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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024\">\u003cem>Primary Election 2024 Live Updates: Follow KQED reporters as we cover election results from across California and the Bay Area.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12 p.m. Wednesday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County voters appeared likely to adopt California’s guidelines for recalling elected officials, replacing county rules, a move that would raise the number of signatures required to get a recall on the ballot and give local election officials additional time to schedule a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/alameda/measure-b\">Measure B\u003c/a> was leading by a wide margin in early returns Tuesday night, a victory for the county’s chief legal adviser, who requested the change, arguing that the county’s rules, written in 1926, were outdated and contained legally questionable requirements that other jurisdictions had already rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rather technical measure drew little attention from the general public during the election, and no official spending for or against it was registered with the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, it could have far-reaching implications. This year, voters in Alameda County may have the chance to weigh in on several recalls of elected county and local officials, including efforts to oust District Attorney Pamela Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign to recall Price\u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/alameda-county-da-pamela-price-recall-signatures-petition-special-election/14491289/\"> submitted petition signatures\u003c/a> to the registrar on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donna Ziegler, the county counsel, who advises the Board of Supervisors, argued that adopting the state’s guidelines was an easy way to update the county’s antiquated rules and help it avoid lawsuits stemming from its registrar failing to comply with “likely unattainable” timelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more Election coverage\" tag=\"election-2024\"]Ziegler said Measure B, if adopted, would likely not change the number of signatures required to get the recall of Price on the ballot, but could change when the election would be scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, some supervisors have raised concerns that updating the rules amid multiple ongoing recall efforts in the county could create confusion and prompt more lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor David Haubert and Board President Nate Miley opposed putting the measure on the ballot, arguing that while a change to the county’s recall rules was necessary, doing so amid several recall efforts was ill advised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Miley said that he ultimately decided to vote for the measure, despite his initial opposition to it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought there would be a lot of confusion among the electorate and they’d be campaigning against it,” he told KQED on Wednesday. “I also stated that I could be wrong and the way it worked out, it seems like the electorate didn’t get confused and there wasn’t a significant campaign against it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miley called the measure’s likely passage “a good thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the campaigns for and against Price’s recall have said they are prepared to sue the county should the recall procedures change in any way that negatively impacts their efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some opponents of the measure have also called it a power grab by the Board of Supervisors, as the new rules would prevent the recall of appointed officials, including those selected by the Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of such contests is prompting a growing number of local and state officials in California to rethink how recalls should qualify for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unsuccessful effort to recall Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2021 cost the state more than $200 million. And Alameda County’s Registrar of Voters estimates a special election to recall Price could cost the county about $20 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the state Legislature passed two recall reform bills. The first increases the number of signatures needed to qualify a recall and mandates that the estimated cost of the effort be listed on the ballot. The second bill requires that recall ballots only ask voters whether or not to approve the effort, but not additionally select a replacement candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those changes came ahead of conservative activists last week\u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/02/26/newsom-recall-budget-2024-00143252\"> launching\u003c/a> yet another attempt to recall Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ziegler said Measure B, if adopted, would likely not change the number of signatures required to get the recall of Price on the ballot, but could change when the election would be scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, some supervisors have raised concerns that updating the rules amid multiple ongoing recall efforts in the county could create confusion and prompt more lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor David Haubert and Board President Nate Miley opposed putting the measure on the ballot, arguing that while a change to the county’s recall rules was necessary, doing so amid several recall efforts was ill advised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Miley said that he ultimately decided to vote for the measure, despite his initial opposition to it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought there would be a lot of confusion among the electorate and they’d be campaigning against it,” he told KQED on Wednesday. “I also stated that I could be wrong and the way it worked out, it seems like the electorate didn’t get confused and there wasn’t a significant campaign against it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miley called the measure’s likely passage “a good thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the campaigns for and against Price’s recall have said they are prepared to sue the county should the recall procedures change in any way that negatively impacts their efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some opponents of the measure have also called it a power grab by the Board of Supervisors, as the new rules would prevent the recall of appointed officials, including those selected by the Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of such contests is prompting a growing number of local and state officials in California to rethink how recalls should qualify for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unsuccessful effort to recall Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2021 cost the state more than $200 million. And Alameda County’s Registrar of Voters estimates a special election to recall Price could cost the county about $20 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the state Legislature passed two recall reform bills. The first increases the number of signatures needed to qualify a recall and mandates that the estimated cost of the effort be listed on the ballot. The second bill requires that recall ballots only ask voters whether or not to approve the effort, but not additionally select a replacement candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those changes came ahead of conservative activists last week\u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/02/26/newsom-recall-budget-2024-00143252\"> launching\u003c/a> yet another attempt to recall Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A recall effort to remove Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price from office is well underway, but when voters will actually be asked this question is still up in the air. A lot needs to happen before we get to that point, including one consequential decision voters will have to make in March that will have a big impact on how recalls work in Alameda County. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC8187241115\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, and welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cem>[townhall audio]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Welp, it’s an election year, y’all. And tensions are high in the campaign to recall Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003cem>[townhall audio]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Price faces a recall effort less than a year into her role as the county’s first black district attorney. Price, who promised to focus on the roots of crime, has been criticized for not doing enough. And nowhere were the tensions over her recall more evident than at a pro recall. Town hall in Emeryville crashed by opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cem>[townhall audio]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>As much as the recall feels very much in full swing. There’s still a lot that needs to happen before voters in Alameda County are even asked to decide whether they want to remove price from office, including one huge decision voters will have to make in just two months about how recalls in Alameda County are run at all. Today, KQED Annalise Finney explains what we know about how the recall campaign is going so far, and the consequential decisions that still need to be made before voters decide on what to do with their DA. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So, Annelise, remind us who was behind this recall and why do they want Pamela, price recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>The recall is being led by an organization known as SAFE, which stands for Saving Alameda for everyone. Its two principal officers are Karl Chan and Brenda Grisham. Brenda Grisham is a black woman from East Oakland whose son, Christopher, was killed in a shooting in Oakland in 2010. So since then, she’s become a strong victims rights advocate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Karl Chan was previously the president of Oakland’s Chinatown Chamber of Commerce. He’s also a realtor. Karl Chan himself was allegedly the victim of an anti-Asian hate crime a while ago. He is often advocating for increased police presence in Chinatown, and very critical of the DA’s treatment of people who are accused of crimes. These two people have really become the face, um, at least within the media, of who the recall campaign represents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah, you’re getting into this a little bit, Annelise. But, I mean, these are two folks who are very rooted in the community in Oakland, at least. What are some of the specific policies of Pamela Price that they’re criticizing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So generally, they’ve been talking a lot about what they see as Pamela Price being, quote, soft on crime. One particular policy they point to are sentencing enhancements. There’s gun enhancements. There’s gang enhancements. The three strikes rule, which some people have heard of, was also an enhancement. In California, there are over 100 different types of enhancements, and a lot of people are critical of them, not only D.A. price, because studies have shown that enhancements are applied in an often racially biased way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Pamela Price, back at the beginning of her term, issued a directive that asked her deputies to only charge enhancements in very specific circumstances. And the reason she asked for that is because historically, young people who may be involved in gangs who are black and Latino are more likely 72% more likely to be charged with gang enhancements, which can really bump up the length of a prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, that policy of hers are not really surprising, right? Because this is exactly what Pamela Price ran on. She ran as a super progressive district attorney who really wanted to focus more on how do we address the root of crime, as opposed to throwing more folks in jail. Can you remind folks, analise, that this recall effort actually started well before her first year of office even finished? Right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Right. So Pamela Price completed her first year in office this month. But Brenda Grisham says that she really began talks with people about starting a recall effort back in April. And even before that, there was an online petition asking people to sign if they were in favor of a recall. So since her first months in office, there have been whisperings of people trying to remove her from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, what new information have we learned in most recent months and a about who is actually supporting this recall campaign? Beyond these two faces of the effort that we’ve just been talking about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So recently, a number of documents from the recall were released by the anti recall campaign, which is Pamela Price’s supporters known as Protect the Win. And it showed that there’s a lot more there beyond Brenda Grisham and Carl Chan. One of those groups is called reviving the Bay area. It’s a political action committee, in other words, a fundraising committee that previously we knew about, but we didn’t know how closely connected they are to the recall campaign. And what we learned is that they’re working in close coordination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So reviving the Bay area is responsible for raising money from affluent individuals in the Bay area and other large businesses is run by two investors. Those are Isaac Abed, who’s a real estate investor in Oakland, and Philip Dreyfuss, who manages the money of affluent people at an investment company in San Francisco. Beyond those two, we also learned about a number of campaign consultants, one of which is Richard Lachman. He is a pretty well known campaign consultant, and one of his major wins in the last few years was running the campaign to recall San Francisco Progressive District Attorney Chesa Boudin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Hmm. Why does this matter Annelise?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Well, what’s interesting about this information is it reveals the sort of political machine that’s behind this recall. When we look more closely at these other folks, we see the other interests at play here. A lot of the money that has so far been raised by safe, we know, has come from a lot of tech and real estate interests. And when you add in reviving the Bay area, we know that’s may be a major player here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Now, an interesting fact here is that reviving the Bay area hasn’t yet disclosed who any of its donors are, but they’ve donated more than half $1 million to the recall. Supposedly, at the end of this month, they’re supposed to release the information about who some of their donors are. But until we know that, it’s really hard to know exactly who is funding this. But we know they’re pretty well resourced because they’ve hired some pretty high brass political consultants to support their efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So at least that’s what we know right now about who is behind this effort. Where are we at right now in the recall campaign?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>And so we’re still sort of at the beginning of a recall. They haven’t qualified this yet for the ballot, which means that nobody’s voting yet. On whether or not to keep Pamela Price in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>It sounds like there are still a few things that need to be ironed out before voters in Alameda County are even going to be asked this question about the recall, right? What are those things exactly Annelise?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Yeah, there are definitely a few things that need to be ironed out. First, the recall has to qualify for the ballot, which means they have to submit the correct number of signatures and their signatures have to be validated. After that, there’s the question of when would an election take place? And there’s been a lot of debate in the county about what type of rules would apply to deciding when a recall election would happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Before we get into them, Annelise is this normal?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>This is not normal. Alameda County hasn’t had a recall election in more than 30 years. So as the county looks back at their rules, they have realized that some things are very outdated and may in fact be unlawful. So the is having to figure out a lot about how to do this as they’re doing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Okay. So let’s start with the first piece there. The signature submissions that the recall campaign needs to gather in order to get this question on the ballot for voters. Remind us what needs to happen exactly as it relates to these signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Right. So here’s what happens. The recall campaign will submit pages and pages and pages and pages of signatures that they’ve gathered from around Alameda County. Then the registrar takes a look at those. They verify them. Then they tally the number of validated signatures to get a grand total. That grand total has to be over 73,195 signatures in order to qualify for the ballot. And the deadline for them to do that is March 5th. If you talk to the recall, they say they’re getting pretty close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>And according to members of the recall, around 80% of the signatures they’ve gathered so far have come from this third party signature. Gather, called PCI consultants, in order to collect signatures. And that’s actually really normal for a campaign to pay people to help get signatures. It’s a lot of work, but this is where things get really complicated. The Alameda County rules about how recalls can work. Currently require that signatures be collected by people who are registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>That might invalidate some of the signatures collected by this third party, because, at least anecdotally, we’ve heard that some of the signature gatherers are from out of state, or at least out of the county. The recall says they didn’t know about that rule, and they don’t think it’s lawful. It’s likely that there’ll be a court battle around what signatures will be counted as valid, and what ones will be invalidated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, if they do get the signatures and if the recall campaign actually does have the signatures that it says it has, and this question goes before voters of whether to recall Pamela Price. This will actually be the first recall Alameda County has had in 30 years. What does that mean, exactly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Well, it means a few different things. Essentially, the most important part is that the Alameda County rules about recalls are pretty outdated. The Alameda County Council recommended that the county update its charter, so its rules for recall to match the state rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>The Board of Supervisors voted at the end of last year to actually put this question to voters in March. So on March 5th, there will be a question on the ballot about whether Alameda County should adopt its state recall rules or stick with the county rules. And the reason why this matters is because those rules may impact parts of this potential recall of District Attorney Pamela Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. How exactly could this decision in March ultimately affect everything?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>County rules lay out a different timeline for when that election would happen and the state rules. The county rules make it more likely that an election would be held separate as a special election. So an election that would happen on its own, on its own ballot, and the state rules make it more likely that the election would be paired with a regularly scheduled election. So, like our election, this coming March is a primary election. It includes national, state and local issues. It’s more likely that a recall would then end up on a ballot like that, as opposed to being its own item that voters would vote on on its own, perhaps sometime in April or May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Hmm. So you’re talking about one of those elections that we do randomly in the middle of the year. We’re asked one question. Aren’t those elections usually elections that people pay less attention to? Like, what do supporters and opponents think about this question of the timing here? That seems like a big deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Yeah. I mean, election experts say that special elections, where it’s just the one issue on the ballot, tend to have a way lower turnout. And the people who turn out to special elections tend to be more conservative voters. In generally scheduled elections. There’s a way bigger turnout. It’s a much more diverse body of voters, and the results tend to be a little bit more progressive. So what this means for the recall is that folks who support the recall are really wanting to have a special election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>They think it would favor the chances that Pamela Price would be recalled. The anti recall campaign want it to be scheduled with a general election for the exact opposite reason, essentially because of the same logic, they think a general election will skew more progressive and make it more likely that D.A. price would be allowed to stay in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Okay, so that is a lot to remember. Annelise. So how would you maybe just summarize what voters should keep at the top of their minds for now?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So this March, there won’t be a recall on the ballot. We’re not quite there yet, but this question of whether the county should adopt state rules on how to run a recall or stick with county rules will be on the ballot. And this is honestly just sort of a kind of technocratic how government works question. It’s unfortunately become very politicized because there’s a recall effort underway right now. One supervisor said that, you know, there’s never the wrong time to do the right thing. But if there was, maybe this is it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>It’s become this big question of like, oh, will you vote for the county rules because you support the recall? Or will you vote for the state rules because you support price? If the rules do end up changing, there may be more court battles about whether or not this applies to Pamela Price’s recall. But in the meantime, the question before voters is just this basic question should the county follow state rules for a recall, or should they stick with county rules?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Right. And I guess just for voters to remember that, that this question may seem boring and procedural, but that it could affect the outcome of the recall campaign. Well, Annalise, what are you going to be watching moving forward?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So I’m really keeping a close eye on two things. The first is whether reviving the Bay area. That’s the pact that’s in part behind the recall. Whether they disclose who their donors are, they’re supposed to at the end of the month. And that will give us an interesting insight into who’s funding this effort. The other thing I’m keeping an eye on are the signatures the recall is gathering, and whether they produce enough signatures to qualify a recall for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Annelise. Thank you so much for helping us wade through all of this. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>No problem. Thanks for having me, Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Annelise Finney, a reporter for KQED. This 40 minute conversation with Annelise was cut down and edited by producer Maria Esquinca. I produced this episode, scored it, and added all the tape. The Bay is a production of member supported people powered KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A recall effort to remove Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price from office is well underway, but when voters will actually be asked this question is still up in the air. A lot needs to happen before we get to that point, including one consequential decision voters will have to make in March that will have a big impact on how recalls work in Alameda County. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC8187241115\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, and welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cem>[townhall audio]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Welp, it’s an election year, y’all. And tensions are high in the campaign to recall Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003cem>[townhall audio]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Price faces a recall effort less than a year into her role as the county’s first black district attorney. Price, who promised to focus on the roots of crime, has been criticized for not doing enough. And nowhere were the tensions over her recall more evident than at a pro recall. Town hall in Emeryville crashed by opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cem>[townhall audio]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>As much as the recall feels very much in full swing. There’s still a lot that needs to happen before voters in Alameda County are even asked to decide whether they want to remove price from office, including one huge decision voters will have to make in just two months about how recalls in Alameda County are run at all. Today, KQED Annalise Finney explains what we know about how the recall campaign is going so far, and the consequential decisions that still need to be made before voters decide on what to do with their DA. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So, Annelise, remind us who was behind this recall and why do they want Pamela, price recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>The recall is being led by an organization known as SAFE, which stands for Saving Alameda for everyone. Its two principal officers are Karl Chan and Brenda Grisham. Brenda Grisham is a black woman from East Oakland whose son, Christopher, was killed in a shooting in Oakland in 2010. So since then, she’s become a strong victims rights advocate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Karl Chan was previously the president of Oakland’s Chinatown Chamber of Commerce. He’s also a realtor. Karl Chan himself was allegedly the victim of an anti-Asian hate crime a while ago. He is often advocating for increased police presence in Chinatown, and very critical of the DA’s treatment of people who are accused of crimes. These two people have really become the face, um, at least within the media, of who the recall campaign represents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah, you’re getting into this a little bit, Annelise. But, I mean, these are two folks who are very rooted in the community in Oakland, at least. What are some of the specific policies of Pamela Price that they’re criticizing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So generally, they’ve been talking a lot about what they see as Pamela Price being, quote, soft on crime. One particular policy they point to are sentencing enhancements. There’s gun enhancements. There’s gang enhancements. The three strikes rule, which some people have heard of, was also an enhancement. In California, there are over 100 different types of enhancements, and a lot of people are critical of them, not only D.A. price, because studies have shown that enhancements are applied in an often racially biased way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Pamela Price, back at the beginning of her term, issued a directive that asked her deputies to only charge enhancements in very specific circumstances. And the reason she asked for that is because historically, young people who may be involved in gangs who are black and Latino are more likely 72% more likely to be charged with gang enhancements, which can really bump up the length of a prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, that policy of hers are not really surprising, right? Because this is exactly what Pamela Price ran on. She ran as a super progressive district attorney who really wanted to focus more on how do we address the root of crime, as opposed to throwing more folks in jail. Can you remind folks, analise, that this recall effort actually started well before her first year of office even finished? Right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Right. So Pamela Price completed her first year in office this month. But Brenda Grisham says that she really began talks with people about starting a recall effort back in April. And even before that, there was an online petition asking people to sign if they were in favor of a recall. So since her first months in office, there have been whisperings of people trying to remove her from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, what new information have we learned in most recent months and a about who is actually supporting this recall campaign? Beyond these two faces of the effort that we’ve just been talking about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So recently, a number of documents from the recall were released by the anti recall campaign, which is Pamela Price’s supporters known as Protect the Win. And it showed that there’s a lot more there beyond Brenda Grisham and Carl Chan. One of those groups is called reviving the Bay area. It’s a political action committee, in other words, a fundraising committee that previously we knew about, but we didn’t know how closely connected they are to the recall campaign. And what we learned is that they’re working in close coordination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So reviving the Bay area is responsible for raising money from affluent individuals in the Bay area and other large businesses is run by two investors. Those are Isaac Abed, who’s a real estate investor in Oakland, and Philip Dreyfuss, who manages the money of affluent people at an investment company in San Francisco. Beyond those two, we also learned about a number of campaign consultants, one of which is Richard Lachman. He is a pretty well known campaign consultant, and one of his major wins in the last few years was running the campaign to recall San Francisco Progressive District Attorney Chesa Boudin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Hmm. Why does this matter Annelise?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Well, what’s interesting about this information is it reveals the sort of political machine that’s behind this recall. When we look more closely at these other folks, we see the other interests at play here. A lot of the money that has so far been raised by safe, we know, has come from a lot of tech and real estate interests. And when you add in reviving the Bay area, we know that’s may be a major player here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Now, an interesting fact here is that reviving the Bay area hasn’t yet disclosed who any of its donors are, but they’ve donated more than half $1 million to the recall. Supposedly, at the end of this month, they’re supposed to release the information about who some of their donors are. But until we know that, it’s really hard to know exactly who is funding this. But we know they’re pretty well resourced because they’ve hired some pretty high brass political consultants to support their efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So at least that’s what we know right now about who is behind this effort. Where are we at right now in the recall campaign?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>And so we’re still sort of at the beginning of a recall. They haven’t qualified this yet for the ballot, which means that nobody’s voting yet. On whether or not to keep Pamela Price in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>It sounds like there are still a few things that need to be ironed out before voters in Alameda County are even going to be asked this question about the recall, right? What are those things exactly Annelise?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Yeah, there are definitely a few things that need to be ironed out. First, the recall has to qualify for the ballot, which means they have to submit the correct number of signatures and their signatures have to be validated. After that, there’s the question of when would an election take place? And there’s been a lot of debate in the county about what type of rules would apply to deciding when a recall election would happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Before we get into them, Annelise is this normal?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>This is not normal. Alameda County hasn’t had a recall election in more than 30 years. So as the county looks back at their rules, they have realized that some things are very outdated and may in fact be unlawful. So the is having to figure out a lot about how to do this as they’re doing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Okay. So let’s start with the first piece there. The signature submissions that the recall campaign needs to gather in order to get this question on the ballot for voters. Remind us what needs to happen exactly as it relates to these signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Right. So here’s what happens. The recall campaign will submit pages and pages and pages and pages of signatures that they’ve gathered from around Alameda County. Then the registrar takes a look at those. They verify them. Then they tally the number of validated signatures to get a grand total. That grand total has to be over 73,195 signatures in order to qualify for the ballot. And the deadline for them to do that is March 5th. If you talk to the recall, they say they’re getting pretty close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>And according to members of the recall, around 80% of the signatures they’ve gathered so far have come from this third party signature. Gather, called PCI consultants, in order to collect signatures. And that’s actually really normal for a campaign to pay people to help get signatures. It’s a lot of work, but this is where things get really complicated. The Alameda County rules about how recalls can work. Currently require that signatures be collected by people who are registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>That might invalidate some of the signatures collected by this third party, because, at least anecdotally, we’ve heard that some of the signature gatherers are from out of state, or at least out of the county. The recall says they didn’t know about that rule, and they don’t think it’s lawful. It’s likely that there’ll be a court battle around what signatures will be counted as valid, and what ones will be invalidated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, if they do get the signatures and if the recall campaign actually does have the signatures that it says it has, and this question goes before voters of whether to recall Pamela Price. This will actually be the first recall Alameda County has had in 30 years. What does that mean, exactly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Well, it means a few different things. Essentially, the most important part is that the Alameda County rules about recalls are pretty outdated. The Alameda County Council recommended that the county update its charter, so its rules for recall to match the state rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>The Board of Supervisors voted at the end of last year to actually put this question to voters in March. So on March 5th, there will be a question on the ballot about whether Alameda County should adopt its state recall rules or stick with the county rules. And the reason why this matters is because those rules may impact parts of this potential recall of District Attorney Pamela Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. How exactly could this decision in March ultimately affect everything?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>County rules lay out a different timeline for when that election would happen and the state rules. The county rules make it more likely that an election would be held separate as a special election. So an election that would happen on its own, on its own ballot, and the state rules make it more likely that the election would be paired with a regularly scheduled election. So, like our election, this coming March is a primary election. It includes national, state and local issues. It’s more likely that a recall would then end up on a ballot like that, as opposed to being its own item that voters would vote on on its own, perhaps sometime in April or May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Hmm. So you’re talking about one of those elections that we do randomly in the middle of the year. We’re asked one question. Aren’t those elections usually elections that people pay less attention to? Like, what do supporters and opponents think about this question of the timing here? That seems like a big deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Yeah. I mean, election experts say that special elections, where it’s just the one issue on the ballot, tend to have a way lower turnout. And the people who turn out to special elections tend to be more conservative voters. In generally scheduled elections. There’s a way bigger turnout. It’s a much more diverse body of voters, and the results tend to be a little bit more progressive. So what this means for the recall is that folks who support the recall are really wanting to have a special election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>They think it would favor the chances that Pamela Price would be recalled. The anti recall campaign want it to be scheduled with a general election for the exact opposite reason, essentially because of the same logic, they think a general election will skew more progressive and make it more likely that D.A. price would be allowed to stay in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Okay, so that is a lot to remember. Annelise. So how would you maybe just summarize what voters should keep at the top of their minds for now?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So this March, there won’t be a recall on the ballot. We’re not quite there yet, but this question of whether the county should adopt state rules on how to run a recall or stick with county rules will be on the ballot. And this is honestly just sort of a kind of technocratic how government works question. It’s unfortunately become very politicized because there’s a recall effort underway right now. One supervisor said that, you know, there’s never the wrong time to do the right thing. But if there was, maybe this is it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>It’s become this big question of like, oh, will you vote for the county rules because you support the recall? Or will you vote for the state rules because you support price? If the rules do end up changing, there may be more court battles about whether or not this applies to Pamela Price’s recall. But in the meantime, the question before voters is just this basic question should the county follow state rules for a recall, or should they stick with county rules?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Right. And I guess just for voters to remember that, that this question may seem boring and procedural, but that it could affect the outcome of the recall campaign. Well, Annalise, what are you going to be watching moving forward?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So I’m really keeping a close eye on two things. The first is whether reviving the Bay area. That’s the pact that’s in part behind the recall. Whether they disclose who their donors are, they’re supposed to at the end of the month. And that will give us an interesting insight into who’s funding this effort. The other thing I’m keeping an eye on are the signatures the recall is gathering, and whether they produce enough signatures to qualify a recall for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Annelise. Thank you so much for helping us wade through all of this. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>No problem. Thanks for having me, Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Annelise Finney, a reporter for KQED. This 40 minute conversation with Annelise was cut down and edited by producer Maria Esquinca. I produced this episode, scored it, and added all the tape. The Bay is a production of member supported people powered KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>"
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"title": "Amid Recall Rule Confusion, Alameda DA Pamela Price's 'Protect the Win' Campaign Braces for Tough Fight",
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"content": "\u003cp>Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price launched “Protect the Win,” her campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964884/alameda-county-recall-laws-may-change-and-pamela-price-could-benefit\">an anticipated recall\u003c/a>, on Thursday in downtown Oakland, as the progressive DA and her supporters prepare to face well-funded and determined recall proponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was a crowd of about 70 people, and it felt like a holiday party in the low-lit event space. Attendees with colorful name tags milled around the venue, striking up conversations and eating slices of pizza. The warm mood belied the fact that many in attendance believe a major progressive win in the county is facing a grave threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We find ourselves at a critical juncture in our community’s history, facing a decision that can shape the future of our criminal justice system and the impact on our communities,” said supporter Saabir Lockett, who spent 21 years in prison and is now deputy director of civic engagement and faith-rooted organizing at the East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11966518 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1322370857-1020x680.jpg']The recall of Price has yet to qualify for the ballot. Last week, recall proponents Save Alameda for Everyone: Recall DA Price — or SAFE — reported that they are well on the way to collecting the required number of signatures for the recall to be certified by the Alameda County Registrar of Voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a recall election seems increasingly likely, the date voters would cast their ballots remains a point of contention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SAFE, which has criticized Price’s progressive policies like not charging minors as adults, wants the recall election to be held in June, which would be in accordance with county recall rules. But the registrar of voters sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964884/alameda-county-recall-laws-may-change-and-pamela-price-could-benefit\">amend the county’s recall laws\u003c/a> in favor of state rules, saying the current rules are outdated and infeasible. The county has good reason to be looking closely at its processes \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2023/03/15/recount-oakland-mayors-race-wont-happen-registrar-2022-election/\">after errors in last year’s election brought voter confidence in the office to a new low\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference between the state and county rules on recalls is key because each set of rules has distinct timelines. Special and primary elections tend to have lower voter turnout than general elections, especially during a presidential election year. State rules favor holding the recall in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11967803\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11967803\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-06-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman holds a purple and white sign.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-06.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marcela Muñoz poses for a portrait at the launch of Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s campaign, ‘Protect the Win,’ in Oakland on Nov. 16, 2023, to fight back against her recall. Muñoz, a community organizer with Parent Voices Oakland, said she knocked on doors in Alameda County to support Price’s campaign for the DA last year and says she’s ready to do it again to defeat the recall effort. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State rules would give the registrar more time to count and verify signatures. It would also raise the number of signatures required by about 20,000. On Tuesday, the Alameda County Board of Supervisors, in a contentious 3–2 vote, put the decision in the hands of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors agreed the rules need to be updated, but differed on whether the changes should happen with a recall pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Pamela Price, district attorney, Alameda County\"]‘I am doing nothing more, nothing less than implementing the will of the voters of Alameda County. I will continue to do my job.’[/pullquote]“To me, it seems like it’s interfering with elections,” said Board President Nate Miley, who voted against sending the item to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue goes back to the board for a second reading on Nov. 28. If approved, voters will decide on March 5 whether the county will adopt the state’s rules which experts say would favor Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if voters favor the change, it’s unclear whether the new rules would apply to a Price recall. The deadline for SAFE to submit their signatures is the same day as the vote on recall rules. SAFE has said it plans to submit signatures before the deadline. It would likely take a few days for the Secretary of State to certify the results of the March 5 election, meaning the rules might change after a signature count is underway. The confusion has led to threats of lawsuits from both sides of the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know that this won’t be resolved outside of a court of law,” David Haubert, the board’s vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Protect the Win launch, Price seemed a bit tired — and unfazed by a potential recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am doing nothing more, nothing less than implementing the will of the voters of Alameda County,” she said. “I will continue to do my job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after her win last November, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935709/change-is-hard-alameda-da-elect-pamela-price-talks-about-the-road-ahead\">Price told KQED she thought a recall was inevitable.\u003c/a> “I don’t know that there is a way to chart a progressive course without incurring a recall,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a conversation with KQED last week, she struck an optimistic tone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have confidence in the people of Alameda County,” she said. “This is not San Francisco. We are a diverse, dynamic community that listens. We’re educated. People pay attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price appears to be banking on voters that have turned out for progressive issues in the past. That might happen but, at least for the moment, Price’s campaign trails the recall in a number of metrics. According to campaign finance filing as of Nov. 15, Price is being financially outpaced by recall supporters. For every $15 raised by Protect the Win, SAFE has brought in around $700.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11967801\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11967801\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-03-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two people sit at a table looking out to the distance.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-03.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Civil rights attorney Walter Riley and another campaign volunteer listen as Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price addresses attendees at the launch of her ‘Protect the Win’ campaign in Oakland on Nov. 16, 2023, to fight back against her recall. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Protect the Win’s launch, people handed out “decline to sign” window signage, and coached attendees on how to talk with their friends and neighbors about their support for Price. Speakers emphasized that what the campaign lacks in funds it will make up in people power. The numbers aren’t promising there, either. Protect the Win estimates it has 65 registered volunteers. On Friday, Grisham told KQED that SAFE has 3,100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the stage, Stanley Cox, an Oakland rapper and entrepreneur known as Mistah F.A.B., made a call to action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of us are just sitting back watching. You got a lot of watchers,” he said. “What we need now are the doers. We need the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price launched “Protect the Win,” her campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964884/alameda-county-recall-laws-may-change-and-pamela-price-could-benefit\">an anticipated recall\u003c/a>, on Thursday in downtown Oakland, as the progressive DA and her supporters prepare to face well-funded and determined recall proponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was a crowd of about 70 people, and it felt like a holiday party in the low-lit event space. Attendees with colorful name tags milled around the venue, striking up conversations and eating slices of pizza. The warm mood belied the fact that many in attendance believe a major progressive win in the county is facing a grave threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We find ourselves at a critical juncture in our community’s history, facing a decision that can shape the future of our criminal justice system and the impact on our communities,” said supporter Saabir Lockett, who spent 21 years in prison and is now deputy director of civic engagement and faith-rooted organizing at the East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The recall of Price has yet to qualify for the ballot. Last week, recall proponents Save Alameda for Everyone: Recall DA Price — or SAFE — reported that they are well on the way to collecting the required number of signatures for the recall to be certified by the Alameda County Registrar of Voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a recall election seems increasingly likely, the date voters would cast their ballots remains a point of contention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SAFE, which has criticized Price’s progressive policies like not charging minors as adults, wants the recall election to be held in June, which would be in accordance with county recall rules. But the registrar of voters sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964884/alameda-county-recall-laws-may-change-and-pamela-price-could-benefit\">amend the county’s recall laws\u003c/a> in favor of state rules, saying the current rules are outdated and infeasible. The county has good reason to be looking closely at its processes \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2023/03/15/recount-oakland-mayors-race-wont-happen-registrar-2022-election/\">after errors in last year’s election brought voter confidence in the office to a new low\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference between the state and county rules on recalls is key because each set of rules has distinct timelines. Special and primary elections tend to have lower voter turnout than general elections, especially during a presidential election year. State rules favor holding the recall in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11967803\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11967803\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-06-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman holds a purple and white sign.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-06.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marcela Muñoz poses for a portrait at the launch of Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s campaign, ‘Protect the Win,’ in Oakland on Nov. 16, 2023, to fight back against her recall. Muñoz, a community organizer with Parent Voices Oakland, said she knocked on doors in Alameda County to support Price’s campaign for the DA last year and says she’s ready to do it again to defeat the recall effort. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State rules would give the registrar more time to count and verify signatures. It would also raise the number of signatures required by about 20,000. On Tuesday, the Alameda County Board of Supervisors, in a contentious 3–2 vote, put the decision in the hands of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors agreed the rules need to be updated, but differed on whether the changes should happen with a recall pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I am doing nothing more, nothing less than implementing the will of the voters of Alameda County. I will continue to do my job.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“To me, it seems like it’s interfering with elections,” said Board President Nate Miley, who voted against sending the item to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue goes back to the board for a second reading on Nov. 28. If approved, voters will decide on March 5 whether the county will adopt the state’s rules which experts say would favor Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if voters favor the change, it’s unclear whether the new rules would apply to a Price recall. The deadline for SAFE to submit their signatures is the same day as the vote on recall rules. SAFE has said it plans to submit signatures before the deadline. It would likely take a few days for the Secretary of State to certify the results of the March 5 election, meaning the rules might change after a signature count is underway. The confusion has led to threats of lawsuits from both sides of the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know that this won’t be resolved outside of a court of law,” David Haubert, the board’s vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Protect the Win launch, Price seemed a bit tired — and unfazed by a potential recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am doing nothing more, nothing less than implementing the will of the voters of Alameda County,” she said. “I will continue to do my job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after her win last November, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935709/change-is-hard-alameda-da-elect-pamela-price-talks-about-the-road-ahead\">Price told KQED she thought a recall was inevitable.\u003c/a> “I don’t know that there is a way to chart a progressive course without incurring a recall,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a conversation with KQED last week, she struck an optimistic tone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have confidence in the people of Alameda County,” she said. “This is not San Francisco. We are a diverse, dynamic community that listens. We’re educated. People pay attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price appears to be banking on voters that have turned out for progressive issues in the past. That might happen but, at least for the moment, Price’s campaign trails the recall in a number of metrics. According to campaign finance filing as of Nov. 15, Price is being financially outpaced by recall supporters. For every $15 raised by Protect the Win, SAFE has brought in around $700.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11967801\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11967801\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-03-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two people sit at a table looking out to the distance.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231116-PamelaPrice-03.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Civil rights attorney Walter Riley and another campaign volunteer listen as Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price addresses attendees at the launch of her ‘Protect the Win’ campaign in Oakland on Nov. 16, 2023, to fight back against her recall. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Protect the Win’s launch, people handed out “decline to sign” window signage, and coached attendees on how to talk with their friends and neighbors about their support for Price. Speakers emphasized that what the campaign lacks in funds it will make up in people power. The numbers aren’t promising there, either. Protect the Win estimates it has 65 registered volunteers. On Friday, Grisham told KQED that SAFE has 3,100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the stage, Stanley Cox, an Oakland rapper and entrepreneur known as Mistah F.A.B., made a call to action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of us are just sitting back watching. You got a lot of watchers,” he said. “What we need now are the doers. We need the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Pamela Price Recall Efforts: Who's Pushing for a Vote, and How Would it Work?",
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"headTitle": "Pamela Price Recall Efforts: Who’s Pushing for a Vote, and How Would it Work? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A recall is rearing its head in the Bay Area again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, the subject of some voters’ ire is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price\u003c/a>. The criminal justice reformer has only been in office since January, but her detractors are pinning the blame for crime in Oakland on her shoulders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall campaign is called Save Alameda for Everyone: Recall DA Price, or SAFE. Its proponents have criticized Price’s progressive policies, like not charging minors as adults, and for dropping “special circumstances” charges in high-profile cases, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/06/07/jasper-wu-killing-alameda-county-da-withdraws-special-circumstances-allegations-against-defendants/\">like the two men accused of killing toddler Jasper Wu in a freeway shoot-out\u003c/a>. That decision will leave open the possibility of parole, which Price’s opponents decry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California voters have seen recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">recall efforts against former San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922632/effort-to-recall-la-district-attorney-fails-to-qualify-for-ballot\">Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón\u003c/a>. But the rules are a bit different in Alameda County’s charter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adding an element of uncertainty, the Alameda County Registrar of Voters started the process to reform the county’s recall election rules in October. Alameda County recall law was written in 1926, and it’s out of date because it doesn’t leave nearly enough time to count signatures or administer an election, according to the Registrar of Voters. And if the registrar made a mistake in issuing the recall, the county could easily be sued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an attempt to make sense of the complicated election process and what a potential recall vote could look like, KQED researched state and county recall election law and spoke with the recall’s principal officer, Brenda Grisham, as well as political consultant Jim Ross, who consulted on Boudin’s unsuccessful campaign to thwart a recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for a comprehensive look at the Alameda County District Attorney’s recall process. We’ll update this guide as more information becomes available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jump straight to a section: \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#pamelapricerecallbackers\">Who’s behind the Pamela Price recall attempt, and who’s funding it?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#pamelapricerecallballot\">How could this recall get on the ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#pamelapricerecallsignatures\">How many signatures would the Price recall campaign need to collect?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#pamelapricerecallwhenelection\">When would any recall election take place?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#pamelapricechesaboudin\">Is this attempt similar to the 2022 recall of San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"pamelapricerecallbackers\">\u003c/a>Who’s behind the Pamela Price recall attempt?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It isn’t entirely clear — yet. Here’s what we know from paperwork filed with Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955573/first-steps-taken-to-launch-recall-campaign-against-alameda-county-da-pamela-price\">Brenda Grisham is the principal officer of the recall committee\u003c/a>. Her 17-year-old son was shot and killed in East Oakland outside their home in 2010, leading her to pursue a career as a victim advocate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carl Chan, who leads the Oakland Chinatown Chamber of Commerce, is another officer on the committee. In 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871898/we-will-not-be-afraid-after-attack-president-of-oakland-chinatown-chamber-of-commerce-resolves-to-stay-strong\">he was allegedly assaulted in Oakland by a man\u003c/a> who Chan said yelled “Chinaman” before punching him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee’s final named officer is an Oakland resident named Philip Dreyfuss, a hedge fund partner at Farallon Capital Management, LLC. Dreyfuss was removed from later iterations of the committee’s filing documents and then formed his own campaign committee, Reviving the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where’s the money for the Pamela Price recall attempt coming from?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Save Alameda for Everyone: Recall DA Price committee has raised $212,000, according to campaign filings made public on Nov. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While strict financial reporting requirements exist for groups raising money to place a measure on the ballot, SAFE’s donations have been structured in a way that obscures the identities of some donors. But, one of SAFE’s largest funding sources is Reviving the Bay Area. The group, started by hedge fund partner Dreyfuss, contributed an additional $300,000 to SAFE, some of which was to conduct polling. But Reviving the Bay Area hasn’t yet had to disclose its own funding sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a common tactic in campaigns for donors to hide their true funding sources by nesting their donations in an almost Russian-doll-like fashion. One group funds another group, which funds another group, making the discovery of true donors more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among SAFE’s donors publicly listed are CEOs, realtors, tech workers, attorneys, small business owners and retirees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Secretary of State lays out \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/learn/campaign-rules/where-and-when-to-file-campaign-statements/when-to-file-campaign-statements-state-local-filing-schedules.html\">a schedule for campaign committees trying to place a ballot measure\u003c/a> during the March primary and November election to file financial statements:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For the March primary, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/TAD/Filing%20Schedules/2024/march-2024/local/2024_03_LCL_PF_BM_March_5_Final.pdf\">the key deadlines to report all contributions\u003c/a> are Jan. 31, Feb. 22 and July 31.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/TAD/Filing%20Schedules/2024/november-2024/local/2024_03_LCL_PF_BM_Final.pdf\">If the measure is headed for the November election, the reporting dates are\u003c/a>: July 31, Sept. 26, Oct. 24, and Jan. 31, 2025.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Some contributions may be made public within 24 hours if donated in large enough amounts ($1,000 or more).\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>While state recall rules make it likely a recall election would take place in November, Grisham told KQED that SAFE is aiming for a June special election. If that were to happen, the reporting dates for campaign funds would be newly drafted for that election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want to search for the campaign finance disclosures for yourself, \u003ca href=\"https://public.netfile.com/pub2/Default.aspx?aid=COA\">head to the Official Election Site of Alameda County\u003c/a> and type in the names of the campaign committees to find their disclosure documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960958\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960958\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person in red glasses sits at a table in an indoor setting.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price attends a public safety town hall at Genesis Worship Center in Oakland on Saturday, Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"pamelapricerecallballot\">\u003c/a>How could the Pamela Price recall get on the ballot?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Recalls, much like other ballot measures, include gathering signatures and filing paperwork to eventually make it to the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state and county rules for recalls lay out this general path to the ballot:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Register a committee to conduct the recall.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">File and publish a “notice of intention” to circulate a recall petition. The petition is the document you’d see outside a supermarket, for instance, as signature gatherers work.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Obtain an official “answer” from the person being recalled.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Make the recall petition public so the statement can be evaluated for false or misleading statements, or if it’s inconsistent with state law.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Receive approval to circulate the recall petition to gather signatures.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Determine the number of signatures needed.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Begin circulating the recall petition to gather signatures.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Submit the recall petition by a legal deadline.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Election officials then evaluate the signatures and determine if the measure goes to ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955573/first-steps-taken-to-launch-recall-campaign-against-alameda-county-da-pamela-price\">The campaign against Price filed paperwork with the Alameda County Registrar of Voters to start the recall process in July\u003c/a>. In October, SAFE was certified by the Alameda County Registrar of Voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall campaign now has more than 1,900 volunteers to gather the tens of thousands of signatures it needs to place a recall question on the ballot, Grisham told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that process may not be so simple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late October, the Alameda County Board of Supervisors gave its first approval to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964884/alameda-county-recall-laws-may-change-and-pamela-price-could-benefit\">a charter amendment that would change how the county administers recall elections\u003c/a>. Instead of relying on its own charter, the county would essentially “delete” all of its local laws on recalls and use state rules instead. That’s not an anomaly in California as most counties default to state law for recall elections, according to the Registrar of Voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an Oct. 24 Alameda County Board of Supervisors meeting, County Counsel Donna Ziegler told the board that recall rules similar to Alameda County’s have been found unconstitutional in other parts of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so the goal of this amendment is to increase the possibility — the likelihood — that should there ever be an occasion for the county to actually conduct a recall election, that the [Registrar of Voters] has a fighting chance to actually conduct that election with integrity,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a dozen recall supporters spoke that night, including Grisham, who called out the potential rule changes as unfair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel that this is election interference, and we have no trust in any of the departments, any of the administration,” Grisham said during public comment. “Right now, we have no trust in the Registrar of Voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registrar has a history of major errors in elections. Just last year, the count employed an incorrect method of counting ballots in Oakland that resulted in \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/12/28/alameda-county-registrar-miscounted-ballots-oakland-election-2022/\">the registrar crowning the wrong winner in an Oakland Unified School District race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An elections commission formed in the wake of that scandal still has eight vacancies and has yet to officially meet, \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/bnc/#/board/a0U6T00000XmqABUAZ\">according to its website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference between the state and county rules on recalls is key because each set of rules has distinct timelines and thresholds for a recall election. Alameda County voters will have the opportunity to vote on changing — or keeping — the county’s recall rules on March 5, 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"pamelapricerecallsignatures\">\u003c/a>How many signatures would the Price recall campaign need to collect?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State rules say the recall campaign has 160 days to gather signatures. County recall rules don’t specify a time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of signatures needed to get a recall on the ballot is another significant difference between the state and county rules. State rules, for instance, say that for Alameda County, the number of signatures gathered must equal 10% of registered voters — about 93,000 signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But county regulations say the amount of signatures must be equal in number to at least 15% of the entire vote cast for governor candidates in the last gubernatorial election. Calculating \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/rovresults/248/\">the number of Alameda County voters who cast a ballot for either Gov. Gavin Newsom or state Sen. Brian Dahle\u003c/a>\u003cb>, \u003c/b>that number is just over 70,000 signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having to gather an additional 20,000 signatures may cost a campaign more than $200,000, political consultant Jim Ross said. Could that imperil the recall effort?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Signature gathering is all about money,” Ross said. “If they have the money to hire or pay signature gatherers, then they’ll qualify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grisham said SAFE aims to meet the 93,000 signature goal to ensure the campaign qualifies under either set of rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"pamelapricerecallwhenelection\">\u003c/a>When would the recall election take place?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If voters reject the March ballot measure calling for a charter amendment, and depending on when the recall campaign turns in its signatures, it is possible a special election could be called for June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the outcome will be different if voters approve the charter amendment in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law more heavily favors placing a recall on the date of a regularly scheduled election, and says a recall election can take place 180 days after signatures qualify and a recall is ordered. That makes it far more likely the recall would take place in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing matters, especially in a presidential election year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Special and primary elections tend to have lower voter turnout than general elections. That was the case in Alameda County in 2022 when \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/sov/2022-primary/sov/03-voter-participation-stats-by-county.pdf\">308,000 voters cast a ballot in the June primary\u003c/a> compared to \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/sov/2022-general/sov/03-voter-participation-stats-by-county.pdf\">496,000 votes in November’s general election\u003c/a>. Turnout matters, Ross said, because of another truism in California politics: Higher-turnout elections skew to more progressive election results, and lower-turnout elections skew to more conservative results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An earlier election might favor the recall against Price; a November recall could put it at a disadvantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any delay of this plays out in the DA’s favor,” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also quite possible either side — for or against the recall — sues Alameda County over which recall regulations are the correct ones to follow, Alameda County Board of Supervisors Vice President David Haubert said during the Oct. 24 meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason we’re choosing to align with state law is because it is the way that literally every other county is conducting elections,” Ziegler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grisham said the recall campaign has all the legal resources they need to protect the recall process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re ready for all the shenanigans that could come our way,” she said. “We have very good lawyers, and there’s a lot of things we’re ready for that people don’t think we’re ready for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"pamelapricechesaboudin\">\u003c/a>Is this attempt similar to the 2022 recall of San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, at least one person associated with Price’s attempted recall overlaps with that of the successful recall campaign against Boudin: Dreyfuss, the hedge fund partner who in the recall’s initial filing documents, was listed as an officer. In 2021, Dreyfuss donated at least $10,000 to recall Boudin, according to campaign filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the messages the recall campaign is using, in many ways, the playbook against Price mirrors previous efforts against progressive DAs in San Francisco and Los Angeles. But some key differences could benefit Price’s chances of remaining in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Chesa-Boudin-San-Francisco-crime-statistics-recall-16268178.php\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-04-01/violent-crime-surge-la-county-george-gascon#:~:text=Proponents%20of%20the%20effort%20to,or%20file%20most%20sentencing%20enhancements.\">Los Angeles\u003c/a>, opponents of Price are blaming her office and its progressive reform policies for rising crime rates. Price has vehemently denied this, even going as far as to say in an interview with KQED, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955812/alameda-county-da-pamela-price-calls-recall-proponents-election-deniers\">A DA has no impact whatsoever on crime rates. That is a failed measure\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts agree that many factors go into local crime rates, and violent crime is generally higher in cities across the country than in 2019. Property crimes are more mixed, \u003ca href=\"https://counciloncj.org/mid-year-2023-crime-trends/\">and violent crime in general is trending downward in the country compared to last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the Brookings Institution noted in an April survey, \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/the-geography-of-crime-in-four-u-s-cities-perceptions-and-reality/\">perceptions of rising crime are up\u003c/a>. In 2022, the Pew Research Center found \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/10/31/violent-crime-is-a-key-midterm-voting-issue-but-what-does-the-data-say/\">the feeling that crime was rising persisted despite data saying otherwise\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s important to consider for Alameda County. Even though its largest city, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/oakland-bay-area-rates-18259788.php\">Oakland, is experiencing higher crime rates\u003c/a>, that may not be the case in the other cities and unincorporated communities that make up Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How public officials talk about crime matters for recalls, too, Ross said. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/mayor-breed-orders-crackdown-on-crime-in-san-franciscos-tenderloin-neighborhood/\">Mayor London Breed was outspoken about crime\u003c/a> and the harsher punishments she’d like to see enacted in the city, though she was cautious not to call out Boudin directly. Price has a different situation with Mayor Sheng Thao, who leans more progressive than Breed.\u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/crime-in-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-safe-rate/13686600/\"> Thao, like Breed, has pointed to a need for more police\u003c/a>, but she hasn’t endorsed harsher penalties for offenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s one of the things that you had in San Francisco that you don’t have in Alameda County, is you don’t have a mayor basically driving the recall messaging,” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another split between San Francisco and Alameda County is its size and makeup, which may make signature gathering tougher, Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Alameda County is more spread out, it will likely take more time and, therefore, cost more for the campaign to hire signature gatherers to meet the required total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Opponents of Alameda County DA Pamela Price criticize her progressive criminal justice reform policies, and she may face a recall on the ballot in 2024. So how would a recall election work?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A recall is rearing its head in the Bay Area again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, the subject of some voters’ ire is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price\u003c/a>. The criminal justice reformer has only been in office since January, but her detractors are pinning the blame for crime in Oakland on her shoulders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall campaign is called Save Alameda for Everyone: Recall DA Price, or SAFE. Its proponents have criticized Price’s progressive policies, like not charging minors as adults, and for dropping “special circumstances” charges in high-profile cases, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/06/07/jasper-wu-killing-alameda-county-da-withdraws-special-circumstances-allegations-against-defendants/\">like the two men accused of killing toddler Jasper Wu in a freeway shoot-out\u003c/a>. That decision will leave open the possibility of parole, which Price’s opponents decry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California voters have seen recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">recall efforts against former San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922632/effort-to-recall-la-district-attorney-fails-to-qualify-for-ballot\">Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón\u003c/a>. But the rules are a bit different in Alameda County’s charter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adding an element of uncertainty, the Alameda County Registrar of Voters started the process to reform the county’s recall election rules in October. Alameda County recall law was written in 1926, and it’s out of date because it doesn’t leave nearly enough time to count signatures or administer an election, according to the Registrar of Voters. And if the registrar made a mistake in issuing the recall, the county could easily be sued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an attempt to make sense of the complicated election process and what a potential recall vote could look like, KQED researched state and county recall election law and spoke with the recall’s principal officer, Brenda Grisham, as well as political consultant Jim Ross, who consulted on Boudin’s unsuccessful campaign to thwart a recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for a comprehensive look at the Alameda County District Attorney’s recall process. We’ll update this guide as more information becomes available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jump straight to a section: \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#pamelapricerecallbackers\">Who’s behind the Pamela Price recall attempt, and who’s funding it?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#pamelapricerecallballot\">How could this recall get on the ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#pamelapricerecallsignatures\">How many signatures would the Price recall campaign need to collect?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#pamelapricerecallwhenelection\">When would any recall election take place?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#pamelapricechesaboudin\">Is this attempt similar to the 2022 recall of San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"pamelapricerecallbackers\">\u003c/a>Who’s behind the Pamela Price recall attempt?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It isn’t entirely clear — yet. Here’s what we know from paperwork filed with Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955573/first-steps-taken-to-launch-recall-campaign-against-alameda-county-da-pamela-price\">Brenda Grisham is the principal officer of the recall committee\u003c/a>. Her 17-year-old son was shot and killed in East Oakland outside their home in 2010, leading her to pursue a career as a victim advocate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carl Chan, who leads the Oakland Chinatown Chamber of Commerce, is another officer on the committee. In 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871898/we-will-not-be-afraid-after-attack-president-of-oakland-chinatown-chamber-of-commerce-resolves-to-stay-strong\">he was allegedly assaulted in Oakland by a man\u003c/a> who Chan said yelled “Chinaman” before punching him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee’s final named officer is an Oakland resident named Philip Dreyfuss, a hedge fund partner at Farallon Capital Management, LLC. Dreyfuss was removed from later iterations of the committee’s filing documents and then formed his own campaign committee, Reviving the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where’s the money for the Pamela Price recall attempt coming from?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Save Alameda for Everyone: Recall DA Price committee has raised $212,000, according to campaign filings made public on Nov. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While strict financial reporting requirements exist for groups raising money to place a measure on the ballot, SAFE’s donations have been structured in a way that obscures the identities of some donors. But, one of SAFE’s largest funding sources is Reviving the Bay Area. The group, started by hedge fund partner Dreyfuss, contributed an additional $300,000 to SAFE, some of which was to conduct polling. But Reviving the Bay Area hasn’t yet had to disclose its own funding sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a common tactic in campaigns for donors to hide their true funding sources by nesting their donations in an almost Russian-doll-like fashion. One group funds another group, which funds another group, making the discovery of true donors more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among SAFE’s donors publicly listed are CEOs, realtors, tech workers, attorneys, small business owners and retirees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Secretary of State lays out \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/learn/campaign-rules/where-and-when-to-file-campaign-statements/when-to-file-campaign-statements-state-local-filing-schedules.html\">a schedule for campaign committees trying to place a ballot measure\u003c/a> during the March primary and November election to file financial statements:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For the March primary, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/TAD/Filing%20Schedules/2024/march-2024/local/2024_03_LCL_PF_BM_March_5_Final.pdf\">the key deadlines to report all contributions\u003c/a> are Jan. 31, Feb. 22 and July 31.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/TAD/Filing%20Schedules/2024/november-2024/local/2024_03_LCL_PF_BM_Final.pdf\">If the measure is headed for the November election, the reporting dates are\u003c/a>: July 31, Sept. 26, Oct. 24, and Jan. 31, 2025.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Some contributions may be made public within 24 hours if donated in large enough amounts ($1,000 or more).\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>While state recall rules make it likely a recall election would take place in November, Grisham told KQED that SAFE is aiming for a June special election. If that were to happen, the reporting dates for campaign funds would be newly drafted for that election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want to search for the campaign finance disclosures for yourself, \u003ca href=\"https://public.netfile.com/pub2/Default.aspx?aid=COA\">head to the Official Election Site of Alameda County\u003c/a> and type in the names of the campaign committees to find their disclosure documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960958\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960958\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person in red glasses sits at a table in an indoor setting.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price attends a public safety town hall at Genesis Worship Center in Oakland on Saturday, Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"pamelapricerecallballot\">\u003c/a>How could the Pamela Price recall get on the ballot?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Recalls, much like other ballot measures, include gathering signatures and filing paperwork to eventually make it to the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state and county rules for recalls lay out this general path to the ballot:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Register a committee to conduct the recall.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">File and publish a “notice of intention” to circulate a recall petition. The petition is the document you’d see outside a supermarket, for instance, as signature gatherers work.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Obtain an official “answer” from the person being recalled.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Make the recall petition public so the statement can be evaluated for false or misleading statements, or if it’s inconsistent with state law.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Receive approval to circulate the recall petition to gather signatures.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Determine the number of signatures needed.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Begin circulating the recall petition to gather signatures.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Submit the recall petition by a legal deadline.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Election officials then evaluate the signatures and determine if the measure goes to ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955573/first-steps-taken-to-launch-recall-campaign-against-alameda-county-da-pamela-price\">The campaign against Price filed paperwork with the Alameda County Registrar of Voters to start the recall process in July\u003c/a>. In October, SAFE was certified by the Alameda County Registrar of Voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall campaign now has more than 1,900 volunteers to gather the tens of thousands of signatures it needs to place a recall question on the ballot, Grisham told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that process may not be so simple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late October, the Alameda County Board of Supervisors gave its first approval to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964884/alameda-county-recall-laws-may-change-and-pamela-price-could-benefit\">a charter amendment that would change how the county administers recall elections\u003c/a>. Instead of relying on its own charter, the county would essentially “delete” all of its local laws on recalls and use state rules instead. That’s not an anomaly in California as most counties default to state law for recall elections, according to the Registrar of Voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an Oct. 24 Alameda County Board of Supervisors meeting, County Counsel Donna Ziegler told the board that recall rules similar to Alameda County’s have been found unconstitutional in other parts of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so the goal of this amendment is to increase the possibility — the likelihood — that should there ever be an occasion for the county to actually conduct a recall election, that the [Registrar of Voters] has a fighting chance to actually conduct that election with integrity,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a dozen recall supporters spoke that night, including Grisham, who called out the potential rule changes as unfair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel that this is election interference, and we have no trust in any of the departments, any of the administration,” Grisham said during public comment. “Right now, we have no trust in the Registrar of Voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registrar has a history of major errors in elections. Just last year, the count employed an incorrect method of counting ballots in Oakland that resulted in \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/12/28/alameda-county-registrar-miscounted-ballots-oakland-election-2022/\">the registrar crowning the wrong winner in an Oakland Unified School District race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An elections commission formed in the wake of that scandal still has eight vacancies and has yet to officially meet, \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/bnc/#/board/a0U6T00000XmqABUAZ\">according to its website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference between the state and county rules on recalls is key because each set of rules has distinct timelines and thresholds for a recall election. Alameda County voters will have the opportunity to vote on changing — or keeping — the county’s recall rules on March 5, 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"pamelapricerecallsignatures\">\u003c/a>How many signatures would the Price recall campaign need to collect?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State rules say the recall campaign has 160 days to gather signatures. County recall rules don’t specify a time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of signatures needed to get a recall on the ballot is another significant difference between the state and county rules. State rules, for instance, say that for Alameda County, the number of signatures gathered must equal 10% of registered voters — about 93,000 signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But county regulations say the amount of signatures must be equal in number to at least 15% of the entire vote cast for governor candidates in the last gubernatorial election. Calculating \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/rovresults/248/\">the number of Alameda County voters who cast a ballot for either Gov. Gavin Newsom or state Sen. Brian Dahle\u003c/a>\u003cb>, \u003c/b>that number is just over 70,000 signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having to gather an additional 20,000 signatures may cost a campaign more than $200,000, political consultant Jim Ross said. Could that imperil the recall effort?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Signature gathering is all about money,” Ross said. “If they have the money to hire or pay signature gatherers, then they’ll qualify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grisham said SAFE aims to meet the 93,000 signature goal to ensure the campaign qualifies under either set of rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"pamelapricerecallwhenelection\">\u003c/a>When would the recall election take place?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If voters reject the March ballot measure calling for a charter amendment, and depending on when the recall campaign turns in its signatures, it is possible a special election could be called for June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the outcome will be different if voters approve the charter amendment in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law more heavily favors placing a recall on the date of a regularly scheduled election, and says a recall election can take place 180 days after signatures qualify and a recall is ordered. That makes it far more likely the recall would take place in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing matters, especially in a presidential election year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Special and primary elections tend to have lower voter turnout than general elections. That was the case in Alameda County in 2022 when \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/sov/2022-primary/sov/03-voter-participation-stats-by-county.pdf\">308,000 voters cast a ballot in the June primary\u003c/a> compared to \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/sov/2022-general/sov/03-voter-participation-stats-by-county.pdf\">496,000 votes in November’s general election\u003c/a>. Turnout matters, Ross said, because of another truism in California politics: Higher-turnout elections skew to more progressive election results, and lower-turnout elections skew to more conservative results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An earlier election might favor the recall against Price; a November recall could put it at a disadvantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any delay of this plays out in the DA’s favor,” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also quite possible either side — for or against the recall — sues Alameda County over which recall regulations are the correct ones to follow, Alameda County Board of Supervisors Vice President David Haubert said during the Oct. 24 meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason we’re choosing to align with state law is because it is the way that literally every other county is conducting elections,” Ziegler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grisham said the recall campaign has all the legal resources they need to protect the recall process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re ready for all the shenanigans that could come our way,” she said. “We have very good lawyers, and there’s a lot of things we’re ready for that people don’t think we’re ready for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"pamelapricechesaboudin\">\u003c/a>Is this attempt similar to the 2022 recall of San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, at least one person associated with Price’s attempted recall overlaps with that of the successful recall campaign against Boudin: Dreyfuss, the hedge fund partner who in the recall’s initial filing documents, was listed as an officer. In 2021, Dreyfuss donated at least $10,000 to recall Boudin, according to campaign filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the messages the recall campaign is using, in many ways, the playbook against Price mirrors previous efforts against progressive DAs in San Francisco and Los Angeles. But some key differences could benefit Price’s chances of remaining in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Chesa-Boudin-San-Francisco-crime-statistics-recall-16268178.php\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-04-01/violent-crime-surge-la-county-george-gascon#:~:text=Proponents%20of%20the%20effort%20to,or%20file%20most%20sentencing%20enhancements.\">Los Angeles\u003c/a>, opponents of Price are blaming her office and its progressive reform policies for rising crime rates. Price has vehemently denied this, even going as far as to say in an interview with KQED, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955812/alameda-county-da-pamela-price-calls-recall-proponents-election-deniers\">A DA has no impact whatsoever on crime rates. That is a failed measure\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts agree that many factors go into local crime rates, and violent crime is generally higher in cities across the country than in 2019. Property crimes are more mixed, \u003ca href=\"https://counciloncj.org/mid-year-2023-crime-trends/\">and violent crime in general is trending downward in the country compared to last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the Brookings Institution noted in an April survey, \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/the-geography-of-crime-in-four-u-s-cities-perceptions-and-reality/\">perceptions of rising crime are up\u003c/a>. In 2022, the Pew Research Center found \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/10/31/violent-crime-is-a-key-midterm-voting-issue-but-what-does-the-data-say/\">the feeling that crime was rising persisted despite data saying otherwise\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s important to consider for Alameda County. Even though its largest city, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/oakland-bay-area-rates-18259788.php\">Oakland, is experiencing higher crime rates\u003c/a>, that may not be the case in the other cities and unincorporated communities that make up Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How public officials talk about crime matters for recalls, too, Ross said. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/mayor-breed-orders-crackdown-on-crime-in-san-franciscos-tenderloin-neighborhood/\">Mayor London Breed was outspoken about crime\u003c/a> and the harsher punishments she’d like to see enacted in the city, though she was cautious not to call out Boudin directly. Price has a different situation with Mayor Sheng Thao, who leans more progressive than Breed.\u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/crime-in-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-safe-rate/13686600/\"> Thao, like Breed, has pointed to a need for more police\u003c/a>, but she hasn’t endorsed harsher penalties for offenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s one of the things that you had in San Francisco that you don’t have in Alameda County, is you don’t have a mayor basically driving the recall messaging,” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another split between San Francisco and Alameda County is its size and makeup, which may make signature gathering tougher, Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Alameda County is more spread out, it will likely take more time and, therefore, cost more for the campaign to hire signature gatherers to meet the required total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Alameda County Registrar of Voters is seeking to amend county recall laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved by voters, the changes may impact the high-profile recall effort of Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price — even, potentially, shifting the recall to the November presidential election when higher turnout may favor the outcome toward Price, a reform-minded DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a Tuesday letter sent to the Alameda County Board of Supervisors, the registrar of voters recommended supervisors adopt an ordinance at their Oct. 24 meeting to put the proposed language before voters in a special election on March 5, the date of California’s primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charter amendment would eliminate all of the recall laws on Alameda County’s charter, and replace them with the language, “California state law applicable to the recall of county officers shall govern the recall of county of Alameda elected and appointed officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Ross, a political consultant who advised Chesa Boudin’s anti-recall campaign and who has worked on campaigns in Alameda County for years, said it makes sense to align county rules with state law since that’s what most counties do. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jim Ross, political consultant\"]‘This would be a big win for the Price supporters.’[/pullquote] Ross noted that state law favors giving the registrar more time to count signatures and perform other key election tasks. And the more time that is taken, the more likely the recall vote would be on the same ballot as the presidential election more than a year away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be a big win for the Price supporters,” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Board of Supervisors President Nate Miley said the registrar’s letter makes it clear the charter is “antiquated” when it comes to recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m pretty confident the board is going to align our charter with state law,” Miley told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s campaign against the recall did not return a request for comment. Critics have accused Price of contributing to rising crime in Oakland through progressive policies, including not charging minors as adults and seeking lower sentences where possible. Violent crime and property crime are up in Oakland, but experts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906253/violent-crime-soared-during-the-pandemic-but-does-the-political-debate-reflect-the-data\">have found little connection\u003c/a> between the increase in rates and the prosecuting decisions of district attorneys. [aside postID=news_11957036 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67051_230713-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-10-qut-1020x680.jpg'] Still, signature gatherers are now canvassing the streets of Alameda County. Roughly 93,000 signatures are needed to qualify for the ballot, according to state recall rules, which were communicated to the recall campaign a few weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County rules would’ve seen the recall campaign need about 73,000 signatures. Having to gather an additional 20,000 signatures may cost a campaign more than $200,000, Ross estimated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Signature gathering is all about money,” he said. “If they have the money to hire or pay signature gatherers, then they’ll qualify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Alameda County Counsel Donna Ziegler released a statement saying the county did not know if it should follow state recall rules, or what is laid out in the county’s charter. The difference between state and county rules is key because each has distinct timelines and signature thresholds for a recall election to take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenda Grisham, a principal officer of the recall effort and a crime victims’ advocate whose 17-year-old son was shot and killed in east Oakland in 2010, said the campaign has more than 1,900 volunteers signed up to gather signatures, though about 50 were deployed just last Saturday. She thinks the campaign is on track to turn signatures in by March, and then see a June special election for the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless the registrar of voters put a monkey wrench in it, we are going to be on the ballot in June,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That monkey wrench might be state law. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Brenda Grisham, principal officer of the recall effort\"]‘Unless the registrar of voters put a monkey wrench in it, we are going to be on the ballot in June.’[/pullquote] State law more heavily favors placing a recall on the date of a regularly scheduled election. A recall election can take place 180 days after signatures qualify and a recall is ordered, according to state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its letter to supervisors, the registrar of voters wrote that the county’s own laws allow only 10 days to verify signatures, a goal that is “impracticable and likely unattainable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The elections official is highly unlikely to verify the signatures needed within the 10-day deadline. The failure to verify signatures timely could lead to costly litigation,” the letter read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law, by contrast, allows 30 days to verify signatures. It also would allow the county more time to prepare ballots for the recall. The county charter would only allow 35 to 40 days to do so for a special election. State law would give the registrar of voters as much as 180 days to conduct the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of an election matters, especially in a 2024 presidential election year. Special and primary elections tend to have lower voter turnout than general elections. That was the case in Alameda County in 2022 when 308,000 voters cast a ballot in the June primary compared to 496,000 votes cast in November’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher turnout elections see more people of color, younger voters and, generally, more progressive voters. While in low-turnout elections, like a June special election, the voters tend to be homeowners who pay more taxes. [aside label='More on California Politics' tag='california-politics'] According to the registrar of voters, of the 14 counties with their own charters in California, three do not have recall provisions, which makes state rules take precedence, and the remainder otherwise incorporate state recall law. Alameda County is the only county in California whose charter “deviates from” and “is at odds with” the state’s recall laws, the registrar wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if he was worried a change to the charter would shift a potential Price recall to November, Miley said he didn’t believe it was a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a matter of impracticality in the charter, the way the charter outlines it,” he said. “It would be almost an impracticality to put it on a March 5 election. There may be a special election, maybe, but I’m not even sure that will be the case if we’re aligning with a state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Alameda County Registrar of Voters is seeking to amend county recall laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved by voters, the changes may impact the high-profile recall effort of Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price — even, potentially, shifting the recall to the November presidential election when higher turnout may favor the outcome toward Price, a reform-minded DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a Tuesday letter sent to the Alameda County Board of Supervisors, the registrar of voters recommended supervisors adopt an ordinance at their Oct. 24 meeting to put the proposed language before voters in a special election on March 5, the date of California’s primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charter amendment would eliminate all of the recall laws on Alameda County’s charter, and replace them with the language, “California state law applicable to the recall of county officers shall govern the recall of county of Alameda elected and appointed officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Ross noted that state law favors giving the registrar more time to count signatures and perform other key election tasks. And the more time that is taken, the more likely the recall vote would be on the same ballot as the presidential election more than a year away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be a big win for the Price supporters,” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Board of Supervisors President Nate Miley said the registrar’s letter makes it clear the charter is “antiquated” when it comes to recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m pretty confident the board is going to align our charter with state law,” Miley told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s campaign against the recall did not return a request for comment. Critics have accused Price of contributing to rising crime in Oakland through progressive policies, including not charging minors as adults and seeking lower sentences where possible. Violent crime and property crime are up in Oakland, but experts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906253/violent-crime-soared-during-the-pandemic-but-does-the-political-debate-reflect-the-data\">have found little connection\u003c/a> between the increase in rates and the prosecuting decisions of district attorneys. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Still, signature gatherers are now canvassing the streets of Alameda County. Roughly 93,000 signatures are needed to qualify for the ballot, according to state recall rules, which were communicated to the recall campaign a few weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County rules would’ve seen the recall campaign need about 73,000 signatures. Having to gather an additional 20,000 signatures may cost a campaign more than $200,000, Ross estimated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Signature gathering is all about money,” he said. “If they have the money to hire or pay signature gatherers, then they’ll qualify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Alameda County Counsel Donna Ziegler released a statement saying the county did not know if it should follow state recall rules, or what is laid out in the county’s charter. The difference between state and county rules is key because each has distinct timelines and signature thresholds for a recall election to take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenda Grisham, a principal officer of the recall effort and a crime victims’ advocate whose 17-year-old son was shot and killed in east Oakland in 2010, said the campaign has more than 1,900 volunteers signed up to gather signatures, though about 50 were deployed just last Saturday. She thinks the campaign is on track to turn signatures in by March, and then see a June special election for the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless the registrar of voters put a monkey wrench in it, we are going to be on the ballot in June,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That monkey wrench might be state law. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> State law more heavily favors placing a recall on the date of a regularly scheduled election. A recall election can take place 180 days after signatures qualify and a recall is ordered, according to state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its letter to supervisors, the registrar of voters wrote that the county’s own laws allow only 10 days to verify signatures, a goal that is “impracticable and likely unattainable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The elections official is highly unlikely to verify the signatures needed within the 10-day deadline. The failure to verify signatures timely could lead to costly litigation,” the letter read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law, by contrast, allows 30 days to verify signatures. It also would allow the county more time to prepare ballots for the recall. The county charter would only allow 35 to 40 days to do so for a special election. State law would give the registrar of voters as much as 180 days to conduct the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of an election matters, especially in a 2024 presidential election year. Special and primary elections tend to have lower voter turnout than general elections. That was the case in Alameda County in 2022 when 308,000 voters cast a ballot in the June primary compared to 496,000 votes cast in November’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher turnout elections see more people of color, younger voters and, generally, more progressive voters. While in low-turnout elections, like a June special election, the voters tend to be homeowners who pay more taxes. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> According to the registrar of voters, of the 14 counties with their own charters in California, three do not have recall provisions, which makes state rules take precedence, and the remainder otherwise incorporate state recall law. Alameda County is the only county in California whose charter “deviates from” and “is at odds with” the state’s recall laws, the registrar wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if he was worried a change to the charter would shift a potential Price recall to November, Miley said he didn’t believe it was a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a matter of impracticality in the charter, the way the charter outlines it,” he said. “It would be almost an impracticality to put it on a March 5 election. There may be a special election, maybe, but I’m not even sure that will be the case if we’re aligning with a state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Alameda County Board of Supervisors on Tuesday unanimously approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_09_19_23/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Set%20Matter%20Calendar/President%20Miley_356939.pdf\">a countywide state of emergency (PDF)\u003c/a> on homelessness in the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order directs county staff at the Office of Homeless Care and Coordination to develop an emergency response plan, including determining how much funding is needed to significantly decrease homelessness and where to direct those resources. Supervisors said the hope is to fast-track funding and bypass regulations. But specifics around what that means have largely not yet been determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I introduced this resolution because the number of people experiencing homelessness is surging, creating dangerous, inhumane situations across the county,” said Alameda County Board of Supervisors President Nate Miley, who represents parts of Oakland, Pleasanton, Ashland, Castro Valley and Fairview. “Alameda County is in crisis — this is an emergency, and it’s our job to respond accordingly!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the latest \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.acgov.org/homelessness-assets/docs/reports/2022-Alameda-County-PIT-Report_9.22.22-FINAL-3.pdf\">county Point-in-Time data (PDF)\u003c/a>, the number of unhoused people in Alameda County increased by 22% from 2017 to 2022, going up from 5,629 to 9,747. The majority (73%) of unhoused residents in the county live outside, in cars or otherwise without access to shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11955554,news_11954909,news_11764548,news_11953216]Alameda County’s decision follows similar moves in places like \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/los-angeles-county-state-of-emergency-homeless-crisis/\">Los Angeles County\u003c/a>, which in January of this year also declared a state of emergency over its homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the emergency order called the situation a health issue, and pointed to the fact that people in Alameda County who are unhoused have significantly higher mortality rates than Alameda residents on average. More than 1,100 Alameda County residents died while homeless between 2018 and 2021 — 5.8 times greater than the number who died in the general population, according to county data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area and in Alameda County, homelessness also disproportionately impacts communities of color. Black residents make up nearly 43% of the county’s unhoused population but only 10% of the county’s overall population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, Alameda County has allocated more than $200 million to address homelessness through programs ranging from assisted living support to adding new units, in addition to crafting \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.acgov.org/homelessness-assets/docs/reports/Home-Together-2026_Executive-Summary_050922.pdf\">the Home Together Plan (PDF)\u003c/a> last year. That plan provides a blueprint for the county to significantly reduce homelessness by 2026, from prevention efforts that would keep people housed to increasing housing and shelter placements for people who are unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Board of Supervisors hearing on Tuesday, Miley said that the Home Together Plan has “some very good deliverables,” but that “there still is a situation that’s pressing upon us here in Alameda County.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authors of the Home Together Plan estimate that the county needs to add more than 24,000 housing units and subsidy slots, more temporary shelters, and a variety of programs like short-term support to prevent eviction, rental subsidies and supportive services within housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The total cost for increasing the shelter and housing opportunities across Alameda is about $2.5 billion, according to the plan, plus one-time development costs for acquiring and constructing new buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite the enormous efforts by the county, homelessness continues to increase. Combined with an\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955733/oaklands-eviction-moratorium-just-ended-whats-next-for-renters-and-landlords\"> expected wave of evictions as pandemic-era renter protections end\u003c/a>, and we believe the situation is only going to get worse,” Erin Armstrong, senior policy advisor for Miley, wrote in an email to KQED. “Our hope is that this emergency [declaration] will unlock the tools and resources needed to fully address the crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Erin Armstrong, senior policy advisor\"]‘Despite the enormous efforts by the county, homelessness continues to increase.’[/pullquote]The first phase of the emergency response will be looking into what the county can actually do with such an order. (At Tuesday’s meeting Miley misspoke, saying the proposal would only require the county to explore an emergency plan, but his aid and legal council noted the actual item being voted on was the emergency declaration itself).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miley said he hopes that Alameda County will be able to potentially accelerate hiring workers on the frontlines for homelessness and behavioral health needs, as well as to more efficiently build or convert housing and request resources from the state and federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerry Abbot, who directs the Office of Homeless Care and Coordination, said at the meeting on Thursday that it currently takes about six to nine months for the staff recruitment process to get underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board’s legal council said at the meeting that they still need to review what specific ways the emergency declaration will allow the county to circumvent certain rules and legislation, and that will look different for cities that have their own planning and hiring procedures as opposed to unincorporated areas of the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All our respective districts are reaching out about this issue,” said Supervisor Keith Carson. “When we come back in 60 days, I hope we can be more specific about what we can do as well as what we want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Alameda County Board of Supervisors on Tuesday unanimously approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_09_19_23/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Set%20Matter%20Calendar/President%20Miley_356939.pdf\">a countywide state of emergency (PDF)\u003c/a> on homelessness in the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order directs county staff at the Office of Homeless Care and Coordination to develop an emergency response plan, including determining how much funding is needed to significantly decrease homelessness and where to direct those resources. Supervisors said the hope is to fast-track funding and bypass regulations. But specifics around what that means have largely not yet been determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I introduced this resolution because the number of people experiencing homelessness is surging, creating dangerous, inhumane situations across the county,” said Alameda County Board of Supervisors President Nate Miley, who represents parts of Oakland, Pleasanton, Ashland, Castro Valley and Fairview. “Alameda County is in crisis — this is an emergency, and it’s our job to respond accordingly!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the latest \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.acgov.org/homelessness-assets/docs/reports/2022-Alameda-County-PIT-Report_9.22.22-FINAL-3.pdf\">county Point-in-Time data (PDF)\u003c/a>, the number of unhoused people in Alameda County increased by 22% from 2017 to 2022, going up from 5,629 to 9,747. The majority (73%) of unhoused residents in the county live outside, in cars or otherwise without access to shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Alameda County’s decision follows similar moves in places like \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/los-angeles-county-state-of-emergency-homeless-crisis/\">Los Angeles County\u003c/a>, which in January of this year also declared a state of emergency over its homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the emergency order called the situation a health issue, and pointed to the fact that people in Alameda County who are unhoused have significantly higher mortality rates than Alameda residents on average. More than 1,100 Alameda County residents died while homeless between 2018 and 2021 — 5.8 times greater than the number who died in the general population, according to county data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area and in Alameda County, homelessness also disproportionately impacts communities of color. Black residents make up nearly 43% of the county’s unhoused population but only 10% of the county’s overall population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, Alameda County has allocated more than $200 million to address homelessness through programs ranging from assisted living support to adding new units, in addition to crafting \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.acgov.org/homelessness-assets/docs/reports/Home-Together-2026_Executive-Summary_050922.pdf\">the Home Together Plan (PDF)\u003c/a> last year. That plan provides a blueprint for the county to significantly reduce homelessness by 2026, from prevention efforts that would keep people housed to increasing housing and shelter placements for people who are unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Board of Supervisors hearing on Tuesday, Miley said that the Home Together Plan has “some very good deliverables,” but that “there still is a situation that’s pressing upon us here in Alameda County.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authors of the Home Together Plan estimate that the county needs to add more than 24,000 housing units and subsidy slots, more temporary shelters, and a variety of programs like short-term support to prevent eviction, rental subsidies and supportive services within housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The total cost for increasing the shelter and housing opportunities across Alameda is about $2.5 billion, according to the plan, plus one-time development costs for acquiring and constructing new buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite the enormous efforts by the county, homelessness continues to increase. Combined with an\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955733/oaklands-eviction-moratorium-just-ended-whats-next-for-renters-and-landlords\"> expected wave of evictions as pandemic-era renter protections end\u003c/a>, and we believe the situation is only going to get worse,” Erin Armstrong, senior policy advisor for Miley, wrote in an email to KQED. “Our hope is that this emergency [declaration] will unlock the tools and resources needed to fully address the crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The first phase of the emergency response will be looking into what the county can actually do with such an order. (At Tuesday’s meeting Miley misspoke, saying the proposal would only require the county to explore an emergency plan, but his aid and legal council noted the actual item being voted on was the emergency declaration itself).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miley said he hopes that Alameda County will be able to potentially accelerate hiring workers on the frontlines for homelessness and behavioral health needs, as well as to more efficiently build or convert housing and request resources from the state and federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerry Abbot, who directs the Office of Homeless Care and Coordination, said at the meeting on Thursday that it currently takes about six to nine months for the staff recruitment process to get underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board’s legal council said at the meeting that they still need to review what specific ways the emergency declaration will allow the county to circumvent certain rules and legislation, and that will look different for cities that have their own planning and hiring procedures as opposed to unincorporated areas of the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All our respective districts are reaching out about this issue,” said Supervisor Keith Carson. “When we come back in 60 days, I hope we can be more specific about what we can do as well as what we want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "First Steps Taken to Launch Recall Campaign Against Alameda County DA Pamela Price",
"headTitle": "First Steps Taken to Launch Recall Campaign Against Alameda County DA Pamela Price | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#correction\">This story contains a correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recall campaign targeting progressive Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price has taken its first steps toward launching.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the committee Save Alameda for Everyone (SAFE): Recall DA Price, registered with Alameda County, filing documents that went public Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a necessary requirement before fundraising, which will be used to gather signatures in an effort to launch a recall campaign against Price. The Alameda County DA has been under scrutiny from advocates of tough-on-crime policies for her efforts to reform the district attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenda Grisham is the principal officer on the committee to recall Price. Grisham’s 17-year-old son \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/11/14/familes-of-oakland-murder-victims-want-cases-solved-community-to-step-up/?clearUserState=true\">was shot and killed outside their East Oakland home in 2010\u003c/a>, launching her work as an advocate for violence prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another officer on the committee to recall Price is Carl Chan, leader of the Oakland Chinatown Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are doing this on behalf of people in the county, and we just want to keep people safe. Especially seniors, children and families. They deserve protection and making sure that we have the proper law and order in place to protect everyone,” Chan told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan became outspoken in support of police and more prosecutions of crime after a rise in anti-AAPI hate in the Bay Area and the nation. Chan himself was assaulted in 2021. He said his attacker \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871898/we-will-not-be-afraid-after-attack-president-of-oakland-chinatown-chamber-of-commerce-resolves-to-stay-strong\">yelled either “Chinatown” or “Chinaman” at him before punching him\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955575\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/07/12/first-steps-taken-to-launch-recall-campaign-against-alameda-county-da-pamela-price/chinatown0811-2/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11955575\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11955575 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1333460212.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Asian man in a suit stands in front of a group of people holding a sign that says 'Stop Asian Hate'\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1333460212.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1333460212-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1333460212-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1333460212-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carl Chan, president of the Oakland Chinatown Chamber of Commerce, during a news conference in 2021. \u003ccite>(Santiago Mejia/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lauren Richardson, communications coordinator for Price’s political campaign, said it was important to emphasize that Price won 53% of the vote in her election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has overwhelming support in Alameda County,” Richardson said. She argued that there are people who profit from the numerous recalls of progressive district attorneys nationally. “They’ll think Ms. Price will be an easy pushover. And I think they are sadly mistaken,” Richardson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price took office in January this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931436/alameda-county-da\">after defeating\u003c/a> Terry Wiley, a prosecutor who worked for Price’s predecessor, Nancy O’Malley. On the campaign trail, Price promised progressive reforms, including not charging juveniles as adults, sentencing reform and a pledge to keep a closer eye on police misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since assuming office she’s made good on some of those promises, including reopening investigations into eight law enforcement killings and in-custody deaths, and reducing charges in some high-profile cases — much to the vocal dissatisfaction of some in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11939363,news_11938655,news_11935709 label='Alameda County D.A. Pamela Price']Grisham and Chan’s public stances on prosecutions may clash with that of Price, who has moved to shorten sentences for some crimes during her time in office. That includes removing “special circumstances” in the charges of two men accused of killing a toddler, Jasper Wu;\u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/jasper-wu-case-murder-suspects-appear-in-court-charges-reduced-in-toddlers-slaying\"> the men will no longer face the possibility of life without parole in their case.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wu’s death has become a flashpoint for critics of Price. But Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the Prosecutors Alliance of California, says the arguments against Price echo those that were used against San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin — that crime is rising, and that it’s because of the DA’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Similar efforts are being made against DA Price to suggest there are changes in crime that are attributable to her. The irony there is that crime is down since she’s been district attorney in Alameda [County],” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://cityofoakland2.app.box.com/s/sjiq7usfy27gy9dfe51hp8arz5l1ixad/file/1231561754450\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://cityofoakland2.app.box.com/s/sjiq7usfy27gy9dfe51hp8arz5l1ixad/file/1231561754450\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Oakland Police Department crime data (PDF)\u003c/a> through June of this year showed that crime overall was down in the city, but as of July, an uptick in auto and residential burglaries shows annual crime to date on the rise. That’s an important data point as Oakland is the source of much debate over Price’s policies in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is some nuance to the data, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://pinkerton.com/our-insights/blog/the-seasonality-of-crime\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://pinkerton.com/our-insights/blog/the-seasonality-of-crime\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Summer months\u003c/a> are known to drive crime statistics upward. And while robberies and burglaries are trending higher in the most recent data, assaults with a firearm are relatively flat, as are residential robberies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cat Brooks, a longtime East Bay criminal justice reform advocate and co-founder of the Anti Police-Terror Project, said she’s not surprised to see a recall launch — even though she thinks it lacks any basis in fact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were threatening to recall her when she was running for office,” Brooks said. “It’s the continuation of the backlash to the success of ‘defund’ [police] and the call to invest in community solutions instead of law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the launch of the recall campaign, Brooks says an effort to recall Price will face more opposition than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">a successful effort to recall Boudin in San Francisco last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key difference, she said, is that San Francisco’s gentrification has left it whiter and wealthier, whereas Alameda County has a larger Black population, as well as a larger population of progressives, who support criminal justice reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unlike San Francisco, we have more than 3% Black people,” Brooks said. “I think Alameda County is going to see this for what it is, and I think Alameda County is going to fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED editor Scott Shafer contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"correction\">\u003c/a>July 13: An earlier version of this story used Oakland Police Department crime data from May 29 – 4 June, 2023. The story has been corrected to reflect trends represented in newer data from June 26 – 2 July, 2023.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#correction\">This story contains a correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recall campaign targeting progressive Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price has taken its first steps toward launching.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the committee Save Alameda for Everyone (SAFE): Recall DA Price, registered with Alameda County, filing documents that went public Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a necessary requirement before fundraising, which will be used to gather signatures in an effort to launch a recall campaign against Price. The Alameda County DA has been under scrutiny from advocates of tough-on-crime policies for her efforts to reform the district attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenda Grisham is the principal officer on the committee to recall Price. Grisham’s 17-year-old son \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/11/14/familes-of-oakland-murder-victims-want-cases-solved-community-to-step-up/?clearUserState=true\">was shot and killed outside their East Oakland home in 2010\u003c/a>, launching her work as an advocate for violence prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another officer on the committee to recall Price is Carl Chan, leader of the Oakland Chinatown Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are doing this on behalf of people in the county, and we just want to keep people safe. Especially seniors, children and families. They deserve protection and making sure that we have the proper law and order in place to protect everyone,” Chan told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan became outspoken in support of police and more prosecutions of crime after a rise in anti-AAPI hate in the Bay Area and the nation. Chan himself was assaulted in 2021. He said his attacker \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871898/we-will-not-be-afraid-after-attack-president-of-oakland-chinatown-chamber-of-commerce-resolves-to-stay-strong\">yelled either “Chinatown” or “Chinaman” at him before punching him\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955575\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/07/12/first-steps-taken-to-launch-recall-campaign-against-alameda-county-da-pamela-price/chinatown0811-2/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11955575\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11955575 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1333460212.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Asian man in a suit stands in front of a group of people holding a sign that says 'Stop Asian Hate'\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1333460212.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1333460212-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1333460212-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1333460212-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carl Chan, president of the Oakland Chinatown Chamber of Commerce, during a news conference in 2021. \u003ccite>(Santiago Mejia/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lauren Richardson, communications coordinator for Price’s political campaign, said it was important to emphasize that Price won 53% of the vote in her election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has overwhelming support in Alameda County,” Richardson said. She argued that there are people who profit from the numerous recalls of progressive district attorneys nationally. “They’ll think Ms. Price will be an easy pushover. And I think they are sadly mistaken,” Richardson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price took office in January this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931436/alameda-county-da\">after defeating\u003c/a> Terry Wiley, a prosecutor who worked for Price’s predecessor, Nancy O’Malley. On the campaign trail, Price promised progressive reforms, including not charging juveniles as adults, sentencing reform and a pledge to keep a closer eye on police misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since assuming office she’s made good on some of those promises, including reopening investigations into eight law enforcement killings and in-custody deaths, and reducing charges in some high-profile cases — much to the vocal dissatisfaction of some in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Grisham and Chan’s public stances on prosecutions may clash with that of Price, who has moved to shorten sentences for some crimes during her time in office. That includes removing “special circumstances” in the charges of two men accused of killing a toddler, Jasper Wu;\u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/jasper-wu-case-murder-suspects-appear-in-court-charges-reduced-in-toddlers-slaying\"> the men will no longer face the possibility of life without parole in their case.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wu’s death has become a flashpoint for critics of Price. But Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the Prosecutors Alliance of California, says the arguments against Price echo those that were used against San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin — that crime is rising, and that it’s because of the DA’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Similar efforts are being made against DA Price to suggest there are changes in crime that are attributable to her. The irony there is that crime is down since she’s been district attorney in Alameda [County],” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://cityofoakland2.app.box.com/s/sjiq7usfy27gy9dfe51hp8arz5l1ixad/file/1231561754450\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://cityofoakland2.app.box.com/s/sjiq7usfy27gy9dfe51hp8arz5l1ixad/file/1231561754450\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Oakland Police Department crime data (PDF)\u003c/a> through June of this year showed that crime overall was down in the city, but as of July, an uptick in auto and residential burglaries shows annual crime to date on the rise. That’s an important data point as Oakland is the source of much debate over Price’s policies in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is some nuance to the data, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://pinkerton.com/our-insights/blog/the-seasonality-of-crime\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://pinkerton.com/our-insights/blog/the-seasonality-of-crime\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Summer months\u003c/a> are known to drive crime statistics upward. And while robberies and burglaries are trending higher in the most recent data, assaults with a firearm are relatively flat, as are residential robberies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cat Brooks, a longtime East Bay criminal justice reform advocate and co-founder of the Anti Police-Terror Project, said she’s not surprised to see a recall launch — even though she thinks it lacks any basis in fact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were threatening to recall her when she was running for office,” Brooks said. “It’s the continuation of the backlash to the success of ‘defund’ [police] and the call to invest in community solutions instead of law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the launch of the recall campaign, Brooks says an effort to recall Price will face more opposition than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">a successful effort to recall Boudin in San Francisco last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key difference, she said, is that San Francisco’s gentrification has left it whiter and wealthier, whereas Alameda County has a larger Black population, as well as a larger population of progressives, who support criminal justice reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unlike San Francisco, we have more than 3% Black people,” Brooks said. “I think Alameda County is going to see this for what it is, and I think Alameda County is going to fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED editor Scott Shafer contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"correction\">\u003c/a>July 13: An earlier version of this story used Oakland Police Department crime data from May 29 – 4 June, 2023. The story has been corrected to reflect trends represented in newer data from June 26 – 2 July, 2023.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Alameda County's Eviction Moratorium Ended Saturday. What's Next for Renters (and Landlords)?",
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"content": "\u003cp>At 11:59 p.m. on Saturday, April 29, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ac-housingsecure.org/ac-eviction-moratorium-guide\">Alameda County’s eviction moratorium expired\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means that starting Sunday, April 30, tens of thousands of Alameda County residents must pay rent for the first time in three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump to: \u003ca href=\"#evictionmoratoriumalameda\">What you need to know if you’re an Alameda County renter\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The protections were established by Alameda County in 2020 as a way to protect renters from the financial fallout of the COVID-19 pandemic. But when \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/covid19-assets/docs/press/press-release-2023.02.28.pdf\">Alameda ended the county’s public health emergency for COVID-19 on Feb. 28 (PDF)\u003c/a>, it also triggered the end of the moratorium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Alameda County housing officials are expecting evictions to spike to above pre-pandemic levels, to some 250–350 evictions per month — as landlords look to recoup back rent and evict tenants if they are unable to pay going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what to know about the end of the eviction moratorium in Alameda County. For resources available to tenants and landlords in Alameda County, including free legal services for lower-income tenants and homeowners, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.ac-housingsecure.org/\">Alameda County Housing Secure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How will this eviction moratorium’s expiration affect people in Alameda County?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For their part, property owners say they plan to collect what they’re owed. A \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23791228/tenant-landlord-report-42523-work-session-final-1.pdf\">survey of landlords (PDF)\u003c/a> conducted by the Alameda County Community Development Agency this spring found that 67% of respondents said they would pursue an eviction after the moratorium expired. Fifty-seven percent said they would pursue rent debt through small claims court.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Michelle Starratt, housing director, Alameda County\"]‘This was not a rent strike. This was an expectation that at some point you were going to pay your rent.’[/pullquote]“I think we are going to see a lot of displacement, and this is going to affect lower-income community members more than those with higher incomes,” said Michelle Starratt, housing director for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked very closely at what was happening in surrounding communities like Contra Costa and Santa Clara County when their eviction moratoriums ended last fall,” she said. “What we saw was a rapid rise in evictions and displacement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Does Alameda County’s eviction moratorium affect every city in the county?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No: The Alameda County cities of Oakland, Berkeley and San Leandro still have their own eviction moratoriums, and those will remain in effect after the county’s eviction moratorium expires on Saturday:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>More on \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/services/important-covid-19-information\">Oakland’s eviction moratorium\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>More on \u003ca href=\"https://rentboard.berkeleyca.gov/rights-responsibilities/covid-19-information-tenants-landlords\">Berkeley’s eviction moratorium\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>More on \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanleandro.org/1199/Eviction-Moratorium-Extension\">San Leandro’s eviction moratorium\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>That said, just because a city in Alameda County has its own eviction moratorium doesn’t mean renters in that city can’t be evicted. For example, “The Oakland moratorium will continue to protect tenants for eviction due to nonpayment of rent,” Starratt told KQED in an email. “However, if a tenant violated their lease in another way, the landlord will be able to begin an eviction process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The differences between the county’s moratorium and the city moratoriums mean that if you live in Oakland, Berkeley or San Leandro, it’s really important to understand exactly what your city’s rules do and do not protect you against. “I don’t want to give tenants [in those cities] the impression that they are 100% safe,” said Starratt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Housing Secure advises that if you live in Oakland, Berkeley or San Leandro, “to be safe, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ac-housingsecure.org/ac-eviction-moratorium-guide\">you should submit proof of your COVID-related loss of income\u003c/a> or increase in expenses to your landlord in the form of pay stubs, bank statements, a letter from your employer, child care bills, or medical bills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"evictionmoratoriumalameda\">\u003c/a>What happens for renters now that Alameda County’s eviction moratorium has expired?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rent is due on May 1, and the end of the county’s eviction moratorium means that going forward, Alameda County tenants must pay their rent — or be subject to eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A tenant not paying their rent “is grounds for eviction,” said Starratt in an interview with KQED. “Their landlord could serve them with a three-day notice to pay or quit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you get a notice from your landlord, time is of the essence for you to respond, says Starratt. “If you get a summons from the courthouse, you have five days to respond. It’s really important that you respond because if you don’t, you won’t actually have any protections,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It won’t matter if the [Alameda County] eviction moratorium protected you — you won’t be able to use that as a reason to defend against an eviction notice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What else can Alameda County tenants now be evicted for?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to not paying rent that’s due starting May 1, your landlord can also now attempt to evict you based on your \u003cem>behavior\u003c/em> during the moratorium, says Starratt. “For instance, if you violated your lease by moving someone into your home without permission from your landlord, or destroyed property, or violated the lease in some other way,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Currently, tenants can’t be evicted for the nonpayment of rent during the eviction moratorium: They can come after you in small claims court, they can attach your wages, they can get their payment from you, but they can’t evict you for that,” she said. “They have to evict you for a different reason.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she also cautioned that tenants shouldn’t exclusively focus on this particular aspect, “because there’s going to be cases in court where someone will file an appeal on that” and that “the law around this is going to be fast moving and quickly changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really don’t know what the end result is going to be,” Starratt said. “A judge could kick that part of our [Alameda County] ordinance out. They might say, ‘No, that’s not legal. You can’t do it.’ But since it hasn’t started yet, we really don’t know if that protection really exists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When it comes to repaying rent, what can an Alameda County landlord ask of a tenant now that the eviction moratorium has expired?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Landlords have a right to the income that they are owed and they have a right to sue their tenants in small claims court to obtain payment,” said Starratt. Her message: “If you can pay your rent, you should pay it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you didn’t pay your rent and used that money on other items, you could be faced with a court assigning your wages to the landlord in order for the landlord to get their back rent,” warned Starratt.[aside postID=news_11942106 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS46906_010_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021-qut-1020x680.jpg']It’s important to remember the original purpose of the COVID-19 Alameda County eviction moratorium, said Starratt: “This was not a rent strike. This was an expectation that at some point you were going to pay your rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tenants with lower income who have not paid their rent and who still have outstanding rent, even if they got some of it paid by rental assistance, need to come up with a payment plan with their landlord and identify some ways to start making payments,” she said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ac-housingsecure.org/\">Alameda County Housing Secure\u003c/a> has referrals to agencies that can help you mediate that type of agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What should landlords in Alameda County know?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“There’s anywhere from $125 million to $300 million worth of outstanding rent that’s owed in the county,” said Starratt. “That’s after the emergency rental assistance funding that came from the federal and state governments brought over $220 million worth of back paid rent into the county,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starratt says that in an Alameda County community survey of landlords in fall 2022 and spring 2023, landlords reported that “fully 50% of the rent that’s owed is owed by tenants who are over-income — meaning they’re higher than 80% of area median income. They’re not considered low-income and they didn’t pay their rent during COVID, and that is a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this point, the best recourse for landlords is to go to small claims court to obtain the back rent owed from those tenants,” said Starratt. [pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Michelle Starratt, housing director, Alameda County\"]‘If we have over $300 million worth of outstanding rent and half of that is for over-income tenants, the over-income tenants need to help us by paying their rent.’[/pullquote]“In the meantime, we are deploying almost $5 million in emergency foreclosure prevention money to landlords,” said Starratt. “Those contracts will be going before the Alameda County Board of Supervisors hopefully before the end of May in order to help those landlords that didn’t get paid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really don’t want landlords to lose their properties, so we’re trying to get some of these resources into the community,” Starratt said. “But nearly $5 million in funding is just a drop in the bucket if we have over $300 million worth of outstanding rent and half of that is for over-income tenants. The over-income tenants need to help us by paying their rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"10483\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/10483.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting from KQED’s Rachel Vasquez.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At 11:59 p.m. on Saturday, April 29, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ac-housingsecure.org/ac-eviction-moratorium-guide\">Alameda County’s eviction moratorium expired\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means that starting Sunday, April 30, tens of thousands of Alameda County residents must pay rent for the first time in three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump to: \u003ca href=\"#evictionmoratoriumalameda\">What you need to know if you’re an Alameda County renter\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The protections were established by Alameda County in 2020 as a way to protect renters from the financial fallout of the COVID-19 pandemic. But when \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/covid19-assets/docs/press/press-release-2023.02.28.pdf\">Alameda ended the county’s public health emergency for COVID-19 on Feb. 28 (PDF)\u003c/a>, it also triggered the end of the moratorium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Alameda County housing officials are expecting evictions to spike to above pre-pandemic levels, to some 250–350 evictions per month — as landlords look to recoup back rent and evict tenants if they are unable to pay going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what to know about the end of the eviction moratorium in Alameda County. For resources available to tenants and landlords in Alameda County, including free legal services for lower-income tenants and homeowners, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.ac-housingsecure.org/\">Alameda County Housing Secure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How will this eviction moratorium’s expiration affect people in Alameda County?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For their part, property owners say they plan to collect what they’re owed. A \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23791228/tenant-landlord-report-42523-work-session-final-1.pdf\">survey of landlords (PDF)\u003c/a> conducted by the Alameda County Community Development Agency this spring found that 67% of respondents said they would pursue an eviction after the moratorium expired. Fifty-seven percent said they would pursue rent debt through small claims court.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This was not a rent strike. This was an expectation that at some point you were going to pay your rent.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think we are going to see a lot of displacement, and this is going to affect lower-income community members more than those with higher incomes,” said Michelle Starratt, housing director for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked very closely at what was happening in surrounding communities like Contra Costa and Santa Clara County when their eviction moratoriums ended last fall,” she said. “What we saw was a rapid rise in evictions and displacement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Does Alameda County’s eviction moratorium affect every city in the county?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No: The Alameda County cities of Oakland, Berkeley and San Leandro still have their own eviction moratoriums, and those will remain in effect after the county’s eviction moratorium expires on Saturday:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>More on \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/services/important-covid-19-information\">Oakland’s eviction moratorium\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>More on \u003ca href=\"https://rentboard.berkeleyca.gov/rights-responsibilities/covid-19-information-tenants-landlords\">Berkeley’s eviction moratorium\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>More on \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanleandro.org/1199/Eviction-Moratorium-Extension\">San Leandro’s eviction moratorium\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>That said, just because a city in Alameda County has its own eviction moratorium doesn’t mean renters in that city can’t be evicted. For example, “The Oakland moratorium will continue to protect tenants for eviction due to nonpayment of rent,” Starratt told KQED in an email. “However, if a tenant violated their lease in another way, the landlord will be able to begin an eviction process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The differences between the county’s moratorium and the city moratoriums mean that if you live in Oakland, Berkeley or San Leandro, it’s really important to understand exactly what your city’s rules do and do not protect you against. “I don’t want to give tenants [in those cities] the impression that they are 100% safe,” said Starratt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Housing Secure advises that if you live in Oakland, Berkeley or San Leandro, “to be safe, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ac-housingsecure.org/ac-eviction-moratorium-guide\">you should submit proof of your COVID-related loss of income\u003c/a> or increase in expenses to your landlord in the form of pay stubs, bank statements, a letter from your employer, child care bills, or medical bills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"evictionmoratoriumalameda\">\u003c/a>What happens for renters now that Alameda County’s eviction moratorium has expired?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rent is due on May 1, and the end of the county’s eviction moratorium means that going forward, Alameda County tenants must pay their rent — or be subject to eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A tenant not paying their rent “is grounds for eviction,” said Starratt in an interview with KQED. “Their landlord could serve them with a three-day notice to pay or quit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you get a notice from your landlord, time is of the essence for you to respond, says Starratt. “If you get a summons from the courthouse, you have five days to respond. It’s really important that you respond because if you don’t, you won’t actually have any protections,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It won’t matter if the [Alameda County] eviction moratorium protected you — you won’t be able to use that as a reason to defend against an eviction notice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What else can Alameda County tenants now be evicted for?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to not paying rent that’s due starting May 1, your landlord can also now attempt to evict you based on your \u003cem>behavior\u003c/em> during the moratorium, says Starratt. “For instance, if you violated your lease by moving someone into your home without permission from your landlord, or destroyed property, or violated the lease in some other way,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Currently, tenants can’t be evicted for the nonpayment of rent during the eviction moratorium: They can come after you in small claims court, they can attach your wages, they can get their payment from you, but they can’t evict you for that,” she said. “They have to evict you for a different reason.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she also cautioned that tenants shouldn’t exclusively focus on this particular aspect, “because there’s going to be cases in court where someone will file an appeal on that” and that “the law around this is going to be fast moving and quickly changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really don’t know what the end result is going to be,” Starratt said. “A judge could kick that part of our [Alameda County] ordinance out. They might say, ‘No, that’s not legal. You can’t do it.’ But since it hasn’t started yet, we really don’t know if that protection really exists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When it comes to repaying rent, what can an Alameda County landlord ask of a tenant now that the eviction moratorium has expired?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Landlords have a right to the income that they are owed and they have a right to sue their tenants in small claims court to obtain payment,” said Starratt. Her message: “If you can pay your rent, you should pay it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you didn’t pay your rent and used that money on other items, you could be faced with a court assigning your wages to the landlord in order for the landlord to get their back rent,” warned Starratt.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It’s important to remember the original purpose of the COVID-19 Alameda County eviction moratorium, said Starratt: “This was not a rent strike. This was an expectation that at some point you were going to pay your rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tenants with lower income who have not paid their rent and who still have outstanding rent, even if they got some of it paid by rental assistance, need to come up with a payment plan with their landlord and identify some ways to start making payments,” she said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ac-housingsecure.org/\">Alameda County Housing Secure\u003c/a> has referrals to agencies that can help you mediate that type of agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What should landlords in Alameda County know?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“There’s anywhere from $125 million to $300 million worth of outstanding rent that’s owed in the county,” said Starratt. “That’s after the emergency rental assistance funding that came from the federal and state governments brought over $220 million worth of back paid rent into the county,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starratt says that in an Alameda County community survey of landlords in fall 2022 and spring 2023, landlords reported that “fully 50% of the rent that’s owed is owed by tenants who are over-income — meaning they’re higher than 80% of area median income. They’re not considered low-income and they didn’t pay their rent during COVID, and that is a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this point, the best recourse for landlords is to go to small claims court to obtain the back rent owed from those tenants,” said Starratt. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If we have over $300 million worth of outstanding rent and half of that is for over-income tenants, the over-income tenants need to help us by paying their rent.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“In the meantime, we are deploying almost $5 million in emergency foreclosure prevention money to landlords,” said Starratt. “Those contracts will be going before the Alameda County Board of Supervisors hopefully before the end of May in order to help those landlords that didn’t get paid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really don’t want landlords to lose their properties, so we’re trying to get some of these resources into the community,” Starratt said. “But nearly $5 million in funding is just a drop in the bucket if we have over $300 million worth of outstanding rent and half of that is for over-income tenants. The over-income tenants need to help us by paying their rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Alameda County’s eviction moratorium helped keep hundreds, potentially thousands of people housed during the pandemic.[aside postID=news_11947933 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1290630931-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after increased pressure from local landlords who face hundreds of thousands of dollars in unpaid rent, as well as the deaths of two tenant-friendly members of the Alameda County Board of Supervisors, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11947933/alameda-countys-eviction-moratorium-ends-saturday-whats-next-for-renters-and-landlords\">the county has decided to officially end the eviction moratorium at midnight April 29\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities, like Oakland, Berkeley, and San Leandro, are phasing out their moratoriums more slowly. But the end of Alameda County’s moratorium marks the end of one of the strongest in the Bay Area, and thousands of residents will be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Q-EFRtebIRfl5cz20KJ_r01VKm03esxf/view?usp=share_link\">\u003cem>Episode transcript\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/vanessarancano\">Vanessa Rancaño\u003c/a>, housing reporter for KQED\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC9185859026&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11947933/alameda-countys-eviction-moratorium-ends-saturday-whats-next-for-renters-and-landlords\">GUIDE: Alameda County’s Eviction Moratorium Ended Saturday. What’s Next for Renters (and Landlords)?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942106/as-bay-area-eviction-moratoriums-expire-local-lawmakers-scramble\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As Bay Area Eviction Moratoriums Expire, Local Lawmakers Scramble\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after increased pressure from local landlords who face hundreds of thousands of dollars in unpaid rent, as well as the deaths of two tenant-friendly members of the Alameda County Board of Supervisors, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11947933/alameda-countys-eviction-moratorium-ends-saturday-whats-next-for-renters-and-landlords\">the county has decided to officially end the eviction moratorium at midnight April 29\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities, like Oakland, Berkeley, and San Leandro, are phasing out their moratoriums more slowly. But the end of Alameda County’s moratorium marks the end of one of the strongest in the Bay Area, and thousands of residents will be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Q-EFRtebIRfl5cz20KJ_r01VKm03esxf/view?usp=share_link\">\u003cem>Episode transcript\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/vanessarancano\">Vanessa Rancaño\u003c/a>, housing reporter for KQED\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As of today, California no longer requires face masks to be worn in health care facilities and other high-risk settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, the state has required everyone to wear masks in places like hospitals, clinics, correctional facilities and centers for people experiencing homelessness. Even as public health officials removed other COVID-19 restrictions, this rule remained in place through the multiple surges and drops in cases California saw in the past three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, health care workers are no longer required to get the COVID-19 vaccine. This change includes direct care workers and those who work in adult care facilities, as well as in correctional and detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to your county’s new masking rules: \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#alamedamaskmandate\">Alameda\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#sanfranciscomaskmandate\">San Francisco\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#contracostamaskmandate\">Contra Costa\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#marinmaskmandate\">Marin\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#napamaskmandate\">Napa\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#sanmateomaskmandate\">San Mateo\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#santaclaramaskmandate\">Santa Clara\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#sonomamaskmandate\">Sonoma\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#solanomaskmandate\">Solano\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Despite calls from physicians and disability advocates to keep these rules in place to protect people especially vulnerable to COVID-19, state officials say that California is in a strong enough position to loosen these restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our communities did a lot of the hard work by getting vaccinated and boosted, staying home and testing when sick, requesting treatments when positive, and masking to slow the spread,” said Dr. Tomás Aragón, the state’s public health officer, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/OPA/Pages/NR23-014.aspx\">in a press release on March 3 announcing the change\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>However, individual counties retain the authority to enforce their own additional public health restrictions separate from the state’s. So if your county has a mask mandate that’s more restrictive than state rules, that’s the one you have to follow. Some Bay Area counties, like Contra Costa and Alameda, will continue to require face masks in certain high-risk settings, like nursing facilities, after April 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to find the mask rules for high-risk settings in the county you live, work or study in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"alamedamaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Alameda\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All staff working in Alameda County’s 66 skilled nursing facilities are still required to wear face masks, even after April 3. County health officials released \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/covid19-assets/docs/press/press-release-2023.03.27.pdf\">a statement last week clarifying that this order will only apply to staff\u003c/a> and that visitors will only be \u003cem>encouraged\u003c/em> to wear masks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Alameda County is moving cautiously with our skilled nursing facilities because they serve a large and highly vulnerable population of generally older adults with complex medical conditions,” said Alameda County Health Officer Dr. Nicholas Moss in a March 27 statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order applies only to those working at nursing facilities and will be reviewed monthly by county health officials. The county will align with state masking rules for all other settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"contracostamaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All staff in the county’s nursing facilities will still be required to wear face masks, even after April 3. According to \u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/press-releases/2023/0327-Health-Order-to-Require-Staff-in-Skilled-Nursing-Facilities-to-Wear-Masks.php\">a press release from Contra Costa health officials\u003c/a>, wearing a mask will be required for employees working directly with patients, and also for paramedics, emergency medical technicians, contractors and vendors when they enter these facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the state announced the change in their rules, we began to think, ‘Does it make sense to continue masking anywhere?'” Dr. Ori Tzvieli, the county’s health officer, told KQED. “We decided that one of the highest-risk settings was skilled nursing facilities … these nursing homes basically have some of the higher-risk patients. They have older patients. They have patients with medical co-morbidities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Visitors, however, will not be required to wear masks when inside these facilities. Patients also are not required to wear masks. The county will review its masking policy on a monthly basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"napamaskmandate\">\u003c/a>Napa\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Napa County does not require the use of face masks in high-risk settings. County officials told KQED that masks will continue to be made available for residents and staff in these places, clarifying that “masking is strongly recommended in high-risk settings” when community transmission rates are high.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"sanfranciscomaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Department of Public Health told KQED that those working in health care, which includes skilled nursing facilities and jail settings, are still “required to wear a well-fitted mask when they are working in the same room as patients, clients, residents or people who are incarcerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, everyone else, which can include patients, clients, residents or people who are incarcerated and their visitors, are only \u003cem>encouraged\u003c/em> to wear a mask when inside these settings. Individual facilities do, however, have the authority to implement more restrictive guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"marinmaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Marin\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Marin County does not require the use of face masks in high-risk settings. County officials told KQED that health care facilities can enforce their own mask rules individually.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"sanmateomaskmandate\">\u003c/a>San Mateo\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>County officials told KQED that San Mateo follows the state’s guidelines and has not implemented any additional mask rules for high-risk settings. Individual health care facilities can still make their own decisions as to whether they want to require the use of masks indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"santaclaramaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County will require face masks in health care facilities only during the “designated winter respiratory virus period,” which lasts from November 1 to March 31 of each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the rest of the year, however, it is up to individual health care facilities to set their own masking rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"solanomaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Solano\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>County officials confirmed with KQED that Solano County will follow the state’s guidelines and has not implemented its own additional mask rules. Face masks will no longer be required in any of Solano County’s health care, long-term care or correctional facilities as well as homeless, emergency and warming and cooling centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"sonomamaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Sonoma\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Officials told KQED that Sonoma County will follow the state’s guidelines and has not implemented its own additional mask rules. Individual health care facilities can make their own decisions on whether they want to require the use of masks indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"10483\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/10483.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Brian Watt and Alex Gonzalez.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As of today, California no longer requires face masks to be worn in health care facilities and other high-risk settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, the state has required everyone to wear masks in places like hospitals, clinics, correctional facilities and centers for people experiencing homelessness. Even as public health officials removed other COVID-19 restrictions, this rule remained in place through the multiple surges and drops in cases California saw in the past three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, health care workers are no longer required to get the COVID-19 vaccine. This change includes direct care workers and those who work in adult care facilities, as well as in correctional and detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to your county’s new masking rules: \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#alamedamaskmandate\">Alameda\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#sanfranciscomaskmandate\">San Francisco\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#contracostamaskmandate\">Contra Costa\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#marinmaskmandate\">Marin\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#napamaskmandate\">Napa\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#sanmateomaskmandate\">San Mateo\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#santaclaramaskmandate\">Santa Clara\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#sonomamaskmandate\">Sonoma\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"#solanomaskmandate\">Solano\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Despite calls from physicians and disability advocates to keep these rules in place to protect people especially vulnerable to COVID-19, state officials say that California is in a strong enough position to loosen these restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our communities did a lot of the hard work by getting vaccinated and boosted, staying home and testing when sick, requesting treatments when positive, and masking to slow the spread,” said Dr. Tomás Aragón, the state’s public health officer, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/OPA/Pages/NR23-014.aspx\">in a press release on March 3 announcing the change\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>However, individual counties retain the authority to enforce their own additional public health restrictions separate from the state’s. So if your county has a mask mandate that’s more restrictive than state rules, that’s the one you have to follow. Some Bay Area counties, like Contra Costa and Alameda, will continue to require face masks in certain high-risk settings, like nursing facilities, after April 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to find the mask rules for high-risk settings in the county you live, work or study in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"alamedamaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Alameda\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All staff working in Alameda County’s 66 skilled nursing facilities are still required to wear face masks, even after April 3. County health officials released \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/covid19-assets/docs/press/press-release-2023.03.27.pdf\">a statement last week clarifying that this order will only apply to staff\u003c/a> and that visitors will only be \u003cem>encouraged\u003c/em> to wear masks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Alameda County is moving cautiously with our skilled nursing facilities because they serve a large and highly vulnerable population of generally older adults with complex medical conditions,” said Alameda County Health Officer Dr. Nicholas Moss in a March 27 statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order applies only to those working at nursing facilities and will be reviewed monthly by county health officials. The county will align with state masking rules for all other settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"contracostamaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All staff in the county’s nursing facilities will still be required to wear face masks, even after April 3. According to \u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/press-releases/2023/0327-Health-Order-to-Require-Staff-in-Skilled-Nursing-Facilities-to-Wear-Masks.php\">a press release from Contra Costa health officials\u003c/a>, wearing a mask will be required for employees working directly with patients, and also for paramedics, emergency medical technicians, contractors and vendors when they enter these facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the state announced the change in their rules, we began to think, ‘Does it make sense to continue masking anywhere?'” Dr. Ori Tzvieli, the county’s health officer, told KQED. “We decided that one of the highest-risk settings was skilled nursing facilities … these nursing homes basically have some of the higher-risk patients. They have older patients. They have patients with medical co-morbidities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Visitors, however, will not be required to wear masks when inside these facilities. Patients also are not required to wear masks. The county will review its masking policy on a monthly basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"napamaskmandate\">\u003c/a>Napa\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Napa County does not require the use of face masks in high-risk settings. County officials told KQED that masks will continue to be made available for residents and staff in these places, clarifying that “masking is strongly recommended in high-risk settings” when community transmission rates are high.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"sanfranciscomaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Department of Public Health told KQED that those working in health care, which includes skilled nursing facilities and jail settings, are still “required to wear a well-fitted mask when they are working in the same room as patients, clients, residents or people who are incarcerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, everyone else, which can include patients, clients, residents or people who are incarcerated and their visitors, are only \u003cem>encouraged\u003c/em> to wear a mask when inside these settings. Individual facilities do, however, have the authority to implement more restrictive guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"marinmaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Marin\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Marin County does not require the use of face masks in high-risk settings. County officials told KQED that health care facilities can enforce their own mask rules individually.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"sanmateomaskmandate\">\u003c/a>San Mateo\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>County officials told KQED that San Mateo follows the state’s guidelines and has not implemented any additional mask rules for high-risk settings. Individual health care facilities can still make their own decisions as to whether they want to require the use of masks indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"santaclaramaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County will require face masks in health care facilities only during the “designated winter respiratory virus period,” which lasts from November 1 to March 31 of each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the rest of the year, however, it is up to individual health care facilities to set their own masking rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"solanomaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Solano\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>County officials confirmed with KQED that Solano County will follow the state’s guidelines and has not implemented its own additional mask rules. Face masks will no longer be required in any of Solano County’s health care, long-term care or correctional facilities as well as homeless, emergency and warming and cooling centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"sonomamaskmandate\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Sonoma\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Officials told KQED that Sonoma County will follow the state’s guidelines and has not implemented its own additional mask rules. Individual health care facilities can make their own decisions on whether they want to require the use of masks indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "landlord-backlash-prompts-return-to-pre-pandemic-rules-in-alameda-county",
"title": "Landlord Backlash Prompts Return to Pre-Pandemic Rules in Alameda County",
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"headTitle": "Landlord Backlash Prompts Return to Pre-Pandemic Rules in Alameda County | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>During the pandemic, Alameda County supervisors approved some of the strongest protections in California for tenants facing evictions. But last month, the board abruptly changed course — rejecting a slate of proposals designed to keep renters in their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The turn comes amid backlash from property owners that could signal future resistance statewide, some tenant and landlord advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Leo Esclamado, organizer, My Eden Voice\"]‘What it feels like is really a turning back of a lot of work and conversations, a lot of hope and trust.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What it feels like is really a turning back of a lot of work and conversations, a lot of hope and trust,” said Leo Esclamado, an organizer with the community group My Eden Voice, which lobbied hard to extend renter protections in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures would have banned landlords from doing criminal background checks on potential tenants, created a rental registry meant to help the county enforce code violations and rent-control laws, and only allowed “just cause” evictions for things like not paying rent or violating lease terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors also voted to cut off funding for \u003ca href=\"https://www.ac-housingsecure.org/?locale=en\">the county’s Housing Secure program\u003c/a>, which has provided legal services to both tenants and homeowners since 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants rights advocates and county housing department staff are reeling from the decisions, which they said signal a profound philosophical shift. Meghan Gordon, who runs the East Bay Community Law Center’s housing program, said the board appeared to be reacting to landlords’ complaints without consideration of tenants’ needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have lost sight of planning for the realities and implications of their decisions,” she said. “There’s no plan for moving forward, and there’s no discussion of what could happen to the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anne Tamiko Omura, executive director of the Eviction Defense Center, said the decisions come at the worst possible time — with \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2023/03/01/eviction-moratorium-ending-alameda-county-oakland-landlord-protest/\">the county’s eviction moratorium set to expire at the end of April\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand that the landlord lobby has a loud voice and the financial backing, but our elected leaders still have a duty to protect the most vulnerable residents in our community,” she said. “This will directly result in an immediate rise in homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board’s about-face follows the recent deaths of two of its members, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2021/11/04/alameda-county-supervisor-wilma-chan-killed-by-motorist-while-on-morning-walk/\">Wilma Chan\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/02/08/alameda-county-supervisor-richard-valle-dies-at-73\">Richard Valle\u003c/a>, who both championed tenants’ causes. While Valle’s seat remains unfilled, Chan’s replacement, Lena Tam, who abstained from voting on the three ordinances, has proved friendlier to real-estate interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943521\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11943521 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A blond-haired woman stands near a countertop in a kitchen, holding a coffee mug, with a man wearing a baseball hat and a plaid shirt washing something in the sink behind her.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra Macias heats up coffee while her partner, Carlos Archuleta, cleans up the kitchen after taking their kids to school at the home they rent in Castro Valley on March 14, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that what we’re putting in place is not a solution in search of a problem,” Tam said of her decision, noting that \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482&search_keywords=rent+cap\">California’s Tenant Protection Act of 2019\u003c/a> already places limits on evictions and rent hikes. She said she’d like to see a revised version of the tenant protection measures with changes that are more palatable to landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant advocates have accused Tam of bowing to the interests of property-owner groups after receiving campaign contributions from them, an allegation she disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to campaign finance records, Tam received at least $34,000 — or roughly 13% of total contributions to her campaign last year — from real-estate interests, and got an additional boost from the California Apartment Association, which raised over $241,000 to defeat her rival, Oakland City Councilmember Rebecca Kaplan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell Lowery, executive director of the California Rental Housing Association, which represents around 24,000 landlords statewide, said there has been a sea change in how property owners are responding to public policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a matter of survival for them to show up, explain their business to elected officials and get a hearing,” he said. “No one wants to be at a city council meeting at 8:30 [p.m.] protesting a rental ordinance. But it’s become necessary to our business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lowery said he has seen attendance surge at the association’s monthly organizing meetings, where landlords receive advocacy training. And he said more property owners are now paying attention to state and local policy proposals and meeting with lawmakers.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11942106,news_11920788,news_11919866\"]“We’ve just seen across all avenues that are available to us an increased level of activity,” Lowery said. He noted that the association filed multiple lawsuits challenging COVID eviction bans around the state, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20230306005212/en/Apartment-Association-of-Greater-L.A.-Files-Lawsuit-Against-the-City-of-Los-Angeles\">its members recently sued the city of Los Angeles\u003c/a> to block new measures enacted before its local moratorium ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some tenant advocates said this is just business as usual for landlord groups: Wherever tenants are organizing for stronger protections, property owner associations show up to fight them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you see where they are going, it’s [to] places tenants have been organizing for several years,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment Institute (ACCE), a tenants rights group. “So they’re trying to take the power back from the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Lowery said property owners are getting more traction now with lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a renewed sense of urgency years into the pandemic, years into an eviction moratorium,” he said. “It gets easier for people to understand that no business [can] stay open without revenue coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the pandemic wore on, property owners in Alameda County became increasingly frustrated with supervisors’ refusal to consider changes to the moratorium, said Joshua Howard, executive vice president of the California Apartment Association. Last year, the group \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/alamedasuit/\">sued the county to end the moratorium\u003c/a> and has encouraged landlords to advocate against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing providers have been trying to speak out,” Howard said. “They’ve sent thousands of letters, made thousands of phone calls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Chris Moore, who owns property in Oakland and unincorporated parts of Alameda County, and who sits on the board of the East Bay Rental Housing Association, the Board of Supervisors’ shift on the issue is a refreshing change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are listening to both sides,” he said. “That really was not happening before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Nate Miley argues that supervisors helped create the conditions for a backlash by refusing to ease the eviction ban months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To try to push other tenant-protection measures through when you have the strongest eviction moratorium in place, I just don’t think that’s being reasonable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miley voted in favor of the ordinance barring criminal background checks and supported extending legal services, but abstained from voting on the other two measures. Supervisors Tam and David Haubert abstained on all four items, effectively killing the proposals for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It breaks our heart as a community that worked so hard for so long,” said Carlos Archuleta, a renter in unincorporated Castro Valley who advocated for the measures. “Basically, special interests bought a seat and took that vote from us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Centro Legal de la Raza Executive Director Monique Berlanga said she was particularly surprised by the supervisors’ decision to defund the tenant and homeowner legal services program.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Russell Lowery, executive director, California Rental Housing Association\"]‘There’s a renewed sense of urgency years into the pandemic, years into an eviction moratorium. It gets easier for people to understand that no business [can] stay open without revenue coming in.’[/pullquote]There are now 27 attorneys in the county who provide free eviction defense and other housing-centered legal services to tenants and homeowners in under-resourced communities, up from just six in 2017, before the Housing Secure program was funded, according to Centro Legal de la Raza, which administers it. Since the program’s inception, the program has served nearly 3,000 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless there is some type of new funding added by the county really quickly over the next few months, the only tenants in this county who will have access to legal services are probably tenants in Oakland and Berkeley,” which already offer access to some city-funded resources, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miley, who voted to continue funding the program, is hopeful the contract will come back to the board in a few weeks, when county staff present options for keeping tenants housed and compensating landlords for lost rent after the moratorium ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was shocking to me. I had no idea,” he said of his colleagues’ decision to stop funding the program. “I think it serves the public interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tenant protection ordinances will come back eventually, too, Miley said, likely with amendments that property owners pushed for, like carve-outs for single-family homes and duplexes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this latest setback for tenants in the county, ACCE’s Simon-Weisberg said the pandemic helped motivate tenants across the state to fight for expanded rights. And that movement, she said, is still strong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Landlord groups] have their lobbyists turning out all over the state,” she said. “But what I think is important is tenants are turning out all over the state asking for protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Alameda County supervisors recently rejected a slate of proposals designed to keep renters in their homes after pandemic eviction protections expire in April. The move comes amid mounting advocacy among property-owner groups.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>During the pandemic, Alameda County supervisors approved some of the strongest protections in California for tenants facing evictions. But last month, the board abruptly changed course — rejecting a slate of proposals designed to keep renters in their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The turn comes amid backlash from property owners that could signal future resistance statewide, some tenant and landlord advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What it feels like is really a turning back of a lot of work and conversations, a lot of hope and trust,” said Leo Esclamado, an organizer with the community group My Eden Voice, which lobbied hard to extend renter protections in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures would have banned landlords from doing criminal background checks on potential tenants, created a rental registry meant to help the county enforce code violations and rent-control laws, and only allowed “just cause” evictions for things like not paying rent or violating lease terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors also voted to cut off funding for \u003ca href=\"https://www.ac-housingsecure.org/?locale=en\">the county’s Housing Secure program\u003c/a>, which has provided legal services to both tenants and homeowners since 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants rights advocates and county housing department staff are reeling from the decisions, which they said signal a profound philosophical shift. Meghan Gordon, who runs the East Bay Community Law Center’s housing program, said the board appeared to be reacting to landlords’ complaints without consideration of tenants’ needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have lost sight of planning for the realities and implications of their decisions,” she said. “There’s no plan for moving forward, and there’s no discussion of what could happen to the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anne Tamiko Omura, executive director of the Eviction Defense Center, said the decisions come at the worst possible time — with \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2023/03/01/eviction-moratorium-ending-alameda-county-oakland-landlord-protest/\">the county’s eviction moratorium set to expire at the end of April\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand that the landlord lobby has a loud voice and the financial backing, but our elected leaders still have a duty to protect the most vulnerable residents in our community,” she said. “This will directly result in an immediate rise in homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board’s about-face follows the recent deaths of two of its members, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2021/11/04/alameda-county-supervisor-wilma-chan-killed-by-motorist-while-on-morning-walk/\">Wilma Chan\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/02/08/alameda-county-supervisor-richard-valle-dies-at-73\">Richard Valle\u003c/a>, who both championed tenants’ causes. While Valle’s seat remains unfilled, Chan’s replacement, Lena Tam, who abstained from voting on the three ordinances, has proved friendlier to real-estate interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943521\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11943521 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A blond-haired woman stands near a countertop in a kitchen, holding a coffee mug, with a man wearing a baseball hat and a plaid shirt washing something in the sink behind her.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63664_012_KQED_CarlosArchuletaCastroValley_03142023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra Macias heats up coffee while her partner, Carlos Archuleta, cleans up the kitchen after taking their kids to school at the home they rent in Castro Valley on March 14, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that what we’re putting in place is not a solution in search of a problem,” Tam said of her decision, noting that \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482&search_keywords=rent+cap\">California’s Tenant Protection Act of 2019\u003c/a> already places limits on evictions and rent hikes. She said she’d like to see a revised version of the tenant protection measures with changes that are more palatable to landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant advocates have accused Tam of bowing to the interests of property-owner groups after receiving campaign contributions from them, an allegation she disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to campaign finance records, Tam received at least $34,000 — or roughly 13% of total contributions to her campaign last year — from real-estate interests, and got an additional boost from the California Apartment Association, which raised over $241,000 to defeat her rival, Oakland City Councilmember Rebecca Kaplan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell Lowery, executive director of the California Rental Housing Association, which represents around 24,000 landlords statewide, said there has been a sea change in how property owners are responding to public policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a matter of survival for them to show up, explain their business to elected officials and get a hearing,” he said. “No one wants to be at a city council meeting at 8:30 [p.m.] protesting a rental ordinance. But it’s become necessary to our business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lowery said he has seen attendance surge at the association’s monthly organizing meetings, where landlords receive advocacy training. And he said more property owners are now paying attention to state and local policy proposals and meeting with lawmakers.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’ve just seen across all avenues that are available to us an increased level of activity,” Lowery said. He noted that the association filed multiple lawsuits challenging COVID eviction bans around the state, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20230306005212/en/Apartment-Association-of-Greater-L.A.-Files-Lawsuit-Against-the-City-of-Los-Angeles\">its members recently sued the city of Los Angeles\u003c/a> to block new measures enacted before its local moratorium ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some tenant advocates said this is just business as usual for landlord groups: Wherever tenants are organizing for stronger protections, property owner associations show up to fight them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you see where they are going, it’s [to] places tenants have been organizing for several years,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment Institute (ACCE), a tenants rights group. “So they’re trying to take the power back from the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Lowery said property owners are getting more traction now with lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a renewed sense of urgency years into the pandemic, years into an eviction moratorium,” he said. “It gets easier for people to understand that no business [can] stay open without revenue coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the pandemic wore on, property owners in Alameda County became increasingly frustrated with supervisors’ refusal to consider changes to the moratorium, said Joshua Howard, executive vice president of the California Apartment Association. Last year, the group \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/alamedasuit/\">sued the county to end the moratorium\u003c/a> and has encouraged landlords to advocate against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing providers have been trying to speak out,” Howard said. “They’ve sent thousands of letters, made thousands of phone calls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Chris Moore, who owns property in Oakland and unincorporated parts of Alameda County, and who sits on the board of the East Bay Rental Housing Association, the Board of Supervisors’ shift on the issue is a refreshing change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are listening to both sides,” he said. “That really was not happening before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Nate Miley argues that supervisors helped create the conditions for a backlash by refusing to ease the eviction ban months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To try to push other tenant-protection measures through when you have the strongest eviction moratorium in place, I just don’t think that’s being reasonable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miley voted in favor of the ordinance barring criminal background checks and supported extending legal services, but abstained from voting on the other two measures. Supervisors Tam and David Haubert abstained on all four items, effectively killing the proposals for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It breaks our heart as a community that worked so hard for so long,” said Carlos Archuleta, a renter in unincorporated Castro Valley who advocated for the measures. “Basically, special interests bought a seat and took that vote from us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Centro Legal de la Raza Executive Director Monique Berlanga said she was particularly surprised by the supervisors’ decision to defund the tenant and homeowner legal services program.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>There are now 27 attorneys in the county who provide free eviction defense and other housing-centered legal services to tenants and homeowners in under-resourced communities, up from just six in 2017, before the Housing Secure program was funded, according to Centro Legal de la Raza, which administers it. Since the program’s inception, the program has served nearly 3,000 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless there is some type of new funding added by the county really quickly over the next few months, the only tenants in this county who will have access to legal services are probably tenants in Oakland and Berkeley,” which already offer access to some city-funded resources, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miley, who voted to continue funding the program, is hopeful the contract will come back to the board in a few weeks, when county staff present options for keeping tenants housed and compensating landlords for lost rent after the moratorium ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was shocking to me. I had no idea,” he said of his colleagues’ decision to stop funding the program. “I think it serves the public interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tenant protection ordinances will come back eventually, too, Miley said, likely with amendments that property owners pushed for, like carve-outs for single-family homes and duplexes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this latest setback for tenants in the county, ACCE’s Simon-Weisberg said the pandemic helped motivate tenants across the state to fight for expanded rights. And that movement, she said, is still strong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Landlord groups] have their lobbyists turning out all over the state,” she said. “But what I think is important is tenants are turning out all over the state asking for protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>George Wu is willing to die to end Alameda County’s eviction ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Leandro property owner launched a hunger strike Sunday to protest the moratorium, which he blames for $120,000 and counting in unpaid rent. Wu plans to camp out in front of the county administration building day and night, through cold and rain, until lawmakers lift the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I need the rent to feed my family,” said Wu, whose triplex is his primary source of income. “I will continue there until the government listens to my story and until they have a new fair policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While COVID eviction protections are long expired in most cities and counties around the state, Alameda County is one of three Bay Area counties holding out — but not for much longer. \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/covid19-assets/docs/press/press-release-2023.02.28.pdf\">The county’s local COVID-19 public health emergency expired Tuesday (PDF)\u003c/a>, the same day as the state’s. With it gone, the county’s eviction moratorium will sunset in 60 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants in Solano County, another Bay Area county with a moratorium in place, will lose their pandemic-era protections in 90 days. And in San Francisco, there’s no end date yet, but advocates speculate that will come in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has lawmakers and advocates in the three counties scrambling to put in place new policies to stem a wave of evictions they fear will follow, while property owners who desperately want out from under the bans are pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wu wants Alameda County to fully reimburse landlords for lost rent and end its moratorium immediately. But local officials there have cautioned against an abrupt end to these pandemic-era protections.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Nate Miley, president, Alameda County Board of Supervisors\"]‘We know there’s going to be an eviction tsunami. I feel the board, because we’ve put ourselves in this hole, we also have an obligation to help vulnerable populations. We need to figure out how we’re going to mitigate the damage that we’ve caused.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there’s going to be an eviction tsunami,” said Alameda County Board of Supervisors President Nate Miley, who aims to develop a program to support tenants and landlords coming out of the moratorium. He sees it as causing harm to both landlords and tenants who’ve racked up debt. “I feel the board, because we’ve put ourselves in this hole, we also have an obligation to help vulnerable populations. We need to figure out how we’re going to mitigate the damage that we’ve caused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sonoma County, where the local eviction moratorium ended in September of last year, attorney Sunny Noh of Legal Aid of Sonoma County said that surge of evictions never came.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We expected kind of a tidal wave of cases, and that’s not what we saw,” Noh said. Instead, she said they’ve seen a gradual increase, which they expect will ultimately top pre-pandemic eviction numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moratorium reduced evictions by two-thirds compared to pre-pandemic numbers, said Margaret DeMatteo, housing policy attorney for Legal Aid of Sonoma County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to DeMatteo’s analysis of court data, in 2019, there were 932 unlawful detainers in the county. In 2021, the only full year covered by the moratorium, the figure dropped to 332. In 2022, with the moratorium in effect through September, numbers rebounded to 786. The figures don’t account for illegal evictions or notices that lead people to move before an eviction goes to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s our workforce. Those are vulnerable populations,” she said. “My takeaway is that the county has a lot of power to stabilize the community and improve the ability for our workforce to remain and our seniors and people with disabilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaders in Alameda and San Francisco counties are weighing their options to lessen the blow of losing eviction protections for tenants, but it hasn’t come without pushback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Leandro City Councilmember Celina Reynes’ recent proposal to extend the city’s eviction moratorium was met with a threat, wishing for her to have a miscarriage and get hit by a car, according to a social media post she shared with KQED. But \u003ca href=\"https://sanleandro.legistar.com/MeetingDetail.aspx?ID=1060044&GUID=D7E045C3-8D7C-4AAD-A2D2-8681EE919B4B&Options=info%7C&Search=\">last week city leaders backed her plan\u003c/a>, shielding renters affected by COVID from evictions through February 2024. Tenants must be able to prove that their inability to pay is due to the pandemic to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very narrow ordinance, but what it’s doing is protecting some of our residents who are most vulnerable to displacement and homelessness,” Reynes said, noting the city doesn’t have rent stabilization or just cause eviction protections in place. “It gives us time to work on more permanent solutions for both tenants and housing providers in our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11920788,news_11919866 label='Related Coverage']San Leandro isn’t the first city to enact tougher renter protections in the wake of temporary COVID measures lapsing. These solutions have proliferated across the state over the past couple of years as cities adopted or strengthened rent control and just cause eviction laws, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/topics/understanding-evictions-in-oakland\">which limit evictions to those a city deems reasonable\u003c/a>, like failure to pay rent, significantly damaging a unit or violating the lease after receiving a written notice to stop. In the Bay Area, Antioch, Richmond and Oakland all increased protections last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are going back to the toolkit of policies that we’ve been advocating for years,” said Shanti Singh, communications and legislative director for Tenants Together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, where Singh is based, there are already strong rules in place to protect tenants. What she hopes to see before the moratorium lifts is a new infusion of funding for city programs that offer \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/renthelp\">emergency rent relief\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://evictiondefense.org/services/right-to-counsel/#:~:text=The%20%E2%80%9CNo%20Eviction%20without%20Representation%20Act%E2%80%9D%20requires%20that%20all%20eligible,to%20Counsel%20program%20(TRC).\">provide attorneys for tenants facing eviction\u003c/a>. As for a policy solution, advocates in the city say they’re just beginning to think about what a phaseout of the eviction moratorium should look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, the city council adopted \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/city-council-special-eagenda-february-27-2023\">a proposal to stretch the city’s moratorium for an additional 60 days\u003c/a> after the end of the local emergency. The plan would create a transition period through the end of August during which only certain kinds of evictions would be allowed, including some due to an owner moving back into the property, those due to health and safety issues and those for nonpayment, unless a tenant has proof the delay is related to the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just can’t end this right now. We have to have a plan,” Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín said, adding that the proposal is meant to prevent people from becoming homeless. “We don’t need thousands more people on the streets just because we didn’t give them the time and the space and the resources to be able to pay back the rent that they owe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also asking for another $300,000 for the city’s COVID rent relief program, which now has a waitlist of six tenants seeking a total of $44,142.86, according to the resolution. He expects demand to grow when the eviction ban lifts.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín\"]‘We just can’t end this right now. We have to have a plan. We don’t need thousands more people on the streets just because we didn’t give them the time and the space and the resources to be able to pay back the rent that they owe.’[/pullquote]In Oakland, City Council President Nikki Fortunato Bas is working on a plan to phase the city’s moratorium out. She said she’s listening to input from both tenants and small property owners as she drafts the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am hopeful that we will craft a proposal that helps provide housing security to tenants and balances the concerns of small property owners,” she said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As lawmakers consider ways to ease out of the bans, landlords are pushing to take back greater control over their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These elected officials set these tenants up for failure by allowing them to continue to accumulate debt,” said Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, “but they’re never, ever going to be able to pay [it] back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association recently surveyed members and found the average respondent had at least two units with tenants who hadn’t been paying rent for an extended period of time. The amount of debt ranged from $1,000 to north of $80,000, with an average of about $30,000 that wasn’t covered by rent relief funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Gulbransen sees it, the best solution is to require cities to cover any remaining debt through its rent relief program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That really is the only thing that’s going to keep tenants housed,” she said. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Krista Gulbransen, executive director, Berkeley Property Owners Association\"]‘These elected officials set these tenants up for failure by allowing them to continue to accumulate debt.’[/pullquote]Miley, the Alameda County Board of Supervisors president, has asked county staff to look into resources available to support the transition out of the moratorium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to come up with programs that are going to help work with landlords and tenants to ameliorate and hopefully bring about some type of compromise,” he said, “so that we don’t have the level of evictions that are anticipated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the county may not have the money to make landlords whole, Miley said he’d like to see it cover a portion of the debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment Institute, wants local leaders to think bigger. Housing affordability in California was a crisis before the pandemic. And, she said it’s still a crisis for millions of families in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real question is, what do we do for the folks who can’t pay for their housing on minimum wage, who can’t have three jobs now because there aren’t three jobs to have?” she said. “We’ve now returned to our regularly scheduled housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>George Wu is willing to die to end Alameda County’s eviction ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Leandro property owner launched a hunger strike Sunday to protest the moratorium, which he blames for $120,000 and counting in unpaid rent. Wu plans to camp out in front of the county administration building day and night, through cold and rain, until lawmakers lift the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I need the rent to feed my family,” said Wu, whose triplex is his primary source of income. “I will continue there until the government listens to my story and until they have a new fair policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While COVID eviction protections are long expired in most cities and counties around the state, Alameda County is one of three Bay Area counties holding out — but not for much longer. \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/covid19-assets/docs/press/press-release-2023.02.28.pdf\">The county’s local COVID-19 public health emergency expired Tuesday (PDF)\u003c/a>, the same day as the state’s. With it gone, the county’s eviction moratorium will sunset in 60 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants in Solano County, another Bay Area county with a moratorium in place, will lose their pandemic-era protections in 90 days. And in San Francisco, there’s no end date yet, but advocates speculate that will come in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has lawmakers and advocates in the three counties scrambling to put in place new policies to stem a wave of evictions they fear will follow, while property owners who desperately want out from under the bans are pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wu wants Alameda County to fully reimburse landlords for lost rent and end its moratorium immediately. But local officials there have cautioned against an abrupt end to these pandemic-era protections.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there’s going to be an eviction tsunami,” said Alameda County Board of Supervisors President Nate Miley, who aims to develop a program to support tenants and landlords coming out of the moratorium. He sees it as causing harm to both landlords and tenants who’ve racked up debt. “I feel the board, because we’ve put ourselves in this hole, we also have an obligation to help vulnerable populations. We need to figure out how we’re going to mitigate the damage that we’ve caused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sonoma County, where the local eviction moratorium ended in September of last year, attorney Sunny Noh of Legal Aid of Sonoma County said that surge of evictions never came.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We expected kind of a tidal wave of cases, and that’s not what we saw,” Noh said. Instead, she said they’ve seen a gradual increase, which they expect will ultimately top pre-pandemic eviction numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moratorium reduced evictions by two-thirds compared to pre-pandemic numbers, said Margaret DeMatteo, housing policy attorney for Legal Aid of Sonoma County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to DeMatteo’s analysis of court data, in 2019, there were 932 unlawful detainers in the county. In 2021, the only full year covered by the moratorium, the figure dropped to 332. In 2022, with the moratorium in effect through September, numbers rebounded to 786. The figures don’t account for illegal evictions or notices that lead people to move before an eviction goes to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s our workforce. Those are vulnerable populations,” she said. “My takeaway is that the county has a lot of power to stabilize the community and improve the ability for our workforce to remain and our seniors and people with disabilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaders in Alameda and San Francisco counties are weighing their options to lessen the blow of losing eviction protections for tenants, but it hasn’t come without pushback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Leandro City Councilmember Celina Reynes’ recent proposal to extend the city’s eviction moratorium was met with a threat, wishing for her to have a miscarriage and get hit by a car, according to a social media post she shared with KQED. But \u003ca href=\"https://sanleandro.legistar.com/MeetingDetail.aspx?ID=1060044&GUID=D7E045C3-8D7C-4AAD-A2D2-8681EE919B4B&Options=info%7C&Search=\">last week city leaders backed her plan\u003c/a>, shielding renters affected by COVID from evictions through February 2024. Tenants must be able to prove that their inability to pay is due to the pandemic to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very narrow ordinance, but what it’s doing is protecting some of our residents who are most vulnerable to displacement and homelessness,” Reynes said, noting the city doesn’t have rent stabilization or just cause eviction protections in place. “It gives us time to work on more permanent solutions for both tenants and housing providers in our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>San Leandro isn’t the first city to enact tougher renter protections in the wake of temporary COVID measures lapsing. These solutions have proliferated across the state over the past couple of years as cities adopted or strengthened rent control and just cause eviction laws, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/topics/understanding-evictions-in-oakland\">which limit evictions to those a city deems reasonable\u003c/a>, like failure to pay rent, significantly damaging a unit or violating the lease after receiving a written notice to stop. In the Bay Area, Antioch, Richmond and Oakland all increased protections last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are going back to the toolkit of policies that we’ve been advocating for years,” said Shanti Singh, communications and legislative director for Tenants Together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, where Singh is based, there are already strong rules in place to protect tenants. What she hopes to see before the moratorium lifts is a new infusion of funding for city programs that offer \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/renthelp\">emergency rent relief\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://evictiondefense.org/services/right-to-counsel/#:~:text=The%20%E2%80%9CNo%20Eviction%20without%20Representation%20Act%E2%80%9D%20requires%20that%20all%20eligible,to%20Counsel%20program%20(TRC).\">provide attorneys for tenants facing eviction\u003c/a>. As for a policy solution, advocates in the city say they’re just beginning to think about what a phaseout of the eviction moratorium should look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, the city council adopted \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/city-council-special-eagenda-february-27-2023\">a proposal to stretch the city’s moratorium for an additional 60 days\u003c/a> after the end of the local emergency. The plan would create a transition period through the end of August during which only certain kinds of evictions would be allowed, including some due to an owner moving back into the property, those due to health and safety issues and those for nonpayment, unless a tenant has proof the delay is related to the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just can’t end this right now. We have to have a plan,” Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín said, adding that the proposal is meant to prevent people from becoming homeless. “We don’t need thousands more people on the streets just because we didn’t give them the time and the space and the resources to be able to pay back the rent that they owe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also asking for another $300,000 for the city’s COVID rent relief program, which now has a waitlist of six tenants seeking a total of $44,142.86, according to the resolution. He expects demand to grow when the eviction ban lifts.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In Oakland, City Council President Nikki Fortunato Bas is working on a plan to phase the city’s moratorium out. She said she’s listening to input from both tenants and small property owners as she drafts the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am hopeful that we will craft a proposal that helps provide housing security to tenants and balances the concerns of small property owners,” she said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As lawmakers consider ways to ease out of the bans, landlords are pushing to take back greater control over their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These elected officials set these tenants up for failure by allowing them to continue to accumulate debt,” said Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, “but they’re never, ever going to be able to pay [it] back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association recently surveyed members and found the average respondent had at least two units with tenants who hadn’t been paying rent for an extended period of time. The amount of debt ranged from $1,000 to north of $80,000, with an average of about $30,000 that wasn’t covered by rent relief funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Gulbransen sees it, the best solution is to require cities to cover any remaining debt through its rent relief program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That really is the only thing that’s going to keep tenants housed,” she said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Miley, the Alameda County Board of Supervisors president, has asked county staff to look into resources available to support the transition out of the moratorium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to come up with programs that are going to help work with landlords and tenants to ameliorate and hopefully bring about some type of compromise,” he said, “so that we don’t have the level of evictions that are anticipated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the county may not have the money to make landlords whole, Miley said he’d like to see it cover a portion of the debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment Institute, wants local leaders to think bigger. Housing affordability in California was a crisis before the pandemic. And, she said it’s still a crisis for millions of families in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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