, but the current climate is different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996023\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Vargas sells fruit on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was always about what opportunities lay before me, for my family, for my children, those were the primary economic concerns,” he said. “Today, it’s basic survival. It’s affordability and the inability to support a family in any reasonable way, with paying rents and trying to buy a home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://gordoninstitute.fiu.edu/research/latino-public-opinion-forum/annual-hispanic-public-opinion-survey-2023.pdf\">survey (PDF)\u003c/a> from Florida International University and marketing firm Adsmovil, 1 in 5 Latino voters nationally have considered changing their political affiliation to another party or registering as independents. A majority of those voters — 61% — said that they would be open to leaving the Democratic Party, with a plurality of those — 38% — becoming Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an important group for either party to woo: According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/01/10/key-facts-about-hispanic-eligible-voters-in-2024/\">Pew Research Center,\u003c/a> Latinos are projected to account for nearly 15% of all eligible voters in November 2024, a new high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/unidosus_national_surveyoflatinovoters.pdf\">national poll conducted last year (PDF) \u003c/a>from the Latino civil rights organization, UnidosUS, and Mi Familia Vota shows that Latinos ranked inflation and the rising cost of living, jobs and the economy, and health care as the three most important issues they would like to see addressed by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996021\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996021\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cesar Avila stands in the shop he runs, Bay Area Revives, on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of those surveyed, 47% of Latino voters approved of President Joe Biden’s job performance, with nearly as many — 44% — disapproving. But, despite that, many were willing to stick with Democrats, as 39% of respondents said Democrats would be better able to address inflation and the rising cost of living, while only 21% said Republicans would be more effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People want solutions that they’re going to feel in their pocketbook in the near-term,” said Laura Arce, senior vice president of economic initiatives at UnidosUS. “Not just … promises of policies in the future, but how will I be able to afford my mortgage or my rent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, President Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995878/ai-raising-the-rent-san-francisco-could-be-the-first-city-to-ban-the-practice\">announced a plan\u003c/a> to withhold some federal tax breaks for large landlords if they raise rents by more than 5% per year. And former President Donald Trump, who’s made combating rising inflation a central tenet of his campaign, focused \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/how-donald-trump-plans-fix-housing-market-1811663\">his housing plan\u003c/a> on cutting energy costs and interest rates to increase housing construction\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As November rolls around, Arce is glad that housing has garnered mainstream attention and “entered the political debate” in a way she hasn’t seen before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there is growing recognition by our elected officials and our candidates that a lot of the angst around our economic situation is centered around housing, and something needs to happen,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996580\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mission District resident Blanca Trujillo stands in front of an empty building on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arce pointed to past \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/unidosus_systemicracism_executivesummary.pdf\">policies of exclusion and discrimination (PDF)\u003c/a> that have led to historically lower homeownership rates among Latinos, adding that because of these policies, Latino homebuyers are at a disadvantage when it comes to purchasing a home. They are less likely to be able to rely on generational wealth, she said, and also less likely to be able to rely on “generational knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to white households, Latino households’ median income is 45% lower, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-housing-divide/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. And, nearly 60% of Latinos pay more than a third of their income on housing. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/research-and-statistics/research-reports/snapshot-of-race-and-home-buying-in-america\">51% of Latinos were homeowners\u003c/a>, compared to 72% of white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a lot of Latino first-time homebuyers, they are also first-generation homebuyers, and so they don’t have the family wealth to lean on to help with a down payment,” Arce said. “They also may not have that expertise within the family of someone they can ask for advice about how to determine what’s a good mortgage product for me [and] what should I be looking for in a house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco — as well as in much of the Bay Area — rising rents make it even harder for Latino residents to save for a down payment, said Julio Vidal, owner of Ceviche 19, a Peruvian restaurant in the Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affordable housing is out of reach for Latinos because rent costs are too high,” Vidal said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996577\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996577\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julio Vidal sits in Plaza Adelante on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nor does it help, said Blanca Trujillo, a Mexican-American woman living in San Francisco’s Mission District, that many Bay Area Latinos have to sometimes work two or three jobs to be able to afford stable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a family has stable housing, it helps with safety and with mental health,” Trujillo said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message for both Democrats and Republicans nationally, Trujillo said, is simple: “This is a basic need for any family. They should focus more on building more housing in neighborhoods. As politicians, they know what our neighborhoods and families need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Madrid said the question is whether local leaders want a society with “de facto segregation” when it comes to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless San Francisco wants to lose its image as sort of a diverse, multiethnic, multiracial community,” he said, “it’s going to have to address housing for this community as a central part of its governance strategy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In heavily Democratic California, Latinos are not likely to switch parties, despite high housing costs and the remnants of inflation, which are prompting some Latinos nationally to don red.",
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"title": "California Latinos Call on Local, National Leaders to Address Housing, Economy | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Maria Vargas sells sliced jicama, cucumbers, and watermelon, among other fruits, from a sidewalk stand in San Francisco’s Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The El Salvadoran immigrant has two children and is expecting a third. After losing her previous job, she said she had no other choice but to find some way to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is more expensive,” Vargas said in Spanish. “Food and rent are increasing by a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of increasing household costs are top of mind for many Latinos in San Francisco and across the country, and are becoming a key campaign issue in this election year. While Latino voters have historically supported Democrats, Latino voter organizations say these concerns — and in particular, skyrocketing rents — are propelling some to shift their political alliances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That should worry presidential candidates, along with politicians competing for seats in congressional battleground states, though experts say there isn’t much evidence that trend has taken root yet in California. The Pew Research Center \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/religious-landscape-study/database/compare/party-affiliation/by/racial-and-ethnic-composition/among/state/california/\">found\u003c/a> that among adults in the state, approximately 50% of Latinos lean Democratic, 21% lean Republican and 29% expressed no party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Madrid, a partner at the public relations firm Grassroots Lab, said Democrats’ concern with cultural issues is missing the core political issue for many Latinos: the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really no longer the party of the working class, and it shows in its policy and its priorities,” he said. “The working class is starting to revolt. They’re starting to say, ‘Enough.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that for the past 30 years, Latinos have always focused on growth in the economy, but the current climate is different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996023\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Vargas sells fruit on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was always about what opportunities lay before me, for my family, for my children, those were the primary economic concerns,” he said. “Today, it’s basic survival. It’s affordability and the inability to support a family in any reasonable way, with paying rents and trying to buy a home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://gordoninstitute.fiu.edu/research/latino-public-opinion-forum/annual-hispanic-public-opinion-survey-2023.pdf\">survey (PDF)\u003c/a> from Florida International University and marketing firm Adsmovil, 1 in 5 Latino voters nationally have considered changing their political affiliation to another party or registering as independents. A majority of those voters — 61% — said that they would be open to leaving the Democratic Party, with a plurality of those — 38% — becoming Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an important group for either party to woo: According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/01/10/key-facts-about-hispanic-eligible-voters-in-2024/\">Pew Research Center,\u003c/a> Latinos are projected to account for nearly 15% of all eligible voters in November 2024, a new high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/unidosus_national_surveyoflatinovoters.pdf\">national poll conducted last year (PDF) \u003c/a>from the Latino civil rights organization, UnidosUS, and Mi Familia Vota shows that Latinos ranked inflation and the rising cost of living, jobs and the economy, and health care as the three most important issues they would like to see addressed by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996021\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996021\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cesar Avila stands in the shop he runs, Bay Area Revives, on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of those surveyed, 47% of Latino voters approved of President Joe Biden’s job performance, with nearly as many — 44% — disapproving. But, despite that, many were willing to stick with Democrats, as 39% of respondents said Democrats would be better able to address inflation and the rising cost of living, while only 21% said Republicans would be more effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People want solutions that they’re going to feel in their pocketbook in the near-term,” said Laura Arce, senior vice president of economic initiatives at UnidosUS. “Not just … promises of policies in the future, but how will I be able to afford my mortgage or my rent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, President Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995878/ai-raising-the-rent-san-francisco-could-be-the-first-city-to-ban-the-practice\">announced a plan\u003c/a> to withhold some federal tax breaks for large landlords if they raise rents by more than 5% per year. And former President Donald Trump, who’s made combating rising inflation a central tenet of his campaign, focused \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/how-donald-trump-plans-fix-housing-market-1811663\">his housing plan\u003c/a> on cutting energy costs and interest rates to increase housing construction\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As November rolls around, Arce is glad that housing has garnered mainstream attention and “entered the political debate” in a way she hasn’t seen before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there is growing recognition by our elected officials and our candidates that a lot of the angst around our economic situation is centered around housing, and something needs to happen,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996580\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mission District resident Blanca Trujillo stands in front of an empty building on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arce pointed to past \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/unidosus_systemicracism_executivesummary.pdf\">policies of exclusion and discrimination (PDF)\u003c/a> that have led to historically lower homeownership rates among Latinos, adding that because of these policies, Latino homebuyers are at a disadvantage when it comes to purchasing a home. They are less likely to be able to rely on generational wealth, she said, and also less likely to be able to rely on “generational knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to white households, Latino households’ median income is 45% lower, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-housing-divide/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. And, nearly 60% of Latinos pay more than a third of their income on housing. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/research-and-statistics/research-reports/snapshot-of-race-and-home-buying-in-america\">51% of Latinos were homeowners\u003c/a>, compared to 72% of white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a lot of Latino first-time homebuyers, they are also first-generation homebuyers, and so they don’t have the family wealth to lean on to help with a down payment,” Arce said. “They also may not have that expertise within the family of someone they can ask for advice about how to determine what’s a good mortgage product for me [and] what should I be looking for in a house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco — as well as in much of the Bay Area — rising rents make it even harder for Latino residents to save for a down payment, said Julio Vidal, owner of Ceviche 19, a Peruvian restaurant in the Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affordable housing is out of reach for Latinos because rent costs are too high,” Vidal said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996577\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996577\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julio Vidal sits in Plaza Adelante on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nor does it help, said Blanca Trujillo, a Mexican-American woman living in San Francisco’s Mission District, that many Bay Area Latinos have to sometimes work two or three jobs to be able to afford stable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a family has stable housing, it helps with safety and with mental health,” Trujillo said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message for both Democrats and Republicans nationally, Trujillo said, is simple: “This is a basic need for any family. They should focus more on building more housing in neighborhoods. As politicians, they know what our neighborhoods and families need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Madrid said the question is whether local leaders want a society with “de facto segregation” when it comes to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless San Francisco wants to lose its image as sort of a diverse, multiethnic, multiracial community,” he said, “it’s going to have to address housing for this community as a central part of its governance strategy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "in-a-california-gold-rush-town-black-families-fight-for-land-taken-from-their-ancestors",
"title": "In a California Gold Rush Town, Black Families Fight for Land Taken From Their Ancestors",
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"headTitle": "In a California Gold Rush Town, Black Families Fight for Land Taken From Their Ancestors | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a tiny town where the California gold rush began, Black families are seeking restitution for land that was taken from their ancestors to make way for a state park now frequented by fourth graders learning about the state’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their efforts in Coloma, a town of around 300 people that’s located about 36 miles northeast of Sacramento, are one of the latest examples of Black Americans urging the government to atone for practices that have kept them from thriving long after chattel slavery was abolished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debates over reparations for African Americans often come back to land. That was at the center of a promise originally made — and later broken — by the U.S. government to formerly enslaved Black people in the mid-1800s: Give them up to 40 acres of land as restitution for their time enslaved. For some, the promise of reparations has been nothing more than fool’s gold, epitomized by a bill in Congress that’s stalled since it was first introduced in the 1980s, even though it’s aimed at studying reparations and named after the original promise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fight in Coloma is taking place in a state where the governor signed a first-in-the-nation law to study reparations. But advocates are pushing for the state to go further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gold was found near Coloma in 1848 by James W. Marshall, a white carpenter, setting off the California gold rush that saw hundreds of thousands of people from across the nation and outside of the U.S. come — or be brought — to the state. Those who migrated included white, Asian, and free and enslaved Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996590\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996590\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Descendants of Nelson Bell, brothers Milford Fonza (front left) and Elmer Fonza (front right) surrounded by extended family members, show their ancestors’ pictures in Glendora, Los Angeles County, on Sept. 8, 2023. Family members standing from left: Trent Mure, with son Armani Mure, and his wife Tami Mure, William Woolery, Louie Hobbs and Carolyn Fonza. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Decades later, Black and white families had their land taken by the government in the town before it was turned into the Marshall Gold Discovery State Historic Park, which opened in 1942. The park today is home to a museum, churches and cemeteries where residents were buried. A nearly 42-foot monument of Marshall stands on its grounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the history of Black families who settled in Coloma only recently started getting increased recognition. California State Parks launched an initiative in 2020 to reexamine its past and to tell “a more thorough, inclusive, and complete history” of California, department spokesperson Adeline Yee said in an email to The Associated Press. The department created a webpage with information about properties owned by Black families at the park in Coloma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996591\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996591\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"663\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824-800x518.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824-1020x660.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824-160x104.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marshall Gold Discovery State Park where gold was first discovered in 1885, in Coloma, on Dec. 4, 2015. \u003ccite>(Education Images/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Elmer Fonza, a retiree who worked at a brewery in California before eventually relocating to Nevada, said he is the third-great grandson of Nelson Bell, a formerly enslaved Black man from Virginia who became a property owner in Coloma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Bell’s death in 1869, a judge determined he had no heirs in the state, and his estate was sold at an auction, according to a probate document shared by the El Dorado County Historical Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996593\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996593\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the South Fork of the American River at Coloma in El Dorado County. \u003ccite>(Carol M. Highsmith/Buyenlarge/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It is unclear what happened to Bell’s property in the years that followed, Fonza said, adding that the land should be returned to his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We rightfully believe that we have been denied the generational wealth that our family may have been entitled to if given our rightful inheritance — the land once owned by Nelson Bell,” he said at the final meeting of a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-apology-0108745176cc1fd60eb036fba112f72b#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%2C%20Calif.,compensate%20the%20descendants%20of%20slavery.\">first-in-the-nation state reparations task force\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Gooch, a Black woman, was brought to Coloma from the South in 1849 by a white man who enslaved her and her husband. Gooch was soon freed when California became a state and worked as a cook and cleaned laundry for miners. She later brought her son, Andrew Monroe, from Missouri to join them in the town. The Monroe-Gooch family would become one of the most prosperous Black landowners in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996594\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996594\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People cross Mt. Murphy Road Bridge into the Marshall Gold Discovery State Historic Park on Oct. 10, 2023, in Coloma. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have to bring forth the truth, because that’s reconciliation,” said Jonathan Burgess, a Sacramento resident who co-owns a barbecue catering business, and who also is claiming land in Coloma was that of his descendants. “And then once we bring forth the truth, which I’ve been doing in speaking the whole time, we’ve got to make it right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making it right would mean compensating families for land that can’t be returned or returning property where possible, Burgess said in an interview at the park. He said he is descended from Rufus Morgan Burgess, a Black writer who was brought to Coloma with his father, who was enslaved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jonathan Burgess also said his family is descended from Bell, but the Fonza and Burgess families say they are not related to each other. The discrepancy highlights the difficult work that could be ahead for Black residents if California ever passes reparations legislation requiring families to document their lineage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996595\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996595\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family heirlooms are seen inside Matthew Burgess’ home, Oct. 9, 2023, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cheryl Austin, a retiree living in Sacramento, said she is an heir of John A. Wilson and Phoebe Wilson, a free, married Black couple who came to Coloma during the late 1850s. After John and Phoebe Wilson died, their property was sold through probate, Austin said. The state must somehow repair harm done to families whose property was seized, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restitution fight in California comes as lawmakers are weighing reparations proposals in the state Legislature. That includes a bill to create the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency, which would help Black residents research their family lineage. Another proposal would make any families whose land was seized unjustly by the government due to racially discriminatory motives entitled to the return of the property or compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, which is expected to be voted on this summer, reflects a growing push for restitution by Black families targeting the misuse of a practice known as eminent domain, where the government must pay people fairly for property it plans to make available for public use. The issue garnered attention across the state when local officials in Los Angeles County \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-climate-and-environment-government-politics-a5bebc8ede6fad0e11dacce9350c6b2d\">returned a beachfront property\u003c/a> in 2022 to a Black couple, nearly a century after it was taken by the government from their ancestors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tombstone for ancestors of the Burgess family is seen at the Marshall Gold Discovery State Historic Park cemetery, Oct. 10, 2023, in Coloma. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, California marked a milestone when Democratic Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> included $12 million in the state’s 2024 budget to spend on \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-apology-0108745176cc1fd60eb036fba112f72b\">reparations legislation\u003c/a>. But the budget does not specify what the money would be used for, and estimates from the state say the bills could cost millions of dollars annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, a Los Angeles-area Democrat who authored \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-discrimination-ec3e2ee7b80e4da23c25a7e9490acc0c\">the proposals\u003c/a>, said they will help the state atone for taken land, adding that land ownership is critical to building general wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparations was never about a check,” Bradford said. “It was about land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Austin is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Associated Press photographer Godofredo A. Vásquez contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a tiny town where the California gold rush began, Black families are seeking restitution for land that was taken from their ancestors to make way for a state park now frequented by fourth graders learning about the state’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their efforts in Coloma, a town of around 300 people that’s located about 36 miles northeast of Sacramento, are one of the latest examples of Black Americans urging the government to atone for practices that have kept them from thriving long after chattel slavery was abolished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debates over reparations for African Americans often come back to land. That was at the center of a promise originally made — and later broken — by the U.S. government to formerly enslaved Black people in the mid-1800s: Give them up to 40 acres of land as restitution for their time enslaved. For some, the promise of reparations has been nothing more than fool’s gold, epitomized by a bill in Congress that’s stalled since it was first introduced in the 1980s, even though it’s aimed at studying reparations and named after the original promise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fight in Coloma is taking place in a state where the governor signed a first-in-the-nation law to study reparations. But advocates are pushing for the state to go further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gold was found near Coloma in 1848 by James W. Marshall, a white carpenter, setting off the California gold rush that saw hundreds of thousands of people from across the nation and outside of the U.S. come — or be brought — to the state. Those who migrated included white, Asian, and free and enslaved Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996590\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996590\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Descendants of Nelson Bell, brothers Milford Fonza (front left) and Elmer Fonza (front right) surrounded by extended family members, show their ancestors’ pictures in Glendora, Los Angeles County, on Sept. 8, 2023. Family members standing from left: Trent Mure, with son Armani Mure, and his wife Tami Mure, William Woolery, Louie Hobbs and Carolyn Fonza. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Decades later, Black and white families had their land taken by the government in the town before it was turned into the Marshall Gold Discovery State Historic Park, which opened in 1942. The park today is home to a museum, churches and cemeteries where residents were buried. A nearly 42-foot monument of Marshall stands on its grounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the history of Black families who settled in Coloma only recently started getting increased recognition. California State Parks launched an initiative in 2020 to reexamine its past and to tell “a more thorough, inclusive, and complete history” of California, department spokesperson Adeline Yee said in an email to The Associated Press. The department created a webpage with information about properties owned by Black families at the park in Coloma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996591\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996591\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"663\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824-800x518.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824-1020x660.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824-160x104.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marshall Gold Discovery State Park where gold was first discovered in 1885, in Coloma, on Dec. 4, 2015. \u003ccite>(Education Images/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Elmer Fonza, a retiree who worked at a brewery in California before eventually relocating to Nevada, said he is the third-great grandson of Nelson Bell, a formerly enslaved Black man from Virginia who became a property owner in Coloma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Bell’s death in 1869, a judge determined he had no heirs in the state, and his estate was sold at an auction, according to a probate document shared by the El Dorado County Historical Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996593\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996593\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the South Fork of the American River at Coloma in El Dorado County. \u003ccite>(Carol M. Highsmith/Buyenlarge/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It is unclear what happened to Bell’s property in the years that followed, Fonza said, adding that the land should be returned to his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We rightfully believe that we have been denied the generational wealth that our family may have been entitled to if given our rightful inheritance — the land once owned by Nelson Bell,” he said at the final meeting of a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-apology-0108745176cc1fd60eb036fba112f72b#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%2C%20Calif.,compensate%20the%20descendants%20of%20slavery.\">first-in-the-nation state reparations task force\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Gooch, a Black woman, was brought to Coloma from the South in 1849 by a white man who enslaved her and her husband. Gooch was soon freed when California became a state and worked as a cook and cleaned laundry for miners. She later brought her son, Andrew Monroe, from Missouri to join them in the town. The Monroe-Gooch family would become one of the most prosperous Black landowners in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996594\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996594\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People cross Mt. Murphy Road Bridge into the Marshall Gold Discovery State Historic Park on Oct. 10, 2023, in Coloma. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have to bring forth the truth, because that’s reconciliation,” said Jonathan Burgess, a Sacramento resident who co-owns a barbecue catering business, and who also is claiming land in Coloma was that of his descendants. “And then once we bring forth the truth, which I’ve been doing in speaking the whole time, we’ve got to make it right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making it right would mean compensating families for land that can’t be returned or returning property where possible, Burgess said in an interview at the park. He said he is descended from Rufus Morgan Burgess, a Black writer who was brought to Coloma with his father, who was enslaved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jonathan Burgess also said his family is descended from Bell, but the Fonza and Burgess families say they are not related to each other. The discrepancy highlights the difficult work that could be ahead for Black residents if California ever passes reparations legislation requiring families to document their lineage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996595\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996595\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family heirlooms are seen inside Matthew Burgess’ home, Oct. 9, 2023, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cheryl Austin, a retiree living in Sacramento, said she is an heir of John A. Wilson and Phoebe Wilson, a free, married Black couple who came to Coloma during the late 1850s. After John and Phoebe Wilson died, their property was sold through probate, Austin said. The state must somehow repair harm done to families whose property was seized, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restitution fight in California comes as lawmakers are weighing reparations proposals in the state Legislature. That includes a bill to create the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency, which would help Black residents research their family lineage. Another proposal would make any families whose land was seized unjustly by the government due to racially discriminatory motives entitled to the return of the property or compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, which is expected to be voted on this summer, reflects a growing push for restitution by Black families targeting the misuse of a practice known as eminent domain, where the government must pay people fairly for property it plans to make available for public use. The issue garnered attention across the state when local officials in Los Angeles County \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-climate-and-environment-government-politics-a5bebc8ede6fad0e11dacce9350c6b2d\">returned a beachfront property\u003c/a> in 2022 to a Black couple, nearly a century after it was taken by the government from their ancestors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tombstone for ancestors of the Burgess family is seen at the Marshall Gold Discovery State Historic Park cemetery, Oct. 10, 2023, in Coloma. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, California marked a milestone when Democratic Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> included $12 million in the state’s 2024 budget to spend on \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-apology-0108745176cc1fd60eb036fba112f72b\">reparations legislation\u003c/a>. But the budget does not specify what the money would be used for, and estimates from the state say the bills could cost millions of dollars annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, a Los Angeles-area Democrat who authored \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-discrimination-ec3e2ee7b80e4da23c25a7e9490acc0c\">the proposals\u003c/a>, said they will help the state atone for taken land, adding that land ownership is critical to building general wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparations was never about a check,” Bradford said. “It was about land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Austin is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Associated Press photographer Godofredo A. Vásquez contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "At Republican National Convention, GOP Sees House Majority Running Through California",
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"content": "\u003cp>MILWAUKEE — It’s a message repeated at every stop California delegates have made at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11994004/after-trump-shooting-california-republicans-hope-to-turn-down-the-burner-at-convention\">the Republican National Convention this week in Milwaukee\u003c/a> — at banquet tables, in hotel hallways and on the floor of Fiserv Forum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s GOP sees \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995977/gop-chair-jessica-patterson-on-how-trumps-message-plays-in-california\">their path to maintaining a majority in the House of Representatives\u003c/a> running straight through California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We again have more targeted House races than any other state in the nation, and we will determine who wins majority control in November,” Jessica Millan Patterson, the state’s party chair, told delegates at the Sheraton Milwaukee Brookfield Hotel on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican optimism about the presidential election has trickled down to their view on the 10 California House races deemed competitive by the Cook Political Report — more than any other state. Five of them are Republican-held districts that President Biden won in 2020. While California conservatives acknowledge that local candidates and district-specific factors will affect the November results, party activists are heading home from Wisconsin bursting with confidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California Republicans will be the reason a newly elected President Trump has a GOP House majority to help implement his agenda that will make California and America great again,” Patterson added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With optimism high among party leaders, the focus shifts to key battlegrounds, where tight races could determine the GOP’s success. Among the closest watched seats are a pair of elections in the Central Valley, where GOP incumbents John Duarte and David Valadao will face challenges from the Democrats they defeated in 2022: former state Assemblymembers Adam Gray and Rudy Salas. Republicans are also looking to hold onto the seats held by Rep. Mike Garcia north of Los Angeles and Rep. Ken Calvert in the Inland Empire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County, seats currently occupied by Democratic Rep. Mike Levin and Rep. Katie Porter (who left her seat open after a failed Senate run) and Republican Rep. Michelle Steel and Rep. Young Kim are all in play.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some Republican congressional candidates, the convention in Milwaukee offered an opportunity to network with delegates, national donors and scores of cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an opportunity to put themselves in front of national media, whether it’s traditional mainstream media and get some airtime there or whether it’s more conservative media that will help with fundraising and building their base across the country,” Republican strategist Tim Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Calvert shook hands with GOP delegates at a party luncheon at the Harley-Davidson Museum, before heading to the Discovery World science museum to speak to the Log Cabin Republicans, a group of LGBT party members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Gunderson, a businessman running against Levin in a coastal district spanning San Diego County to Orange County, hopped between interviews along media row at the UW-Milwaukee Panther Arena. He said family ties sealed his decision to attend the RNC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was born and raised in Wisconsin, and it’s likely if this convention was in another state, I wouldn’t have attended,” Gunderson said. “But, as a candidate for Congress, you know that money is the mother’s milk of politics. So I’m using this opportunity to reconnect with some old friends in Wisconsin and hopefully bring some Wisconsin money back to California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996399\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996399\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-2162156999.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-2162156999.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-2162156999-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-2162156999-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-2162156999-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chairperson of the California Republican Party Jessica Millan Patterson speaks on the first day of the Republican National Convention at the Fiserv Forum on July 15, 2024, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. \u003ccite>(Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other candidates in competitive House seats, such as Duarte, Kim and Valadao, made a different calculation: that the week would be better spent back home in their districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Being in Milwaukee, it’s fine; it’s great to be in the spirit of the party, but … we can’t honestly waste a day,” said Randall Avila, executive director of the Orange County Republican Party. “So, you know, coming out here and spending a week is not going to be helpful to the campaign when they need to be out there meeting with voters and earning that support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides, a convention swelling with adoration for Trump is an uncomfortable setting for some of the GOP House hopefuls. The former president has remained deeply unpopular in overwhelmingly blue California, and candidates like Kim and Steel were able to win reelection in districts Biden won in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avila explained that the strategy in those Orange County districts combines high Republican voter turnout, motivated by Trump, with vote-splitting — an increasingly rare occurrence — where voters choose a Democratic presidential candidate and a Republican congressional candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Trump] brings out a lot of voters, and those voters will absolutely vote down the ticket for Republican candidates,” Avila said. “For those independents and no party preference voters, it may be ticket splitting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What makes this cycle different, Republicans say, is the seemingly unsettled fate of the Democratic ticket. As the convention rolled along in Milwaukee, an increasing number of Democrats — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996044/california-democrat-adam-schiff-calls-on-biden-to-drop-out-of-presidential-race\">including Los Angeles Rep. Adam Schiff\u003c/a> — called on Biden to drop out of the race over concerns about his mental fitness and his ability to defeat Trump in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno County GOP Chairwoman Elizabeth Kolstad said in the races in her backyard, which includes the 13th District seat held by Duarte, “crossover votes from Democrats don’t really exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the most part, they will still vote for their candidate no matter how poor he is,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, Kolstad thinks these tight races in the Valley will be decided by “enthusiasm in the candidates,” suggesting that Democratic disillusionment with Biden could have repercussions for the party’s House candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats see California’s competitive House races playing out differently. Their candidates remain financially competitive with Republicans in the tightest districts — and have outraised GOP candidates in recent months. If Biden continues to lag behind Trump in polling, Democratic donors could prioritize their spending down-ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While Republicans unite around their far-right Project 2025 agenda and openly campaign on gutting the resources that California families rely on, we remain optimistic that our path to 218 runs through the Golden State,” Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee spokesperson Dan Gottlieb said, referring to the seats needed for a House majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, Democrats are banking on the fact that California will not be contested political ground in the race for president. Many of the advertisements voters see in these districts will focus on the congressional races, not the top of the ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats have the right mix of candidates, messages, and resources to organize, mobilize, and communicate early and often with California families in the home stretch and retake the House majority,” Gottlieb added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Vince Fong, the newly elected congressman from Bakersfield, acknowledged that a lot could still happen between now and November. Changes to the Democratic ticket, campaigns on California ballot measures, and unexpected headlines could all impact House seats previously decided by the slimmest of margins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But speaking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996144/from-sacramento-to-washington-gop-rep-vince-fong-on-following-kevin-mccarthy-to-the-house\">to KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a> at an RNC event, Fong joined in his delegation’s optimism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the momentum is in our favor,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Guy Marzorati is reporting from the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>MILWAUKEE — It’s a message repeated at every stop California delegates have made at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11994004/after-trump-shooting-california-republicans-hope-to-turn-down-the-burner-at-convention\">the Republican National Convention this week in Milwaukee\u003c/a> — at banquet tables, in hotel hallways and on the floor of Fiserv Forum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s GOP sees \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995977/gop-chair-jessica-patterson-on-how-trumps-message-plays-in-california\">their path to maintaining a majority in the House of Representatives\u003c/a> running straight through California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We again have more targeted House races than any other state in the nation, and we will determine who wins majority control in November,” Jessica Millan Patterson, the state’s party chair, told delegates at the Sheraton Milwaukee Brookfield Hotel on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican optimism about the presidential election has trickled down to their view on the 10 California House races deemed competitive by the Cook Political Report — more than any other state. Five of them are Republican-held districts that President Biden won in 2020. While California conservatives acknowledge that local candidates and district-specific factors will affect the November results, party activists are heading home from Wisconsin bursting with confidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California Republicans will be the reason a newly elected President Trump has a GOP House majority to help implement his agenda that will make California and America great again,” Patterson added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With optimism high among party leaders, the focus shifts to key battlegrounds, where tight races could determine the GOP’s success. Among the closest watched seats are a pair of elections in the Central Valley, where GOP incumbents John Duarte and David Valadao will face challenges from the Democrats they defeated in 2022: former state Assemblymembers Adam Gray and Rudy Salas. Republicans are also looking to hold onto the seats held by Rep. Mike Garcia north of Los Angeles and Rep. Ken Calvert in the Inland Empire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County, seats currently occupied by Democratic Rep. Mike Levin and Rep. Katie Porter (who left her seat open after a failed Senate run) and Republican Rep. Michelle Steel and Rep. Young Kim are all in play.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some Republican congressional candidates, the convention in Milwaukee offered an opportunity to network with delegates, national donors and scores of cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an opportunity to put themselves in front of national media, whether it’s traditional mainstream media and get some airtime there or whether it’s more conservative media that will help with fundraising and building their base across the country,” Republican strategist Tim Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Calvert shook hands with GOP delegates at a party luncheon at the Harley-Davidson Museum, before heading to the Discovery World science museum to speak to the Log Cabin Republicans, a group of LGBT party members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Gunderson, a businessman running against Levin in a coastal district spanning San Diego County to Orange County, hopped between interviews along media row at the UW-Milwaukee Panther Arena. He said family ties sealed his decision to attend the RNC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was born and raised in Wisconsin, and it’s likely if this convention was in another state, I wouldn’t have attended,” Gunderson said. “But, as a candidate for Congress, you know that money is the mother’s milk of politics. So I’m using this opportunity to reconnect with some old friends in Wisconsin and hopefully bring some Wisconsin money back to California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996399\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996399\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-2162156999.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-2162156999.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-2162156999-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-2162156999-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-2162156999-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chairperson of the California Republican Party Jessica Millan Patterson speaks on the first day of the Republican National Convention at the Fiserv Forum on July 15, 2024, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. \u003ccite>(Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other candidates in competitive House seats, such as Duarte, Kim and Valadao, made a different calculation: that the week would be better spent back home in their districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Being in Milwaukee, it’s fine; it’s great to be in the spirit of the party, but … we can’t honestly waste a day,” said Randall Avila, executive director of the Orange County Republican Party. “So, you know, coming out here and spending a week is not going to be helpful to the campaign when they need to be out there meeting with voters and earning that support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides, a convention swelling with adoration for Trump is an uncomfortable setting for some of the GOP House hopefuls. The former president has remained deeply unpopular in overwhelmingly blue California, and candidates like Kim and Steel were able to win reelection in districts Biden won in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avila explained that the strategy in those Orange County districts combines high Republican voter turnout, motivated by Trump, with vote-splitting — an increasingly rare occurrence — where voters choose a Democratic presidential candidate and a Republican congressional candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Trump] brings out a lot of voters, and those voters will absolutely vote down the ticket for Republican candidates,” Avila said. “For those independents and no party preference voters, it may be ticket splitting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What makes this cycle different, Republicans say, is the seemingly unsettled fate of the Democratic ticket. As the convention rolled along in Milwaukee, an increasing number of Democrats — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996044/california-democrat-adam-schiff-calls-on-biden-to-drop-out-of-presidential-race\">including Los Angeles Rep. Adam Schiff\u003c/a> — called on Biden to drop out of the race over concerns about his mental fitness and his ability to defeat Trump in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno County GOP Chairwoman Elizabeth Kolstad said in the races in her backyard, which includes the 13th District seat held by Duarte, “crossover votes from Democrats don’t really exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the most part, they will still vote for their candidate no matter how poor he is,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, Kolstad thinks these tight races in the Valley will be decided by “enthusiasm in the candidates,” suggesting that Democratic disillusionment with Biden could have repercussions for the party’s House candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats see California’s competitive House races playing out differently. Their candidates remain financially competitive with Republicans in the tightest districts — and have outraised GOP candidates in recent months. If Biden continues to lag behind Trump in polling, Democratic donors could prioritize their spending down-ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While Republicans unite around their far-right Project 2025 agenda and openly campaign on gutting the resources that California families rely on, we remain optimistic that our path to 218 runs through the Golden State,” Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee spokesperson Dan Gottlieb said, referring to the seats needed for a House majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, Democrats are banking on the fact that California will not be contested political ground in the race for president. Many of the advertisements voters see in these districts will focus on the congressional races, not the top of the ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats have the right mix of candidates, messages, and resources to organize, mobilize, and communicate early and often with California families in the home stretch and retake the House majority,” Gottlieb added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Vince Fong, the newly elected congressman from Bakersfield, acknowledged that a lot could still happen between now and November. Changes to the Democratic ticket, campaigns on California ballot measures, and unexpected headlines could all impact House seats previously decided by the slimmest of margins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But speaking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996144/from-sacramento-to-washington-gop-rep-vince-fong-on-following-kevin-mccarthy-to-the-house\">to KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a> at an RNC event, Fong joined in his delegation’s optimism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the momentum is in our favor,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Guy Marzorati is reporting from the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Former Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs to Run for Lieutenant Governor of California",
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"content": "\u003cp>Michael Tubbs is running for lieutenant governor of California, returning to politics four years after voters in his Central Valley hometown ousted him as one of the country’s youngest mayors following his reboot of guaranteed income programs for the poor that made him a star.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2026 campaign, announced Wednesday, offers something of a soft landing spot for Tubbs as it will give him experience running a statewide campaign for an office that gets little public attention and is mostly ceremonial. The main job is to fill in whenever the governor is out of state, and the only real power comes with sitting on the University of California and California State University boards of regents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Tubbs sees opportunities in the office similar to those he had during his stint as the mayor of Stockton, where he melded the power of his personal story with ambitious plans for the oft-forgotten city, becoming a rising figure among state Democrats who were searching for inspiration after Republican Donald Trump was elected president in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oftentimes it’s not about the formal role or statutory authority of a position, but it’s really about the leader in that position … and how they’re able to use that position to get things done and to make it big or to make it meaningful for the people they want to serve,” Tubbs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raised by a single mother with a father in prison, Tubbs graduated from Stanford and interned in the Obama White House before winning election as the first Black mayor of Stockton in 2016 when he was just 26 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His biggest splash was securing funding from Silicon Valley for a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/united-states-presidential-election-758f8d90cb664ba5bca303f93e46da3a\">guaranteed income program\u003c/a> that paid poor people $500 a month without restrictions on how they could spend the money. The program, a relaunch of an old idea, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/race-and-ethnicity-andrew-yang-california-poverty-michael-tubbs-150214c358eaca9a24c8501c51e09491\">prompted dozens of similar programs\u003c/a> across the country, culminating with the California Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/government-and-politics-california-4fea151e0425f8188337e44a02ab8177\">setting aside $35 million\u003c/a> for guaranteed income programs benefitting pregnant people and former foster children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Tubbs’ celebrity status turned off some voters in Stockton, and he \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/election-2020-stockton-elections-michael-tubbs-campaigns-4c29a13c4a396db81fe844e707f153da\">lost his reelection bid in 2020\u003c/a> to Republican Kevin Lincoln, a little-known figure at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Tubbs has followed a familiar script for political rehabilitation. He acted as an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/stockton-california-gavin-newsom-us-news-michael-tubbs-575cd10cae56dae206885dad35ccb35e\">unpaid advisor to Democratic California Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> and published a memoir while working with a coalition he founded to help launch guaranteed income programs across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Tubbs to complete the comeback and win office, he will have to best some formidable candidates with lots of experience in Sacramento, including Democrats Fiona Ma, who is finishing up two terms as state treasurer, and state Sen. Steven Bradford, known for pushing California closer to becoming the first state to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-budget-black-25a4e549c64fafde3f71f77c201b3030\">offer reparations for slavery\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a track record of doing hard things,” Tubbs said. “When we think of sort of the problems that have been caused by Sacramento or attempted to be solved by Sacramento, I’m just not convinced those same problems can be solved by people who’ve spent decades in Sacramento.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lieutenant governor has been a stepping stone to the governor’s office for some, including Newsom, who was lieutenant governor for eight years before getting elected to his current position in 2018. In the 1990s, Democrat Gray Davis also occupied the post before winning the state’s top job, and current Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis is a strong contender in a field of candidates to replace Newsom in the 2026 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tubbs said he views the job as important in its own right. But he still has his eyes on the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My hope is to do such a great job … that in four to eight years, after the job, I have all types of options for things to do,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Michael Tubbs is running for lieutenant governor of California, returning to politics four years after voters in his Central Valley hometown ousted him as one of the country’s youngest mayors following his reboot of guaranteed income programs for the poor that made him a star.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2026 campaign, announced Wednesday, offers something of a soft landing spot for Tubbs as it will give him experience running a statewide campaign for an office that gets little public attention and is mostly ceremonial. The main job is to fill in whenever the governor is out of state, and the only real power comes with sitting on the University of California and California State University boards of regents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Tubbs sees opportunities in the office similar to those he had during his stint as the mayor of Stockton, where he melded the power of his personal story with ambitious plans for the oft-forgotten city, becoming a rising figure among state Democrats who were searching for inspiration after Republican Donald Trump was elected president in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oftentimes it’s not about the formal role or statutory authority of a position, but it’s really about the leader in that position … and how they’re able to use that position to get things done and to make it big or to make it meaningful for the people they want to serve,” Tubbs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raised by a single mother with a father in prison, Tubbs graduated from Stanford and interned in the Obama White House before winning election as the first Black mayor of Stockton in 2016 when he was just 26 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His biggest splash was securing funding from Silicon Valley for a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/united-states-presidential-election-758f8d90cb664ba5bca303f93e46da3a\">guaranteed income program\u003c/a> that paid poor people $500 a month without restrictions on how they could spend the money. The program, a relaunch of an old idea, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/race-and-ethnicity-andrew-yang-california-poverty-michael-tubbs-150214c358eaca9a24c8501c51e09491\">prompted dozens of similar programs\u003c/a> across the country, culminating with the California Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/government-and-politics-california-4fea151e0425f8188337e44a02ab8177\">setting aside $35 million\u003c/a> for guaranteed income programs benefitting pregnant people and former foster children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Tubbs’ celebrity status turned off some voters in Stockton, and he \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/election-2020-stockton-elections-michael-tubbs-campaigns-4c29a13c4a396db81fe844e707f153da\">lost his reelection bid in 2020\u003c/a> to Republican Kevin Lincoln, a little-known figure at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Tubbs has followed a familiar script for political rehabilitation. He acted as an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/stockton-california-gavin-newsom-us-news-michael-tubbs-575cd10cae56dae206885dad35ccb35e\">unpaid advisor to Democratic California Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> and published a memoir while working with a coalition he founded to help launch guaranteed income programs across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Tubbs to complete the comeback and win office, he will have to best some formidable candidates with lots of experience in Sacramento, including Democrats Fiona Ma, who is finishing up two terms as state treasurer, and state Sen. Steven Bradford, known for pushing California closer to becoming the first state to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-budget-black-25a4e549c64fafde3f71f77c201b3030\">offer reparations for slavery\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a track record of doing hard things,” Tubbs said. “When we think of sort of the problems that have been caused by Sacramento or attempted to be solved by Sacramento, I’m just not convinced those same problems can be solved by people who’ve spent decades in Sacramento.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lieutenant governor has been a stepping stone to the governor’s office for some, including Newsom, who was lieutenant governor for eight years before getting elected to his current position in 2018. In the 1990s, Democrat Gray Davis also occupied the post before winning the state’s top job, and current Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis is a strong contender in a field of candidates to replace Newsom in the 2026 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tubbs said he views the job as important in its own right. But he still has his eyes on the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My hope is to do such a great job … that in four to eight years, after the job, I have all types of options for things to do,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Democrat Adam Schiff Calls On Biden to Drop Out of Presidential Race",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:51 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Burbank) is calling on President Joe Biden to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906268/pressure-grows-on-president-biden-to-step-aside\">end his reelection campaign\u003c/a>, becoming the most high-profile California Democrat to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement on Wednesday, Schiff called Biden “one of the most consequential presidents in our nation’s history” but said it was “time for him to pass the torch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push is significant coming from Schiff, who is almost certain to be the next senator from California and is closely allied with influential former Speaker Nancy Pelosi. He is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978557/rep-adam-schiff-and-steve-garvey-advance-in-u-s-senate-race\">facing Republican Steve Garvey\u003c/a> for the U.S. Senate seat that was long held by the late Dianne Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our nation is at a crossroads,” Schiff said. “A second Trump presidency will undermine the very foundation of our democracy, and I have serious concerns about whether the President can defeat Donald Trump in November.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The call to step aside by Schiff, who has close ties to other Democratic Party leaders, indicates that despite the president’s insistence that he’s not dropping out, the debate over Biden’s future is still roiling the party. On Wednesday, the Democratic National Committee announced it would push back a controversial virtual roll call to nominate Biden by a week. That voting was set to begin as soon as next week; instead, it will begin the first week of August – still ahead of the convention, which starts Aug. 19. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff is just the latest elected Democrat in California to call for Biden to withdraw. Pelosi \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993449/pelosi-suggests-time-is-running-short-for-biden-to-reconsider-campaign\">raised questions\u003c/a> last week about whether Biden should stay in but stopped short of calling for him to drop out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://apnorc.org/projects/most-say-biden-should-withdraw-from-the-presidential-race/\">an AP poll released Wednesday,\u003c/a> 65% of Democrats nationwide think Biden should drop out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff said the decision is up to the president alone but said withdrawing would help Biden “secure his legacy of leadership by allowing us to defeat Donald Trump in the upcoming election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Schiff said he will work to elect whomever Democrats nominate next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But make no mistake, whoever our party ends up nominating, or if the nomination remains with the president, I will do everything I can to help them succeed. There is only one singular goal: defeating Donald Trump. The stakes are just too high,” Schiff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Schiff is now the most prominent California Democrat to urge Biden to step aside, saying he has ‘serious concerns’ about the president’s ability to defeat Trump.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:51 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Burbank) is calling on President Joe Biden to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906268/pressure-grows-on-president-biden-to-step-aside\">end his reelection campaign\u003c/a>, becoming the most high-profile California Democrat to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement on Wednesday, Schiff called Biden “one of the most consequential presidents in our nation’s history” but said it was “time for him to pass the torch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push is significant coming from Schiff, who is almost certain to be the next senator from California and is closely allied with influential former Speaker Nancy Pelosi. He is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978557/rep-adam-schiff-and-steve-garvey-advance-in-u-s-senate-race\">facing Republican Steve Garvey\u003c/a> for the U.S. Senate seat that was long held by the late Dianne Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our nation is at a crossroads,” Schiff said. “A second Trump presidency will undermine the very foundation of our democracy, and I have serious concerns about whether the President can defeat Donald Trump in November.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The call to step aside by Schiff, who has close ties to other Democratic Party leaders, indicates that despite the president’s insistence that he’s not dropping out, the debate over Biden’s future is still roiling the party. On Wednesday, the Democratic National Committee announced it would push back a controversial virtual roll call to nominate Biden by a week. That voting was set to begin as soon as next week; instead, it will begin the first week of August – still ahead of the convention, which starts Aug. 19. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff is just the latest elected Democrat in California to call for Biden to withdraw. Pelosi \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993449/pelosi-suggests-time-is-running-short-for-biden-to-reconsider-campaign\">raised questions\u003c/a> last week about whether Biden should stay in but stopped short of calling for him to drop out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://apnorc.org/projects/most-say-biden-should-withdraw-from-the-presidential-race/\">an AP poll released Wednesday,\u003c/a> 65% of Democrats nationwide think Biden should drop out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff said the decision is up to the president alone but said withdrawing would help Biden “secure his legacy of leadership by allowing us to defeat Donald Trump in the upcoming election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Schiff said he will work to elect whomever Democrats nominate next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But make no mistake, whoever our party ends up nominating, or if the nomination remains with the president, I will do everything I can to help them succeed. There is only one singular goal: defeating Donald Trump. The stakes are just too high,” Schiff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>LGBTQ+ advocacy groups lauded a new state law barring school districts from requiring that parents be notified of their child’s gender identification change, while opponents said the ban makes it harder for schools to be transparent with parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/gender-identity-schools-california-law-af387bef5c25c14f51d1cf05a7e422eb\">first-in-the-nation law\u003c/a> on Monday, which bans districts from requiring school staff to disclose a student’s gender identity or sexual orientation to any other person without the child’s permission, with some exceptions. It also requires the state Department of Education to develop resources for families of LGBTQ+ students in grades 7 through high school. The law will take effect in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the ban say it will help protect transgender and gender-nonconforming students who live in unwelcoming households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This critical legislation strengthens protections for LGBTQ+ youth against forced outing policies, provides resources for parents and families of LGBTQ+ students to support them as they have conversations on their terms, and creates critical safeguards to prevent retaliation against teachers and school staff who foster a safe and supportive school environment for all students,” Tony Hoang, executive director of LGBTQ+ advocacy group Equality California, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some conservative groups, including the California Family Council, said the new law violates parents’ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill undermines their fundamental role and places boys and girls in potential jeopardy,” Jonathan Keller, the council’s president, said in a statement. “Moms and dads have both a constitutional and divine mandate to guide and protect their kids, and AB 1955 egregiously violates this sacred trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law comes after several California school districts passed policies requiring parents to be notified if a child requests to change their gender identification. That led to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-sues-chino-valley-parental-notification-transgender-students-03fd6e74c62054d9bb4ba85ee92e850d\">pushback by Democratic state officials\u003c/a>, who say students have a right to privacy. Nationwide, lawmakers, families and advocates have been debating the rights of local school districts, parents and LGBTQ+ students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least six states have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/transgender-students-pronouns-names-ec0b2c5de329d82c563ffb95262935f3\">requirements that schools notify parents\u003c/a> when minors disclose that they are transgender or ask to be referred to with a different pronoun, according to Associated Press reporting: Alabama, Arkansas, Indiana, North Carolina, South Carolina and Tennessee. Virginia asked school boards to adopt similar policies, but it has no law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arizona and Idaho also require schools to provide certain information to parents but do not specify gender expression or sexual orientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='transgender']In New Jersey, Attorney General Matt Platkin sued four school districts last year, claiming their policies violate an anti-discrimination law that allows gender-expression information to be shared with a student’s family only with their permission or if there’s a risk to the student’s health and safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservative groups, including the Pacific Justice Institute, the Goldwater Institute and the Family Policy Alliance, have attempted to intervene in the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States have also weighed in on lawsuits over how local school districts have handled transgender students. Last year, for instance, 23 Republican state attorneys general filed a brief to support a Chico, California, mother who claimed that school officials allowed her child to socially transition without her permission. Sixteen Democratic attorneys general filed a brief on the other side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spokesperson Brandon Richards said the new California law will “keep children safe while protecting the critical role of parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It protects the child-parent relationship by preventing politicians and school staff from inappropriately intervening in family matters and attempting to control if, when, and how families have deeply personal conversations,” Richards said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Austin is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Associated Press writer Geoff Mulvihill contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>LGBTQ+ advocacy groups lauded a new state law barring school districts from requiring that parents be notified of their child’s gender identification change, while opponents said the ban makes it harder for schools to be transparent with parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/gender-identity-schools-california-law-af387bef5c25c14f51d1cf05a7e422eb\">first-in-the-nation law\u003c/a> on Monday, which bans districts from requiring school staff to disclose a student’s gender identity or sexual orientation to any other person without the child’s permission, with some exceptions. It also requires the state Department of Education to develop resources for families of LGBTQ+ students in grades 7 through high school. The law will take effect in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the ban say it will help protect transgender and gender-nonconforming students who live in unwelcoming households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This critical legislation strengthens protections for LGBTQ+ youth against forced outing policies, provides resources for parents and families of LGBTQ+ students to support them as they have conversations on their terms, and creates critical safeguards to prevent retaliation against teachers and school staff who foster a safe and supportive school environment for all students,” Tony Hoang, executive director of LGBTQ+ advocacy group Equality California, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some conservative groups, including the California Family Council, said the new law violates parents’ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill undermines their fundamental role and places boys and girls in potential jeopardy,” Jonathan Keller, the council’s president, said in a statement. “Moms and dads have both a constitutional and divine mandate to guide and protect their kids, and AB 1955 egregiously violates this sacred trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law comes after several California school districts passed policies requiring parents to be notified if a child requests to change their gender identification. That led to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-sues-chino-valley-parental-notification-transgender-students-03fd6e74c62054d9bb4ba85ee92e850d\">pushback by Democratic state officials\u003c/a>, who say students have a right to privacy. Nationwide, lawmakers, families and advocates have been debating the rights of local school districts, parents and LGBTQ+ students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least six states have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/transgender-students-pronouns-names-ec0b2c5de329d82c563ffb95262935f3\">requirements that schools notify parents\u003c/a> when minors disclose that they are transgender or ask to be referred to with a different pronoun, according to Associated Press reporting: Alabama, Arkansas, Indiana, North Carolina, South Carolina and Tennessee. Virginia asked school boards to adopt similar policies, but it has no law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arizona and Idaho also require schools to provide certain information to parents but do not specify gender expression or sexual orientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In New Jersey, Attorney General Matt Platkin sued four school districts last year, claiming their policies violate an anti-discrimination law that allows gender-expression information to be shared with a student’s family only with their permission or if there’s a risk to the student’s health and safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservative groups, including the Pacific Justice Institute, the Goldwater Institute and the Family Policy Alliance, have attempted to intervene in the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States have also weighed in on lawsuits over how local school districts have handled transgender students. Last year, for instance, 23 Republican state attorneys general filed a brief to support a Chico, California, mother who claimed that school officials allowed her child to socially transition without her permission. Sixteen Democratic attorneys general filed a brief on the other side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spokesperson Brandon Richards said the new California law will “keep children safe while protecting the critical role of parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It protects the child-parent relationship by preventing politicians and school staff from inappropriately intervening in family matters and attempting to control if, when, and how families have deeply personal conversations,” Richards said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Austin is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Associated Press writer Geoff Mulvihill contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "unhoused-oakland-residents-eviction-battle-is-early-test-of-supreme-court-ruling",
"title": "Unhoused Oakland Residents Win Order Delaying Eviction in Early Test of Supreme Court Ruling",
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"headTitle": "Unhoused Oakland Residents Win Order Delaying Eviction in Early Test of Supreme Court Ruling | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:24 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of an Oakland encampment won a temporary restraining order staving off their eviction in a federal court case that represents one of the first local tests of cities’ ability to police homelessness since a major \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior District Judge Susan Illston granted the order Wednesday night, barring the city from removing the residents’ dwellings and other property until 5 p.m. on July 18. The order allows officials to keep clearing trash and abandoned cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city had given roughly a dozen residents living on a beach alongside Interstate 80 at the foot of the Bay Bridge until Tuesday to leave, citing a notice from the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission (BCDC) that threatened daily fines over environmental and public access concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents argued at a hearing Tuesday that the city hadn’t offered them a feasible alternative to the camp before moving ahead with the eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the most vulnerable that you’re evicting,” said attorney Andrea Henson, a longtime homeless advocate who appeared in court on behalf of the plaintiffs. “There’s nowhere for them to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unhoused people and their allies have used similar arguments in recent years to successfully delay encampment sweeps around the Bay Area and beyond. But those claims relied on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">a key legal precedent\u003c/a> that fining or jailing people for public camping when there isn’t enough shelter available amounts to cruel and unusual punishment, which is prohibited under the Eighth Amendment. With the precedent now overturned by the Supreme Court, giving cities expanded authority to police encampments, the viability of that approach is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order in the Oakland case came after Illson found status reports she had requested from the unhoused plaintiffs and city outreach workers on shelter options “difficult to reconcile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the reports, plaintiffs said they hadn’t been offered shelter, but the city described limited offers that were largely declined. In one case, the city said staff tried to connect a resident with a housing program for people living with AIDS, “but he wants to keep his pets (dogs), which present an obstacle (not allowed),” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, the city said residents were willing to consider a spot at a tiny home emergency shelter site, but not at the Mandela Parkway-Beach Street location on offer, or not if their pets couldn’t join. Other residents asked for motel rooms, which aren’t an option, according to the report, and one refused services because he plans to relocate in one of his vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only relatively consistent account describes a tiny home offer made to Ronnie Simpson and his father, who also lives at the camp and has dementia. In that case, the pair declined the offer because the father’s condition makes it untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fallout from Supreme Court decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without using the Eighth Amendment argument that encampment sweeps amount to cruel and unusual punishment if shelter isn’t available, homeless advocates must turn to other legal strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost a really important tool in our toolbox,” said Brigitte Nicoletti, a staff attorney with the East Bay Community Law Center, who’s worked on encampment litigation. “You’re also seeing the fact that advocates are not going to stop advocating. You may have lost one tool, but we have a lot more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicoletti isn’t involved in the Oakland case but has followed it closely in light of the Supreme Court decision. Before that ruling, she said, attorneys would likely have relied at least in part on an Eighth Amendment claim in fighting an eviction like this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs in this case instead argue the eviction will expose them to state-created danger, a violation of the 14th Amendment, and allege the city is violating their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). The plaintiffs also argue the city is violating the terms of a settlement agreement that prohibits sweeps during extreme weather. There is a heat advisory in place for the Bay Area until Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993513\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rows of tiny homes line Lakeview Village, a community that can house 71 people, in Oakland near Lake Merritt on Nov. 3, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Failing to provide shelter options to unhoused people that meet their disability-related needs … means that shelter is functionally unavailable to them,” the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction follows a two-year campaign by the San Francisco Boardsailing Association to get the camp cleared. On its website, the organization said the camp has “created an epicenter for car break-ins while increased trash and direct sewage runoff have been flowing directly into the waters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson believes that effort may have spurred BCDC’s letter threatening fines to the city. The agency did not respond to questions about the role of those complaints in its actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While less tested, the ADA claim may prove to be a powerful tool to block encampment evictions, Nicoletti noted, although it doesn’t provide blanket protection applicable to a whole community the way the Eighth Amendment protections did. Instead, she said courts require detailed analysis of each person’s disabilities and whether or not the city is accommodating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Nicoletti and homeless advocate Robbie Powelson, who’s been involved in several lawsuits over encampment sweeps in the Bay Area, have found success stalling sweeps using state-created harm arguments in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are going to perceive that they have a blank check to steamroll people’s rights,” Powelson said. “There’s many rights that still exist and are enforceable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Supreme Court ruling has already affected an ongoing lawsuit filed by unhoused residents over the city’s homelessness policies. The Eighth Amendment claims in the suit no longer hold water, but the suit will move forward based on its other 13 claims. Earlier this week, a temporary injunction barring the city from enforcing laws against public camping without first offering a shelter bed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993312/court-lifts-restrictions-on-sf-encampment-sweeps\">was vacated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993518\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall on April 5, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the city follows its own policies, we should continue to see offers of shelter prior to any kind of enforcement,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, who represents the plaintiffs. “Now, our clients brought this lawsuit because there was a gap between what the city said it was doing and what it actually was doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities, including Oakland, have policies requiring officials to make shelter offers before clearing camps, but Nicoletti said the Supreme Court’s ruling makes it challenging to enforce those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and sometimes slower to hold the city accountable for following its own policies when there’s no teeth behind it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, city leaders are considering a resolution reaffirming the city will not take additional steps to criminalize unhoused people in the wake of the Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s hearing in the Oakland case, Illston asked whether the city had offered residents shelter, to which Deputy City Attorney Jamilah Jefferson responded, “Everyone has been offered shelter. Whether or not they have accepted is a different story.” She noted camp residents were first given notice in May that they’d have to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harold Duffey, assistant city administrator and acting homeless administrator, emphasized that the shelter being offered was only a temporary entry point to a service system that would eventually secure residents permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson said that assessment missed the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue here is not about whether they offered an option, it’s about whether that option is reasonably accessible,” she said, calling the city’s offer of group shelter a “death sentence” for the medically fragile residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is under no obligation to fundamentally alter its programs to address the needs of all individuals,” Jefferson later said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge ultimately ordered the residents to discuss their needs with outreach workers, and outreach workers to make accommodations where feasible, and to report their progress to the court by Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding little common ground in the reports, Ilson issued the temporary restraining order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After the Supreme Court granted cities broader power to clear homeless encampments, a new lawsuit filed by a group of unhoused Oakland residents over a sweep will test the ruling's limits.",
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"title": "Unhoused Oakland Residents Win Order Delaying Eviction in Early Test of Supreme Court Ruling | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:24 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of an Oakland encampment won a temporary restraining order staving off their eviction in a federal court case that represents one of the first local tests of cities’ ability to police homelessness since a major \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior District Judge Susan Illston granted the order Wednesday night, barring the city from removing the residents’ dwellings and other property until 5 p.m. on July 18. The order allows officials to keep clearing trash and abandoned cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city had given roughly a dozen residents living on a beach alongside Interstate 80 at the foot of the Bay Bridge until Tuesday to leave, citing a notice from the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission (BCDC) that threatened daily fines over environmental and public access concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents argued at a hearing Tuesday that the city hadn’t offered them a feasible alternative to the camp before moving ahead with the eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the most vulnerable that you’re evicting,” said attorney Andrea Henson, a longtime homeless advocate who appeared in court on behalf of the plaintiffs. “There’s nowhere for them to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unhoused people and their allies have used similar arguments in recent years to successfully delay encampment sweeps around the Bay Area and beyond. But those claims relied on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">a key legal precedent\u003c/a> that fining or jailing people for public camping when there isn’t enough shelter available amounts to cruel and unusual punishment, which is prohibited under the Eighth Amendment. With the precedent now overturned by the Supreme Court, giving cities expanded authority to police encampments, the viability of that approach is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order in the Oakland case came after Illson found status reports she had requested from the unhoused plaintiffs and city outreach workers on shelter options “difficult to reconcile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the reports, plaintiffs said they hadn’t been offered shelter, but the city described limited offers that were largely declined. In one case, the city said staff tried to connect a resident with a housing program for people living with AIDS, “but he wants to keep his pets (dogs), which present an obstacle (not allowed),” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, the city said residents were willing to consider a spot at a tiny home emergency shelter site, but not at the Mandela Parkway-Beach Street location on offer, or not if their pets couldn’t join. Other residents asked for motel rooms, which aren’t an option, according to the report, and one refused services because he plans to relocate in one of his vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only relatively consistent account describes a tiny home offer made to Ronnie Simpson and his father, who also lives at the camp and has dementia. In that case, the pair declined the offer because the father’s condition makes it untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fallout from Supreme Court decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without using the Eighth Amendment argument that encampment sweeps amount to cruel and unusual punishment if shelter isn’t available, homeless advocates must turn to other legal strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost a really important tool in our toolbox,” said Brigitte Nicoletti, a staff attorney with the East Bay Community Law Center, who’s worked on encampment litigation. “You’re also seeing the fact that advocates are not going to stop advocating. You may have lost one tool, but we have a lot more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicoletti isn’t involved in the Oakland case but has followed it closely in light of the Supreme Court decision. Before that ruling, she said, attorneys would likely have relied at least in part on an Eighth Amendment claim in fighting an eviction like this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs in this case instead argue the eviction will expose them to state-created danger, a violation of the 14th Amendment, and allege the city is violating their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). The plaintiffs also argue the city is violating the terms of a settlement agreement that prohibits sweeps during extreme weather. There is a heat advisory in place for the Bay Area until Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993513\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rows of tiny homes line Lakeview Village, a community that can house 71 people, in Oakland near Lake Merritt on Nov. 3, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Failing to provide shelter options to unhoused people that meet their disability-related needs … means that shelter is functionally unavailable to them,” the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction follows a two-year campaign by the San Francisco Boardsailing Association to get the camp cleared. On its website, the organization said the camp has “created an epicenter for car break-ins while increased trash and direct sewage runoff have been flowing directly into the waters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson believes that effort may have spurred BCDC’s letter threatening fines to the city. The agency did not respond to questions about the role of those complaints in its actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While less tested, the ADA claim may prove to be a powerful tool to block encampment evictions, Nicoletti noted, although it doesn’t provide blanket protection applicable to a whole community the way the Eighth Amendment protections did. Instead, she said courts require detailed analysis of each person’s disabilities and whether or not the city is accommodating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Nicoletti and homeless advocate Robbie Powelson, who’s been involved in several lawsuits over encampment sweeps in the Bay Area, have found success stalling sweeps using state-created harm arguments in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are going to perceive that they have a blank check to steamroll people’s rights,” Powelson said. “There’s many rights that still exist and are enforceable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Supreme Court ruling has already affected an ongoing lawsuit filed by unhoused residents over the city’s homelessness policies. The Eighth Amendment claims in the suit no longer hold water, but the suit will move forward based on its other 13 claims. Earlier this week, a temporary injunction barring the city from enforcing laws against public camping without first offering a shelter bed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993312/court-lifts-restrictions-on-sf-encampment-sweeps\">was vacated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993518\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall on April 5, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the city follows its own policies, we should continue to see offers of shelter prior to any kind of enforcement,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, who represents the plaintiffs. “Now, our clients brought this lawsuit because there was a gap between what the city said it was doing and what it actually was doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities, including Oakland, have policies requiring officials to make shelter offers before clearing camps, but Nicoletti said the Supreme Court’s ruling makes it challenging to enforce those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and sometimes slower to hold the city accountable for following its own policies when there’s no teeth behind it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, city leaders are considering a resolution reaffirming the city will not take additional steps to criminalize unhoused people in the wake of the Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s hearing in the Oakland case, Illston asked whether the city had offered residents shelter, to which Deputy City Attorney Jamilah Jefferson responded, “Everyone has been offered shelter. Whether or not they have accepted is a different story.” She noted camp residents were first given notice in May that they’d have to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harold Duffey, assistant city administrator and acting homeless administrator, emphasized that the shelter being offered was only a temporary entry point to a service system that would eventually secure residents permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson said that assessment missed the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue here is not about whether they offered an option, it’s about whether that option is reasonably accessible,” she said, calling the city’s offer of group shelter a “death sentence” for the medically fragile residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is under no obligation to fundamentally alter its programs to address the needs of all individuals,” Jefferson later said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge ultimately ordered the residents to discuss their needs with outreach workers, and outreach workers to make accommodations where feasible, and to report their progress to the court by Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding little common ground in the reports, Ilson issued the temporary restraining order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "millbrae-recall-targets-council-members-who-didnt-oppose-affordable-housing-project",
"title": "Millbrae Recall Targets Council Members Who Didn't Oppose Affordable Housing Project",
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"headTitle": "Millbrae Recall Targets Council Members Who Didn’t Oppose Affordable Housing Project | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two Millbrae City Council members are at the center of a bitter recall effort, stemming from yet another dispute over affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for the ousting of Councilmembers Angelina Cahalan and Maurice Goodman came after the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors voted in September to purchase the La Quinta Inn and Suites in Millbrae with funding from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Project Homekey, which began during the pandemic to help cities and counties convert hotels into housing for formerly unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, the Millbrae City Council voted on whether to send a letter to the board opposing the project. Cahalan abstained from the vote, and Goodman voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote passed, and other council members sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.millbrae.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/1432/Letter-to-BOS-re-La-Quinta-Fact-Sheet-2023-09-06-PDF?bidId=&fbclid=IwAR0lHI4kTGR7xmK-zB3E4ZiQpxi5yvnr4Xaeah9bpPC-HIPPIWVLXWKZx00\">the letter (PDF)\u003c/a> without Cahalan’s and Goodman’s signatures. The letter stated the City Council was “disappointed in how San Mateo County has handled the proposed project,” and criticized the Board of Supervisors for not notifying them before the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Calahan has not publicly stated her position on the affordable housing project, Goodman has said he supports the project and has been a clear advocate for the unhoused community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort is led by residents who feel their concerns around safety and the project’s economic feasibility went unheard by the two council members last fall. Ousting Cahalan and Goodman are necessary “to preserve the safety and well-being of our community,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.millbraerecallgoodmanandcahalan.org/\">recall organization’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo County Democratic Party is supporting the two council members and called the recall effort an inappropriate use of city resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe recalls should not be used as a tool to oppose council members who take positions that some people do not agree with,” April Vargas, a member of the party’s Central Committee, told KQED. “If people don’t agree with what the council members do, they can wait until they are up for reelection in 2026.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots for the special election have been mailed to voters, who have until July 23 to decide whether to recall the council members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is also in the middle of a lawsuit surrounding the proposed purchase of the La Quinta hotel, alleging that the Board of Supervisors didn’t give Millbrae residents a chance to weigh in under a 1950s provision in the California Constitution known as Article 34, which gives local voters the right to decide on any affordable housing project in their city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo Superior Court Judge Nancy Fineman dismissed the case in late June, stating it was “unripe” for a decision because the county hadn’t specified whether the funding would come from Project Homekey or other affordable housing subsidy programs. Her decision made no mention of Article 34.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city believes the county is taking an action at La Quinta that doesn’t follow what the rules are,” said Sam Singer, a spokesperson for Millbrae. “[The city] is considering their options to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers flirted with placing a constitutional amendment to repeal Article 34 on the November ballot, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991827/california-shelves-repeal-of-1950-housing-law-that-stoked-racial-tension\">pulled the measure\u003c/a> last month because of how costly the campaign would be. The provision, long criticized as discriminatory, has been a notorious scapegoat for delaying affordable housing, and multiple attempts to repeal it have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Two Millbrae City Council members could be ousted from office thanks to a recall effort stemming from a controversial move to provide transitional housing for unhoused people and seniors.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two Millbrae City Council members are at the center of a bitter recall effort, stemming from yet another dispute over affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for the ousting of Councilmembers Angelina Cahalan and Maurice Goodman came after the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors voted in September to purchase the La Quinta Inn and Suites in Millbrae with funding from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Project Homekey, which began during the pandemic to help cities and counties convert hotels into housing for formerly unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, the Millbrae City Council voted on whether to send a letter to the board opposing the project. Cahalan abstained from the vote, and Goodman voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote passed, and other council members sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.millbrae.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/1432/Letter-to-BOS-re-La-Quinta-Fact-Sheet-2023-09-06-PDF?bidId=&fbclid=IwAR0lHI4kTGR7xmK-zB3E4ZiQpxi5yvnr4Xaeah9bpPC-HIPPIWVLXWKZx00\">the letter (PDF)\u003c/a> without Cahalan’s and Goodman’s signatures. The letter stated the City Council was “disappointed in how San Mateo County has handled the proposed project,” and criticized the Board of Supervisors for not notifying them before the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Calahan has not publicly stated her position on the affordable housing project, Goodman has said he supports the project and has been a clear advocate for the unhoused community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort is led by residents who feel their concerns around safety and the project’s economic feasibility went unheard by the two council members last fall. Ousting Cahalan and Goodman are necessary “to preserve the safety and well-being of our community,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.millbraerecallgoodmanandcahalan.org/\">recall organization’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo County Democratic Party is supporting the two council members and called the recall effort an inappropriate use of city resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe recalls should not be used as a tool to oppose council members who take positions that some people do not agree with,” April Vargas, a member of the party’s Central Committee, told KQED. “If people don’t agree with what the council members do, they can wait until they are up for reelection in 2026.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots for the special election have been mailed to voters, who have until July 23 to decide whether to recall the council members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is also in the middle of a lawsuit surrounding the proposed purchase of the La Quinta hotel, alleging that the Board of Supervisors didn’t give Millbrae residents a chance to weigh in under a 1950s provision in the California Constitution known as Article 34, which gives local voters the right to decide on any affordable housing project in their city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo Superior Court Judge Nancy Fineman dismissed the case in late June, stating it was “unripe” for a decision because the county hadn’t specified whether the funding would come from Project Homekey or other affordable housing subsidy programs. Her decision made no mention of Article 34.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city believes the county is taking an action at La Quinta that doesn’t follow what the rules are,” said Sam Singer, a spokesperson for Millbrae. “[The city] is considering their options to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers flirted with placing a constitutional amendment to repeal Article 34 on the November ballot, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991827/california-shelves-repeal-of-1950-housing-law-that-stoked-racial-tension\">pulled the measure\u003c/a> last month because of how costly the campaign would be. The provision, long criticized as discriminatory, has been a notorious scapegoat for delaying affordable housing, and multiple attempts to repeal it have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After two wet winters in a row, summer heat has turned California’s tremendously thick layer of grass and shrubs into fuel for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/wildfires\">many of the wildfires\u003c/a> that are burning across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of that vegetation baked to a crisp under a record-shattering heat wave that stretched on for days and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993179/bay-areas-extreme-heat-wave-is-easing-but-only-briefly\">set to dial up again\u003c/a> across Northern California after a slight cooldown on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of vegetation, and with the heat and the wind that we’ve been seeing, it’s dried out significantly,” Chelsea Burkett, a public information officer with Cal Fire’s Santa Clara Unit, told KQED. “There’s always potential for a fire to start and to spread easily in the type of vegetation we’re seeing\u003cem>.\u003c/em>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heat shot above 110 degrees in many cities, especially in the Central Valley, and Redding hit a record at 119 degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dead brush on the ground across Northern California is “becoming critically flammable,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://fsapps.nwcg.gov/psp/npsg/forecast/#/outlooks?forecastDay=2015-07-07&forecastInView=2015-07-07&state=sideBySide&gaccId=4\">latest forecast from the National Interagency Fire Center\u003c/a>, and “the heat wave will flip the switch in terms of flammability in the live woody fuels across the lower and some mid-elevations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means the heat dried out some of California’s forests enough that they are now primed to burn, edging the state beyond an active grass fire season as wildfires rip through the Klamath and Tahoe national forests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many dozens of other smaller fires have ignited and then were quickly suppressed during the past week by some of the 7,000-plus firefighters working across the state, supported by a near-constant deployment of helicopters and planes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 1,197 fires have started across Northern California and 2,396 in Southern California this summer, according to the latest \u003ca href=\"https://www.nifc.gov/nicc-files/sitreprt.pdf\">tally from the National Interagency Fire Center (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After keeping the Royal Fire from running away across Placer County in the Tahoe National Forest near Sugar Bowl with a steady barrage of water and retardant released from planes, officials cleared an area of the dense forest to drop firefighters in using helicopters on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These crews are wielding chainsaws and other hand tools to hack lines around the fire, which is currently 15% contained but only a few hundred acres in size.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California’s far north, the Shelly Fire continues to churn through the dense Marble Mountain Wilderness near the Pacific Crest Trail and Shelly Lake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That blaze has consumed more than 8,285 acres and is burning in the vicinity of the communities of Etna and Greenview, threatening more than 4,200 homes and buildings in a situation that Chris Christofferson, forest supervisor for the Klamath National Forest, called “gravely serious” \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/watch/live/?ref=watch_permalink&v=773527387999135\">during a community town hall on Monday night.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have seen a number of communities like this be threatened by wildfire, whether it was Quincy, or destroyed by wildfire, Greenville and Paradise,” Christofferson said. “And so when I look at this, I am very concerned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fire officials have ordered bulldozers and hand crews to construct a series of pockets, fire breaks they hope will keep it from threatening the rural communities nearby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of you are probably in an evacuation zone; I am too. Please heed the warnings,” Siskiyou County Supervisor Ray Haupt said at the town hall. “I’ve lost six friends in recent years in Siskiyou County because they refused to go. These fires are nothing to mess around with. I can help you rebuild homes, but I can’t bring friends back to life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After two wet winters in a row, summer heat has turned California’s tremendously thick layer of grass and shrubs into fuel for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/wildfires\">many of the wildfires\u003c/a> that are burning across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of that vegetation baked to a crisp under a record-shattering heat wave that stretched on for days and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993179/bay-areas-extreme-heat-wave-is-easing-but-only-briefly\">set to dial up again\u003c/a> across Northern California after a slight cooldown on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of vegetation, and with the heat and the wind that we’ve been seeing, it’s dried out significantly,” Chelsea Burkett, a public information officer with Cal Fire’s Santa Clara Unit, told KQED. “There’s always potential for a fire to start and to spread easily in the type of vegetation we’re seeing\u003cem>.\u003c/em>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heat shot above 110 degrees in many cities, especially in the Central Valley, and Redding hit a record at 119 degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dead brush on the ground across Northern California is “becoming critically flammable,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://fsapps.nwcg.gov/psp/npsg/forecast/#/outlooks?forecastDay=2015-07-07&forecastInView=2015-07-07&state=sideBySide&gaccId=4\">latest forecast from the National Interagency Fire Center\u003c/a>, and “the heat wave will flip the switch in terms of flammability in the live woody fuels across the lower and some mid-elevations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means the heat dried out some of California’s forests enough that they are now primed to burn, edging the state beyond an active grass fire season as wildfires rip through the Klamath and Tahoe national forests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many dozens of other smaller fires have ignited and then were quickly suppressed during the past week by some of the 7,000-plus firefighters working across the state, supported by a near-constant deployment of helicopters and planes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 1,197 fires have started across Northern California and 2,396 in Southern California this summer, according to the latest \u003ca href=\"https://www.nifc.gov/nicc-files/sitreprt.pdf\">tally from the National Interagency Fire Center (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After keeping the Royal Fire from running away across Placer County in the Tahoe National Forest near Sugar Bowl with a steady barrage of water and retardant released from planes, officials cleared an area of the dense forest to drop firefighters in using helicopters on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These crews are wielding chainsaws and other hand tools to hack lines around the fire, which is currently 15% contained but only a few hundred acres in size.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California’s far north, the Shelly Fire continues to churn through the dense Marble Mountain Wilderness near the Pacific Crest Trail and Shelly Lake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That blaze has consumed more than 8,285 acres and is burning in the vicinity of the communities of Etna and Greenview, threatening more than 4,200 homes and buildings in a situation that Chris Christofferson, forest supervisor for the Klamath National Forest, called “gravely serious” \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/watch/live/?ref=watch_permalink&v=773527387999135\">during a community town hall on Monday night.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have seen a number of communities like this be threatened by wildfire, whether it was Quincy, or destroyed by wildfire, Greenville and Paradise,” Christofferson said. “And so when I look at this, I am very concerned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fire officials have ordered bulldozers and hand crews to construct a series of pockets, fire breaks they hope will keep it from threatening the rural communities nearby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of you are probably in an evacuation zone; I am too. Please heed the warnings,” Siskiyou County Supervisor Ray Haupt said at the town hall. “I’ve lost six friends in recent years in Siskiyou County because they refused to go. These fires are nothing to mess around with. I can help you rebuild homes, but I can’t bring friends back to life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Get a behind-the-scenes peek at the reporting for On Our Watch: New Folsom as Ayesha Rascoe, host of NPR’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1213771050/the-sunday-story-from-up-first\">The Sunday Story from Up First\u003c/a>, speaks with Sukey about the season and the wider context of this kind of journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC6251136710\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mental health resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are currently in crisis, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.samhsa.gov/find-help/national-helpline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SAMHSA National Help Line\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/help\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness) Helpline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/programs/prevention-and-wellness/mental-health-substance-abuse/index.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">US Health and Human Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://warmline.org/warmdir.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Warmline Directory\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Whistleblower resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.thelamplighterproject.org\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Lamplighter Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://thesignalsnetwork.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Signals Network\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://empowr.us/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">EMPOWR\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblowersofamerica.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whistleblowers of America\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://whistleblower.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Government Accountability Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblowers.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">National Whistleblower Center\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://whistlebloweraid.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whistleblower Aid\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism was a key partner in making Season 2 of On Our Watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The records obtained for this project are part of the\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> California Reporting Project\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a coalition of news organizations in California. If you have tips or feedback about this series please reach out to us at \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"mailto:onourwatch@kqed.org\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">onourwatch@kqed.org\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Hi, it’s Sukey. This will be our last bonus episode for a while, but we’ll definitely update you if there are any new developments in our reporting. And from time to time, we’ll also share some other podcasts we think you might be interested in checking out. Today I wanted to share a conversation I had on a different show, the Up First podcast from NPR, where you’ll get to hear more of the backstory behind On Our Watch. Here’s that conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m Ayesha Rascoe, and this is a Sunday story. A warning before we get started, this episode contains mentions of suicide. In recent years, high profile cases of police brutality across the US have brought increased attention and scrutiny to police misconduct and use of force incidents. When something happens, the police often say, “We’re investigating.” But what’s really being done, or not done, to ensure police are held accountable for their actions? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2021, a team of reporters from KQED partnered with NPR to take a closer look at the process for how police policed themselves. They made a podcast called On Our Watch, and it was focused on select cases of police misconduct in California. Today, I’m speaking with criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis, the host of On Our Watch. She and her team have continued to uncover thousands of previously sealed Internal Affairs law enforcement records as part of the multi-newsroom California Reporting Project. Sukey tells me about the reporting behind the new season of her show. In season two, the show digs into recent incidents at one of the most dangerous prisons in California. Our conversation about the story she found within the closed world of correctional facilities, and what it takes to investigate what happens inside of a prison… After the break. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We’re back with The Sunday Story. Here with criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis, host of the KQED podcast On Our Watch. Sukey, welcome to the program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thanks so much for having me on. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we get into the reporting for the season of On Our Watch, talk to me about the California Reporting Project. You co-founded that in 2018, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. So in 2018, the state here in California passed a new law that would open up internal police records, you know, for the first time, basically, we’d get to see inside this black box of police internal affairs. And that law was called the Right to Know Act. And it affected certain categories of internal records, including deadly use of force incidents, serious use of force incidents, which means, you know, when somebody gets really badly injured by police, and dishonesty and sexual assault or sexual misconduct on duty by police officers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This law gave you access to the paper trail that opened the window to these police departments and how they run, because there’s always a paper trail, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. And for years here in California, it was very secretive. You couldn’t see that paper trail. So some states, like Florida, have had open records laws for a long time. But here in California, because of the power of the police unions, you just could never know. You could never know if somebody was disciplined or fired or like what had happened. And so we teamed up with a group of different news organizations across the state to file blanket public records requests at all 700 law enforcement agencies across the state to start understanding how these systems work. What happens when serious police shooting happens? What happens when you file a complaint against a police officer for excessive force? And they say we’re going to investigate. How does a deadly use of force investigation unfold? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So. So season one of On Our Watch came directly out of this reporting. You examined select misconduct cases and and kind of the shadowy world of police discipline. So what were some of the big lessons or takeaways from your reporting on season one? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think one of our biggest findings was that those promises that we have been made in the public that, “we’re investigating, people will be held accountable,” are really based on this false assumption that its purpose is to provide accountability and that that’s actually not its purpose. It’s a risk management tool. Basically like H.R. Right? If you’re an employee and you make a complaint to H.R., their goal isn’t necessarily to hold the person you made a complaint about to justice. Their goal is to protect the company from liability. That’s what we really found, especially in a secretive system with internal affairs in the world of policing, it was much more about protecting the police department and the city from liability. So sometimes that would mean accountability. Sometimes that would mean an officer gets fired or disciplined because that’s what would protect the city. But that was not actually the goal or the purpose of this institution or the system. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this season, you focused on correctional facilities, prisons. How did you decide on that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We decided to turn to the world of correctional facilities in California, because the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation is actually the largest employer of peace officers in the state. And while we had gotten some insight into how police departments were functioning and how these internal affairs systems were working in police departments, the world of corrections is even more of a closed system. I mean, it’s literally behind walls, right? And so getting behind those walls, even if it was just through the paper trail, as you say, seemed like a really important thing to do. And to understand how these prisons, how these small cities work, and how, accountability works in a, in a system where often the people who are making complaints are incarcerated and have even less power than a civilian on the street. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How did you land on the prison that you focused on? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So we ended up focusing on a prison known as New Folsom or California State Prison Sacramento. And that’s because as we are analyzing data and records from prisons all across the state, there was this pattern that kind of jumped off the page at us. And it for this category of serious use of force incidents — that’s when an officer uses deadly force or seriously injures somebody — there were three times as many of those type of incidents at this one prison than any other prison in the state. And this just kind of raised our alarm bells. We were like, you know, “What is going on at this prison? You know, why is that such an anomaly in the data? Let’s look closer.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We took our findings to some attorneys who work in this space. And these attorneys, they were also surprised. But they said this prison has been, you know, kind of known, known problem. They said, did you know about the whistleblowers that died there? There are these two whistleblowers that died there in the last year. And those two whistleblowers names were correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez and Sergeant Kevin Steele. Officer Valentino Rodriguez. His death was found to be accidental overdose due to fentanyl. And the second officer, Sergeant Kevin Steele, who died about ten months later, died by suicide. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So within the space of a year, two whistleblowers at this prison had died. I mean, I think that’s going to stop anybody in they tracks. What did you think when you first heard that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, your first thought goes to, is there foul play? Is someone retaliating against these whistleblowers? And so we started doing, you know, what we as investigative journalists do. My colleague Julie Small reached out to the family of Valentino Rodriguez. We both started filing public records requests for the death investigations of each of these men to try and understand what had happened to them, and if there was anything in those death investigations that pointed back to the prison or to to anything else that we needed to uncover. Ultimately, we did not find any evidence of foul play in either case, but we learned a lot more about what they had each been uncovering before they died. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coming up after the break, Sukey and her team follow the trail of evidence left by correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez and Sergeant Kevin Steele after their deaths. We’re back with a Sunday story. Sukey, once you heard about the two whistleblowers who’d worked at the same prison, New Folsom, you started retracing the events before their deaths. How did you go about that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So one person who ended up being a really key source for us was the father of correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez, who has the same name. So his name is Valentino Rodriguez, Senior. And he ended up being really central to our story. My colleague Julie reached out to him and at first he was really, you know, cautious. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I just I just want this to work both ways. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I need to know what you’re doing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s all I’ve ever asked. I- nobody even knows we’re having these meetings other than my wife. Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When we met him, Val Senior was really clearly, you know, still in the midst of the grieving process. And I think part of that process for him was trying to understand, you know, what led to his son’s passing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I just can’t I just can’t turn my back on my son, you know what I mean? And, I owe that to him, and I’m going to go as far as I can. And. And then in the end, if nothing, there’s nothing I tried. Right? I’ll find my answers when my time comes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So he started to share with us the evidence that he had been gathering, including his son’s phone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What did you learn about who Valentino Rodriguez was, how he was as a person, and and this journey that he was on? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was it was really incredible. We learned a lot about him. He was a really kind of funny, goofy guy. One of the, you know, things that we found on his phone was this video of him in the Investigative Services unit offices inside this prison. It’s one of the most dangerous prisons in the state of California. And he sets up the camera, and then he steps back, and then he starts dancing, and he’s practicing. He’s learning the cumbia because he’s about to get married. And so he’s practicing the cumbia in this, you know, in this office. And, I just loved kind of coming across these little artifacts of who this person was. He also had a dog named Daisy that he loved and would sing to his dog.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Jr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Super Dog. Super Dog. This the song about Daisy, the Super Dog. One day there was a dog named Daisy, and she was super lazy… \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And he really worked hard at the prison, like he was really wanted to get into this investigative unit. It was a big career opportunity for him. But the unit itself, once he joined, they didn’t really think he had earned the right to be there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So when he had his first day there, he had come over after. And, I asked him, “How’s your how was your first day?” And he goes, “It was a bunch of older guys that have been there.” He called them OGs. I says, “How do you go?” And he goes, “They asked who the f*** are you?” You know, his first day, and I just, “Eh that’s prison talk, I guess.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, they they had a nickname for him called “Half Patch” to indicate, like he he wasn’t a full member of the team, and he didn’t quite deserve to be there yet. And you can see in his phone, you know, he is trying really hard to fit in with this group of guys and they kind of needle him and call him names, like, just really kind of harassing behavior, you know, from work colleagues. You can see that it really does begin to take a toll on Valentino, and he starts to struggle with his mental health. So he actually has a breakdown at work one day and shares with the chief deputy warden that he is going through some, some really difficult things. And she tells him, okay, you should go out on stress leave. And so he takes some time off work from the prison. But even once he leaves the prison, he really can’t leave it all the way. Like he’s still mentally there and still kind of struggling with the effects of his time there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mimy Rodriguez: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I remember sitting on the couch with him and him saying. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is Mimy Rodriguez, Valentino’s wife. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mimy Rodriguez: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I remember this very clearly. He said, “This is my identity.” He’s like, “I feel like I’ve given up on everything. I feel like I gave up on my job.” He wasn’t at the prison physically, but mentally he was still there. He was still talking to people from the prison. He was still reaching out to people from the- people from the prison were reaching out to him, telling him what was going on within the prison. He he had not at all let that go. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Reading through his text messages, you can see it’s not like he sets out to become a whistleblower. It’s just eating away at him and he can’t quite let it go. He can’t quite turn away from what he’s seen in the prison. And so six days before his death, he ends up going in to talk to the warden, and he tells them about the harassment that he experienced personally, and also different kinds of misconduct that he witnessed, including allegations that other officers in the unit that he worked in were involved in planting drugs and weapons on incarcerated people. And that’s really important because the unit that he worked in is kind of like the police force for the prison. They have this very special role. And so if they’re dirty, that could taint criminal cases that stem from the investigations they do. And the officers in this unit are supposed to be held to a higher standard because they have this higher level of responsibility in the prison than other officers do. So after he makes this report, the word eventually gets out that he’s talked. And he was really nervous about that happening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mimy Rodriguez: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So he was nervous about anybody coming to the house. At one point he had put things at the door, so if someone opened it, you can hear the door open. He also like he had a gun and he would sleep with it just to make sure. And I’m like, “What? Who’s coming?” And I would ask him like, “Is everything okay?” You know, “Who’s- who are you nervous about coming? What is going on?” It’s hard to. It’s hard to see the person you love turn into something different. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The night that he died, one of the last text messages you can see he sent to his wife was, “It’s out now that I told on the team.” And then she comes home to find him slumped over in the bathroom and no longer breathing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, it’s I mean, it’s so horrible. Who is the other whistleblower? Tell me about him. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So the other whistleblower, his name is Sergeant Kevin Steele. He had worked for the California Department of Corrections for about 20 years at this point. He is a military veteran. Just this real kind of straight arrow guy had a very kind of rigorous sense of morality, a very rigorous sense of right and wrong. He’s seen a lot and been through a lot, and was beginning to come to this point of disillusionment with these systems that he had been promised were going to affect change and provide accountability. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it’s in this environment that his friend Valentino Rodriguez passes away. And so I think for Steele at this point, Valentino’s death was kind of like the last straw for him. He felt like all these things he’s seen over the years and tried to report up the chain had not been properly addressed. And then there was this kind of moral failing in response to the death of an officer and how they treated Latino’s family after his death. And so Steele decides to make his last stand, basically. And what he does is he writes up a memo to the warden detailing the list of failings, as he sees it — times where the institution failed to keep its promises to the public, and times where it failed to keep people safe, and times where it failed to protect officers from harassment and things like that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so he writes up this memo and sends it off to the warden. And after that, he actually leaves California. He moves to Missouri, and it seems like his plan was to drop this bomb and then right off into the sunset. He was planning to retire at the end of the year and just kind of be done with the prison and with this whole institution. But much like we saw with Valentino, even though Sergeant Kevin Steele is out of the prison and, you know, even miles and miles away, he’s still trapped there mentally. And, you know, at one point, about eight months after he’s he’s left the state, things reach a head for him. And one day, Steele goes into the shed on his property in Missouri and he doesn’t come out again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean these are, you know, two extremely tragic losses. But both of these whistleblowers, they left behind evidence for you to understand New Folsom, right? The the failures that happened there, like for Valentino, you had his phone and and Steele wrote a memo that talked about his concerns about use of force incidents going back years. What did you find out when you started looking into those? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So one of the things that was really incredible about this story is the evidence that was left behind. Steele’s memo kind of gave us this key to understanding what he saw was wrong with these incidents, which was that the injuries that people were showing up in the hospital with — incarcerated people — were not matching the reports. So we started kind of looking at our incident reports, kind of through this lens that he had left for us. And seeing how repeatedly, these incident reports had this kind of pattern to them, almost. And a lot of these incidents, that appeared very troubling, you know, occurred in areas where there was no camera coverage. And the use of force described often did not, you know, at all make sense on how they got injured. So it would be something like I think one of them was like, “We guided the man to the floor and they ended up, you know, with internal bleeding and, and broken ribs.” And you’re like, okay, like how how does that even make- make that makes sense, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And what we saw over and over again in these cases is that they didn’t result in discipline for officers. Well, you know, one theme that we just kind of ran into over and over again is the code of silence. And it’s basically an agreement, you know, unspoken agreement to never tell on each other. And it’s this is something that we’ve seen in policing as well with the Thin Blue line. But I would say it’s even stronger in a prison context. And because there isn’t that thing of a bystander who can kind of intercede or be an outside witness to events, that code of silence is just a really, really thick wall to break. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so many people that we talked to, we talked to correctional officers for this story, many of whom did not want to go on the record because they fear retaliation. Even retired officers who still feel like potentially the agency could come after them for their pensions if they talk. There is no real incentive to do so. Like even institutionally, you will be reassigned. You will not be rewarded basically for for reporting things like that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You’re confirming this culture of silence that both Steele and Val experienced and and tried to disrupt. What did you ultimately end up finding out about their deaths? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So again, we did not find there was any evidence of foul play. But I feel like our reporting really does clearly show that they were victims. They were victims of this system, and they were victims of this code of silence and that fear and the kind of psychosocial trauma that they experienced by having to go against this, this machine, in order to try and do what they felt was the right thing, really contributed to their deaths, and contributed to the decline of their mental health and led them to to their end. And this was, in fact, a finding that was made after their deaths. Their widows filed basically workers compensation claims with the state to get their death benefits. And during that process, they found that these deaths were industrial. These deaths were related to their jobs and their work as correctional officers for the state of California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Your sources included law enforcement, former law enforcement, incarcerated people, their their family members. Like, what are the particular challenges of reporting in and about a prison? Like how does it require a different approach, especially when you’re dealing with people who likely have dealt with some very traumatic things? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, there are a lot of different challenges. I think, you know, in terms of bringing correctional officers in in to feeling like they could speak to us and trust us, it was a lot of conversations about confidentiality, how we could keep them protected, and also that we were trying to tell a deep, nuanced story that that wasn’t just a story about how correctional officers always are using excessive force or something like that. It was this story that we had found, which was very complicated, and it was about the the mental impacts of working inside a prison on officers, and that they experienced some of the same difficult things that incarcerated people experience. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And then for the incarcerated people that we spoke to, there was also a lot of different factors to consider. You know, for one thing, a lot of the phone conversations, or all the phone conversations that we had are recorded. So you know that you are being listened in on and that what they say could have impacts for their lives. Some people I talked to have been in prison for years have kind of a vague idea about what a podcast is, but not everybody does, you know? So just kind of walking people through like what- what this means, what their participation means, what going on their record means and stuff like that, so they can be informed and make informed decisions about participating or not. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And then, you know, in terms of people who have been dealing with trauma, you know, we talked to Val Senior, obviously, who was kind of in in the throes of his own grieving process. We talked to the family of Sergeant Kevin Steele as well, his brother, who agreed to go on the record with us. And we talked to Mimy, Valentino Rodriguez’s wife. And I think, you know, just in terms of having a trauma informed approach as much as possible, a lot of it was about giving them the power, not trying to be extractive, or just take their story and see how it fit in with our narrative. But to hold space for them to talk about what they had gone through and also the power to be like, “Okay, if you don’t feel like you said that right, or if you want to rethink that, like this is how you’re going to be portrayed in the story, this is the context in which your story is going to be used. Are you comfortable with that?” And saying “if you’re not, you can take it back any time.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so it was a lot more conversation than I think you would normally have of going back to sources and playing pieces of tape for them and that kind of thing, but it really felt like the responsible thing to do. So there were no surprises when the podcast came out. And so we could also be sure that we were being accurate and that we were accurately representing the experience of our primary sources. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, people will say sunlight is the best disinfectant. Is it making the difference? Is the reporting, the transparency… How is it impacting these, these prisons? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think it’s it’s still too soon to say. And it’s also kind of the next step. I feel like this is the first step is saying like, “Look, this is what’s happening.” And then the next step is actually beyond our power as journalists. I feel like it’s in the hands of lawmakers and the oversight bodies over the prisons, here in California or nationally. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One thing that’s interesting to know about the California prison system is that there’s there is an oversight body called the office of the Inspector General of Prisons, and they do get a lot of insight into the prisons, but they have no power. So they regularly issue these reports that say “you’re doing a bad job, you need to do better.” Or like, “this person violated policy. We don’t agree with this.” But until there is a real appetite in internally in the agency to take action or body like that has teeth, this transparency only gets you so far. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think it’s really important again, for the public to know about it, because that is how change happens, is people taking an interest and people, taking a care about this public institution that we own. Like this is our this is our bag. And so I think that’s that’s why I do this work. But then I have to hand it off and see where it goes from there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Well thank you so much. I think this reporting is so important. And it’s the- it’s reporting on people who truly don’t have a voice, people who have died, people who are incarcerated. And you give them a voice. So we’re so grateful to to be able to tell this story. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you. And and I also feel honored, you know, that people allowed me to share their stories with so many people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That was criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis, host of On Our Watch from KQED in San Francisco. You can listen to all eight episodes of their latest season at kqed.org/onourwatch, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode of The Sunday Story was produced by Justine Yan and edited by Liana Simstrom, with additional editing by Jen Chien, the director of podcasts at KQED. Production support from Chris Egusa. Our engineer was Robert Rodriguez. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Sunday Story team includes Abby Windle and our senior editor, Jenny Schmidt. Liana Simstrom is our supervising producer and Irene Noguchi is our executive producer. If you are experiencing mental health related distress or have a loved one who needs crisis support, please call or text 988. The Suicide and Crisis Lifeline. I’m Ayesha Rascoe. Up First is back tomorrow with all the news you need to start your week. Until then, have a great rest of your weekend. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Get a behind-the-scenes peek at the reporting for On Our Watch: New Folsom as Ayesha Rascoe, host of NPR’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1213771050/the-sunday-story-from-up-first\">The Sunday Story from Up First\u003c/a>, speaks with Sukey about the season and the wider context of this kind of journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC6251136710\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mental health resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are currently in crisis, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.samhsa.gov/find-help/national-helpline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SAMHSA National Help Line\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/help\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness) Helpline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/programs/prevention-and-wellness/mental-health-substance-abuse/index.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">US Health and Human Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://warmline.org/warmdir.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Warmline Directory\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Whistleblower resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.thelamplighterproject.org\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Lamplighter Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://thesignalsnetwork.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Signals Network\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://empowr.us/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">EMPOWR\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblowersofamerica.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whistleblowers of America\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://whistleblower.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Government Accountability Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblowers.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">National Whistleblower Center\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://whistlebloweraid.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whistleblower Aid\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism was a key partner in making Season 2 of On Our Watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The records obtained for this project are part of the\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> California Reporting Project\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a coalition of news organizations in California. If you have tips or feedback about this series please reach out to us at \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"mailto:onourwatch@kqed.org\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">onourwatch@kqed.org\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Hi, it’s Sukey. This will be our last bonus episode for a while, but we’ll definitely update you if there are any new developments in our reporting. And from time to time, we’ll also share some other podcasts we think you might be interested in checking out. Today I wanted to share a conversation I had on a different show, the Up First podcast from NPR, where you’ll get to hear more of the backstory behind On Our Watch. Here’s that conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m Ayesha Rascoe, and this is a Sunday story. A warning before we get started, this episode contains mentions of suicide. In recent years, high profile cases of police brutality across the US have brought increased attention and scrutiny to police misconduct and use of force incidents. When something happens, the police often say, “We’re investigating.” But what’s really being done, or not done, to ensure police are held accountable for their actions? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2021, a team of reporters from KQED partnered with NPR to take a closer look at the process for how police policed themselves. They made a podcast called On Our Watch, and it was focused on select cases of police misconduct in California. Today, I’m speaking with criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis, the host of On Our Watch. She and her team have continued to uncover thousands of previously sealed Internal Affairs law enforcement records as part of the multi-newsroom California Reporting Project. Sukey tells me about the reporting behind the new season of her show. In season two, the show digs into recent incidents at one of the most dangerous prisons in California. Our conversation about the story she found within the closed world of correctional facilities, and what it takes to investigate what happens inside of a prison… After the break. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We’re back with The Sunday Story. Here with criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis, host of the KQED podcast On Our Watch. Sukey, welcome to the program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thanks so much for having me on. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we get into the reporting for the season of On Our Watch, talk to me about the California Reporting Project. You co-founded that in 2018, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. So in 2018, the state here in California passed a new law that would open up internal police records, you know, for the first time, basically, we’d get to see inside this black box of police internal affairs. And that law was called the Right to Know Act. And it affected certain categories of internal records, including deadly use of force incidents, serious use of force incidents, which means, you know, when somebody gets really badly injured by police, and dishonesty and sexual assault or sexual misconduct on duty by police officers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This law gave you access to the paper trail that opened the window to these police departments and how they run, because there’s always a paper trail, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. And for years here in California, it was very secretive. You couldn’t see that paper trail. So some states, like Florida, have had open records laws for a long time. But here in California, because of the power of the police unions, you just could never know. You could never know if somebody was disciplined or fired or like what had happened. And so we teamed up with a group of different news organizations across the state to file blanket public records requests at all 700 law enforcement agencies across the state to start understanding how these systems work. What happens when serious police shooting happens? What happens when you file a complaint against a police officer for excessive force? And they say we’re going to investigate. How does a deadly use of force investigation unfold? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So. So season one of On Our Watch came directly out of this reporting. You examined select misconduct cases and and kind of the shadowy world of police discipline. So what were some of the big lessons or takeaways from your reporting on season one? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think one of our biggest findings was that those promises that we have been made in the public that, “we’re investigating, people will be held accountable,” are really based on this false assumption that its purpose is to provide accountability and that that’s actually not its purpose. It’s a risk management tool. Basically like H.R. Right? If you’re an employee and you make a complaint to H.R., their goal isn’t necessarily to hold the person you made a complaint about to justice. Their goal is to protect the company from liability. That’s what we really found, especially in a secretive system with internal affairs in the world of policing, it was much more about protecting the police department and the city from liability. So sometimes that would mean accountability. Sometimes that would mean an officer gets fired or disciplined because that’s what would protect the city. But that was not actually the goal or the purpose of this institution or the system. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this season, you focused on correctional facilities, prisons. How did you decide on that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We decided to turn to the world of correctional facilities in California, because the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation is actually the largest employer of peace officers in the state. And while we had gotten some insight into how police departments were functioning and how these internal affairs systems were working in police departments, the world of corrections is even more of a closed system. I mean, it’s literally behind walls, right? And so getting behind those walls, even if it was just through the paper trail, as you say, seemed like a really important thing to do. And to understand how these prisons, how these small cities work, and how, accountability works in a, in a system where often the people who are making complaints are incarcerated and have even less power than a civilian on the street. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How did you land on the prison that you focused on? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So we ended up focusing on a prison known as New Folsom or California State Prison Sacramento. And that’s because as we are analyzing data and records from prisons all across the state, there was this pattern that kind of jumped off the page at us. And it for this category of serious use of force incidents — that’s when an officer uses deadly force or seriously injures somebody — there were three times as many of those type of incidents at this one prison than any other prison in the state. And this just kind of raised our alarm bells. We were like, you know, “What is going on at this prison? You know, why is that such an anomaly in the data? Let’s look closer.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We took our findings to some attorneys who work in this space. And these attorneys, they were also surprised. But they said this prison has been, you know, kind of known, known problem. They said, did you know about the whistleblowers that died there? There are these two whistleblowers that died there in the last year. And those two whistleblowers names were correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez and Sergeant Kevin Steele. Officer Valentino Rodriguez. His death was found to be accidental overdose due to fentanyl. And the second officer, Sergeant Kevin Steele, who died about ten months later, died by suicide. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So within the space of a year, two whistleblowers at this prison had died. I mean, I think that’s going to stop anybody in they tracks. What did you think when you first heard that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, your first thought goes to, is there foul play? Is someone retaliating against these whistleblowers? And so we started doing, you know, what we as investigative journalists do. My colleague Julie Small reached out to the family of Valentino Rodriguez. We both started filing public records requests for the death investigations of each of these men to try and understand what had happened to them, and if there was anything in those death investigations that pointed back to the prison or to to anything else that we needed to uncover. Ultimately, we did not find any evidence of foul play in either case, but we learned a lot more about what they had each been uncovering before they died. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coming up after the break, Sukey and her team follow the trail of evidence left by correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez and Sergeant Kevin Steele after their deaths. We’re back with a Sunday story. Sukey, once you heard about the two whistleblowers who’d worked at the same prison, New Folsom, you started retracing the events before their deaths. How did you go about that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So one person who ended up being a really key source for us was the father of correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez, who has the same name. So his name is Valentino Rodriguez, Senior. And he ended up being really central to our story. My colleague Julie reached out to him and at first he was really, you know, cautious. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I just I just want this to work both ways. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I need to know what you’re doing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s all I’ve ever asked. I- nobody even knows we’re having these meetings other than my wife. Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When we met him, Val Senior was really clearly, you know, still in the midst of the grieving process. And I think part of that process for him was trying to understand, you know, what led to his son’s passing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I just can’t I just can’t turn my back on my son, you know what I mean? And, I owe that to him, and I’m going to go as far as I can. And. And then in the end, if nothing, there’s nothing I tried. Right? I’ll find my answers when my time comes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So he started to share with us the evidence that he had been gathering, including his son’s phone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What did you learn about who Valentino Rodriguez was, how he was as a person, and and this journey that he was on? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was it was really incredible. We learned a lot about him. He was a really kind of funny, goofy guy. One of the, you know, things that we found on his phone was this video of him in the Investigative Services unit offices inside this prison. It’s one of the most dangerous prisons in the state of California. And he sets up the camera, and then he steps back, and then he starts dancing, and he’s practicing. He’s learning the cumbia because he’s about to get married. And so he’s practicing the cumbia in this, you know, in this office. And, I just loved kind of coming across these little artifacts of who this person was. He also had a dog named Daisy that he loved and would sing to his dog.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Jr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Super Dog. Super Dog. This the song about Daisy, the Super Dog. One day there was a dog named Daisy, and she was super lazy… \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And he really worked hard at the prison, like he was really wanted to get into this investigative unit. It was a big career opportunity for him. But the unit itself, once he joined, they didn’t really think he had earned the right to be there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So when he had his first day there, he had come over after. And, I asked him, “How’s your how was your first day?” And he goes, “It was a bunch of older guys that have been there.” He called them OGs. I says, “How do you go?” And he goes, “They asked who the f*** are you?” You know, his first day, and I just, “Eh that’s prison talk, I guess.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, they they had a nickname for him called “Half Patch” to indicate, like he he wasn’t a full member of the team, and he didn’t quite deserve to be there yet. And you can see in his phone, you know, he is trying really hard to fit in with this group of guys and they kind of needle him and call him names, like, just really kind of harassing behavior, you know, from work colleagues. You can see that it really does begin to take a toll on Valentino, and he starts to struggle with his mental health. So he actually has a breakdown at work one day and shares with the chief deputy warden that he is going through some, some really difficult things. And she tells him, okay, you should go out on stress leave. And so he takes some time off work from the prison. But even once he leaves the prison, he really can’t leave it all the way. Like he’s still mentally there and still kind of struggling with the effects of his time there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mimy Rodriguez: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I remember sitting on the couch with him and him saying. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is Mimy Rodriguez, Valentino’s wife. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mimy Rodriguez: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I remember this very clearly. He said, “This is my identity.” He’s like, “I feel like I’ve given up on everything. I feel like I gave up on my job.” He wasn’t at the prison physically, but mentally he was still there. He was still talking to people from the prison. He was still reaching out to people from the- people from the prison were reaching out to him, telling him what was going on within the prison. He he had not at all let that go. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Reading through his text messages, you can see it’s not like he sets out to become a whistleblower. It’s just eating away at him and he can’t quite let it go. He can’t quite turn away from what he’s seen in the prison. And so six days before his death, he ends up going in to talk to the warden, and he tells them about the harassment that he experienced personally, and also different kinds of misconduct that he witnessed, including allegations that other officers in the unit that he worked in were involved in planting drugs and weapons on incarcerated people. And that’s really important because the unit that he worked in is kind of like the police force for the prison. They have this very special role. And so if they’re dirty, that could taint criminal cases that stem from the investigations they do. And the officers in this unit are supposed to be held to a higher standard because they have this higher level of responsibility in the prison than other officers do. So after he makes this report, the word eventually gets out that he’s talked. And he was really nervous about that happening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mimy Rodriguez: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So he was nervous about anybody coming to the house. At one point he had put things at the door, so if someone opened it, you can hear the door open. He also like he had a gun and he would sleep with it just to make sure. And I’m like, “What? Who’s coming?” And I would ask him like, “Is everything okay?” You know, “Who’s- who are you nervous about coming? What is going on?” It’s hard to. It’s hard to see the person you love turn into something different. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The night that he died, one of the last text messages you can see he sent to his wife was, “It’s out now that I told on the team.” And then she comes home to find him slumped over in the bathroom and no longer breathing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, it’s I mean, it’s so horrible. Who is the other whistleblower? Tell me about him. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So the other whistleblower, his name is Sergeant Kevin Steele. He had worked for the California Department of Corrections for about 20 years at this point. He is a military veteran. Just this real kind of straight arrow guy had a very kind of rigorous sense of morality, a very rigorous sense of right and wrong. He’s seen a lot and been through a lot, and was beginning to come to this point of disillusionment with these systems that he had been promised were going to affect change and provide accountability. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it’s in this environment that his friend Valentino Rodriguez passes away. And so I think for Steele at this point, Valentino’s death was kind of like the last straw for him. He felt like all these things he’s seen over the years and tried to report up the chain had not been properly addressed. And then there was this kind of moral failing in response to the death of an officer and how they treated Latino’s family after his death. And so Steele decides to make his last stand, basically. And what he does is he writes up a memo to the warden detailing the list of failings, as he sees it — times where the institution failed to keep its promises to the public, and times where it failed to keep people safe, and times where it failed to protect officers from harassment and things like that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so he writes up this memo and sends it off to the warden. And after that, he actually leaves California. He moves to Missouri, and it seems like his plan was to drop this bomb and then right off into the sunset. He was planning to retire at the end of the year and just kind of be done with the prison and with this whole institution. But much like we saw with Valentino, even though Sergeant Kevin Steele is out of the prison and, you know, even miles and miles away, he’s still trapped there mentally. And, you know, at one point, about eight months after he’s he’s left the state, things reach a head for him. And one day, Steele goes into the shed on his property in Missouri and he doesn’t come out again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean these are, you know, two extremely tragic losses. But both of these whistleblowers, they left behind evidence for you to understand New Folsom, right? The the failures that happened there, like for Valentino, you had his phone and and Steele wrote a memo that talked about his concerns about use of force incidents going back years. What did you find out when you started looking into those? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So one of the things that was really incredible about this story is the evidence that was left behind. Steele’s memo kind of gave us this key to understanding what he saw was wrong with these incidents, which was that the injuries that people were showing up in the hospital with — incarcerated people — were not matching the reports. So we started kind of looking at our incident reports, kind of through this lens that he had left for us. And seeing how repeatedly, these incident reports had this kind of pattern to them, almost. And a lot of these incidents, that appeared very troubling, you know, occurred in areas where there was no camera coverage. And the use of force described often did not, you know, at all make sense on how they got injured. So it would be something like I think one of them was like, “We guided the man to the floor and they ended up, you know, with internal bleeding and, and broken ribs.” And you’re like, okay, like how how does that even make- make that makes sense, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And what we saw over and over again in these cases is that they didn’t result in discipline for officers. Well, you know, one theme that we just kind of ran into over and over again is the code of silence. And it’s basically an agreement, you know, unspoken agreement to never tell on each other. And it’s this is something that we’ve seen in policing as well with the Thin Blue line. But I would say it’s even stronger in a prison context. And because there isn’t that thing of a bystander who can kind of intercede or be an outside witness to events, that code of silence is just a really, really thick wall to break. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so many people that we talked to, we talked to correctional officers for this story, many of whom did not want to go on the record because they fear retaliation. Even retired officers who still feel like potentially the agency could come after them for their pensions if they talk. There is no real incentive to do so. Like even institutionally, you will be reassigned. You will not be rewarded basically for for reporting things like that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You’re confirming this culture of silence that both Steele and Val experienced and and tried to disrupt. What did you ultimately end up finding out about their deaths? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So again, we did not find there was any evidence of foul play. But I feel like our reporting really does clearly show that they were victims. They were victims of this system, and they were victims of this code of silence and that fear and the kind of psychosocial trauma that they experienced by having to go against this, this machine, in order to try and do what they felt was the right thing, really contributed to their deaths, and contributed to the decline of their mental health and led them to to their end. And this was, in fact, a finding that was made after their deaths. Their widows filed basically workers compensation claims with the state to get their death benefits. And during that process, they found that these deaths were industrial. These deaths were related to their jobs and their work as correctional officers for the state of California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Your sources included law enforcement, former law enforcement, incarcerated people, their their family members. Like, what are the particular challenges of reporting in and about a prison? Like how does it require a different approach, especially when you’re dealing with people who likely have dealt with some very traumatic things? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, there are a lot of different challenges. I think, you know, in terms of bringing correctional officers in in to feeling like they could speak to us and trust us, it was a lot of conversations about confidentiality, how we could keep them protected, and also that we were trying to tell a deep, nuanced story that that wasn’t just a story about how correctional officers always are using excessive force or something like that. It was this story that we had found, which was very complicated, and it was about the the mental impacts of working inside a prison on officers, and that they experienced some of the same difficult things that incarcerated people experience. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And then for the incarcerated people that we spoke to, there was also a lot of different factors to consider. You know, for one thing, a lot of the phone conversations, or all the phone conversations that we had are recorded. So you know that you are being listened in on and that what they say could have impacts for their lives. Some people I talked to have been in prison for years have kind of a vague idea about what a podcast is, but not everybody does, you know? So just kind of walking people through like what- what this means, what their participation means, what going on their record means and stuff like that, so they can be informed and make informed decisions about participating or not. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And then, you know, in terms of people who have been dealing with trauma, you know, we talked to Val Senior, obviously, who was kind of in in the throes of his own grieving process. We talked to the family of Sergeant Kevin Steele as well, his brother, who agreed to go on the record with us. And we talked to Mimy, Valentino Rodriguez’s wife. And I think, you know, just in terms of having a trauma informed approach as much as possible, a lot of it was about giving them the power, not trying to be extractive, or just take their story and see how it fit in with our narrative. But to hold space for them to talk about what they had gone through and also the power to be like, “Okay, if you don’t feel like you said that right, or if you want to rethink that, like this is how you’re going to be portrayed in the story, this is the context in which your story is going to be used. Are you comfortable with that?” And saying “if you’re not, you can take it back any time.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so it was a lot more conversation than I think you would normally have of going back to sources and playing pieces of tape for them and that kind of thing, but it really felt like the responsible thing to do. So there were no surprises when the podcast came out. And so we could also be sure that we were being accurate and that we were accurately representing the experience of our primary sources. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, people will say sunlight is the best disinfectant. Is it making the difference? Is the reporting, the transparency… How is it impacting these, these prisons? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think it’s it’s still too soon to say. And it’s also kind of the next step. I feel like this is the first step is saying like, “Look, this is what’s happening.” And then the next step is actually beyond our power as journalists. I feel like it’s in the hands of lawmakers and the oversight bodies over the prisons, here in California or nationally. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One thing that’s interesting to know about the California prison system is that there’s there is an oversight body called the office of the Inspector General of Prisons, and they do get a lot of insight into the prisons, but they have no power. So they regularly issue these reports that say “you’re doing a bad job, you need to do better.” Or like, “this person violated policy. We don’t agree with this.” But until there is a real appetite in internally in the agency to take action or body like that has teeth, this transparency only gets you so far. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think it’s really important again, for the public to know about it, because that is how change happens, is people taking an interest and people, taking a care about this public institution that we own. Like this is our this is our bag. And so I think that’s that’s why I do this work. But then I have to hand it off and see where it goes from there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Well thank you so much. I think this reporting is so important. And it’s the- it’s reporting on people who truly don’t have a voice, people who have died, people who are incarcerated. And you give them a voice. So we’re so grateful to to be able to tell this story. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you. And and I also feel honored, you know, that people allowed me to share their stories with so many people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That was criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis, host of On Our Watch from KQED in San Francisco. You can listen to all eight episodes of their latest season at kqed.org/onourwatch, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode of The Sunday Story was produced by Justine Yan and edited by Liana Simstrom, with additional editing by Jen Chien, the director of podcasts at KQED. Production support from Chris Egusa. Our engineer was Robert Rodriguez. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Sunday Story team includes Abby Windle and our senior editor, Jenny Schmidt. Liana Simstrom is our supervising producer and Irene Noguchi is our executive producer. If you are experiencing mental health related distress or have a loved one who needs crisis support, please call or text 988. The Suicide and Crisis Lifeline. I’m Ayesha Rascoe. Up First is back tomorrow with all the news you need to start your week. Until then, have a great rest of your weekend. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>For eight years, Mike Salazar has spent Fourth of July week selling fireworks in an empty parking lot in Vernon. His truck is covered floor to ceiling with boxes of small snappers, sky rockets and $500 pre-built show packages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the Fourth, there’s been times where we’ve been able to sell out everything and be out of here by 2 o’clock,” Salazar said. “I’ll be trying to close and people stop by saying, ‘I’ll buy whatever’s left!’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stand is one of hundreds across the country owned by TNT Fireworks, generating $110 million in revenue in California. It is already the country’s largest distributor of consumer fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the company is trying to get California to crack down on illegal fireworks, including those sold in Nevada — and maybe boost its sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While “safe and sane” fireworks — including sparklers, smokeballs and noisemakers — are legal in many cities throughout California, projectile and explosive fireworks are illegal everywhere in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11992781 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1409046890-scaled.jpg']So far this year, California has seized more than 120 tons of illegal fireworks, which is “well above” average, state Fire Marshal Daniel Berlant said in a press conference Tuesday. Last month, police seized 75 tons of illegal fireworks from a warehouse in Gardena — the largest bust in California’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a glaring, shocking example of how the problem has grown to such proportions that there is so much more out there in this state, that something has to be done about it,” said Dennis Revell, CEO of Revell Communications, which represents TNT Fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every Fourth of July, police and fire departments \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2024/07/02/an-uphill-battle-as-southern-california-cities-try-to-combat-illegal-fourth-of-july-fireworks/\">get swamped with calls about illegal fireworks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revell said that many illegal fireworks are coming from stores in Nevada counties where all fireworks are legal — some just eight miles from the California border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the Los Angeles Police Department detonated 16 tons of illegal fireworks found in a South Los Angeles home, injuring 17 people and displacing residents of the neighborhood. The city just \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/la-agrees-to-21m-settlement-for-families-forced-from-homes-by-lapd-fireworks-detonation\">reached a $21 million settlement\u003c/a> with the affected families. The owner of the fireworks testified that he purchased most of them from Area 51, a store in Pahrump, Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Seeking an agreement with Nevada\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since January 2023, TNT Fireworks has spent more than $300,000 on lobbying California’s Legislature, governor’s office, fire marshal, Cal Fire and the attorney general’s office, according to the Secretary of State’s office. The company has donated nearly $7,000 to campaigns this election, including $2,000 to Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/eduardo-garcia-38\">Eduardo Garcia\u003c/a>, a Coachella Democrat and the author of \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1403?slug=CA_202320240AB1403\">Assembly Bill 1403\u003c/a>, the focus of its lobbying efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Legislature passed and Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill, which doubled the range of illegal firework fines. The maximum — for possessing at least 5,000 pounds — jumped from $50,000 to $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An earlier version of the bill set aside a portion of the state sales tax on “safe and sane” fireworks to fund increased statewide enforcement against illegal fireworks. The provision was removed, and that’s when Revell came up with a new plan that he proposed to a fire marshal’s advisory committee: California and Nevada should work together to stop illegal firework sales earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firework stores in Nevada are already required to log information about their customers, including their ID. Through an interstate compact, Revell said, Nevada could require stores to put this information into a state database and alert California law enforcement when a California resident buys fireworks that are illegal here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is now in Berlant’s hands. He’s reviewing it, and if it moves forward, Berlant will present it to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office, which would discuss it with Nevada Gov. Joe Lombardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has signed other interstate compacts, including a 2020 agreement with four Western states to curb COVID-19’s effect on the economy and a 2022 deal with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2022/10/06/us/west-governors-california-climate-agreement/index.html\">governors of Oregon and Washington and the premier of British Columbia\u003c/a> to combat climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of this history, Revell said he thinks Newsom will be receptive to an agreement with Nevada. “I wish there was a better solution, but it’s the best we’ve been able to come up with given the circumstances that we’re facing,” Revell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the compact requires approval from Nevada’s legislature, it is out of session until 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very short time window to try and accomplish this, and we fully expect that the majority of Nevada firework stores will fight that effort if it requires any legislation, because of the potential impact it could have on their business,” Revell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Same concerns, smaller scale\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some California cities, fireworks are completely banned — even those labeled “safe and sane.” Among these cities are Los Angeles, San Diego and Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Located just outside Los Angeles, Vernon has only 222 residents, according to the 2020 Census. But Salazar — treasurer of the Rotary Club of Rio Hondo-Vernon — said his fireworks cart makes about $12,000 to $15,000 each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our advantage is we get a lot of people that come from the Valley, over there it’s illegal,” Salazar said. “We’re literally the first one off the freeways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993031\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11993031 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Salazar of the Rotary Club at a ‘Safe and Sane’ fireworks stand in the City of Vernon on July 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ted Soqui for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salazar said “safe and sane” fireworks should be legal throughout the state. Many TNT stands are operated by nonprofits — such as the Rotary Club — that split the proceeds with the company. Under AB 1403, cities that allow the sale of legal fireworks collect 7% of profits to put toward local efforts to combat illegal fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only do you take away from most of the nonprofits in the area that could generate a decent amount of money and do some good in the community,” Salazar said, “but you’re also losing that tax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Perfect recipe for a disaster’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, fireworks safety is always a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And state fire officials are warning Californians about the dangers of setting off fireworks in the middle of a triple-digit heat wave when the wildfire risk is already elevated. Red flag warnings are in place in seven California counties, and two wildfires broke out Tuesday morning in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tuesday’s press conference, state fire officials said that some “safe and sane” fireworks, such as sparklers, can get as hot as 12,000 degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians who use “safe and sane” fireworks this holiday should avoid setting them off near flammable objects or vegetation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dry grass, the vegetation across the state, coupled with triple-digit temperatures and the wind is a perfect recipe for a disaster,” Berlant said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters data journalist \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jeremia-kimelman/\">\u003cem>Jeremia Kimelman\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The biggest US seller of legal fireworks wants the state to sign a deal with Nevada to stop illegal fireworks from crossing the border. The state fire marshal warns of fireworks danger this July Fourth during the heat wave.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For eight years, Mike Salazar has spent Fourth of July week selling fireworks in an empty parking lot in Vernon. His truck is covered floor to ceiling with boxes of small snappers, sky rockets and $500 pre-built show packages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the Fourth, there’s been times where we’ve been able to sell out everything and be out of here by 2 o’clock,” Salazar said. “I’ll be trying to close and people stop by saying, ‘I’ll buy whatever’s left!’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stand is one of hundreds across the country owned by TNT Fireworks, generating $110 million in revenue in California. It is already the country’s largest distributor of consumer fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the company is trying to get California to crack down on illegal fireworks, including those sold in Nevada — and maybe boost its sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While “safe and sane” fireworks — including sparklers, smokeballs and noisemakers — are legal in many cities throughout California, projectile and explosive fireworks are illegal everywhere in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>So far this year, California has seized more than 120 tons of illegal fireworks, which is “well above” average, state Fire Marshal Daniel Berlant said in a press conference Tuesday. Last month, police seized 75 tons of illegal fireworks from a warehouse in Gardena — the largest bust in California’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a glaring, shocking example of how the problem has grown to such proportions that there is so much more out there in this state, that something has to be done about it,” said Dennis Revell, CEO of Revell Communications, which represents TNT Fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every Fourth of July, police and fire departments \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2024/07/02/an-uphill-battle-as-southern-california-cities-try-to-combat-illegal-fourth-of-july-fireworks/\">get swamped with calls about illegal fireworks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revell said that many illegal fireworks are coming from stores in Nevada counties where all fireworks are legal — some just eight miles from the California border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the Los Angeles Police Department detonated 16 tons of illegal fireworks found in a South Los Angeles home, injuring 17 people and displacing residents of the neighborhood. The city just \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/la-agrees-to-21m-settlement-for-families-forced-from-homes-by-lapd-fireworks-detonation\">reached a $21 million settlement\u003c/a> with the affected families. The owner of the fireworks testified that he purchased most of them from Area 51, a store in Pahrump, Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Seeking an agreement with Nevada\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since January 2023, TNT Fireworks has spent more than $300,000 on lobbying California’s Legislature, governor’s office, fire marshal, Cal Fire and the attorney general’s office, according to the Secretary of State’s office. The company has donated nearly $7,000 to campaigns this election, including $2,000 to Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/eduardo-garcia-38\">Eduardo Garcia\u003c/a>, a Coachella Democrat and the author of \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1403?slug=CA_202320240AB1403\">Assembly Bill 1403\u003c/a>, the focus of its lobbying efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Legislature passed and Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill, which doubled the range of illegal firework fines. The maximum — for possessing at least 5,000 pounds — jumped from $50,000 to $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An earlier version of the bill set aside a portion of the state sales tax on “safe and sane” fireworks to fund increased statewide enforcement against illegal fireworks. The provision was removed, and that’s when Revell came up with a new plan that he proposed to a fire marshal’s advisory committee: California and Nevada should work together to stop illegal firework sales earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firework stores in Nevada are already required to log information about their customers, including their ID. Through an interstate compact, Revell said, Nevada could require stores to put this information into a state database and alert California law enforcement when a California resident buys fireworks that are illegal here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is now in Berlant’s hands. He’s reviewing it, and if it moves forward, Berlant will present it to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office, which would discuss it with Nevada Gov. Joe Lombardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has signed other interstate compacts, including a 2020 agreement with four Western states to curb COVID-19’s effect on the economy and a 2022 deal with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2022/10/06/us/west-governors-california-climate-agreement/index.html\">governors of Oregon and Washington and the premier of British Columbia\u003c/a> to combat climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of this history, Revell said he thinks Newsom will be receptive to an agreement with Nevada. “I wish there was a better solution, but it’s the best we’ve been able to come up with given the circumstances that we’re facing,” Revell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the compact requires approval from Nevada’s legislature, it is out of session until 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very short time window to try and accomplish this, and we fully expect that the majority of Nevada firework stores will fight that effort if it requires any legislation, because of the potential impact it could have on their business,” Revell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Same concerns, smaller scale\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some California cities, fireworks are completely banned — even those labeled “safe and sane.” Among these cities are Los Angeles, San Diego and Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Located just outside Los Angeles, Vernon has only 222 residents, according to the 2020 Census. But Salazar — treasurer of the Rotary Club of Rio Hondo-Vernon — said his fireworks cart makes about $12,000 to $15,000 each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our advantage is we get a lot of people that come from the Valley, over there it’s illegal,” Salazar said. “We’re literally the first one off the freeways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993031\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11993031 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Salazar of the Rotary Club at a ‘Safe and Sane’ fireworks stand in the City of Vernon on July 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ted Soqui for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salazar said “safe and sane” fireworks should be legal throughout the state. Many TNT stands are operated by nonprofits — such as the Rotary Club — that split the proceeds with the company. Under AB 1403, cities that allow the sale of legal fireworks collect 7% of profits to put toward local efforts to combat illegal fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only do you take away from most of the nonprofits in the area that could generate a decent amount of money and do some good in the community,” Salazar said, “but you’re also losing that tax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Perfect recipe for a disaster’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, fireworks safety is always a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And state fire officials are warning Californians about the dangers of setting off fireworks in the middle of a triple-digit heat wave when the wildfire risk is already elevated. Red flag warnings are in place in seven California counties, and two wildfires broke out Tuesday morning in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tuesday’s press conference, state fire officials said that some “safe and sane” fireworks, such as sparklers, can get as hot as 12,000 degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians who use “safe and sane” fireworks this holiday should avoid setting them off near flammable objects or vegetation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dry grass, the vegetation across the state, coupled with triple-digit temperatures and the wind is a perfect recipe for a disaster,” Berlant said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters data journalist \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jeremia-kimelman/\">\u003cem>Jeremia Kimelman\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988727/direct-democracy-means-a-crowded-california-ballot-heres-what-you-could-be-voting-on-this-november\">months of signature gathering\u003c/a>, backroom negotiations and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991285/california-ballot-measure-to-limit-new-taxes-is-blocked-by-supreme-court\">judicial bombshells\u003c/a>, the field is set: California voters will decide on ten state ballot measures this November, the Secretary of State’s office announced Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a first look at the measures on the ballot, which collectively will have far-reaching implications for climate, criminal justice, housing, health care and schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 2 (school facilities bond): \u003c/strong>The Legislature placed this $10 billion bond measure on the ballot to renovate and construct K–12 and community college facilities across the state. The money would help local school districts replace portable classrooms, retrofit existing buildings and construct more classrooms for the state’s new grade, transitional kindergarten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 3 (same-sex marriage):\u003c/strong> This measure would officially remove the language banning same-sex marriage, passed by voters in 2008, from the state constitution. In practice, that law has been nullified since a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/101122/proposition-8-supreme-court-live-blog\">Supreme Court ruling in 2013 that allowed same-sex marriages\u003c/a> to resume in California. However, Democrats in the Legislature placed this measure on the ballot, arguing it is needed to signal the state’s progressive shift on the issue and protect against any potential future changes to federal marriage protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 4 (climate bond): \u003c/strong>The second bond placed on the ballot by the Legislature would allocate $10 billion, with the goal of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1993540/californias-10b-climate-bond-breaks-through-political-gridlock\">helping California prepare and adapt for the impacts of climate change\u003c/a>. Two areas of focus for the bond money would be water infrastructure, such as groundwater storage and reservoirs and wildfire prevention, including controlled burns and forest thinning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 5 (housing and infrastructure votes): \u003c/strong>Democrats in the Legislature placed this measure on the ballot, making it easier for local governments to pass bonds and taxes that fund affordable housing and infrastructure. Those measures currently require approval from a two-thirds supermajority of voters — if this measure passes, the threshold would be lowered to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 6 (prison labor): \u003c/strong>A task force that studied the idea of reparations for Black Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">proposed the idea at the heart of this measure\u003c/a>: to remove the clause in the state constitution that allows involuntary servitude as a punishment for a crime. In practice, this proposal would primarily impact people incarcerated in California prisons by preventing the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation from disciplining inmates who refuse a work assignment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 32 (minimum wage): \u003c/strong>California’s minimum wage would increase to $18 an hour by 2026 under this measure — up from the current minimum of $16 an hour. Investor and anti-poverty activist Joe Sanberg \u003ca href=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/supporters-of-18-minimum-wage-look-to-ballot?in_playlist=kqed-segmented-audio!kqed-news\">bankrolled the campaign to place\u003c/a> this measure on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11991454,news_11991285,news_11989766\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 33 (rent control): \u003c/strong>Is the third time the charm for an expansion of rent control? After voters rejected the idea in 2018 and 2020, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation is again proposing the idea to repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which prevents local governments from enacting rent control on single-family homes and units built after 1995 — as well as older homes in some cities with longstanding rent control statutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 34 (prescription drug spending): \u003c/strong>This measure would place new requirements on organizations that participate in a federal prescription drug program, known as 340B, in which hospitals and clinics receive discounted prescription drugs from pharmaceutical manufacturers and then charge higher prices to the plans paying for the drugs — such as insurance companies or Medicare. Proposition 34 would require that 98% of revenue from the program be spent directly on patient care. Now, the politics: The state lobby representing landlords gathered signatures to place this measure on the ballot to restrict the political spending of the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, a 340B participant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 35 (Medi-Cal funding): \u003c/strong>Health insurance companies in California, such as Kaiser and Anthem, pay a tax called the Managed Care Organizations (MCO) tax, which the Legislature routinely reapproves. Groups representing doctors and hospitals qualified this measure to make the MCO tax permanent and earmark its revenue to increase payment rates for doctors who treat Medi-Cal patients instead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990005/newsom-proposes-cuts-to-medi-cal-amid-budget-deficit\">allowing the funds to be used for any purpose\u003c/a> in the general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 36 (Proposition 47 overhaul): \u003c/strong>This measure would roll back parts of Proposition 47, a voter-approved initiative in 2014 that reduced punishments for some nonviolent crimes. Backed by law enforcement and district attorneys amid rising concern over retail theft, Proposition 36 would allow prosecutors to charge people who have three convictions of drug possession or theft with a felony and potentially seek prison time. In the case of theft, the felony could be charged regardless of the cost of the goods stolen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Ezra David Romero contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988727/direct-democracy-means-a-crowded-california-ballot-heres-what-you-could-be-voting-on-this-november\">months of signature gathering\u003c/a>, backroom negotiations and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991285/california-ballot-measure-to-limit-new-taxes-is-blocked-by-supreme-court\">judicial bombshells\u003c/a>, the field is set: California voters will decide on ten state ballot measures this November, the Secretary of State’s office announced Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a first look at the measures on the ballot, which collectively will have far-reaching implications for climate, criminal justice, housing, health care and schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 2 (school facilities bond): \u003c/strong>The Legislature placed this $10 billion bond measure on the ballot to renovate and construct K–12 and community college facilities across the state. The money would help local school districts replace portable classrooms, retrofit existing buildings and construct more classrooms for the state’s new grade, transitional kindergarten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 3 (same-sex marriage):\u003c/strong> This measure would officially remove the language banning same-sex marriage, passed by voters in 2008, from the state constitution. In practice, that law has been nullified since a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/101122/proposition-8-supreme-court-live-blog\">Supreme Court ruling in 2013 that allowed same-sex marriages\u003c/a> to resume in California. However, Democrats in the Legislature placed this measure on the ballot, arguing it is needed to signal the state’s progressive shift on the issue and protect against any potential future changes to federal marriage protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 4 (climate bond): \u003c/strong>The second bond placed on the ballot by the Legislature would allocate $10 billion, with the goal of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1993540/californias-10b-climate-bond-breaks-through-political-gridlock\">helping California prepare and adapt for the impacts of climate change\u003c/a>. Two areas of focus for the bond money would be water infrastructure, such as groundwater storage and reservoirs and wildfire prevention, including controlled burns and forest thinning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 5 (housing and infrastructure votes): \u003c/strong>Democrats in the Legislature placed this measure on the ballot, making it easier for local governments to pass bonds and taxes that fund affordable housing and infrastructure. Those measures currently require approval from a two-thirds supermajority of voters — if this measure passes, the threshold would be lowered to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 6 (prison labor): \u003c/strong>A task force that studied the idea of reparations for Black Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">proposed the idea at the heart of this measure\u003c/a>: to remove the clause in the state constitution that allows involuntary servitude as a punishment for a crime. In practice, this proposal would primarily impact people incarcerated in California prisons by preventing the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation from disciplining inmates who refuse a work assignment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 32 (minimum wage): \u003c/strong>California’s minimum wage would increase to $18 an hour by 2026 under this measure — up from the current minimum of $16 an hour. Investor and anti-poverty activist Joe Sanberg \u003ca href=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/supporters-of-18-minimum-wage-look-to-ballot?in_playlist=kqed-segmented-audio!kqed-news\">bankrolled the campaign to place\u003c/a> this measure on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 33 (rent control): \u003c/strong>Is the third time the charm for an expansion of rent control? After voters rejected the idea in 2018 and 2020, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation is again proposing the idea to repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which prevents local governments from enacting rent control on single-family homes and units built after 1995 — as well as older homes in some cities with longstanding rent control statutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 34 (prescription drug spending): \u003c/strong>This measure would place new requirements on organizations that participate in a federal prescription drug program, known as 340B, in which hospitals and clinics receive discounted prescription drugs from pharmaceutical manufacturers and then charge higher prices to the plans paying for the drugs — such as insurance companies or Medicare. Proposition 34 would require that 98% of revenue from the program be spent directly on patient care. Now, the politics: The state lobby representing landlords gathered signatures to place this measure on the ballot to restrict the political spending of the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, a 340B participant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 35 (Medi-Cal funding): \u003c/strong>Health insurance companies in California, such as Kaiser and Anthem, pay a tax called the Managed Care Organizations (MCO) tax, which the Legislature routinely reapproves. Groups representing doctors and hospitals qualified this measure to make the MCO tax permanent and earmark its revenue to increase payment rates for doctors who treat Medi-Cal patients instead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990005/newsom-proposes-cuts-to-medi-cal-amid-budget-deficit\">allowing the funds to be used for any purpose\u003c/a> in the general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 36 (Proposition 47 overhaul): \u003c/strong>This measure would roll back parts of Proposition 47, a voter-approved initiative in 2014 that reduced punishments for some nonviolent crimes. Backed by law enforcement and district attorneys amid rising concern over retail theft, Proposition 36 would allow prosecutors to charge people who have three convictions of drug possession or theft with a felony and potentially seek prison time. In the case of theft, the felony could be charged regardless of the cost of the goods stolen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Ezra David Romero contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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"info": "",
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"tech-nation": {
"id": "tech-nation",
"title": "Tech Nation Radio Podcast",
"info": "Tech Nation is a weekly public radio program, hosted by Dr. Moira Gunn. Founded in 1993, it has grown from a simple interview show to a multi-faceted production, featuring conversations with noted technology and science leaders, and a weekly science and technology-related commentary.",
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"ted-radio-hour": {
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"title": "TED Radio Hour",
"info": "The TED Radio Hour is a journey through fascinating ideas, astonishing inventions, fresh approaches to old problems, and new ways to think and create.",
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