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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When Rosalba Contreras delivered her second baby, she had a C-section, a surgical procedure where an incision is made in the abdomen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Contreras developed a serious infection from the procedure, which required a second surgery and kept her hospitalized for about six weeks. She was unable to see her baby for most of that time, she said. \u003c/span>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rosalba Contreras\"]‘I wish I would have been able to afford to stay home longer and bond with my baby, because bonding with her for only two weeks was really nothing.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, after being released from the hospital, Contreras made the heart-wrenching decision to spend just two weeks at home with her daughter before going back to work as an administrative assistant. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She remembers crying almost daily at the office.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was very, very traumatic. I was really heartbroken,” said Contreras, 37, who lives in San Bernardino County. “I wish I would have been able to afford to stay home longer and bond with my baby, because bonding with her for only two weeks was really nothing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918459 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-800x722.jpg\" alt=\"A woman holds a baby while sitting on a couch in front of a cake with a lit candle on top.\" width=\"800\" height=\"722\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-800x722.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-1020x921.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-160x144.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105.jpg 1284w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rosalba Contreras celebrates the first birthday of her daughter Jayleen at home in Fontana, on Dec. 27, 2018. Contreras, who worked as an administrative assistant when she had Jayleen, says wage replacement rates for disability insurance and paid family leave are too low. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Rosalba Contreras)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Contreras was eligible for at least eight more weeks of paid leave under state programs that support employees who lose income because they take time off to bond with a new child, to care for an ill relative or for personal health reasons. But the benefits offer just a fraction of a person’s wages, often 60%, and Contreras couldn’t subsist on just over half her salary for two more months.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I had to borrow money from family and friends until I could go back” to work, said Contreras, whose medical bills skyrocketed to about $1,000 per month due to the second surgery and subsequent treatment. Her leave benefits offered less than $1,500 per month. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The people who make less money get less pay from the benefits because it’s based on a percentage of what you make,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A bid by lawmakers to significantly increase the California State Disability Insurance and Paid Family Leave wage replacement benefits, especially for lower-income Californians, was left out of the \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Floor%20Report%20of%20the%202022-23%20Budget%20%28Updated%20June%2027%2C%202022%29.pdf\">$300 billion state \u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">spending plan\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders unveiled Sunday.\u003c/span>[aside postID=\"news_11914051,news_11913643\" label=\"Related Posts\"]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The budget item would have boosted benefits to between 70% and 90% of a person’s wages, offering the higher rate to employees making under $57,000 per year. The plan could still be implemented as part of trailer bills, according to legislative staffers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An alternative path for the proposal to reach the governor’s desk is a bill that would raise the programs’ wage replacement rates starting in 2025\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span> \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB951\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SB 951\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, by State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles), is advancing in the Legislature.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Without any budgetary or legislative action, hundreds of thousands of Californians each year are set to see their \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/Disability/Disability_Insurance\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">disability\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/disability/paid-family-leave/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">family leave\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> payments shrink to just 55% of their wages in 2023, due to the sunset of a bill that raised the rates to current levels. That will make the critical benefits even less affordable for lower-income workers, according to Kristin Schumacher, a policy analyst with the California Budget and Policy Center, a nonpartisan research nonprofit.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Gov. Newsom has pitched himself as a champion of paid family leave, but he has ignored the largest barrier California workers face in taking time off — the benefit levels,” said Schumacher. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom could still opt to do the right thing and increase the payment rates for paid family leave and the disability insurance program.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most California workers pay for these programs through a mandatory SDI payroll tax of 1.1%. The state uses those funds to provide workers partial wage replacement, which aims to ensure the SDI fund stays solvent. Workers are eligible to receive \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a maximum of \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">52 weeks for disability insurance and up to eight weeks for paid family leave. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The SDI fund, which also pays family leave benefits, is forecasted to pay a total of \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/about_edd/pdf/edddiforecastoct21.pdf\">$10.6 billion in claims by the end of the year while maintaining a healthy balance of $2.4 billion\u003c/a>, according to the most recent \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">estimates\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> by the Employment Development Department, which manages the programs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lower-income employees, who are disproportionately women and people of color, are much less likely to take advantage of the critical benefits even though they are taxed for them, state data shows. Paid family leave is linked to lower infant care costs for parents and \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.newamerica.org/better-life-lab/reports/paid-family-leave-how-much-time-enough/maternal-health-and-wellbeing/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">better health for babies and mothers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We know that it’s not humane or cost-efficient to force back to work new parents, folks who are sick or injured, or their family caregivers before they’re ready,” said Katie Wutchiett, a staff attorney with Legal Aid at Work. “But by having a state disability insurance and paid family leave system that doesn’t provide enough income for families to live on, that’s exactly what we’re doing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/paid-family-leave-program-is-out-of-reach-for-many-californians/\">Californians with less than $20,000 in annual wages represented 37% of the workers who paid into the fund in 2020, but only 14% of those who used paid family leave\u003c/a>, according to a California Budget and Policy Center \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">analysis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The governor’s office declined to comment on the budget proposal or any negotiations. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/AB-123-PDF.pdf\">Newsom vetoed a bill that would have raised benefit payment rates\u003c/a>, arguing it was too costly. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This year, however, Durazo and other lawmakers offered a potential fix to raise more funds: eliminating \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a ceiling for taxable contributions that allows higher-income earners to stop paying the SDI tax on wages beyond $146,000. Under the new proposal, all eligible workers would keep paying the tax throughout the year, no matter how much they make. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An analysis \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">by the Legislative Analyst’s Office estimates \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the change would likely offset new costs from higher wage replacement levels, although it’s uncertain how many more people would seek the benefits.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Right now, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">low-wage workers are essentially financing the leaves of more highly paid workers,” Wutchiett said. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Requiring wealthy people to pay the same percentage as the lowest-income workers seems pretty reasonable.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s unclear whether Newsom agrees. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In May, Newsom offered to extend for a year the current benefit rates of 70% for very-low-income, part-time workers making under $27,000 annually, and 60% for all other employees. But that extension, which advocates like Wutchiett argue is insufficient, also was not included in the recent budget agreement with lawmakers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Meanwhile, the consequences of not taking needed time off can be deadly, said Dr. Sharad Jain, a primary care doctor at the Sacramento County Health Center, which serves mostly lower-income patients. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jain remembers a Latino man, a construction worker in his 50s, who should have applied for disability insurance to make the time for a lung biopsy, a CAT scan and treatment, but the patient was deterred because he believed the wage replacement rate was too low. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When he spoke with our social worker, he said, ‘I have to go to work. Because if I don’t make my full salary, I’m not going to be able to support my family,’” Jain, a professor at the UC Davis School of Medicine, recalled.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That patient ended up receiving a cancer diagnosis too late, and he died prematurely, according to Jain, leaving his children and family without his support. That’s why Jain supports an increase in disability benefit payments, particularly for lower-wage workers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think that would do a huge amount to provide them with the freedom to make decisions that would optimize their health,” he said. “And for me, as a provider, I would love to see that happen because I think that would lead to a healthier community and ultimately lower cost to the system by early diagnosis and treatment.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When Rosalba Contreras delivered her second baby, she had a C-section, a surgical procedure where an incision is made in the abdomen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Contreras developed a serious infection from the procedure, which required a second surgery and kept her hospitalized for about six weeks. She was unable to see her baby for most of that time, she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I wish I would have been able to afford to stay home longer and bond with my baby, because bonding with her for only two weeks was really nothing.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, after being released from the hospital, Contreras made the heart-wrenching decision to spend just two weeks at home with her daughter before going back to work as an administrative assistant. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She remembers crying almost daily at the office.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was very, very traumatic. I was really heartbroken,” said Contreras, 37, who lives in San Bernardino County. “I wish I would have been able to afford to stay home longer and bond with my baby, because bonding with her for only two weeks was really nothing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918459 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-800x722.jpg\" alt=\"A woman holds a baby while sitting on a couch in front of a cake with a lit candle on top.\" width=\"800\" height=\"722\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-800x722.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-1020x921.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-160x144.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105.jpg 1284w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rosalba Contreras celebrates the first birthday of her daughter Jayleen at home in Fontana, on Dec. 27, 2018. Contreras, who worked as an administrative assistant when she had Jayleen, says wage replacement rates for disability insurance and paid family leave are too low. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Rosalba Contreras)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Contreras was eligible for at least eight more weeks of paid leave under state programs that support employees who lose income because they take time off to bond with a new child, to care for an ill relative or for personal health reasons. But the benefits offer just a fraction of a person’s wages, often 60%, and Contreras couldn’t subsist on just over half her salary for two more months.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I had to borrow money from family and friends until I could go back” to work, said Contreras, whose medical bills skyrocketed to about $1,000 per month due to the second surgery and subsequent treatment. Her leave benefits offered less than $1,500 per month. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The people who make less money get less pay from the benefits because it’s based on a percentage of what you make,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A bid by lawmakers to significantly increase the California State Disability Insurance and Paid Family Leave wage replacement benefits, especially for lower-income Californians, was left out of the \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Floor%20Report%20of%20the%202022-23%20Budget%20%28Updated%20June%2027%2C%202022%29.pdf\">$300 billion state \u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">spending plan\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders unveiled Sunday.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The budget item would have boosted benefits to between 70% and 90% of a person’s wages, offering the higher rate to employees making under $57,000 per year. The plan could still be implemented as part of trailer bills, according to legislative staffers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An alternative path for the proposal to reach the governor’s desk is a bill that would raise the programs’ wage replacement rates starting in 2025\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span> \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB951\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SB 951\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, by State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles), is advancing in the Legislature.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Without any budgetary or legislative action, hundreds of thousands of Californians each year are set to see their \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/Disability/Disability_Insurance\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">disability\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/disability/paid-family-leave/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">family leave\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> payments shrink to just 55% of their wages in 2023, due to the sunset of a bill that raised the rates to current levels. That will make the critical benefits even less affordable for lower-income workers, according to Kristin Schumacher, a policy analyst with the California Budget and Policy Center, a nonpartisan research nonprofit.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Gov. Newsom has pitched himself as a champion of paid family leave, but he has ignored the largest barrier California workers face in taking time off — the benefit levels,” said Schumacher. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom could still opt to do the right thing and increase the payment rates for paid family leave and the disability insurance program.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most California workers pay for these programs through a mandatory SDI payroll tax of 1.1%. The state uses those funds to provide workers partial wage replacement, which aims to ensure the SDI fund stays solvent. Workers are eligible to receive \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a maximum of \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">52 weeks for disability insurance and up to eight weeks for paid family leave. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The SDI fund, which also pays family leave benefits, is forecasted to pay a total of \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/about_edd/pdf/edddiforecastoct21.pdf\">$10.6 billion in claims by the end of the year while maintaining a healthy balance of $2.4 billion\u003c/a>, according to the most recent \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">estimates\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> by the Employment Development Department, which manages the programs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lower-income employees, who are disproportionately women and people of color, are much less likely to take advantage of the critical benefits even though they are taxed for them, state data shows. Paid family leave is linked to lower infant care costs for parents and \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.newamerica.org/better-life-lab/reports/paid-family-leave-how-much-time-enough/maternal-health-and-wellbeing/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">better health for babies and mothers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We know that it’s not humane or cost-efficient to force back to work new parents, folks who are sick or injured, or their family caregivers before they’re ready,” said Katie Wutchiett, a staff attorney with Legal Aid at Work. “But by having a state disability insurance and paid family leave system that doesn’t provide enough income for families to live on, that’s exactly what we’re doing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/paid-family-leave-program-is-out-of-reach-for-many-californians/\">Californians with less than $20,000 in annual wages represented 37% of the workers who paid into the fund in 2020, but only 14% of those who used paid family leave\u003c/a>, according to a California Budget and Policy Center \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">analysis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The governor’s office declined to comment on the budget proposal or any negotiations. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/AB-123-PDF.pdf\">Newsom vetoed a bill that would have raised benefit payment rates\u003c/a>, arguing it was too costly. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This year, however, Durazo and other lawmakers offered a potential fix to raise more funds: eliminating \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a ceiling for taxable contributions that allows higher-income earners to stop paying the SDI tax on wages beyond $146,000. Under the new proposal, all eligible workers would keep paying the tax throughout the year, no matter how much they make. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An analysis \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">by the Legislative Analyst’s Office estimates \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the change would likely offset new costs from higher wage replacement levels, although it’s uncertain how many more people would seek the benefits.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Right now, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">low-wage workers are essentially financing the leaves of more highly paid workers,” Wutchiett said. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Requiring wealthy people to pay the same percentage as the lowest-income workers seems pretty reasonable.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s unclear whether Newsom agrees. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In May, Newsom offered to extend for a year the current benefit rates of 70% for very-low-income, part-time workers making under $27,000 annually, and 60% for all other employees. But that extension, which advocates like Wutchiett argue is insufficient, also was not included in the recent budget agreement with lawmakers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Meanwhile, the consequences of not taking needed time off can be deadly, said Dr. Sharad Jain, a primary care doctor at the Sacramento County Health Center, which serves mostly lower-income patients. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jain remembers a Latino man, a construction worker in his 50s, who should have applied for disability insurance to make the time for a lung biopsy, a CAT scan and treatment, but the patient was deterred because he believed the wage replacement rate was too low. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When he spoke with our social worker, he said, ‘I have to go to work. Because if I don’t make my full salary, I’m not going to be able to support my family,’” Jain, a professor at the UC Davis School of Medicine, recalled.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That patient ended up receiving a cancer diagnosis too late, and he died prematurely, according to Jain, leaving his children and family without his support. That’s why Jain supports an increase in disability benefit payments, particularly for lower-wage workers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think that would do a huge amount to provide them with the freedom to make decisions that would optimize their health,” he said. “And for me, as a provider, I would love to see that happen because I think that would lead to a healthier community and ultimately lower cost to the system by early diagnosis and treatment.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A shortened workweek for Californians could become the norm with a recently proposed bill aimed at reducing the regular 40-hour week down to 32.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation, AB 2932 — co-sponsored by Assemblymembers Cristina Garcia and Evan Low — would apply to around 20% of the state's workforce, with more than 500 employees at the national level. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/file/indsize/Chart_SOB2021_2.pdf\">Employment Development Department\u003c/a>, the bill would affect around 2,600 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any work that's done past the 32-hour cutoff would require employers to pay time and a half to workers, and work that extends past 12 hours a day would be paid at double the regular wage. However, unionized workforces would not be included.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Alex Soojung-Kim Pang, author, 'Shorter'\"]'For companies, the move to a four-day week is one that forces them to think a lot about how they use technology, how they use time to encourage greater collaboration, and cooperation between employees to look for efficiencies or to get rid of inefficiencies.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation has been met with pushback from private industry groups. The California Chamber of Commerce added AB 2932 to its \u003ca href=\"https://advocacy.calchamber.com/2022/04/06/job-killer-update-calchamber-identifies-4-more-job-killer-bills/\">\"job killer\" list\u003c/a>, writing that the bill \"significantly increases labor costs.\" A similar bill has been introduced at the federal level by Riverside County Congressmember Mark Takano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saul Gonzalez of The California Report sat down with writer and futurist Alex Soojung-Kim Pang to discuss working fewer hours a week, which he recently wrote about in his book \"Shorter.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SAUL GONZALEZ: What's the very best single argument for reducing the American and California workweek?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>ALEX SOOJUNG-KIM PANG\u003c/strong>: The single best argument is that it's good for workers, it's good for companies, it's good for economies and the environment, which might be four answers in one. But the reality is it's not something that is a concession, like, wrestled from companies or for managers. It's actually something that we have seen around the world in a variety of industries, benefiting everybody equally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And why, in particular, is it good for those workers and the companies they work for?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For companies, the move to a four-day week is one that forces them to think a lot about how they use technology, how they use time to encourage greater collaboration, and cooperation between employees to look for efficiencies or to get rid of inefficiencies. The end result is that almost all companies find that they're able to do in four days what previously had taken them five or more — while at the same time, sometimes, [they are] reducing their electricity bills, their carbon footprints, ending up with a happier workforce, with people who are less stressed, less likely to burn out, and often also with managers or founders and CEOs who also share the benefits of better work-life balance, greater resilience and lower levels of stress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You know, private industry has blasted these ideas. The California Chamber of Commerce is calling this California bill a job killer. We don't need to get into the particulars of their arguments, but do you at least acknowledge that it would be tougher for some industries to do this and some kind of workers versus other kind of workers? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's certainly the case that, for example, seasonal workers, it's harder to implement a four-day week, right? If you are working construction and there’s not a lot happening in the Rocky Mountains on building sites in December and January anyway, figuring out how to implement a four-day week may be a little bit more difficult. However, I think that we have seen enough examples across restaurants, nursing homes and factories doing so with the support and often sort of inspiration from top management. Richard Nixon in 1956 talked about how the four-day week was just around the corner, thanks to great Republican stewardship of the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How many hours a week do you work? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I tend to work more like four or five solid hours, six or seven days, because I've got clients in Europe. I've got two collaborators, in New Zealand and in Asia. So I tend to be sort of time-shifting a little bit more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A shortened workweek for Californians could become the norm with a recently proposed bill aimed at reducing the regular 40-hour week down to 32.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation, AB 2932 — co-sponsored by Assemblymembers Cristina Garcia and Evan Low — would apply to around 20% of the state's workforce, with more than 500 employees at the national level. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/file/indsize/Chart_SOB2021_2.pdf\">Employment Development Department\u003c/a>, the bill would affect around 2,600 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any work that's done past the 32-hour cutoff would require employers to pay time and a half to workers, and work that extends past 12 hours a day would be paid at double the regular wage. However, unionized workforces would not be included.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation has been met with pushback from private industry groups. The California Chamber of Commerce added AB 2932 to its \u003ca href=\"https://advocacy.calchamber.com/2022/04/06/job-killer-update-calchamber-identifies-4-more-job-killer-bills/\">\"job killer\" list\u003c/a>, writing that the bill \"significantly increases labor costs.\" A similar bill has been introduced at the federal level by Riverside County Congressmember Mark Takano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saul Gonzalez of The California Report sat down with writer and futurist Alex Soojung-Kim Pang to discuss working fewer hours a week, which he recently wrote about in his book \"Shorter.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SAUL GONZALEZ: What's the very best single argument for reducing the American and California workweek?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>ALEX SOOJUNG-KIM PANG\u003c/strong>: The single best argument is that it's good for workers, it's good for companies, it's good for economies and the environment, which might be four answers in one. But the reality is it's not something that is a concession, like, wrestled from companies or for managers. It's actually something that we have seen around the world in a variety of industries, benefiting everybody equally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And why, in particular, is it good for those workers and the companies they work for?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For companies, the move to a four-day week is one that forces them to think a lot about how they use technology, how they use time to encourage greater collaboration, and cooperation between employees to look for efficiencies or to get rid of inefficiencies. The end result is that almost all companies find that they're able to do in four days what previously had taken them five or more — while at the same time, sometimes, [they are] reducing their electricity bills, their carbon footprints, ending up with a happier workforce, with people who are less stressed, less likely to burn out, and often also with managers or founders and CEOs who also share the benefits of better work-life balance, greater resilience and lower levels of stress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You know, private industry has blasted these ideas. The California Chamber of Commerce is calling this California bill a job killer. We don't need to get into the particulars of their arguments, but do you at least acknowledge that it would be tougher for some industries to do this and some kind of workers versus other kind of workers? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's certainly the case that, for example, seasonal workers, it's harder to implement a four-day week, right? If you are working construction and there’s not a lot happening in the Rocky Mountains on building sites in December and January anyway, figuring out how to implement a four-day week may be a little bit more difficult. However, I think that we have seen enough examples across restaurants, nursing homes and factories doing so with the support and often sort of inspiration from top management. Richard Nixon in 1956 talked about how the four-day week was just around the corner, thanks to great Republican stewardship of the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How many hours a week do you work? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I tend to work more like four or five solid hours, six or seven days, because I've got clients in Europe. I've got two collaborators, in New Zealand and in Asia. So I tend to be sort of time-shifting a little bit more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Aleyda Rebelo hasn’t slept well since the pandemic began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many nights, she tosses and turns in bed, anxious about how she’ll pay the $1,200 monthly rent on the house she shares with her family in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m so worried because my family depends on me. If I don’t make money, it’s very difficult,” said Rebelo, 35, in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mother of four became the main breadwinner in her household about five years ago, she said, after her husband was disabled at his last job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebelo cleans homes in San Francisco and the Oakland hills but, since March, she has lost several clients and more than half of her earnings, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebelo is one of hundreds of thousands of Bay Area \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/covid-19-and-vulnerable-renters-california\">renters who saw their incomes drop\u003c/a> during the pandemic, as shelter-in-place and social distancing measures became the norm. The economic slowdown has compounded the stress on families for whom the regional housing market was already unaffordable — and the strain is felt especially in lower-income areas like Fruitvale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the health of people in the neighborhood has been battered by the coronavirus. A cluster of three ZIP codes there, including 94601 — where Rebelo lives — has the highest case rates of COVID-19 in Alameda County, according to its\u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/data.page?\"> public health department\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835785\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835785\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aleyda Rebelo at her home in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Aleyda Rebelo\"]‘I’m so worried because my family depends on me.’[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebelo said her 2-year-old niece, whose family lives in the neighborhood, tested positive for COVID-19 this month. And Rebelo worries about bringing the virus home to her husband, who she said suffered lung damage by inhaling chemicals used to treat wood floors at his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If my husband gets the virus he could die, because he already has a more delicate health condition,” said Rebelo, an immigrant from El Salvador. “So, it’s a huge stress having to go out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Rebelo, most of the residents in ZIP code 94601 work in jobs that can’t be done from home, so they are at higher risk for contracting the virus. And wages for Rebelo and her neighbors tend to be low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a consequence, more than 28% of people in the ZIP code live in poverty — twice the state average, \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/86000US94601-94601/\">according to census figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘We’ve Just Seen the Need Intensify’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Even before the pandemic, many in Fruitvale and adjacent parts of East Oakland were already spending a big share of their paychecks on rent and had no financial cushion to cope with lost income, said Carolina Reid, an assistant professor in city and regional planning at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to come up with the words that are sufficient to describe what a crisis this must be for some households in terms of concerns over their health … concerns over paying rent,” said Reid, a researcher at UC Berkeley’s \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu\">Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835784\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835784\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Raphael, 3, Jessalyn, 2, and Genesis 7, play outside of the home of Aleyda Rebelo in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For now, local and state eviction moratoriums have been a lifeline for renters like Rebelo. But once those policies end, tenants may still have to pay landlords the full amount of their back rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reid and others worry that could lead to an unprecedented wave of evictions, especially hitting low-income renters of color. As many as 5.4 million people in California are at risk of eviction, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aspeninstitute.org/blog-posts/the-covid-19-eviction-crisis-an-estimated-30-40-million-people-in-america-are-at-risk/\">estimates by the Aspen Institute\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Carolina Reid, UC Berkeley.\"]‘It’s hard to come up with the words that are sufficient to describe what a crisis this must be for some households.’[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to increase homelessness and it’s also going to have an impact on our ability to have economic recovery,” Reid said. “We are in for a prolonged recession, if not worse, if we can’t get people back on their feet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To avoid massive evictions, Reid said, the federal government must continue to provide cash assistance to people who’ve been financially hurt by the pandemic, so they can pay for rent, groceries and other basic needs — and help keep the larger economy afloat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11835565/newsom-announces-new-statewide-eviction-moratorium-but-major-concessions-may-threaten-tenants\">announced a plan for a new eviction moratorium\u003c/a> that could protect millions of renters in the state, if the Legislature approves it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11812172\" label=\"Pandemic finance resources\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the bill, Assembly Bill 3088, does not go as far as tenants’ groups had hoped, it would prevent landlords from evicting tenants for missing rent between March 1 and Aug. 31. Unpaid rent from that period would be converted to civil debt, meaning landlords could take tenants to small claims court to try to recover the amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For rents missed between Sept. 1 and Jan. 31, tenants would have to pay at least 25% of what they owe or face eviction. The remaining amount would be converted to civil debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835786\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835786\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Christopher, 12, and Raphael, 3, the children of Aleyda Rebelo, play basketball outside of their home in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Oakland, a program called \u003ca href=\"https://www.keepoaklandhoused.org\">Keep Oakland Housed\u003c/a> has been channeling private donations to provide emergency assistance to people in need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program has been around for two years, but since the pandemic started it has received hundreds more calls for help, said Jonathan Russell, who directs housing strategy for Bay Area Community Services, one the nonprofits that run it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve just seen the need intensify,” Russell said. “What was already an extremely difficult and expensive market … we’ve just seen that exacerbated and worsened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>“What Am I Going to Do?”\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The Keep Oakland Housed program helped Aleyda Rebelo pay a PG&E bill, car repairs and more than $4,000 in rent payments on her family’s Fruitvale home that she had missed from May to August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is, it doesn’t fix September,” Russell said of the aid Rebelo received. “But it puts September in a context where the burden of rent — that would otherwise compound in the future — is gone. And the car is working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835804\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835804\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aleyda Rebelo and her son Raphael Roque, 3, at their home in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rebelo said the financial help was a huge relief that gave her and her family an emotional and financial break during the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many others she knows who have lost jobs, like her sister, haven’t been able to find help, she said. And Rebelo is still anxious, because she doesn’t know when she’ll be able to work full time again to cover her rent and bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still don’t have all my work, the way I had it before the pandemic,” she said. “And it’s like, what am I going to do?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Aleyda Rebelo hasn’t slept well since the pandemic began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many nights, she tosses and turns in bed, anxious about how she’ll pay the $1,200 monthly rent on the house she shares with her family in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m so worried because my family depends on me. If I don’t make money, it’s very difficult,” said Rebelo, 35, in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mother of four became the main breadwinner in her household about five years ago, she said, after her husband was disabled at his last job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebelo cleans homes in San Francisco and the Oakland hills but, since March, she has lost several clients and more than half of her earnings, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebelo is one of hundreds of thousands of Bay Area \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/covid-19-and-vulnerable-renters-california\">renters who saw their incomes drop\u003c/a> during the pandemic, as shelter-in-place and social distancing measures became the norm. The economic slowdown has compounded the stress on families for whom the regional housing market was already unaffordable — and the strain is felt especially in lower-income areas like Fruitvale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the health of people in the neighborhood has been battered by the coronavirus. A cluster of three ZIP codes there, including 94601 — where Rebelo lives — has the highest case rates of COVID-19 in Alameda County, according to its\u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/data.page?\"> public health department\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835785\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835785\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44635_013_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aleyda Rebelo at her home in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebelo said her 2-year-old niece, whose family lives in the neighborhood, tested positive for COVID-19 this month. And Rebelo worries about bringing the virus home to her husband, who she said suffered lung damage by inhaling chemicals used to treat wood floors at his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If my husband gets the virus he could die, because he already has a more delicate health condition,” said Rebelo, an immigrant from El Salvador. “So, it’s a huge stress having to go out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Rebelo, most of the residents in ZIP code 94601 work in jobs that can’t be done from home, so they are at higher risk for contracting the virus. And wages for Rebelo and her neighbors tend to be low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a consequence, more than 28% of people in the ZIP code live in poverty — twice the state average, \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/86000US94601-94601/\">according to census figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘We’ve Just Seen the Need Intensify’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Even before the pandemic, many in Fruitvale and adjacent parts of East Oakland were already spending a big share of their paychecks on rent and had no financial cushion to cope with lost income, said Carolina Reid, an assistant professor in city and regional planning at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to come up with the words that are sufficient to describe what a crisis this must be for some households in terms of concerns over their health … concerns over paying rent,” said Reid, a researcher at UC Berkeley’s \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu\">Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835784\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835784\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44627_005_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Raphael, 3, Jessalyn, 2, and Genesis 7, play outside of the home of Aleyda Rebelo in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For now, local and state eviction moratoriums have been a lifeline for renters like Rebelo. But once those policies end, tenants may still have to pay landlords the full amount of their back rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reid and others worry that could lead to an unprecedented wave of evictions, especially hitting low-income renters of color. As many as 5.4 million people in California are at risk of eviction, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aspeninstitute.org/blog-posts/the-covid-19-eviction-crisis-an-estimated-30-40-million-people-in-america-are-at-risk/\">estimates by the Aspen Institute\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to increase homelessness and it’s also going to have an impact on our ability to have economic recovery,” Reid said. “We are in for a prolonged recession, if not worse, if we can’t get people back on their feet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To avoid massive evictions, Reid said, the federal government must continue to provide cash assistance to people who’ve been financially hurt by the pandemic, so they can pay for rent, groceries and other basic needs — and help keep the larger economy afloat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11835565/newsom-announces-new-statewide-eviction-moratorium-but-major-concessions-may-threaten-tenants\">announced a plan for a new eviction moratorium\u003c/a> that could protect millions of renters in the state, if the Legislature approves it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the bill, Assembly Bill 3088, does not go as far as tenants’ groups had hoped, it would prevent landlords from evicting tenants for missing rent between March 1 and Aug. 31. Unpaid rent from that period would be converted to civil debt, meaning landlords could take tenants to small claims court to try to recover the amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For rents missed between Sept. 1 and Jan. 31, tenants would have to pay at least 25% of what they owe or face eviction. The remaining amount would be converted to civil debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835786\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835786\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44624_002_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Christopher, 12, and Raphael, 3, the children of Aleyda Rebelo, play basketball outside of their home in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Oakland, a program called \u003ca href=\"https://www.keepoaklandhoused.org\">Keep Oakland Housed\u003c/a> has been channeling private donations to provide emergency assistance to people in need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program has been around for two years, but since the pandemic started it has received hundreds more calls for help, said Jonathan Russell, who directs housing strategy for Bay Area Community Services, one the nonprofits that run it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve just seen the need intensify,” Russell said. “What was already an extremely difficult and expensive market … we’ve just seen that exacerbated and worsened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>“What Am I Going to Do?”\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The Keep Oakland Housed program helped Aleyda Rebelo pay a PG&E bill, car repairs and more than $4,000 in rent payments on her family’s Fruitvale home that she had missed from May to August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is, it doesn’t fix September,” Russell said of the aid Rebelo received. “But it puts September in a context where the burden of rent — that would otherwise compound in the future — is gone. And the car is working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835804\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835804\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44636_014_KQED_Oakland_AleydaRebelo_08262020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aleyda Rebelo and her son Raphael Roque, 3, at their home in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rebelo said the financial help was a huge relief that gave her and her family an emotional and financial break during the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many others she knows who have lost jobs, like her sister, haven’t been able to find help, she said. And Rebelo is still anxious, because she doesn’t know when she’ll be able to work full time again to cover her rent and bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still don’t have all my work, the way I had it before the pandemic,” she said. “And it’s like, what am I going to do?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Above the entrance to the \u003ca href=\"https://disneyland.disney.go.com/destinations/disneyland/\">Disneyland\u003c/a> Resort in Anaheim is a plaque that reads, “here you leave today and enter the world of yesterday, tomorrow and fantasy.” For many, Disneyland is synonymous with family vacations, road trips down I-5 to Anaheim and family photos in front of Sleeping Beauty’s castle. Truly, the happiest place on earth. \u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nIn the midst of this bliss, we infrequently see the labor and hardship experienced by the 30,000 cooks, custodians, performers and other cast members that make “the place where dreams come true” possible.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nLast February, Economic Roundtable and the Occidental College Urban & Environmental Policy Institute prepared a report titled “\u003ca href=\"https://economicrt.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/ERt-Disneyland-final-2-20-2018.pdf\">Working for the Mouse\u003c/a>,” a study of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11652884/some-disneyland-employees-struggle-to-pay-for-food-shelter-survey-finds\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">economic hardship\u003c/a> associated with working at Disneyland.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nAccording to that report, “Disneyland employees report high instances of homelessness, food insecurity, ever-shifting work schedules, extra-long commutes, and low wages.\"\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nIn 2016, more than 27 million people visited Disneyland and generated more than $3 billion in revenue. Despite this fact, many workers make $15 per hour or less and often have to commute in from distant locations like Los Angeles.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nA Disney employee says -- we’re not using his name because he could get fired -- after the report came out, Disney did offer a bonus to some employees. But with the cost of transportation to and from the park, the numbers just don’t add up.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\n“They’re giving us a $500 bonus, and they’re doing it in two parts. So we got part one in March, we’re getting part two in September. So we’re getting $250 and $250. But the thing is... it’s taxed. So, we actually got $175.”\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nChristopher Duarte, president and chief executive of \u003ca href=\"https://www.wulocal50.org\">Workers United Local 50\u003c/a> -- the largest union representing 6,700 workers -- says Disney has not come to the table to discuss strategies to address the problems brought up by the report.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nA coalition of unions are gathering signatures for a November ballot initiative that would force large hospitality businesses benefiting from Anaheim city subsidies to pay at least $15 per hour to employees by 2019. But the unions know that if Disneyland opposes it, they can outspend them significantly.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nWe reached out to Disney for a comment, but they did not return our calls.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nAs for the anonymous employee, with all these issues, does he ever ask himself, “Why am I still doing this?”\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nHe says, “Yes. Every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Above the entrance to the \u003ca href=\"https://disneyland.disney.go.com/destinations/disneyland/\">Disneyland\u003c/a> Resort in Anaheim is a plaque that reads, “here you leave today and enter the world of yesterday, tomorrow and fantasy.” For many, Disneyland is synonymous with family vacations, road trips down I-5 to Anaheim and family photos in front of Sleeping Beauty’s castle. Truly, the happiest place on earth. \u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nIn the midst of this bliss, we infrequently see the labor and hardship experienced by the 30,000 cooks, custodians, performers and other cast members that make “the place where dreams come true” possible.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nLast February, Economic Roundtable and the Occidental College Urban & Environmental Policy Institute prepared a report titled “\u003ca href=\"https://economicrt.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/ERt-Disneyland-final-2-20-2018.pdf\">Working for the Mouse\u003c/a>,” a study of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11652884/some-disneyland-employees-struggle-to-pay-for-food-shelter-survey-finds\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">economic hardship\u003c/a> associated with working at Disneyland.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nAccording to that report, “Disneyland employees report high instances of homelessness, food insecurity, ever-shifting work schedules, extra-long commutes, and low wages.\"\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nIn 2016, more than 27 million people visited Disneyland and generated more than $3 billion in revenue. Despite this fact, many workers make $15 per hour or less and often have to commute in from distant locations like Los Angeles.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nA Disney employee says -- we’re not using his name because he could get fired -- after the report came out, Disney did offer a bonus to some employees. But with the cost of transportation to and from the park, the numbers just don’t add up.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\n“They’re giving us a $500 bonus, and they’re doing it in two parts. So we got part one in March, we’re getting part two in September. So we’re getting $250 and $250. But the thing is... it’s taxed. So, we actually got $175.”\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nChristopher Duarte, president and chief executive of \u003ca href=\"https://www.wulocal50.org\">Workers United Local 50\u003c/a> -- the largest union representing 6,700 workers -- says Disney has not come to the table to discuss strategies to address the problems brought up by the report.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nA coalition of unions are gathering signatures for a November ballot initiative that would force large hospitality businesses benefiting from Anaheim city subsidies to pay at least $15 per hour to employees by 2019. But the unions know that if Disneyland opposes it, they can outspend them significantly.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nWe reached out to Disney for a comment, but they did not return our calls.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nAs for the anonymous employee, with all these issues, does he ever ask himself, “Why am I still doing this?”\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nHe says, “Yes. Every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s lush coastline, balmy climate and post-World War II economic promise made it an easy sell as America’s middle-class paradise in the 1950s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Dream of two or three generations ago was, ‘I’m going to move from a place that’s cold and flat to a place where there’s lots of opportunity,’” said Joel Kotkin, a presidential fellow in Urban Futures at Chapman University in Orange. “’I’ll get a job in an aerospace factory, in an oil company. I’ll buy a house with a pool. I’ll die and go to heaven. And I’ll do it all in good weather.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the weather remains. But access to the California Dream is being choked off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stratospheric housing costs, the exit of key companies and the failure to replace the jobs that left with them have downsized the state’s middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We could keep up, but we could never get ahead’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since 1970, California’s share of the middle class fell from 60 percent to just over half the population. That trend almost mirrors patterns across the country. The number of middle-income Americans slipped from 61 percent in 1971 to 50 percent in 2015, according to the Pew Research Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, some have risen to the upper class and others have slid down. And some have \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2017/07/07/is-california-anti-family-joel-kotkin-and-wendell-cox/\">left the state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The key group leaving is basically in their 30s, 40s and 50s tending to be making about $100,000 to $200,000 a year,” Kotkin said, citing Internal Revenue Service data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2007 and 2016, \u003ca href=\"http://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/265\">California lost 1 million more domestic residents than have come into the state,\u003c/a> according to the IRS. Many are moving to Texas, Arizona, Nevada and Oregon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California opened their doors and basically kicked us out,” Kelly Rudiger said. “We couldn’t afford to live there with almost half of our income paying for our housing, our property taxes, our utilities. So my husband and I, both being full-time employees, we could keep up but we could never get ahead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rudiger and her husband, Tony, moved their two children to Texas last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We sold an 1,800-square-foot home in San Diego and now live in a 4,000-square-foot home and are still paying less on our mortgage,” Rudiger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her middle-class income goes a lot further in Texas than in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11654647\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11654647\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rudiger800-800x1177.jpg\" alt=\"The Rudiger family: Tony, back left; Kelly, back right; and their children Renae and Branden Bingham -- moved to Texas in 2017 because San Diego was no longer affordable for their middle-income family.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1177\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rudiger800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rudiger800-160x235.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rudiger800-240x353.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rudiger800-375x552.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rudiger800-520x765.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Rudiger family: Tony, back left; Kelly, back right; and their children — Renae and Branden Bingham — moved to Texas in 2017 because San Diego was no longer affordable for their middle-income family. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Kelly Rudiger)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Public Policy Institute of California classifies middle-income earners as those making between $49,716 and $174,006, based on 2017 calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kotkin said California families used to pay three times their income for a home in 1970. Sometime over the next decade it changed, and now that figure has jumped to as high as 10 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who has got that kind of money?” asked Kotkin. “Where I live, all the older people keep complaining, `My kids keep visiting me just waiting for me to drop dead so they can have the house.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Brownell, research director at San Diego’s Center on Policy Initiatives, said the inability of California’s middle class to afford homes exposes a vulnerability in the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though as a whole, our economy is successful in terms of what it’s producing and the amount of wealth it’s producing, we’re not seeing that translate into incomes that will support families here in San Diego and across California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he believes that is not economically sustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people have stable, middle-class incomes, it means they have money in their pocket to consume all kinds of goods, whether that’s purchasing housing, buying new clothes, buying cars, buying refrigerators,” Brownell said. “Our economy is driven by consumer spending.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kotkin said California’s middle class started to dwindle when the Cold War ended in the 1990s, devastating the state’s aerospace industry. California has lost 280,000 aerospace jobs over the last 30 years, according to the book “Blue Sky Metropolis: The Aerospace Century in Southern California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kotkin said real estate and construction jobs also went away. More recently, jobs in the business sector have taken a hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Toyota, Occidental Petroleum, Nissan, companies that employed a large number of middle-class people, are going,” Kotkin said. “These were companies that had a lot of good paying jobs — $80,000, $100,000, $120,000 — enough to support a middle-class lifestyle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he said many companies that remain are not expanding because of California’s land, energy, housing and regulatory costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Center on Policy Initiative’s Brownell said the companies that are expanding are contributing to the state’s income inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream\">Explore the California Dream Series\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/interstate-1920x1080-tight-crop.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Here in California, we’ve had great success in creating highly skilled, high-paying jobs — in the tech industry in Silicon Valley and in San Diego the biotech industry,” Brownell said. “A lot of those really successful and well-paying industries have built into them a structural demand for low-wage work as well, the nannies, the restaurant workers and the dry cleaners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brownell said it is important to note that even people earning more than workers in low-wage jobs\u003ca href=\"https://www.cpisandiego.org/lack-of-hours-hits-minimum-wage-increase/\"> are struggling to survive.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharon Mintz runs a floral arrangement business in San Diego. She said she offers free meals to her employees and has increased their pay from $15 to $20 an hour over the past few years but still cannot hold onto them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It works and then the rent goes up,” Mintz said. “And then we offer a little bit more and then groceries go up. It feels like we’re always trying to catch up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brownell said a middle-class revival lies in the hands of government, strong unions and companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said policymakers need to encourage the creation of quality jobs in the state. Unions set standards for wage and working conditions. And Brownell said companies with healthy profits should pay their employees more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more prosperous a company becomes, the more of an obligation it has to share its success across the company,” Brownell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without any fixes, Kotkin said California is headed away from the enchantment of the 1950s toward a more primitive time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, we have a society which over time is becoming more and more feudal with the very rich, very successful — some of the richest people in the history of the world — at the very top, and then a diminishing middle class,” Kotkin said. “And what’s more frightening is you have young people, some of them with college educations, working at Uber, working at Starbucks, essentially barely making it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California’s $2.75 trillion economy makes it the world’s sixth largest. But that impressive ranking disguises an economic fault line: The decline of the middle class.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s lush coastline, balmy climate and post-World War II economic promise made it an easy sell as America’s middle-class paradise in the 1950s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Dream of two or three generations ago was, ‘I’m going to move from a place that’s cold and flat to a place where there’s lots of opportunity,’” said Joel Kotkin, a presidential fellow in Urban Futures at Chapman University in Orange. “’I’ll get a job in an aerospace factory, in an oil company. I’ll buy a house with a pool. I’ll die and go to heaven. And I’ll do it all in good weather.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the weather remains. But access to the California Dream is being choked off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stratospheric housing costs, the exit of key companies and the failure to replace the jobs that left with them have downsized the state’s middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We could keep up, but we could never get ahead’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since 1970, California’s share of the middle class fell from 60 percent to just over half the population. That trend almost mirrors patterns across the country. The number of middle-income Americans slipped from 61 percent in 1971 to 50 percent in 2015, according to the Pew Research Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, some have risen to the upper class and others have slid down. And some have \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2017/07/07/is-california-anti-family-joel-kotkin-and-wendell-cox/\">left the state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The key group leaving is basically in their 30s, 40s and 50s tending to be making about $100,000 to $200,000 a year,” Kotkin said, citing Internal Revenue Service data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2007 and 2016, \u003ca href=\"http://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/265\">California lost 1 million more domestic residents than have come into the state,\u003c/a> according to the IRS. Many are moving to Texas, Arizona, Nevada and Oregon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California opened their doors and basically kicked us out,” Kelly Rudiger said. “We couldn’t afford to live there with almost half of our income paying for our housing, our property taxes, our utilities. So my husband and I, both being full-time employees, we could keep up but we could never get ahead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rudiger and her husband, Tony, moved their two children to Texas last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We sold an 1,800-square-foot home in San Diego and now live in a 4,000-square-foot home and are still paying less on our mortgage,” Rudiger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her middle-class income goes a lot further in Texas than in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11654647\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11654647\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rudiger800-800x1177.jpg\" alt=\"The Rudiger family: Tony, back left; Kelly, back right; and their children Renae and Branden Bingham -- moved to Texas in 2017 because San Diego was no longer affordable for their middle-income family.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1177\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rudiger800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rudiger800-160x235.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rudiger800-240x353.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rudiger800-375x552.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rudiger800-520x765.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Rudiger family: Tony, back left; Kelly, back right; and their children — Renae and Branden Bingham — moved to Texas in 2017 because San Diego was no longer affordable for their middle-income family. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Kelly Rudiger)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Public Policy Institute of California classifies middle-income earners as those making between $49,716 and $174,006, based on 2017 calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kotkin said California families used to pay three times their income for a home in 1970. Sometime over the next decade it changed, and now that figure has jumped to as high as 10 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who has got that kind of money?” asked Kotkin. “Where I live, all the older people keep complaining, `My kids keep visiting me just waiting for me to drop dead so they can have the house.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Brownell, research director at San Diego’s Center on Policy Initiatives, said the inability of California’s middle class to afford homes exposes a vulnerability in the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though as a whole, our economy is successful in terms of what it’s producing and the amount of wealth it’s producing, we’re not seeing that translate into incomes that will support families here in San Diego and across California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he believes that is not economically sustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people have stable, middle-class incomes, it means they have money in their pocket to consume all kinds of goods, whether that’s purchasing housing, buying new clothes, buying cars, buying refrigerators,” Brownell said. “Our economy is driven by consumer spending.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kotkin said California’s middle class started to dwindle when the Cold War ended in the 1990s, devastating the state’s aerospace industry. California has lost 280,000 aerospace jobs over the last 30 years, according to the book “Blue Sky Metropolis: The Aerospace Century in Southern California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kotkin said real estate and construction jobs also went away. More recently, jobs in the business sector have taken a hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Toyota, Occidental Petroleum, Nissan, companies that employed a large number of middle-class people, are going,” Kotkin said. “These were companies that had a lot of good paying jobs — $80,000, $100,000, $120,000 — enough to support a middle-class lifestyle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he said many companies that remain are not expanding because of California’s land, energy, housing and regulatory costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Center on Policy Initiative’s Brownell said the companies that are expanding are contributing to the state’s income inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream\">Explore the California Dream Series\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/interstate-1920x1080-tight-crop.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Here in California, we’ve had great success in creating highly skilled, high-paying jobs — in the tech industry in Silicon Valley and in San Diego the biotech industry,” Brownell said. “A lot of those really successful and well-paying industries have built into them a structural demand for low-wage work as well, the nannies, the restaurant workers and the dry cleaners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brownell said it is important to note that even people earning more than workers in low-wage jobs\u003ca href=\"https://www.cpisandiego.org/lack-of-hours-hits-minimum-wage-increase/\"> are struggling to survive.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharon Mintz runs a floral arrangement business in San Diego. She said she offers free meals to her employees and has increased their pay from $15 to $20 an hour over the past few years but still cannot hold onto them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It works and then the rent goes up,” Mintz said. “And then we offer a little bit more and then groceries go up. It feels like we’re always trying to catch up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brownell said a middle-class revival lies in the hands of government, strong unions and companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said policymakers need to encourage the creation of quality jobs in the state. Unions set standards for wage and working conditions. And Brownell said companies with healthy profits should pay their employees more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more prosperous a company becomes, the more of an obligation it has to share its success across the company,” Brownell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without any fixes, Kotkin said California is headed away from the enchantment of the 1950s toward a more primitive time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, we have a society which over time is becoming more and more feudal with the very rich, very successful — some of the richest people in the history of the world — at the very top, and then a diminishing middle class,” Kotkin said. “And what’s more frightening is you have young people, some of them with college educations, working at Uber, working at Starbucks, essentially barely making it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Millions more American workers will soon be eligible for overtime pay under a rule being finalized Wednesday by the Labor Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/featured/overtime\">The rule says\u003c/a> anyone who makes less than $47,476 per year must receive time-and-a-half pay for hours worked beyond 40 hours a week. That's roughly double the current threshold of $23,660.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure is one of the most sweeping moves the Obama administration has made so far in its efforts to boost slow-growing incomes. But it's sure to face opposition from some business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Labor Department, the higher income threshold will make 4.2 million salaried workers newly eligible for overtime pay. The rule could also benefit millions of others who are already technically eligible but not receiving overtime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[The impact in California? According to the Los Angeles Times: \"Labor Department officials estimated the new overtime rule will help a total of 4.2 million salaried, non-manufacturing workers nationwide, including 146,000 in California who are not currently protected by the state overtime threshold.\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our whole mission here is about strengthening and growing the middle class,\" Labor Secretary Tom Perez told NPR. \"In order to do that, we need to ensure that middle-class jobs pay middle-class wages.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule change is authorized under New Deal-era legislation called the Fair Labor Standards Act. As recently as 1975, more than 60 percent of salaried workers were eligible for overtime. Inflation and regulatory changes under the George W. Bush Administration eroded that protection, and today, only about 7 percent of salaried workers receive time and a half when they work extra hours. Managers at many retail stores and fast-food restaurants making as little as $24,000 have not been eligible for overtime, even when they work 60 or 70 hours a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The angst that people feel across this country is so frequently the product of the fact that they're working hard and falling further behind,\" Perez said. \"They feel like they lost leverage. And the reason they feel that is because in the case of the Fair Labor Standards Act, they indeed lost a lot of leverage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule has been more than two years in the making. The Labor Department initially proposed an even higher income threshold of more than $50,000, but scaled that back in response to complaints that it didn't reflect pay scales in low-wage parts of the country. The new threshold will cover about 35 percent of salaried workers, Perez says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some employers have welcomed the change, and Vice President Joe Biden will meet with one of those on Wednesday. But others complain that the Labor Department is moving too quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What our members have told us, what many other employers have told us, is there's not a golden pot of money out there sitting in employers' pockets where they can all of a sudden pay a lot more overtime pay,\" said David French, vice president of the National Retail Federation. \"Instead, they're going to make the rational change and they're going to \u003ca href=\"https://nrf.com/news/10-ways-dol-failed-overtime\">change jobs\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics are urging Congress to block the new rule, but any such push would face a certain veto by President Obama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secretary Perez says employers have a variety of ways they can comply with the new rule when it takes effect Dec. 1. \"People are going to get at least one of three benefits,\" Perez said. \"They're either going to get more money ... more time with their family, or everybody is going to get clarity.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Millions+To+Be+Eligible+For+Overtime+Under+New+Obama+Administration+Rule&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Millions more American workers will soon be eligible for overtime pay under a rule being finalized Wednesday by the Labor Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/featured/overtime\">The rule says\u003c/a> anyone who makes less than $47,476 per year must receive time-and-a-half pay for hours worked beyond 40 hours a week. That's roughly double the current threshold of $23,660.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure is one of the most sweeping moves the Obama administration has made so far in its efforts to boost slow-growing incomes. But it's sure to face opposition from some business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Labor Department, the higher income threshold will make 4.2 million salaried workers newly eligible for overtime pay. The rule could also benefit millions of others who are already technically eligible but not receiving overtime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[The impact in California? According to the Los Angeles Times: \"Labor Department officials estimated the new overtime rule will help a total of 4.2 million salaried, non-manufacturing workers nationwide, including 146,000 in California who are not currently protected by the state overtime threshold.\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our whole mission here is about strengthening and growing the middle class,\" Labor Secretary Tom Perez told NPR. \"In order to do that, we need to ensure that middle-class jobs pay middle-class wages.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule change is authorized under New Deal-era legislation called the Fair Labor Standards Act. As recently as 1975, more than 60 percent of salaried workers were eligible for overtime. Inflation and regulatory changes under the George W. Bush Administration eroded that protection, and today, only about 7 percent of salaried workers receive time and a half when they work extra hours. Managers at many retail stores and fast-food restaurants making as little as $24,000 have not been eligible for overtime, even when they work 60 or 70 hours a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The angst that people feel across this country is so frequently the product of the fact that they're working hard and falling further behind,\" Perez said. \"They feel like they lost leverage. And the reason they feel that is because in the case of the Fair Labor Standards Act, they indeed lost a lot of leverage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule has been more than two years in the making. The Labor Department initially proposed an even higher income threshold of more than $50,000, but scaled that back in response to complaints that it didn't reflect pay scales in low-wage parts of the country. The new threshold will cover about 35 percent of salaried workers, Perez says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some employers have welcomed the change, and Vice President Joe Biden will meet with one of those on Wednesday. But others complain that the Labor Department is moving too quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What our members have told us, what many other employers have told us, is there's not a golden pot of money out there sitting in employers' pockets where they can all of a sudden pay a lot more overtime pay,\" said David French, vice president of the National Retail Federation. \"Instead, they're going to make the rational change and they're going to \u003ca href=\"https://nrf.com/news/10-ways-dol-failed-overtime\">change jobs\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics are urging Congress to block the new rule, but any such push would face a certain veto by President Obama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secretary Perez says employers have a variety of ways they can comply with the new rule when it takes effect Dec. 1. \"People are going to get at least one of three benefits,\" Perez said. \"They're either going to get more money ... more time with their family, or everybody is going to get clarity.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Millions+To+Be+Eligible+For+Overtime+Under+New+Obama+Administration+Rule&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "The Good News About Working in the Bay Area: For Many, Wages Are Very High",
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"headTitle": "The Good News About Working in the Bay Area: For Many, Wages Are Very High | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_137366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/05/RS8537_IMG_9782-scr.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-137366\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/05/RS8537_IMG_9782-scr-640x426.jpg\" alt=\"(Mark Andrew Boyer/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Mark Andrew Boyer/KQED) \u003ccite>(Mark Andrew Boyer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before anything else, let’s glory in our superiority. On average, people in the Bay Area are making a lot of money (too bad so much goes to keeping a roof over our heads).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal Bureau of Labor Statistics, in its \u003ca href=\"http://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes_nat.htm#00-0000\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">latest numbers on employment and wages throughout the United States\u003c/a>, says average wages throughout the region are generally much higher than the national average of $22.33 an hour. The South Bay average is $34.45 an hour, which is 54 percent above the national average; in the San Francisco area, it’s $32.41, which is 45 percent higher than the U.S. mean; and in the East Bay, it’s $28.70, or 28.5 percent higher than the all-American average. Those newly released stats are all from May 2013, by the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the “we sure make a lot of money hereabouts” headline, the bureau’s numbers render a sharp statistical snapshot of the technology workforce and its economic impact in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, note that while tech workers are well paid, they’re not the highest-paid folks in the region. According to the bureau’s report, that distinction belongs in the Bay Area and nationwide to medical professionals: Psychiatrists, anesthesiologists, surgeons, obstetricians and gynecologists, orthodontists and oral-maxillofacial surgeons are at or near the top of the money list in every California metro area, with average yearly wages topping $200,000. Chief executive officers and lawyers also are among the top-paid professions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, while there are a lot of tech workers here — \u003ca href=\"http://www.economicmodeling.com/2011/10/14/understanding-location-quotient-2/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">by one measure\u003c/a>, the South Bay has the highest concentration of technology workers in the country — other metro areas (Washington, D.C., Seattle and New York) have a significantly higher number of people working in what the BLS calls \u003ca href=\"http://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes150000.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“Computer and Mathematical Occupations\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Third, the BLS stats are a reminder that in many parts of the Bay Area, a great majority of people are working outside the technology industry. In the area the bureau calls \u003ca href=\"http://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes_41940.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Jose-Sunnyvale-Santa Clara\u003c/a> (actually comprised of Santa Clara and San Benito counties), those in “Office and Administrative Support Positions,” a category ranging from bill collectors to gaming-cage workers, outnumber tech workers roughly 122,000 to 97,000. In the San Francisco-San Mateo-Redwood City area (corresponding to Marin, San Francisco and San Mateo counties), the tech worker population is outnumbered by those working in office support, sales, food services, financial services and management occupations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why does tech employment have such an outsize impact here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bureau’s statistics suggest it’s a combination of that high concentration of tech workers here combined with the wages the industry pays. In Silicon Valley, tech workers make up about four times the share of the workforce than they do nationwide — about 10.5 percent versus 2.8 percent across the entire U.S. labor pool. In the San Francisco region, 6.8 percent of workers are in tech occupations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the pay? Perhaps reflecting and partially feeding the unhappy reality of Bay Area property prices, tech wages here are the highest in the country. In Silicon Valley, the BLS says the mean annual tech wage is $115,870, the equivalent of $55.71 an hour. In San Francisco, the figures are $103,780 and $49.89. Those salaries are ahead of every other tech hub in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A glance at the other end of the wage spectrum also provides some concrete evidence of the have/have-not divide that’s led to our regional uneasiness over high real estate prices, Google buses and wealth inequality in general. The Bureau of Labor Statistics says there are about 50,000 software developers in Silicon Valley with an average annual wage of $130,000 or so. There are also about 55,000 dishwashers, manicurists, fast-food workers, wait staff, parking lot attendants and many others making somewhere between $19,000 and $23,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"datePublished": "2014-05-28T15:12:22-07:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_137366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/05/RS8537_IMG_9782-scr.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-137366\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/05/RS8537_IMG_9782-scr-640x426.jpg\" alt=\"(Mark Andrew Boyer/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Mark Andrew Boyer/KQED) \u003ccite>(Mark Andrew Boyer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before anything else, let’s glory in our superiority. On average, people in the Bay Area are making a lot of money (too bad so much goes to keeping a roof over our heads).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal Bureau of Labor Statistics, in its \u003ca href=\"http://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes_nat.htm#00-0000\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">latest numbers on employment and wages throughout the United States\u003c/a>, says average wages throughout the region are generally much higher than the national average of $22.33 an hour. The South Bay average is $34.45 an hour, which is 54 percent above the national average; in the San Francisco area, it’s $32.41, which is 45 percent higher than the U.S. mean; and in the East Bay, it’s $28.70, or 28.5 percent higher than the all-American average. Those newly released stats are all from May 2013, by the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the “we sure make a lot of money hereabouts” headline, the bureau’s numbers render a sharp statistical snapshot of the technology workforce and its economic impact in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, note that while tech workers are well paid, they’re not the highest-paid folks in the region. According to the bureau’s report, that distinction belongs in the Bay Area and nationwide to medical professionals: Psychiatrists, anesthesiologists, surgeons, obstetricians and gynecologists, orthodontists and oral-maxillofacial surgeons are at or near the top of the money list in every California metro area, with average yearly wages topping $200,000. Chief executive officers and lawyers also are among the top-paid professions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, while there are a lot of tech workers here — \u003ca href=\"http://www.economicmodeling.com/2011/10/14/understanding-location-quotient-2/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">by one measure\u003c/a>, the South Bay has the highest concentration of technology workers in the country — other metro areas (Washington, D.C., Seattle and New York) have a significantly higher number of people working in what the BLS calls \u003ca href=\"http://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes150000.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“Computer and Mathematical Occupations\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Third, the BLS stats are a reminder that in many parts of the Bay Area, a great majority of people are working outside the technology industry. In the area the bureau calls \u003ca href=\"http://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes_41940.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Jose-Sunnyvale-Santa Clara\u003c/a> (actually comprised of Santa Clara and San Benito counties), those in “Office and Administrative Support Positions,” a category ranging from bill collectors to gaming-cage workers, outnumber tech workers roughly 122,000 to 97,000. In the San Francisco-San Mateo-Redwood City area (corresponding to Marin, San Francisco and San Mateo counties), the tech worker population is outnumbered by those working in office support, sales, food services, financial services and management occupations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why does tech employment have such an outsize impact here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bureau’s statistics suggest it’s a combination of that high concentration of tech workers here combined with the wages the industry pays. In Silicon Valley, tech workers make up about four times the share of the workforce than they do nationwide — about 10.5 percent versus 2.8 percent across the entire U.S. labor pool. In the San Francisco region, 6.8 percent of workers are in tech occupations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the pay? Perhaps reflecting and partially feeding the unhappy reality of Bay Area property prices, tech wages here are the highest in the country. In Silicon Valley, the BLS says the mean annual tech wage is $115,870, the equivalent of $55.71 an hour. In San Francisco, the figures are $103,780 and $49.89. Those salaries are ahead of every other tech hub in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A glance at the other end of the wage spectrum also provides some concrete evidence of the have/have-not divide that’s led to our regional uneasiness over high real estate prices, Google buses and wealth inequality in general. The Bureau of Labor Statistics says there are about 50,000 software developers in Silicon Valley with an average annual wage of $130,000 or so. There are also about 55,000 dishwashers, manicurists, fast-food workers, wait staff, parking lot attendants and many others making somewhere between $19,000 and $23,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "San Francisco Giants Pay Back Wages, Damages to Underpaid Staffers ",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_109214\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/08/30/109212/San-Francisco-Giants-labor/rs4803_lincecumpitches-scr/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-109214\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-109214 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/RS4803_LincecumPitches-scr-e1377874912282.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Giants' Tim Lincecum (Doug Pensinger / Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"424\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pitcher Tim Lincecum earns more in one start than the San Francisco Giants recently paid in back wages and damages to 74 employees. (Doug Pensinger/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Isabel Angell\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Giants have paid $545,000 in back wages and damages to 74 employees. That’s after a U.S. Department of Labor investigation found some workers in the Giants' clubhouse and elsewhere in the organization were making far below the federal minimum wage of $7.25. The department said that some clubhouse attendants were getting paid $55 a day—and working 12 to 15 hours a shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a little context, three Giants players — starting pitchers Tim Lincecum, Matt Cain and Barry Zito — are all reportedly paid $20 million or more a year. Lincecum is the highest paid of that trio with a $22 million salary. Starting about 30 to 35 games a year, Lincecum makes more for every appearance than the Giants have agreed to pay their undercompensated staffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susana Blanco, who oversaw the investigation for the Labor Department, said that when it comes to the undercompensated workers, the Giants are in clear violation of federal regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees should typically be making $7.25 an hour based on the regulations, and these employees we determined were making approximately $4 -- I think we determined it was $4.25 an hour,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation also found video operators and some administrative workers weren’t getting proper pay for their jobs. In all, the Giants paid the 74 employees about a quarter-million dollars in back wages, and then another quarter million in damages, which is an added punishment against the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Giants did not return calls before this posted, but Blanco said the organization worked openly with the department throughout the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Labor is now working with Major League Baseball to make sure wage issues aren't systemwide. At more than $136 million, the Giants have the sixth-highest overall payroll in the league.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_109214\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/08/30/109212/San-Francisco-Giants-labor/rs4803_lincecumpitches-scr/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-109214\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-109214 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/RS4803_LincecumPitches-scr-e1377874912282.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Giants' Tim Lincecum (Doug Pensinger / Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"424\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pitcher Tim Lincecum earns more in one start than the San Francisco Giants recently paid in back wages and damages to 74 employees. (Doug Pensinger/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Isabel Angell\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Giants have paid $545,000 in back wages and damages to 74 employees. That’s after a U.S. Department of Labor investigation found some workers in the Giants' clubhouse and elsewhere in the organization were making far below the federal minimum wage of $7.25. The department said that some clubhouse attendants were getting paid $55 a day—and working 12 to 15 hours a shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a little context, three Giants players — starting pitchers Tim Lincecum, Matt Cain and Barry Zito — are all reportedly paid $20 million or more a year. Lincecum is the highest paid of that trio with a $22 million salary. Starting about 30 to 35 games a year, Lincecum makes more for every appearance than the Giants have agreed to pay their undercompensated staffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susana Blanco, who oversaw the investigation for the Labor Department, said that when it comes to the undercompensated workers, the Giants are in clear violation of federal regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees should typically be making $7.25 an hour based on the regulations, and these employees we determined were making approximately $4 -- I think we determined it was $4.25 an hour,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation also found video operators and some administrative workers weren’t getting proper pay for their jobs. In all, the Giants paid the 74 employees about a quarter-million dollars in back wages, and then another quarter million in damages, which is an added punishment against the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Giants did not return calls before this posted, but Blanco said the organization worked openly with the department throughout the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Labor is now working with Major League Baseball to make sure wage issues aren't systemwide. At more than $136 million, the Giants have the sixth-highest overall payroll in the league.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Can State Employees Work 2 Jobs At Once?",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_86030\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/01/capitol-dome.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-86030\" title=\"capitol dome\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/01/capitol-dome-300x169.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"169\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Justin Sullivan/Getty Images\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some managers at CalPERS, the California state retirement system, are working two jobs there. Is that legal? CalPERS spokespeople say the agency is doing nothing wrong, but the practice has raised eyebrows among some experts in state regulations, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/2013/01/17/5120460/some-calpers-managers-given-second.html\">Sacramento Bee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, the agency says it hired some managers to do double duty when it was implementing a new computer system and needed people to test it, as well as to catch up on a backlog of other tasks:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>After first exhausting a number of resource options including voluntary overtime, mandatory overtime, seasonal clerks, students, retired annuitants, arduous pay and other compensation options, CalPERS then appointed some skilled and experienced staff - at the manager and rank and file levels - to Additional Appointments to accomplish additional work.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>But experts interviewed by the Bee are questioning the practice because, unlike rank-and-file workers, salaried employees don't normally get paid overtime. Instead they are expected to work more than 40 hours a week when necessary, then take compensation time off when their schedules are less busy.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts interviewed by the Bee say hiring the managers for extra jobs seems to deviate from this standard:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>...state personnel experts contacted by The Bee say they've never heard of managers taking hourly positions in their own department. The practice, they said, may violate federal labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the very least, said former state personnel director Dave Gilb, it circumvents the state's intent to set fixed wages for salaried management jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's giving more money to people who are not eligible for overtime,\" Gilb said. \"It's not right.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>CalPERS says the practice was allowed by a specific regulation:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp> An Additional Appointment is when a state civil service employee is appointed to a second position in state service to perform additional duties. This is a permissible practice in State government dating back decades and outlined in California's Personnel Management Policy and Procedures Manual (Section 350) and a practice that has been used by other agencies.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>How much money was involved? The Bee reported the following information, which it attributed to CalPERS:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>CalPERS paid $45,000 in November to a total 50 managers, an average $900 each. It paid the wages at the rank-and-file job overtime rate, time and a half. The money doesn't count toward pension calculations, the fund said.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Now a spokesperson for the State Controller's Office tells us it is looking to see how much CalPERS and other agencies have used additional appointments. We'll let you know when he gets back to us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_86030\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/01/capitol-dome.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-86030\" title=\"capitol dome\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/01/capitol-dome-300x169.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"169\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Justin Sullivan/Getty Images\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some managers at CalPERS, the California state retirement system, are working two jobs there. Is that legal? CalPERS spokespeople say the agency is doing nothing wrong, but the practice has raised eyebrows among some experts in state regulations, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/2013/01/17/5120460/some-calpers-managers-given-second.html\">Sacramento Bee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, the agency says it hired some managers to do double duty when it was implementing a new computer system and needed people to test it, as well as to catch up on a backlog of other tasks:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>After first exhausting a number of resource options including voluntary overtime, mandatory overtime, seasonal clerks, students, retired annuitants, arduous pay and other compensation options, CalPERS then appointed some skilled and experienced staff - at the manager and rank and file levels - to Additional Appointments to accomplish additional work.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>But experts interviewed by the Bee are questioning the practice because, unlike rank-and-file workers, salaried employees don't normally get paid overtime. Instead they are expected to work more than 40 hours a week when necessary, then take compensation time off when their schedules are less busy.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts interviewed by the Bee say hiring the managers for extra jobs seems to deviate from this standard:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>...state personnel experts contacted by The Bee say they've never heard of managers taking hourly positions in their own department. The practice, they said, may violate federal labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the very least, said former state personnel director Dave Gilb, it circumvents the state's intent to set fixed wages for salaried management jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's giving more money to people who are not eligible for overtime,\" Gilb said. \"It's not right.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>CalPERS says the practice was allowed by a specific regulation:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp> An Additional Appointment is when a state civil service employee is appointed to a second position in state service to perform additional duties. This is a permissible practice in State government dating back decades and outlined in California's Personnel Management Policy and Procedures Manual (Section 350) and a practice that has been used by other agencies.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>How much money was involved? The Bee reported the following information, which it attributed to CalPERS:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>CalPERS paid $45,000 in November to a total 50 managers, an average $900 each. It paid the wages at the rank-and-file job overtime rate, time and a half. The money doesn't count toward pension calculations, the fund said.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Now a spokesperson for the State Controller's Office tells us it is looking to see how much CalPERS and other agencies have used additional appointments. We'll let you know when he gets back to us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"soldout": {
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