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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 9:10 p.m. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 200 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> clerks held a one-day strike on Thursday, shutting down high-profile civil and criminal trials and hearings in the city’s justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dressed in purple, dozens of clerks represented by the Service Employees International Union Local 1021 rallied on the steps of the Hall of Justice to demand fair contracts, more staffing and an end to delays they say are caused by chronic mismanagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ben Thompson, a deputy clerk in the court’s criminal division, told KQED that management has refused to negotiate with the clerks’ union. The court has made it impossible for clerks to fulfill their “fundamental obligation to the public, which is to ensure equal and fair access to those seeking redress under the law,” Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the clerks’ key demands is improved training. Due to staffing shortages, clerks are often shuffled between courtrooms and into departments that require unique specialization, Thompson said, which can translate into clerical errors with real consequences for people interacting with the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our jobs are important. These are people’s lives and futures we’re talking about,” Thompson said. “The court refuses, for whatever reason, to train us correctly, which, in my opinion, is criminally irresponsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12010986 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District Attorney Brooke Jenkins listens to speakers during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The court remained open Thursday for essential services, but all proceedings — including divorce settlements, jury selection and traffic court — were put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike has called attention to an enormous backlog of cases caused by short staffing, faulty technology and a lack of courtrooms. This gridlock is said to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">stemmed from the pandemic\u003c/a> and has continued to slow down or derail criminal and civil cases. In August, over 70 criminal cases were dismissed due to delays that the California appeals court called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">a violation of defendants’ rights\u003c/a> to speedy trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court Executive Officer Brandon E. Riley said the court would shift resources to “prioritize those cases with statutory deadlines,” such as domestic violence cases and custody arraignments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Riley called the clerks’ decision to disrupt services “unfortunate” and cited the challenges of reaching a fair contract in light of the state’s reduction in funding for the Judicial Branch, “which has resulted in a $2.5 million ongoing cut to the court’s budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010984\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010984\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Superior Court clerks, supported by their union SEIU Local 1021, strike in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High-profile proceedings that were halted Thursday included the trial of Nima Momeni, a former tech consultant accused of murdering Cash App founder Bob Lee in a case that drew national attention. The strike also paused the already-delayed preliminary hearings for the eight \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010363/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-await-judicial-ruling-on-felony-charges\">antiwar activists charged with felonies\u003c/a> in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge on Tax Day to protest U.S. support for Israel’s war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing, which will determine whether or not San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins has enough evidence to bring felony charges against the protesters, was already behind schedule after the court was unable to assign the case a courtroom on Monday, citing the backlog and higher-priority criminal trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked how the defendants in the Golden Gate Bridge case felt about the delays, attorney Jeff Wozniak said his clients and the legal team “stand with the SEIU.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Myrna Melgar speaks during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A small group of the protesters’ supporters filled the echoing hallway outside of the courtroom, chanting for Jenkins to drop the charges. They also rallied in support of the 18 protesters charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004860/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-plead-not-guilty-to-felony-and-misdemeanor-charges\">misdemeanors\u003c/a>, whose initial start day was set for Thursday but was pushed to Dec. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, the rallying clerks were joined by their court reporter and court interpreter colleagues dressed in blue. The court reporter from the Momeni trial was seen standing at the picket line, according to reports on social media, and one of Momeni’s attorneys reportedly bought hundreds of dollars worth of sandwiches for the clerks from a nearby cafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12009797 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-21-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Jenkins did not win endorsement from the clerks union in the upcoming election, she joined the clerks’ ranks at the courthouse, saying that her appearance “wasn’t about politics.” In the past, Jenkins has \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/08/14/san-francisco-drops-criminal-cases-court-backlog/\">accused \u003c/a>the court’s backlog of robbing victims and defendants of their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in the trenches with them as a courtroom prosecutor,” Jenkins said. “I know what it means for them to be overworked, for them to be short-staffed, for them to be under pressure, to record each and everything that’s going on during a court hearing. And if they aren’t equipped to be able to do that, it’s unfair to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ progressive opponent — and former employee — Ryan Khojasteh, also appeared on the court steps to criticize what he called the district attorney’s “severe mismanagement of the system.” Khojasteh said Jenkins has contributed to the case backlog by making “unreasonable plea deals” instead of deferring to diversion programs and drug treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khojasteh was initially hired by former District Attorney Chesa Boudin and was fired during the early days of Jenkins’ administration after Boudin was recalled. While lesser known than the incumbent, Khojasteh’s emphasis on early interventions is one of the ways he’s setting himself apart from Jenkins, and he garnered the clerks union’s support in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction:\u003c/strong> A previous version of this article incorrectly stated a deadline to complete the preliminary hearing for eight antiwar activists charged with felonies in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge. The story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the clerks’ key demands is improved training. Due to staffing shortages, clerks are often shuffled between courtrooms and into departments that require unique specialization, Thompson said, which can translate into clerical errors with real consequences for people interacting with the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our jobs are important. These are people’s lives and futures we’re talking about,” Thompson said. “The court refuses, for whatever reason, to train us correctly, which, in my opinion, is criminally irresponsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12010986 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District Attorney Brooke Jenkins listens to speakers during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The court remained open Thursday for essential services, but all proceedings — including divorce settlements, jury selection and traffic court — were put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike has called attention to an enormous backlog of cases caused by short staffing, faulty technology and a lack of courtrooms. This gridlock is said to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">stemmed from the pandemic\u003c/a> and has continued to slow down or derail criminal and civil cases. In August, over 70 criminal cases were dismissed due to delays that the California appeals court called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">a violation of defendants’ rights\u003c/a> to speedy trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court Executive Officer Brandon E. Riley said the court would shift resources to “prioritize those cases with statutory deadlines,” such as domestic violence cases and custody arraignments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Riley called the clerks’ decision to disrupt services “unfortunate” and cited the challenges of reaching a fair contract in light of the state’s reduction in funding for the Judicial Branch, “which has resulted in a $2.5 million ongoing cut to the court’s budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010984\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010984\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Superior Court clerks, supported by their union SEIU Local 1021, strike in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High-profile proceedings that were halted Thursday included the trial of Nima Momeni, a former tech consultant accused of murdering Cash App founder Bob Lee in a case that drew national attention. The strike also paused the already-delayed preliminary hearings for the eight \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010363/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-await-judicial-ruling-on-felony-charges\">antiwar activists charged with felonies\u003c/a> in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge on Tax Day to protest U.S. support for Israel’s war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing, which will determine whether or not San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins has enough evidence to bring felony charges against the protesters, was already behind schedule after the court was unable to assign the case a courtroom on Monday, citing the backlog and higher-priority criminal trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked how the defendants in the Golden Gate Bridge case felt about the delays, attorney Jeff Wozniak said his clients and the legal team “stand with the SEIU.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Myrna Melgar speaks during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A small group of the protesters’ supporters filled the echoing hallway outside of the courtroom, chanting for Jenkins to drop the charges. They also rallied in support of the 18 protesters charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004860/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-plead-not-guilty-to-felony-and-misdemeanor-charges\">misdemeanors\u003c/a>, whose initial start day was set for Thursday but was pushed to Dec. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, the rallying clerks were joined by their court reporter and court interpreter colleagues dressed in blue. The court reporter from the Momeni trial was seen standing at the picket line, according to reports on social media, and one of Momeni’s attorneys reportedly bought hundreds of dollars worth of sandwiches for the clerks from a nearby cafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Jenkins did not win endorsement from the clerks union in the upcoming election, she joined the clerks’ ranks at the courthouse, saying that her appearance “wasn’t about politics.” In the past, Jenkins has \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/08/14/san-francisco-drops-criminal-cases-court-backlog/\">accused \u003c/a>the court’s backlog of robbing victims and defendants of their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in the trenches with them as a courtroom prosecutor,” Jenkins said. “I know what it means for them to be overworked, for them to be short-staffed, for them to be under pressure, to record each and everything that’s going on during a court hearing. And if they aren’t equipped to be able to do that, it’s unfair to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ progressive opponent — and former employee — Ryan Khojasteh, also appeared on the court steps to criticize what he called the district attorney’s “severe mismanagement of the system.” Khojasteh said Jenkins has contributed to the case backlog by making “unreasonable plea deals” instead of deferring to diversion programs and drug treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khojasteh was initially hired by former District Attorney Chesa Boudin and was fired during the early days of Jenkins’ administration after Boudin was recalled. While lesser known than the incumbent, Khojasteh’s emphasis on early interventions is one of the ways he’s setting himself apart from Jenkins, and he garnered the clerks union’s support in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction:\u003c/strong> A previous version of this article incorrectly stated a deadline to complete the preliminary hearing for eight antiwar activists charged with felonies in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge. The story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Kaiser Mental Health Workers Begin Open-Ended Strike in Southern California",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 2,400 Kaiser Permanente mental health care workers in Southern California began a strike this morning and established picket lines at locations from Los Angeles to San Diego, marking the second strike among Kaiser therapists in a little more than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mental health workers represented by the National Union of Healthcare Workers prepared for the strike over the weekend after declining Kaiser’s terms on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser, in a written statement, said it is notifying patients whose appointments could be affected by the strike. “Patients will have the opportunity to be seen by another professional in our extensive network of highly qualified, licensed therapists if their regular provider is engaged in a strike,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/08/kaiser-mental-health-worker-strike/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">The previous strike in 2022\u003c/a> among mental health clinicians in Northern California lasted 10 weeks and led to a commitment from \u003ca href=\"https://nuhw.org/northern-california-kaiser-therapists-win-major-gains-as-strike-concludes/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Kaiser to hire more therapists\u003c/a> and to give employees specific work hours away from face-to-face patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Southern California Kaiser workers are now requesting more time between appointments to prepare for patients. They also want a wage increase and a pension benefit that the company provides to its Northern California clinicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s pretty simple,” said psychological social worker William Johnson, a union steward who serves on the bargaining committee. “We’re looking for the same three top priorities that Kaiser already said ‘Yes’ to for our Northern California mental healthcare workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said his current workload includes seeing 32 to 35 patients a week in one-hour sessions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser released a statement in response to the union’s plans to strike, saying, “Unfortunately, this comes as no surprise, as this seems to have been their intention all along.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has offered wage increases amounting to 18% over four years and a number of other perks, according to the statement. Kaiser representatives said they have invested more than a billion dollars in expanding mental health capabilities in California and increased the number of licensed mental health clinicians in Southern California by 30% over the past four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, union members say \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/10/kaiser-permanente-strike-mental-health/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">turnover has been a problem\u003c/a>, with a quarter of therapists hired between January 2021 and August 2024 leaving their jobs. [aside postID=\"news_11964377,news_11964043,news_11923034\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kaiser leadership has consistently been dismissive whenever we voice our concerns or experiences,” Johnson said. “They like to tell us things like, ‘We get that it’s not ideal,’ and they also add, ‘But it works for us.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jared Garcia, another union steward on the bargaining committee, said he’s hoping the strike lasts less than a month, but he’s prepared to see it go on as long as it takes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Scabs aren’t going to work,” Garcia said. “Kaiser knows the limitations of finding mental health professionals — let alone to replace 2,400 of our union members at this time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year ago, Kaiser entered into a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/10/kaiser-permanente-california-behavioral-health-settlement/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">$200 million settlement agreement \u003c/a>with the state of California, agreeing to pay a $50 million fine and invest another $150 million over five years to address delays in behavioral health appointments.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The strike is the second in a little more than two years by California mental health workers at Kaiser Permanente. The last one lasted 10 weeks.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 2,400 Kaiser Permanente mental health care workers in Southern California began a strike this morning and established picket lines at locations from Los Angeles to San Diego, marking the second strike among Kaiser therapists in a little more than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mental health workers represented by the National Union of Healthcare Workers prepared for the strike over the weekend after declining Kaiser’s terms on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser, in a written statement, said it is notifying patients whose appointments could be affected by the strike. “Patients will have the opportunity to be seen by another professional in our extensive network of highly qualified, licensed therapists if their regular provider is engaged in a strike,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/08/kaiser-mental-health-worker-strike/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">The previous strike in 2022\u003c/a> among mental health clinicians in Northern California lasted 10 weeks and led to a commitment from \u003ca href=\"https://nuhw.org/northern-california-kaiser-therapists-win-major-gains-as-strike-concludes/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Kaiser to hire more therapists\u003c/a> and to give employees specific work hours away from face-to-face patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Southern California Kaiser workers are now requesting more time between appointments to prepare for patients. They also want a wage increase and a pension benefit that the company provides to its Northern California clinicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s pretty simple,” said psychological social worker William Johnson, a union steward who serves on the bargaining committee. “We’re looking for the same three top priorities that Kaiser already said ‘Yes’ to for our Northern California mental healthcare workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said his current workload includes seeing 32 to 35 patients a week in one-hour sessions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser released a statement in response to the union’s plans to strike, saying, “Unfortunately, this comes as no surprise, as this seems to have been their intention all along.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has offered wage increases amounting to 18% over four years and a number of other perks, according to the statement. Kaiser representatives said they have invested more than a billion dollars in expanding mental health capabilities in California and increased the number of licensed mental health clinicians in Southern California by 30% over the past four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, union members say \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/10/kaiser-permanente-strike-mental-health/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">turnover has been a problem\u003c/a>, with a quarter of therapists hired between January 2021 and August 2024 leaving their jobs. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kaiser leadership has consistently been dismissive whenever we voice our concerns or experiences,” Johnson said. “They like to tell us things like, ‘We get that it’s not ideal,’ and they also add, ‘But it works for us.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jared Garcia, another union steward on the bargaining committee, said he’s hoping the strike lasts less than a month, but he’s prepared to see it go on as long as it takes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Scabs aren’t going to work,” Garcia said. “Kaiser knows the limitations of finding mental health professionals — let alone to replace 2,400 of our union members at this time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year ago, Kaiser entered into a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/10/kaiser-permanente-california-behavioral-health-settlement/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">$200 million settlement agreement \u003c/a>with the state of California, agreeing to pay a $50 million fine and invest another $150 million over five years to address delays in behavioral health appointments.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Cristina Cortez keeps two fuzzy blankets and pillows in her car to nap during lunch breaks in the parking lot of the hospital where she works. On a recent afternoon, she opened her trunk to reveal instant ramen packages, a gym bag with clean clothes and soft plush toys her kids gave her so she wouldn’t feel alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mother of three doesn’t have enough time to sleep, see her family or cook meals because she commutes, often seven days a week, between two demanding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/health-care\">health care\u003c/a> jobs to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What hurts me the most, is being away from my family, having to do that with the cost of everything. It’s just so expensive,” said Cortez, 44, a Los Banos resident who starts work as a dialysis technician at 4:30 a.m. in Gilroy, 30 miles south of San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She picks shifts up as a medical assistant at a hospital emergency room in the afternoons or overnight in nearby Hollister, where she was raised. She’s trying to make enough money to afford to move her family back there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just been really, really hard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes items in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. Due to working double shifts and having a long commute, Cortez carries a blanket and pillow to nap in her car, noodles for when she doesn’t have time for lunch, and two stuffed animals given to her by her children that remind her of them. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cortez is one of hundreds of thousands of health care workers expected to see paycheck raises thanks to a California law that went into effect Wednesday. After months of delays, the mandated minimum wage increase, the first in the United States to target the health care industry, aims to alleviate workforce shortages and improve patient care. The raises could help health employers recruit and retain workers in often tough, frontline jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">law\u003c/a> requires most health care employers to gradually boost their lowest wage to reach $25 an hour in the coming years. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm\">phased-in schedule\u003c/a>, large health systems must pay at least $25 an hour by mid-2026. Smaller ones will have more time to increase the pay of nursing assistants, pharmacy technicians, janitors, receptionists and other positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a well-deserved increase,” said Tia Orr, executive director of the Service Employees International Union California, which sponsored SB 525. “This is going to prove to be more beneficial for patients, more beneficial for California, and hugely beneficial to the workers who sacrifice their lives literally every single day to provide us the health care that we all need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 350,000 health care employees, most of them people of color and women, are projected to see an annual average increase of $6,400 in the first year of the policy, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/california-health-care-minimum-wage-new-estimates-february-2024.pdf\">analysis\u003c/a> by the UC Berkeley Labor Center. In earlier estimates, the labor center calculated up to 426,000 people would be impacted, but that figure included workers at skilled nursing facilities who are currently not covered by the law, according to Laurel Lucia, who directs the center’s health care program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">mandates most fast-food employers\u003c/a> pay at least $20 an hour. Fast food, as well as the retail industry, often compete with health care for workers, said Bianca Frogner, who directs the Center for Health Workforce Studies at the University of Washington School of Medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives health care maybe a fighting chance against other industries that might be raising wages and are competing for workers,” Frogner, a health economist, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009760\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, displays a Dialysis Workers United sticker on her shirt of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed SB 525 last fall, with an original implementation date of June 1. However, Newsom and lawmakers agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992165/why-the-budget-deal-delaying-the-health-care-minimum-wage-hike-is-not-as-big-as-you-might-think\">defer the measure twice\u003c/a> due to concerns that costs would exacerbate a state budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortez said she was crushed by the delays and kept checking social media for updates from the governor on whether the Oct. 16 implementation date would stick. Earning more at her dialysis job, she said, will allow her to spend time with her children. She said she might cry when she finally sees a paycheck from her employer, Satellite Healthcare, reflecting the raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going from $20 to $23 from one month to the next is, like, to me winning a lotto because, yeah, it’s $3, but that’s going to make a big difference for me and my family,” Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009759\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, speaks with a colleague outside of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A long list of health care employers initially opposed the measure because they worried about how to pay for it. Some said that raising their wage floor could lead to cuts in jobs or services. But many ended up supporting the bill — or withdrew their opposition — after weighing in on amendments that gave them additional time to adjust to a more expensive payroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most research on minimum wage increases shows they do not lead to big job losses, as opponents often argue. Some health care employers may initially reduce hours or lay off employees, but those measures will likely be temporary, according to Frogner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that in the long run, as they see the phased-in approach of wages, that they can build that into their plan, into the future,” she said. “So it might be a very short-term challenge for a long-term gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law has already had a big impact on some workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes the extra uniform in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scripps Health, which provides a significant amount of free or discounted medical care at its four hospitals and dozens of outpatient centers in San Diego, adjusted pay for more than half of its nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.scripps.org/about-us/who-we-are\">17,000 employees\u003c/a>, spokesperson Steve Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only about 700 of those workers earned below the now required $23 an hour for large health employers, but Scripps also raised wages for others to “ensure fair pay and equity.” The move will cost Scripps about $20 million in the first year of the law’s implementation, Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Scripps having to absorb the cost of this unfunded mandate comes against a backdrop of serious financial challenges for health systems,” he said in a statement. “These include government and commercial insurance payers whose reimbursements often don’t cover the cost of the care we provide; increased costs for supplies, pharmaceuticals and energy; and other unfunded government mandates, like SB 1953, the Seismic Safety Act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007779 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large medical systems that serve more patients with private health insurance might have an easier time negotiating for higher rates to cover costs, according to Frogner and other health workforce experts. Community health centers, by comparison, rely heavily on more fixed reimbursements from Medi-Cal, the state’s public health insurance program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law, community and rural health clinics may apply to delay having to raise their wage floor. The Department of Industrial Relations, which issues the waivers, did not immediately respond to questions about how many clinics have applied for or received them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration is considering changes to Medi-Cal rates as part of the budget process, but updates won’t be known until January, said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson with the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its latest estimate, the department calculated the law would cost the state $1.4 billion in its first year and more later on, including higher Medi-Cal reimbursements for providers and wage hikes for about 26,000 state employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Thompson, chief human resources officer at Clinica Sierra Vista, said the organization is dedicated to providing affordable health care to its primarily low-income patients in Fresno and Kern counties. To stay afloat, the community clinic, which started paying hundreds of its employees at least $21 per hour in May, hopes the state will increase Medi-Cal service rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not able to increase prices, nor do we want to,” Thompson said. “We do expect payments eventually to match the financial pressures that we are seeing. However, immediate state financial support is crucial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Cristina Cortez keeps two fuzzy blankets and pillows in her car to nap during lunch breaks in the parking lot of the hospital where she works. On a recent afternoon, she opened her trunk to reveal instant ramen packages, a gym bag with clean clothes and soft plush toys her kids gave her so she wouldn’t feel alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mother of three doesn’t have enough time to sleep, see her family or cook meals because she commutes, often seven days a week, between two demanding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/health-care\">health care\u003c/a> jobs to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What hurts me the most, is being away from my family, having to do that with the cost of everything. It’s just so expensive,” said Cortez, 44, a Los Banos resident who starts work as a dialysis technician at 4:30 a.m. in Gilroy, 30 miles south of San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She picks shifts up as a medical assistant at a hospital emergency room in the afternoons or overnight in nearby Hollister, where she was raised. She’s trying to make enough money to afford to move her family back there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just been really, really hard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes items in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. Due to working double shifts and having a long commute, Cortez carries a blanket and pillow to nap in her car, noodles for when she doesn’t have time for lunch, and two stuffed animals given to her by her children that remind her of them. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cortez is one of hundreds of thousands of health care workers expected to see paycheck raises thanks to a California law that went into effect Wednesday. After months of delays, the mandated minimum wage increase, the first in the United States to target the health care industry, aims to alleviate workforce shortages and improve patient care. The raises could help health employers recruit and retain workers in often tough, frontline jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">law\u003c/a> requires most health care employers to gradually boost their lowest wage to reach $25 an hour in the coming years. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm\">phased-in schedule\u003c/a>, large health systems must pay at least $25 an hour by mid-2026. Smaller ones will have more time to increase the pay of nursing assistants, pharmacy technicians, janitors, receptionists and other positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a well-deserved increase,” said Tia Orr, executive director of the Service Employees International Union California, which sponsored SB 525. “This is going to prove to be more beneficial for patients, more beneficial for California, and hugely beneficial to the workers who sacrifice their lives literally every single day to provide us the health care that we all need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 350,000 health care employees, most of them people of color and women, are projected to see an annual average increase of $6,400 in the first year of the policy, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/california-health-care-minimum-wage-new-estimates-february-2024.pdf\">analysis\u003c/a> by the UC Berkeley Labor Center. In earlier estimates, the labor center calculated up to 426,000 people would be impacted, but that figure included workers at skilled nursing facilities who are currently not covered by the law, according to Laurel Lucia, who directs the center’s health care program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">mandates most fast-food employers\u003c/a> pay at least $20 an hour. Fast food, as well as the retail industry, often compete with health care for workers, said Bianca Frogner, who directs the Center for Health Workforce Studies at the University of Washington School of Medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives health care maybe a fighting chance against other industries that might be raising wages and are competing for workers,” Frogner, a health economist, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009760\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, displays a Dialysis Workers United sticker on her shirt of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed SB 525 last fall, with an original implementation date of June 1. However, Newsom and lawmakers agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992165/why-the-budget-deal-delaying-the-health-care-minimum-wage-hike-is-not-as-big-as-you-might-think\">defer the measure twice\u003c/a> due to concerns that costs would exacerbate a state budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortez said she was crushed by the delays and kept checking social media for updates from the governor on whether the Oct. 16 implementation date would stick. Earning more at her dialysis job, she said, will allow her to spend time with her children. She said she might cry when she finally sees a paycheck from her employer, Satellite Healthcare, reflecting the raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going from $20 to $23 from one month to the next is, like, to me winning a lotto because, yeah, it’s $3, but that’s going to make a big difference for me and my family,” Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009759\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, speaks with a colleague outside of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A long list of health care employers initially opposed the measure because they worried about how to pay for it. Some said that raising their wage floor could lead to cuts in jobs or services. But many ended up supporting the bill — or withdrew their opposition — after weighing in on amendments that gave them additional time to adjust to a more expensive payroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most research on minimum wage increases shows they do not lead to big job losses, as opponents often argue. Some health care employers may initially reduce hours or lay off employees, but those measures will likely be temporary, according to Frogner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that in the long run, as they see the phased-in approach of wages, that they can build that into their plan, into the future,” she said. “So it might be a very short-term challenge for a long-term gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law has already had a big impact on some workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes the extra uniform in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scripps Health, which provides a significant amount of free or discounted medical care at its four hospitals and dozens of outpatient centers in San Diego, adjusted pay for more than half of its nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.scripps.org/about-us/who-we-are\">17,000 employees\u003c/a>, spokesperson Steve Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only about 700 of those workers earned below the now required $23 an hour for large health employers, but Scripps also raised wages for others to “ensure fair pay and equity.” The move will cost Scripps about $20 million in the first year of the law’s implementation, Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Scripps having to absorb the cost of this unfunded mandate comes against a backdrop of serious financial challenges for health systems,” he said in a statement. “These include government and commercial insurance payers whose reimbursements often don’t cover the cost of the care we provide; increased costs for supplies, pharmaceuticals and energy; and other unfunded government mandates, like SB 1953, the Seismic Safety Act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large medical systems that serve more patients with private health insurance might have an easier time negotiating for higher rates to cover costs, according to Frogner and other health workforce experts. Community health centers, by comparison, rely heavily on more fixed reimbursements from Medi-Cal, the state’s public health insurance program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law, community and rural health clinics may apply to delay having to raise their wage floor. The Department of Industrial Relations, which issues the waivers, did not immediately respond to questions about how many clinics have applied for or received them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration is considering changes to Medi-Cal rates as part of the budget process, but updates won’t be known until January, said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson with the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its latest estimate, the department calculated the law would cost the state $1.4 billion in its first year and more later on, including higher Medi-Cal reimbursements for providers and wage hikes for about 26,000 state employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Thompson, chief human resources officer at Clinica Sierra Vista, said the organization is dedicated to providing affordable health care to its primarily low-income patients in Fresno and Kern counties. To stay afloat, the community clinic, which started paying hundreds of its employees at least $21 per hour in May, hopes the state will increase Medi-Cal service rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not able to increase prices, nor do we want to,” Thompson said. “We do expect payments eventually to match the financial pressures that we are seeing. However, immediate state financial support is crucial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/early-childhood-education-and-care\">Early childhood\u003c/a> educators still have one of the lowest-paying jobs in the nation despite unprecedented public funding to help programs that teach and care for young kids recover from the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/workforce-index-2024/\">according to a new study released Wednesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The low hourly pay puts these workers, who are disproportionately women of color, in the bottom three percent of occupations. Although their wages increased slightly from an average of $11.65 per hour in 2019 to $13.07 per hour in 2022, their wage growth lags behind fast food workers and retail workers, the study by UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the median wage for early educators was slightly higher than the national average at $15.66 per hour, but the study’s authors say that’s still below the state’s living wage of $19.97 for a single adult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers said unprecedented public funding, particularly from the federal American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA), helped keep the early education and child care system from collapsing, but didn’t do enough to sustain its workers long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The system has always been fragile even before COVID-19 brought it to its knees,” said Lea Austin, executive director of the center and co-author of the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts have long described child care as \u003ca href=\"https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0355\">an example of a broken market\u003c/a> because of a number of issues: child care costs more than what most families can afford, and yet child care programs, which operate on razor-thin margins, can’t afford to raise wages without raising tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12004431 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240910-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who provide early care and education services have long subsidized the cost by the poverty-level wages that are paid to them,” Austin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low wages lead to high staff turnover and shortages in the system, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study highlighted state and local programs designed to bolster their systems, including California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964236/how-a-california-child-care-workers-union-fought-for-living-wages-and-won\">first-in-the-nation retirement fund\u003c/a> for home-based child care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, a child care provider tapped into \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988490/under-sf-mayors-plan-more-middle-income-families-would-qualify-for-subsidized-child-care\">local funding to pay its early educators\u003c/a> between $28 to $45 per hour, depending on their qualifications, and it used federal pandemic aid money to pay workers another $100 per day in hazard pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing the benefits of these investments,” said Yohana Quiroz, director of the Felton Institute’s early care and education program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing a significant retention rate that we have not seen in the past,” she said. She said that 30 out of 100 early educator jobs remain open at the start of each school year, but this fall, she only had four vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local funding alone can’t support the high cost of providing child care in an expensive city like San Francisco, Quiroz said, adding that she relies on a combination of federal, state and local funds to run her program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States like Utah and Mississippi used COVID-19 relief funds to boost early educators’ pay, but their support stopped when those funds dried up last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs helped stabilize the workforce in those states and showed that public investments to support them could lead to more abundant and affordable child care, said Caitlin McLean, the report’s lead author and director of the center’s multistate and international programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a critical time for national, state and local leaders to step up, not back, for these skilled educators whose support is so crucial for children, families and the economy,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/early-childhood-education-and-care\">Early childhood\u003c/a> educators still have one of the lowest-paying jobs in the nation despite unprecedented public funding to help programs that teach and care for young kids recover from the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/workforce-index-2024/\">according to a new study released Wednesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The low hourly pay puts these workers, who are disproportionately women of color, in the bottom three percent of occupations. Although their wages increased slightly from an average of $11.65 per hour in 2019 to $13.07 per hour in 2022, their wage growth lags behind fast food workers and retail workers, the study by UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the median wage for early educators was slightly higher than the national average at $15.66 per hour, but the study’s authors say that’s still below the state’s living wage of $19.97 for a single adult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers said unprecedented public funding, particularly from the federal American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA), helped keep the early education and child care system from collapsing, but didn’t do enough to sustain its workers long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The system has always been fragile even before COVID-19 brought it to its knees,” said Lea Austin, executive director of the center and co-author of the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts have long described child care as \u003ca href=\"https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0355\">an example of a broken market\u003c/a> because of a number of issues: child care costs more than what most families can afford, and yet child care programs, which operate on razor-thin margins, can’t afford to raise wages without raising tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who provide early care and education services have long subsidized the cost by the poverty-level wages that are paid to them,” Austin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low wages lead to high staff turnover and shortages in the system, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study highlighted state and local programs designed to bolster their systems, including California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964236/how-a-california-child-care-workers-union-fought-for-living-wages-and-won\">first-in-the-nation retirement fund\u003c/a> for home-based child care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, a child care provider tapped into \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988490/under-sf-mayors-plan-more-middle-income-families-would-qualify-for-subsidized-child-care\">local funding to pay its early educators\u003c/a> between $28 to $45 per hour, depending on their qualifications, and it used federal pandemic aid money to pay workers another $100 per day in hazard pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing the benefits of these investments,” said Yohana Quiroz, director of the Felton Institute’s early care and education program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing a significant retention rate that we have not seen in the past,” she said. She said that 30 out of 100 early educator jobs remain open at the start of each school year, but this fall, she only had four vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local funding alone can’t support the high cost of providing child care in an expensive city like San Francisco, Quiroz said, adding that she relies on a combination of federal, state and local funds to run her program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States like Utah and Mississippi used COVID-19 relief funds to boost early educators’ pay, but their support stopped when those funds dried up last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs helped stabilize the workforce in those states and showed that public investments to support them could lead to more abundant and affordable child care, said Caitlin McLean, the report’s lead author and director of the center’s multistate and international programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a critical time for national, state and local leaders to step up, not back, for these skilled educators whose support is so crucial for children, families and the economy,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-contractor-accused-of-firing-farmworkers-who-suffered-in-extreme-heat-is-fined",
"title": "California Contractor Accused of Firing Farmworkers Who Suffered in Extreme Heat Is Fined",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> workplace safety regulators have fined a farm labor contractor for heat-related issues, months after former employees alleged they were fired for walking out amid extreme temperatures and called out the contractor as an example of the need for bolstering heat-illness protections for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Division of Occupational Safety and Health, known as Cal/OSHA, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2024/2024-85.html\">issued nearly $17,600\u003c/a> in initial penalties against Ruiz Farm Labor on Monday for three serious heat-related safety violations, including failing to train employees on steps to prevent overheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees deserve a safe work environment, especially in extreme conditions, and businesses that fail to follow the rules will be held accountable,” Cal/OSHA Chief Debra Lee said in a statement. “Every worker should be treated with dignity and respect, and no one should face retaliation for protecting their health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six workers who picked tomatoes for Ruiz Farm Labor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999978/california-farmworkers-call-for-more-employers-to-comply-with-heat-illness-prevention\">said they were fired\u003c/a> in June after leaving their shifts early during triple-digit heat in Yolo County. Erika Barros, one of the farmworkers now known as the “Yolo Six,” said she experienced heat stroke symptoms, such as nausea and shivering, but didn’t know that she had the right to rest in the shade while on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barros told KQED she’s hopeful that the Cal/OSHA citations will push her former employer to improve conditions for current and future employees as heat waves continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008547\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmworker harvests mandarins in an orchard west of Fresno on March 21, 2017. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The lack of shade, the lack of water, it was just something he wasn’t doing right,” Barros, a 32-year-old single mother of three who lives in Davis, said in Spanish. “One way or another, he’s going to have to comply with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Farm Labor, based in Dixon, near Sacramento, has appealed the initial penalties. The company, which also contested a Cal/OSHA fine of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1483044.015\">$7,800\u003c/a> in 2020, could not be reached for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California employers \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/heatillnessinfo.html#:~:text=On%20June%2020%2C%202024%2C%20the,both%20indoor%20and%20outdoor%20workplaces.\">are required\u003c/a> to allow outdoor workers to take cool-down breaks in the shade when temperatures exceed 80 degrees Fahrenheit and provide clean drinking water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999978 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SFUSDStudentsGetty-1020x681.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural laborers, who often do strenuous physical labor in direct sun, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.lung.org/blog/climate-change-impacts-farmworkers#:~:text=As%20outdoor%20workers%2C%20they%20are,harmful%20exposures%20to%20wildfire%20smoke.\">more likely to die\u003c/a> from heat-related stress than workers in other industries. The federal government estimates that roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/farm-economy/farm-labor/#legalstatus\">half of the farmworkers\u003c/a> in the U.S. are undocumented. Many don’t know about their rights or worry that they could be fired if they complain about problems at their worksite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1299\">vetoed\u003c/a> a bill supported by the Yolo Six as well as the United Farm Workers. SB 1299 would have made it easier for agricultural laborers to win workers’ compensation insurance if they were hurt by heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed measure, opposed by a long list of agricultural and business groups, created a presumption that a farmworker’s heat-related injury or death arose from their job if the employer was shown to have violated heat safety rules. Newsom concluded that it was not an effective way to protect farmworkers from increasing heat hazards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand firmly committed to continuing to work with the Legislature and worker advocates on strengthening safety and health enforcement strategies to ensure aggrieved workers can come forward without fear of retaliation,” Newsom wrote in his veto message. “However, conditioning a workers’ compensation presumption on compliance with standards set and enforced by another regulatory division is not an effective way to improve working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office continues investigating the allegation of retaliation against Ruiz Farm Labor involving the Yolo Six. If the contractor is found guilty, remedies may include lost wages for the workers and other penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Barros said she hasn’t been able to find steady work to support her family, working only a couple of weeks in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a really complicated and difficult situation,” she said. “But we are trying. Surviving day by day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "California Contractor Accused of Firing Farmworkers Who Suffered in Extreme Heat Is Fined | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> workplace safety regulators have fined a farm labor contractor for heat-related issues, months after former employees alleged they were fired for walking out amid extreme temperatures and called out the contractor as an example of the need for bolstering heat-illness protections for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Division of Occupational Safety and Health, known as Cal/OSHA, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2024/2024-85.html\">issued nearly $17,600\u003c/a> in initial penalties against Ruiz Farm Labor on Monday for three serious heat-related safety violations, including failing to train employees on steps to prevent overheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees deserve a safe work environment, especially in extreme conditions, and businesses that fail to follow the rules will be held accountable,” Cal/OSHA Chief Debra Lee said in a statement. “Every worker should be treated with dignity and respect, and no one should face retaliation for protecting their health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six workers who picked tomatoes for Ruiz Farm Labor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999978/california-farmworkers-call-for-more-employers-to-comply-with-heat-illness-prevention\">said they were fired\u003c/a> in June after leaving their shifts early during triple-digit heat in Yolo County. Erika Barros, one of the farmworkers now known as the “Yolo Six,” said she experienced heat stroke symptoms, such as nausea and shivering, but didn’t know that she had the right to rest in the shade while on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barros told KQED she’s hopeful that the Cal/OSHA citations will push her former employer to improve conditions for current and future employees as heat waves continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008547\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmworker harvests mandarins in an orchard west of Fresno on March 21, 2017. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The lack of shade, the lack of water, it was just something he wasn’t doing right,” Barros, a 32-year-old single mother of three who lives in Davis, said in Spanish. “One way or another, he’s going to have to comply with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Farm Labor, based in Dixon, near Sacramento, has appealed the initial penalties. The company, which also contested a Cal/OSHA fine of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1483044.015\">$7,800\u003c/a> in 2020, could not be reached for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California employers \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/heatillnessinfo.html#:~:text=On%20June%2020%2C%202024%2C%20the,both%20indoor%20and%20outdoor%20workplaces.\">are required\u003c/a> to allow outdoor workers to take cool-down breaks in the shade when temperatures exceed 80 degrees Fahrenheit and provide clean drinking water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural laborers, who often do strenuous physical labor in direct sun, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.lung.org/blog/climate-change-impacts-farmworkers#:~:text=As%20outdoor%20workers%2C%20they%20are,harmful%20exposures%20to%20wildfire%20smoke.\">more likely to die\u003c/a> from heat-related stress than workers in other industries. The federal government estimates that roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/farm-economy/farm-labor/#legalstatus\">half of the farmworkers\u003c/a> in the U.S. are undocumented. Many don’t know about their rights or worry that they could be fired if they complain about problems at their worksite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1299\">vetoed\u003c/a> a bill supported by the Yolo Six as well as the United Farm Workers. SB 1299 would have made it easier for agricultural laborers to win workers’ compensation insurance if they were hurt by heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed measure, opposed by a long list of agricultural and business groups, created a presumption that a farmworker’s heat-related injury or death arose from their job if the employer was shown to have violated heat safety rules. Newsom concluded that it was not an effective way to protect farmworkers from increasing heat hazards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand firmly committed to continuing to work with the Legislature and worker advocates on strengthening safety and health enforcement strategies to ensure aggrieved workers can come forward without fear of retaliation,” Newsom wrote in his veto message. “However, conditioning a workers’ compensation presumption on compliance with standards set and enforced by another regulatory division is not an effective way to improve working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office continues investigating the allegation of retaliation against Ruiz Farm Labor involving the Yolo Six. If the contractor is found guilty, remedies may include lost wages for the workers and other penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Barros said she hasn’t been able to find steady work to support her family, working only a couple of weeks in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a really complicated and difficult situation,” she said. “But we are trying. Surviving day by day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-frontline-workers-who-help-people-on-streets-in-shelters-call-for-fair-pay",
"title": "SF Frontline Workers Who Help People on Streets, In Shelters Call for Fair Pay",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> This story was updated at 10:30 a.m. to clarify UCSF’s response to a KQED reporter’s questions about pay parity.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenna Alexander fills her backpack before her shift with granola bars, taxi vouchers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/narcan\">Narcan\u003c/a>, the opioid overdose reversal medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-san-francisco\"> UC San Francisco\u003c/a> clinical social worker then goes to single-room occupancy hotels in the city, knocking on doors and slowly gaining the trust of residents, many with mental health conditions, so she can help them stay housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safety is always a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her colleagues on the roving teams in the Tenderloin and the Mission have witnessed stabbings and have been robbed, she said. They endure verbal abuse almost daily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF “campus” social workers like Alexander earn about one-third less than employees with similar qualifications at the university’s large medical centers, according to the union that represents the employees. Many campus social workers, who treat non-hospitalized people in streets, shelters and outpatient clinics, say they feel discouraged and undervalued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot show up for clients like we need to when we are burnt out and left to feel like the last priority,” said Alexander, 32. “This cannot be the way forward. Campus social workers deserve equitable compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenna Alexander speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The pay disparity contributes to understaffing and burnout for a workforce that is critical to San Francisco’s response to substance abuse, homelessness and mental health crises, University Professional and Technical Employees members and officials said. As campus social workers quit their jobs for higher-paying positions at UCSF medical centers or elsewhere, disadvantaged patients are left languishing on growing waitlists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a town hall organized by UPTE on Oct. 3, dozens of clinical social workers booed loudly when speakers said colleagues at UCSF’s Parnassus, Mission Bay and other medical centers made 31% more on average per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem stems from UCSF hiring campus social workers at lower-paid job classifications, making it more difficult for these employees to move up, even when they have the same licensure and experience as higher-paid colleagues at medical centers and hospitals, according to salary data the union obtained from the public university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007902\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF, the city’s second-largest employer, reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/about/ucsf-budget#:~:text=The%20second%2Dlargest%20employer%20in,the%20National%20Institutes%20of%20Health.\">$10.2 billion in revenue\u003c/a> in fiscal year 2022-2023. San Francisco has approved 13 contracts worth roughly $300 million with UCSF since 2017 for public health and homelessness services, according to a union analysis of records from the Controller’s Office. But that’s not a comprehensive list, so total city and county payments to the university could be higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who attended the town hall, said San Francisco must use its economic power to push for equitable pay at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If these people leave these jobs, it is just going to exacerbate the spiraling problem that we have on our streets,” said Peskin, a mayoral candidate who was one of seven supervisors to approve a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6869100&GUID=EF2B0D58-6D96-4440-A921-F95965BE1816\">resolution\u003c/a> last month urging the university to address the wage and advancement inequities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s rightfully a cry to address the abject misery we see on our streets,” he said. “We have to have these workers devote their lives and their professional training to making a difference, and it starts with making sure that they’re compensated appropriately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The audience applauds the speakers at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF failed to deliver services to help transition people into housing in at least one contract staffed by campus social workers, according to the San Francisco Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25194948-department-of-homelessness-and-supportive-housing-letter-050224\">letter\u003c/a> sent to the Homelessness Oversight Commission in May, department staffers noted that the university had spent just 45% of a $1.5 million budget over two years of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The underspending of funds can be attributed primarily to challenges in staff hiring, turnover and retention. Moreover, the constant flux in personnel led to noncompliance in service delivery,” Marion Sanders, the department’s chief deputy director, wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007119 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they are pushing for UCSF to offer fair pay and career progression, including by reclassifying employees into job titles that accurately reflect their credentials and work. UC and the union have been negotiating a new contract covering more than 18,000 employees since June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university’s most \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/press-room/uc-offers-historic-wage-increases-upte-represented-employees\">recent offer\u003c/a> includes raises of 5% starting in mid-2025, 3% in 2026 and up to 3% in 2027. The union \u003ca href=\"https://upte.org/updates/bargaining-update-5-uc-finally-makes-a-compensation-proposal-and-it-leaves-a-lot-to-be-desired\">countered\u003c/a> that the proposal doesn’t make up for inflation costs and shrinks some existing benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF forwarded KQED’s questions to the UC Office of the President, which declined to comment on specific questions about pay parity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC is optimistic we’ll reach an agreement soon,” Heather Hansen, a spokesperson with the Office of the President, said in a statement. “As part of our negotiations, we have representatives from each of our campuses and health centers to collaborate to address union concerns and put forth meaningful proposals so that UPTE-represented members are recognized for their contributions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Differences in the daily tasks of campus and medical center social workers, as well as the sources of funding for each group, could impact their salaries, according to experts at the National Association of Social Workers and the Clinical Social Work Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus professionals often provide one-on-one psychotherapy services, while clinical social workers at hospitals coordinate the care of patients who are discharged, for instance. Medi-Cal, California’s public health insurance program, is an important source of funding for campus social work. Private insurance pays for a larger share of services at medical centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007895\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007895\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matias Campos at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Matias Campos, UPTE’s statewide executive vice president, said that regardless of how UCSF crafts its budget, it can easily stop underpaying campus social workers in San Francisco. He pointed to UCSF’s construction of new hospitals in San Francisco and Oakland and the big raise in its chancellor’s pay to nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-20/uc-chancellors-get-big-raises\">$1.2 million\u003c/a> per year, which was approved last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are these the priorities of a university and not fixing the inequities that they already have? The funds are there,” said Campos, a UCSF pharmacist who is part of the union’s bargaining team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another large health care employer, Kaiser Permanente, does not have significant compensation disparities among behavioral and social services employees with similar licensure requirements, according to the workers’ union, Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our contract negotiations with the Coalition of Kaiser Permanente Unions last year was to ensure wage parity amongst workers in various locations and settings,” said Renée Saldaña, a SEIU-UHW spokeswoman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juliette Suarez, a campus clinical social worker at UCSF for four years, said she was deeply bothered that choosing to provide therapy and other services at a small clinic in the Mission for people with severe trauma meant taking a pay cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 31-year-old San Francisco native, who grew up in the Mission neighborhood, said she was priced out of the city. She would like to live closer to the community that she serves, but she can’t afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the red. I can’t afford a medical emergency as a health care provider,” said Suarez, who works at the UCSF Trauma Recovery Center. “I’ve seen colleagues that are struggling with the physical and emotional impacts of the stress and also the inability to fully afford taking care of themselves while they do this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "UCSF campus social workers who serve non-hospitalized individuals in streets, shelters, and outpatient clinics earn approximately one-third less than their counterparts at the university's large medical centers. This pay disparity has left many feeling discouraged and undervalued.",
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"title": "SF Frontline Workers Who Help People on Streets, In Shelters Call for Fair Pay | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> This story was updated at 10:30 a.m. to clarify UCSF’s response to a KQED reporter’s questions about pay parity.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenna Alexander fills her backpack before her shift with granola bars, taxi vouchers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/narcan\">Narcan\u003c/a>, the opioid overdose reversal medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-san-francisco\"> UC San Francisco\u003c/a> clinical social worker then goes to single-room occupancy hotels in the city, knocking on doors and slowly gaining the trust of residents, many with mental health conditions, so she can help them stay housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safety is always a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her colleagues on the roving teams in the Tenderloin and the Mission have witnessed stabbings and have been robbed, she said. They endure verbal abuse almost daily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF “campus” social workers like Alexander earn about one-third less than employees with similar qualifications at the university’s large medical centers, according to the union that represents the employees. Many campus social workers, who treat non-hospitalized people in streets, shelters and outpatient clinics, say they feel discouraged and undervalued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot show up for clients like we need to when we are burnt out and left to feel like the last priority,” said Alexander, 32. “This cannot be the way forward. Campus social workers deserve equitable compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenna Alexander speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The pay disparity contributes to understaffing and burnout for a workforce that is critical to San Francisco’s response to substance abuse, homelessness and mental health crises, University Professional and Technical Employees members and officials said. As campus social workers quit their jobs for higher-paying positions at UCSF medical centers or elsewhere, disadvantaged patients are left languishing on growing waitlists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a town hall organized by UPTE on Oct. 3, dozens of clinical social workers booed loudly when speakers said colleagues at UCSF’s Parnassus, Mission Bay and other medical centers made 31% more on average per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem stems from UCSF hiring campus social workers at lower-paid job classifications, making it more difficult for these employees to move up, even when they have the same licensure and experience as higher-paid colleagues at medical centers and hospitals, according to salary data the union obtained from the public university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007902\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF, the city’s second-largest employer, reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/about/ucsf-budget#:~:text=The%20second%2Dlargest%20employer%20in,the%20National%20Institutes%20of%20Health.\">$10.2 billion in revenue\u003c/a> in fiscal year 2022-2023. San Francisco has approved 13 contracts worth roughly $300 million with UCSF since 2017 for public health and homelessness services, according to a union analysis of records from the Controller’s Office. But that’s not a comprehensive list, so total city and county payments to the university could be higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who attended the town hall, said San Francisco must use its economic power to push for equitable pay at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If these people leave these jobs, it is just going to exacerbate the spiraling problem that we have on our streets,” said Peskin, a mayoral candidate who was one of seven supervisors to approve a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6869100&GUID=EF2B0D58-6D96-4440-A921-F95965BE1816\">resolution\u003c/a> last month urging the university to address the wage and advancement inequities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s rightfully a cry to address the abject misery we see on our streets,” he said. “We have to have these workers devote their lives and their professional training to making a difference, and it starts with making sure that they’re compensated appropriately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The audience applauds the speakers at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF failed to deliver services to help transition people into housing in at least one contract staffed by campus social workers, according to the San Francisco Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25194948-department-of-homelessness-and-supportive-housing-letter-050224\">letter\u003c/a> sent to the Homelessness Oversight Commission in May, department staffers noted that the university had spent just 45% of a $1.5 million budget over two years of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The underspending of funds can be attributed primarily to challenges in staff hiring, turnover and retention. Moreover, the constant flux in personnel led to noncompliance in service delivery,” Marion Sanders, the department’s chief deputy director, wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they are pushing for UCSF to offer fair pay and career progression, including by reclassifying employees into job titles that accurately reflect their credentials and work. UC and the union have been negotiating a new contract covering more than 18,000 employees since June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university’s most \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/press-room/uc-offers-historic-wage-increases-upte-represented-employees\">recent offer\u003c/a> includes raises of 5% starting in mid-2025, 3% in 2026 and up to 3% in 2027. The union \u003ca href=\"https://upte.org/updates/bargaining-update-5-uc-finally-makes-a-compensation-proposal-and-it-leaves-a-lot-to-be-desired\">countered\u003c/a> that the proposal doesn’t make up for inflation costs and shrinks some existing benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF forwarded KQED’s questions to the UC Office of the President, which declined to comment on specific questions about pay parity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC is optimistic we’ll reach an agreement soon,” Heather Hansen, a spokesperson with the Office of the President, said in a statement. “As part of our negotiations, we have representatives from each of our campuses and health centers to collaborate to address union concerns and put forth meaningful proposals so that UPTE-represented members are recognized for their contributions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Differences in the daily tasks of campus and medical center social workers, as well as the sources of funding for each group, could impact their salaries, according to experts at the National Association of Social Workers and the Clinical Social Work Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus professionals often provide one-on-one psychotherapy services, while clinical social workers at hospitals coordinate the care of patients who are discharged, for instance. Medi-Cal, California’s public health insurance program, is an important source of funding for campus social work. Private insurance pays for a larger share of services at medical centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007895\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007895\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matias Campos at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Matias Campos, UPTE’s statewide executive vice president, said that regardless of how UCSF crafts its budget, it can easily stop underpaying campus social workers in San Francisco. He pointed to UCSF’s construction of new hospitals in San Francisco and Oakland and the big raise in its chancellor’s pay to nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-20/uc-chancellors-get-big-raises\">$1.2 million\u003c/a> per year, which was approved last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are these the priorities of a university and not fixing the inequities that they already have? The funds are there,” said Campos, a UCSF pharmacist who is part of the union’s bargaining team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another large health care employer, Kaiser Permanente, does not have significant compensation disparities among behavioral and social services employees with similar licensure requirements, according to the workers’ union, Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our contract negotiations with the Coalition of Kaiser Permanente Unions last year was to ensure wage parity amongst workers in various locations and settings,” said Renée Saldaña, a SEIU-UHW spokeswoman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juliette Suarez, a campus clinical social worker at UCSF for four years, said she was deeply bothered that choosing to provide therapy and other services at a small clinic in the Mission for people with severe trauma meant taking a pay cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 31-year-old San Francisco native, who grew up in the Mission neighborhood, said she was priced out of the city. She would like to live closer to the community that she serves, but she can’t afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the red. I can’t afford a medical emergency as a health care provider,” said Suarez, who works at the UCSF Trauma Recovery Center. “I’ve seen colleagues that are struggling with the physical and emotional impacts of the stress and also the inability to fully afford taking care of themselves while they do this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amazon\">Amazon\u003c/a> warehouse workers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> have asked the company to voluntarily recognize their new union with the Teamsters, a move that experts said is unlikely to yield a contract deal without additional government or community pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the Amazon DCK6 facility in the city’s Bayview neighborhood, who have been organizing with the Teamsters since last year, said they are pushing for better pay and safer conditions. Many work part-time and lack basic benefits, according to a union \u003ca href=\"https://teamster.org/2024/10/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-san-francisco-join-teamsters-union/\">press release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need good pay and benefits to take care of our families too. That’s why we formed a union with the Teamsters,” warehouse worker Jocelyn Vargas said in a statement. “We are essential workers, and it’s time Amazon treats us that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement sent to KQED on Wednesday evening, a spokesperson for Amazon said: “Because this union has a track record of misrepresenting the facts, we’re skeptical that their claims here are accurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon, one of the world’s largest online retailers, has for years weathered a wave of unrest and growing unionization efforts among its employees, who have cited \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929057/amazon-workers-strike-at-third-largest-air-hub-in-us-file-labor-complaint\">insufficient pay\u003c/a> and safety concerns, including a high\u003ca href=\"https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/amazon-injury-rate/\"> injury rate\u003c/a> and excessive indoor heat. The company’s net income was \u003ca href=\"https://ir.aboutamazon.com/news-release/news-release-details/2024/Amazon.com-Announces-Fourth-Quarter-Results/default.aspx\">$30.4 billion\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the e-commerce giant has resisted worker efforts to unionize and negotiate contracts, the Teamsters’ increasing involvement is a “game changer,” said Bill Gould, who teaches labor and employment law at Stanford University, because of the resources and expertise brought by one of America’s largest unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006820 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-35-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 5,500 Amazon workers with the independent Amazon Labor Union in Staten Island, N.Y., which struggled to get recognized by the company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/18/g-s1-4989/amazon-union-teamsters-join-forces\">voted this summer to join\u003c/a> forces with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. The union, which has 1.3 million members in the U.S., Canada and Puerto Rico, said hundreds of Amazon drivers in Queens, N.Y., also officially joined their ranks last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Teamsters don’t want Amazon to undercut the higher wages and workplace protections the union secured last year for workers at UPS, a competitor, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California regulators fined Amazon nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990881/california-fines-amazon-nearly-6-million-for-breaking-warehouse-worker-safety-rules\">$6 million\u003c/a> in June for violating safety rules aimed at preventing warehouse worker injuries. The company has appealed the citation and is still awaiting a hearing, said Tim Shadix, legal director of the Warehouse Worker Resource Center. The California Department of Industrial Relations did not immediately respond to a request for an update on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Amazon has been accused of unfair labor practices, such as surveillance and retaliation against workers for organizing, in hundreds of cases across the country, according to National Labor Relations Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/search/case/Amazon.com\">records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Amazon is rigidly anti-union and has fought union organization at every step of the process,” said Gould, a former chairman of the NLRB. “The law isn’t as effective and the company has managed to delay worker rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are various ways workers can form a union, including by requesting voluntary recognition from their employer, as the San Francisco warehouse workers did. They are the first Amazon warehouse workers to do so, while others have sought recognition by petitioning for an NLRB election, the Teamsters noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Gilare Zada contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amazon\">Amazon\u003c/a> warehouse workers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> have asked the company to voluntarily recognize their new union with the Teamsters, a move that experts said is unlikely to yield a contract deal without additional government or community pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the Amazon DCK6 facility in the city’s Bayview neighborhood, who have been organizing with the Teamsters since last year, said they are pushing for better pay and safer conditions. Many work part-time and lack basic benefits, according to a union \u003ca href=\"https://teamster.org/2024/10/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-san-francisco-join-teamsters-union/\">press release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need good pay and benefits to take care of our families too. That’s why we formed a union with the Teamsters,” warehouse worker Jocelyn Vargas said in a statement. “We are essential workers, and it’s time Amazon treats us that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement sent to KQED on Wednesday evening, a spokesperson for Amazon said: “Because this union has a track record of misrepresenting the facts, we’re skeptical that their claims here are accurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon, one of the world’s largest online retailers, has for years weathered a wave of unrest and growing unionization efforts among its employees, who have cited \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929057/amazon-workers-strike-at-third-largest-air-hub-in-us-file-labor-complaint\">insufficient pay\u003c/a> and safety concerns, including a high\u003ca href=\"https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/amazon-injury-rate/\"> injury rate\u003c/a> and excessive indoor heat. The company’s net income was \u003ca href=\"https://ir.aboutamazon.com/news-release/news-release-details/2024/Amazon.com-Announces-Fourth-Quarter-Results/default.aspx\">$30.4 billion\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the e-commerce giant has resisted worker efforts to unionize and negotiate contracts, the Teamsters’ increasing involvement is a “game changer,” said Bill Gould, who teaches labor and employment law at Stanford University, because of the resources and expertise brought by one of America’s largest unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 5,500 Amazon workers with the independent Amazon Labor Union in Staten Island, N.Y., which struggled to get recognized by the company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/18/g-s1-4989/amazon-union-teamsters-join-forces\">voted this summer to join\u003c/a> forces with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. The union, which has 1.3 million members in the U.S., Canada and Puerto Rico, said hundreds of Amazon drivers in Queens, N.Y., also officially joined their ranks last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Teamsters don’t want Amazon to undercut the higher wages and workplace protections the union secured last year for workers at UPS, a competitor, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California regulators fined Amazon nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990881/california-fines-amazon-nearly-6-million-for-breaking-warehouse-worker-safety-rules\">$6 million\u003c/a> in June for violating safety rules aimed at preventing warehouse worker injuries. The company has appealed the citation and is still awaiting a hearing, said Tim Shadix, legal director of the Warehouse Worker Resource Center. The California Department of Industrial Relations did not immediately respond to a request for an update on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Amazon has been accused of unfair labor practices, such as surveillance and retaliation against workers for organizing, in hundreds of cases across the country, according to National Labor Relations Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/search/case/Amazon.com\">records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Amazon is rigidly anti-union and has fought union organization at every step of the process,” said Gould, a former chairman of the NLRB. “The law isn’t as effective and the company has managed to delay worker rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are various ways workers can form a union, including by requesting voluntary recognition from their employer, as the San Francisco warehouse workers did. They are the first Amazon warehouse workers to do so, while others have sought recognition by petitioning for an NLRB election, the Teamsters noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Gilare Zada contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-proposes-relief-fund-to-aid-wage-theft-victims-left-unpaid-by-employers",
"title": "SF Proposes Relief Fund to Aid Wage Theft Victims Left Unpaid by Employers",
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"content": "\u003cp>Legislation seeking to provide financial relief for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/wage-theft\">wage theft\u003c/a> victims who are still waiting to get paid was introduced to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed ordinance, introduced by Supervisor Hillary Ronen, would create a Worker Justice Fund for people who have won cases before city labor enforcement officials. The fund would offer restitution for low-income workers whose employers closed down their business, declared bankruptcy or fled before paying what they owe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Ronen, the fund would start with about $500,000 to $700,000, including fines paid to the Office of Labor Standards Enforcement by businesses that broke the city’s minimum wage, paid sick leave and other worker protection laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to the lowest paid workers, we need to be able to have their backs when their employers do wrong by them,” Ronen, an attorney who used to represent workers in wage theft cases, told KQED. “We’re not going to let any employer off the hook. We will go after them. But at least the worker doesn’t have to suffer in the meantime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986837/san-diego-aims-to-help-wage-theft-victims-recover-money-owed\">San Diego County\u003c/a> and Oregon have created restitution funds for people who often struggle to feed their families or pay rent after employers failed to pay them their earnings. At the state level, California has industry-specific funds for workers in garment manufacturing, car washing and agriculture, sectors known for high levels of labor violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12002081 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/014_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, workers would be eligible for full or partial compensation from the worker relief fund if they won their cases before OLSE on Jan. 1, 2023, or after. Others who would benefit include workers whose employers breached a settlement deal or agreed to a payment plan of over a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adriana Rendon, who worked at a Burger King for seven years, said OLSE found her employer failed to pay for her meal and rest breaks, paid sick days and other required protections in 2021. More than 200 coworkers were also impacted, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her former employer agreed to a 10-year payment plan, but Rendon said she received only $900 in three years. A single mom, she wishes she could receive the rest of the money she’s owed to pay rent, take her kids to the movies or buy ice cream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The right and fair thing to do would have been to get those stolen wages in less time to cover our needs or an emergency,” Rendon, who is now an organizer with Trabajadores Unidos Workers United, said in Spanish. “By passing the Workers Justice Fund, San Francisco would be recognizing, valuing and supporting workers who have experienced wage theft.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Legislation seeking to provide financial relief for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/wage-theft\">wage theft\u003c/a> victims who are still waiting to get paid was introduced to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed ordinance, introduced by Supervisor Hillary Ronen, would create a Worker Justice Fund for people who have won cases before city labor enforcement officials. The fund would offer restitution for low-income workers whose employers closed down their business, declared bankruptcy or fled before paying what they owe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Ronen, the fund would start with about $500,000 to $700,000, including fines paid to the Office of Labor Standards Enforcement by businesses that broke the city’s minimum wage, paid sick leave and other worker protection laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to the lowest paid workers, we need to be able to have their backs when their employers do wrong by them,” Ronen, an attorney who used to represent workers in wage theft cases, told KQED. “We’re not going to let any employer off the hook. We will go after them. But at least the worker doesn’t have to suffer in the meantime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986837/san-diego-aims-to-help-wage-theft-victims-recover-money-owed\">San Diego County\u003c/a> and Oregon have created restitution funds for people who often struggle to feed their families or pay rent after employers failed to pay them their earnings. At the state level, California has industry-specific funds for workers in garment manufacturing, car washing and agriculture, sectors known for high levels of labor violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, workers would be eligible for full or partial compensation from the worker relief fund if they won their cases before OLSE on Jan. 1, 2023, or after. Others who would benefit include workers whose employers breached a settlement deal or agreed to a payment plan of over a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adriana Rendon, who worked at a Burger King for seven years, said OLSE found her employer failed to pay for her meal and rest breaks, paid sick days and other required protections in 2021. More than 200 coworkers were also impacted, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her former employer agreed to a 10-year payment plan, but Rendon said she received only $900 in three years. A single mom, she wishes she could receive the rest of the money she’s owed to pay rent, take her kids to the movies or buy ice cream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The right and fair thing to do would have been to get those stolen wages in less time to cover our needs or an emergency,” Rendon, who is now an organizer with Trabajadores Unidos Workers United, said in Spanish. “By passing the Workers Justice Fund, San Francisco would be recognizing, valuing and supporting workers who have experienced wage theft.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal labor enforcement officials recover millions of dollars each year from employers who break minimum wage or overtime pay laws, but a significant percentage never makes it to workers who are owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than $166 million was unclaimed by nearly 200,000 wage theft victims over the last three years, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. If workers don’t claim that money within three years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">it’s sent\u003c/a> to the U.S. Treasury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many don’t know they are entitled to compensation. More than 15,000 employees with money waiting for them worked for businesses in California, one of the top states with unclaimed wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating and sad all around,” said Yvonne Medrano, an attorney with Bet Tzedek Legal Services, a Los Angeles nonprofit that represents undocumented immigrants in wage theft cases. “It’s workers’ hard-earned money and yet it’s not getting to where it needs to be, which is into the workers’ pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor officials acknowledged that the department is more efficient at recovering wages from about nine in 10 employers through investigations than it is in getting the owed wages to the workers whose rights were violated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations often uncover past abuses in targeted low-wage industries that rely heavily on a transient or immigrant workforce, such as restaurants, agriculture and construction. By the time cases are resolved, people entitled to back pay may have moved on to other jobs or changed home addresses and phone numbers, making it hard to notify them of the resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alberto Raymond, Assistant District Director of the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division, speaks during a workers’ rights event for low-wage and at-risk workers hosted by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division and the Consulates of Mexico at the Consulate General of Mexico in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another hurdle to receiving remuneration is that many undocumented immigrants may recoil from filing ID verification documents with a federal agency to get a check because they fear that it could lead to deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/data/charts/all-acts\">$660 million\u003c/a> in back pay the labor department has recovered from employers from fiscal year 2021 through 2023 was distributed to workers, according to a high-ranking official with the wage and hour division, which investigates alleged violations. The official estimated that, potentially, as much as one-fifth of those funds don’t reach workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department could not immediately provide how much money was transferred to the U.S. Treasury in recent years, a Labor Department spokesperson said. Alberto Raymond, a district director with the wage and hour division in San Francisco, said the agency pursues several avenues to try to get wage theft victims relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want workers to be paid. They are due that money, and we will work very, very, very hard to get them paid,” said Raymond, an investigator with the labor department for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002502\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002502\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A handful of dedicated staff throughout the country combs public databases to find impacted workers, confirm their identities and disburse their wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department distributed about \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/data\">$27 million\u003c/a> to nearly 4,000 workers through its \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">Workers Owed Wages\u003c/a> program in fiscal year 2023. More than 1,600 people claimed $9 million through the program in the previous fiscal year. Community organizations or foreign government authorities, such as Mexican Consulates in the United States, also help find people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20230601-0\">underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor\u003c/a> in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. Some of the 55 farmworkers were still in the U.S., but others had returned to remote, rural towns in Mexico, said Arturo Zaldivar, the Consulate staffer who tracked the workers. Finding them took weeks, Zaldivar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They weren’t expecting that money. They thought they’d lost it forever,” he said in Spanish, adding that the farmworkers told him the money would cover food and rent for weeks or even months. “I’ve had contact with many workers in Mexico and supporting them in this way is very encouraging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001959\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001959\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Consulate General of Mexico, Consulado General de Mexico, in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zaldivar said he is scouring social media accounts and calling current and former employees of a business to find dozens of additional impacted workers. Once he gets in touch with one, that person can help find former co-workers who can also claim wages, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our compatriots trust us, the Consulate,” he said. “If you say wage and hour division, they are like, ‘What’s that?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, labor enforcement agencies were hesitant to collaborate with community groups out of fear that they’d appear biased, though that has been changing, according to advocates and academics who study wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To increase remuneration, the labor department should partner with more churches, immigrant rights organizations and others who can knock on doors and help find workers because they are trusted messengers, Medrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002510\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002510\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign during a workers’ rights event hosted by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division and the Consulates of Mexico at the Consulate General of Mexico in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024, for low-wage and at-risk workers. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The disconnect and the lack of local relationships is clear in moments like this,” she said, referring to the $166 million in unclaimed wages. “I see the DOL moving towards a more community-oriented role, but we’re not there yet. And I think this is very much a symptom of that issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, a top priority of the department is not distributing all uncollected wages but increasing businesses’ compliance with the rules, said Paul DeCamp, an attorney who ran the wage and hour division during the George W. Bush administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999978 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/10Sandra-fields9_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, I think the bigger priority for the department is stopping the violations and getting the back wages disgorged” from employers, said DeCamp, who represents and advises businesses at Epstein Becker Green, a law firm. “And if we can get the wages into the hands of the workers, all the better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department officials said there are roughly 700 wage and hour investigators nationwide, with just a handful of staffers dedicated to getting money into the hands of the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, workers don’t have a time limit to claim wages recovered by the state’s labor enforcement agency, the California Labor Commissioner, according to a spokesperson who said California’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=96.7.&lawCode=LAB\">Unpaid Wage Fund\u003c/a> had a balance of $18.3 million as of Aug. 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also takes money from that fund for other expenditures. From fiscal years 2020 through 2022, nearly $17 million due to workers who weren’t found was transferred to the state’s general fund, according to the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Know someone who might need to claim owed wages? Workers should call 877-552-9832 for help in Spanish or search the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">\u003cem>Workers Owed Wages\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> website to find out if they are due money and apply for compensation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal labor enforcement officials recover millions of dollars each year from employers who break minimum wage or overtime pay laws, but a significant percentage never makes it to workers who are owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than $166 million was unclaimed by nearly 200,000 wage theft victims over the last three years, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. If workers don’t claim that money within three years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">it’s sent\u003c/a> to the U.S. Treasury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many don’t know they are entitled to compensation. More than 15,000 employees with money waiting for them worked for businesses in California, one of the top states with unclaimed wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating and sad all around,” said Yvonne Medrano, an attorney with Bet Tzedek Legal Services, a Los Angeles nonprofit that represents undocumented immigrants in wage theft cases. “It’s workers’ hard-earned money and yet it’s not getting to where it needs to be, which is into the workers’ pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor officials acknowledged that the department is more efficient at recovering wages from about nine in 10 employers through investigations than it is in getting the owed wages to the workers whose rights were violated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations often uncover past abuses in targeted low-wage industries that rely heavily on a transient or immigrant workforce, such as restaurants, agriculture and construction. By the time cases are resolved, people entitled to back pay may have moved on to other jobs or changed home addresses and phone numbers, making it hard to notify them of the resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alberto Raymond, Assistant District Director of the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division, speaks during a workers’ rights event for low-wage and at-risk workers hosted by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division and the Consulates of Mexico at the Consulate General of Mexico in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another hurdle to receiving remuneration is that many undocumented immigrants may recoil from filing ID verification documents with a federal agency to get a check because they fear that it could lead to deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/data/charts/all-acts\">$660 million\u003c/a> in back pay the labor department has recovered from employers from fiscal year 2021 through 2023 was distributed to workers, according to a high-ranking official with the wage and hour division, which investigates alleged violations. The official estimated that, potentially, as much as one-fifth of those funds don’t reach workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department could not immediately provide how much money was transferred to the U.S. Treasury in recent years, a Labor Department spokesperson said. Alberto Raymond, a district director with the wage and hour division in San Francisco, said the agency pursues several avenues to try to get wage theft victims relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want workers to be paid. They are due that money, and we will work very, very, very hard to get them paid,” said Raymond, an investigator with the labor department for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002502\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002502\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A handful of dedicated staff throughout the country combs public databases to find impacted workers, confirm their identities and disburse their wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department distributed about \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/data\">$27 million\u003c/a> to nearly 4,000 workers through its \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">Workers Owed Wages\u003c/a> program in fiscal year 2023. More than 1,600 people claimed $9 million through the program in the previous fiscal year. Community organizations or foreign government authorities, such as Mexican Consulates in the United States, also help find people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20230601-0\">underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor\u003c/a> in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. Some of the 55 farmworkers were still in the U.S., but others had returned to remote, rural towns in Mexico, said Arturo Zaldivar, the Consulate staffer who tracked the workers. Finding them took weeks, Zaldivar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They weren’t expecting that money. They thought they’d lost it forever,” he said in Spanish, adding that the farmworkers told him the money would cover food and rent for weeks or even months. “I’ve had contact with many workers in Mexico and supporting them in this way is very encouraging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001959\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001959\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Consulate General of Mexico, Consulado General de Mexico, in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zaldivar said he is scouring social media accounts and calling current and former employees of a business to find dozens of additional impacted workers. Once he gets in touch with one, that person can help find former co-workers who can also claim wages, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our compatriots trust us, the Consulate,” he said. “If you say wage and hour division, they are like, ‘What’s that?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, labor enforcement agencies were hesitant to collaborate with community groups out of fear that they’d appear biased, though that has been changing, according to advocates and academics who study wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To increase remuneration, the labor department should partner with more churches, immigrant rights organizations and others who can knock on doors and help find workers because they are trusted messengers, Medrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002510\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002510\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign during a workers’ rights event hosted by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division and the Consulates of Mexico at the Consulate General of Mexico in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024, for low-wage and at-risk workers. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The disconnect and the lack of local relationships is clear in moments like this,” she said, referring to the $166 million in unclaimed wages. “I see the DOL moving towards a more community-oriented role, but we’re not there yet. And I think this is very much a symptom of that issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, a top priority of the department is not distributing all uncollected wages but increasing businesses’ compliance with the rules, said Paul DeCamp, an attorney who ran the wage and hour division during the George W. Bush administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, I think the bigger priority for the department is stopping the violations and getting the back wages disgorged” from employers, said DeCamp, who represents and advises businesses at Epstein Becker Green, a law firm. “And if we can get the wages into the hands of the workers, all the better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department officials said there are roughly 700 wage and hour investigators nationwide, with just a handful of staffers dedicated to getting money into the hands of the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, workers don’t have a time limit to claim wages recovered by the state’s labor enforcement agency, the California Labor Commissioner, according to a spokesperson who said California’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=96.7.&lawCode=LAB\">Unpaid Wage Fund\u003c/a> had a balance of $18.3 million as of Aug. 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also takes money from that fund for other expenditures. From fiscal years 2020 through 2022, nearly $17 million due to workers who weren’t found was transferred to the state’s general fund, according to the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Know someone who might need to claim owed wages? Workers should call 877-552-9832 for help in Spanish or search the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">\u003cem>Workers Owed Wages\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> website to find out if they are due money and apply for compensation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Sarah Frisch starts each of her creative writing courses at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford\">Stanford\u003c/a> University by letting her students know the classroom is a working community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford can be a difficult, high-pressure space, and Frisch said creative writing courses can be a respite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Students read this incredible literature, and they meet people they ordinarily just read about,” Frisch said. “But I think the part that’s really powerful is to see that writers are ordinary people. Writers write within friendships, and they get plugged into that community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Frisch and other lecturers worry that the job security and lecturer longevity that make those relationships possible will disappear. During a video meeting last week, Frisch and her colleagues learned the Stanford Creative Writing Program’s nearly two dozen lecturers would lose their current positions over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, a faculty working group recommended the program’s lectureships consist of one-year appointments with the possibility of renewal for a limited period of up to five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the current lecturers have taught at the university for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like our students were betrayed,” said Frisch, who has been a Stanford lecturer since 2009. “The whole program is going to be based on temporary labor, and that is a sea change from the program that we have. And that means that the program we have no longer exists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Transitioning to short-term futures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://creativewriting.stanford.edu/news/stanford-creative-writing-program\">statement\u003c/a> posted on the university’s website on Wednesday, the School of Humanities and Sciences and Creative Writing Program leadership defended the changes, arguing that the lectureship program, known as Jones lectureships, was originally intended for limited-term appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11951849 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65953_003_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We plan for there to be as many lecturers in the Program in five years as there are today, and we expect to offer more classes then than now,” the statement reads. “The university, school, and numerous generous donors are committed to not only the excellence of the program but also its growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleagues credit the Creative Writing Program’s success and popularity to support for lecturers from the late Eavan Boland, a distinguished poet and former director of the program. Boland, who died in 2020, encouraged lecturers to develop their own ambitious classes and foster deep mentoring relationships with undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She empowered lecturers not only to have job longevity but to use that time to innovate in the classroom,” said Nina Schloesser Tárano, who has been teaching in the Creative Writing Program since 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is being treated as a luxury — my ability to be there for the entirety of somebody’s career as an undergraduate. But it’s my job, and it should be,” Schloesser Tárano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Students, alums and writers sound off\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The changes to Stanford’s Creative Writing Program quickly generated widespread outrage online. In a \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@tom.kealey/more-details-in-the-stanford-creative-writing-scandal-5a91193a4ab6\">Medium post\u003c/a>, lecturer Tom Kealey noted that the changes come a year after lecturers, who made around $52,000, asked for a pay increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/JoyceCarolOates/status/1828529858923606156\">Writer Joyce Carol Oates wrote on X\u003c/a>, “I am puzzled most by the lack of simple collegiality & generosity at one of the most wealthy universities in the world. Stanford’s endowment could support an entire nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11989520 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-14-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyle Wang, who graduated from Stanford in 2023 with a master’s in the modern thought and literature program, started a \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/10PoTTX9UtWr9-fCm6Rk-JyBl2tmwpInAyaFEyTSp_B8/mobilebasic\">petition\u003c/a> calling on the university to change course and reinstate the lecturers whose contracts will be phased out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wang said the lecturers in the Creative Writing Program changed his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Wang first came to Stanford, he was unsure what to study. He had grown up in Silicon Valley, “where everyone and their mother” worked in tech or tech-adjacent fields. He took computer science class after computer science class. Then, in January 2019, he took his first creative writing class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A couple of weeks later, I think I knew deep down that I was going to be studying English,” Wang said. “Every single class that I’ve taken with a Jones lecturer has, in some new way, shape, or form, not only pushed me as a writer and thinker — it showed me a different way of imagining that a life in writing and a life in the arts could be possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He worries for future generations of students who may not be able to build those same life-changing relationships with lecturers and about the institutional knowledge that could be lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Frisch is not sure what’s next when her lectureship ends. Classes start again next month, and she said in the meantime, she will focus on her students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want them to know those of us who are in this crappy position see and hear them,” Frisch said. “We’re willing to fight for their experience and their futures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Sarah Frisch starts each of her creative writing courses at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford\">Stanford\u003c/a> University by letting her students know the classroom is a working community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford can be a difficult, high-pressure space, and Frisch said creative writing courses can be a respite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Students read this incredible literature, and they meet people they ordinarily just read about,” Frisch said. “But I think the part that’s really powerful is to see that writers are ordinary people. Writers write within friendships, and they get plugged into that community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Frisch and other lecturers worry that the job security and lecturer longevity that make those relationships possible will disappear. During a video meeting last week, Frisch and her colleagues learned the Stanford Creative Writing Program’s nearly two dozen lecturers would lose their current positions over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, a faculty working group recommended the program’s lectureships consist of one-year appointments with the possibility of renewal for a limited period of up to five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the current lecturers have taught at the university for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like our students were betrayed,” said Frisch, who has been a Stanford lecturer since 2009. “The whole program is going to be based on temporary labor, and that is a sea change from the program that we have. And that means that the program we have no longer exists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Transitioning to short-term futures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://creativewriting.stanford.edu/news/stanford-creative-writing-program\">statement\u003c/a> posted on the university’s website on Wednesday, the School of Humanities and Sciences and Creative Writing Program leadership defended the changes, arguing that the lectureship program, known as Jones lectureships, was originally intended for limited-term appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We plan for there to be as many lecturers in the Program in five years as there are today, and we expect to offer more classes then than now,” the statement reads. “The university, school, and numerous generous donors are committed to not only the excellence of the program but also its growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleagues credit the Creative Writing Program’s success and popularity to support for lecturers from the late Eavan Boland, a distinguished poet and former director of the program. Boland, who died in 2020, encouraged lecturers to develop their own ambitious classes and foster deep mentoring relationships with undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She empowered lecturers not only to have job longevity but to use that time to innovate in the classroom,” said Nina Schloesser Tárano, who has been teaching in the Creative Writing Program since 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is being treated as a luxury — my ability to be there for the entirety of somebody’s career as an undergraduate. But it’s my job, and it should be,” Schloesser Tárano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Students, alums and writers sound off\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The changes to Stanford’s Creative Writing Program quickly generated widespread outrage online. In a \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@tom.kealey/more-details-in-the-stanford-creative-writing-scandal-5a91193a4ab6\">Medium post\u003c/a>, lecturer Tom Kealey noted that the changes come a year after lecturers, who made around $52,000, asked for a pay increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/JoyceCarolOates/status/1828529858923606156\">Writer Joyce Carol Oates wrote on X\u003c/a>, “I am puzzled most by the lack of simple collegiality & generosity at one of the most wealthy universities in the world. Stanford’s endowment could support an entire nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyle Wang, who graduated from Stanford in 2023 with a master’s in the modern thought and literature program, started a \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/10PoTTX9UtWr9-fCm6Rk-JyBl2tmwpInAyaFEyTSp_B8/mobilebasic\">petition\u003c/a> calling on the university to change course and reinstate the lecturers whose contracts will be phased out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wang said the lecturers in the Creative Writing Program changed his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Wang first came to Stanford, he was unsure what to study. He had grown up in Silicon Valley, “where everyone and their mother” worked in tech or tech-adjacent fields. He took computer science class after computer science class. Then, in January 2019, he took his first creative writing class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A couple of weeks later, I think I knew deep down that I was going to be studying English,” Wang said. “Every single class that I’ve taken with a Jones lecturer has, in some new way, shape, or form, not only pushed me as a writer and thinker — it showed me a different way of imagining that a life in writing and a life in the arts could be possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He worries for future generations of students who may not be able to build those same life-changing relationships with lecturers and about the institutional knowledge that could be lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Frisch is not sure what’s next when her lectureship ends. Classes start again next month, and she said in the meantime, she will focus on her students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want them to know those of us who are in this crappy position see and hear them,” Frisch said. “We’re willing to fight for their experience and their futures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As California considered and then mandated a minimum wage raise at most fast-food restaurants, opponents warned the controversial legislation could be a job killer. On Tuesday, before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001032/at-dnc-roll-call-california-shines-as-harris-seals-nomination\">appearing at the Democratic National Convention\u003c/a>, Gov. Gavin Newsom highlighted new employment data pointing to a different picture: a growing industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quick-service restaurants have consistently added thousands of jobs every month this year in California, reaching a record employment total of 750,500 in July, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25054159-seriesreport-20240820150338_c0f56c\">preliminary data\u003c/a> released by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. The figures show 11,000 additional fast-food jobs since April, when the wages were hiked to at least $20 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s good for workers is good for business, and as California’s fast food industry continues booming every single month, our workers are finally getting the pay they deserve,” Newsom said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/08/20/icymi-after-raising-minimum-wage-california-has-more-fast-food-jobs-than-ever-before/\">a statement\u003c/a>. “Despite those who pedaled lies about how this would doom the industry, California’s economy and workers are again proving them wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s comments are the latest salvo in the closely watched \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Fast-Food-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm\">wage bump\u003c/a> for hundreds of thousands of fast-food employees. Newsom signed the increase into law last September. The legislation also created a first-of-its-kind Fast Food Council that allows workers to participate in the development of job standards. The council’s nine voting members can increase the hourly minimum wage by up to 3.5% annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of the state law, which only applies to chains with more than 60 stores nationwide, argue that employers have cut employee hours and jobs to cope with more expensive payroll costs. They argue that a separate BLS jobs data set is more reliable because it’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/hom/topic/seasonal-adjustment.htm\">adjusted for seasonal\u003c/a> economic influences, and it shows gains of just hundreds of jobs in the industry since April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of California’s fast-food employees are adult women of color who previously made close to $16 an hour, the state’s general minimum wage, according to the UC Berkeley Labor Center. Increasing their ability to afford food, rent and other basics will improve their family’s lives and decrease reliance on taxpayer-funded aid programs, the law’s proponents argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists contacted by KQED agreed that more evidence is needed to assess the full impact of the wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Reich, who chairs the Center on Wage and Employment Dynamics at UC Berkeley, said that higher wages could attract more workers to fast-food jobs, which traditionally have high turnover rates. He believes the job figures celebrated by the governor represent the best evidence yet that the industry is growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=news_11991314 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240509-MENUDO-KING-MD-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think minimum wage (increases) kill jobs; I think they kill job vacancies,” Reich said. “When the minimum wage goes up, more workers are attracted to those jobs and they are more likely to stay in them. The numbers do show that wages can be much higher, and yet the business can do well, and workers can do well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reich’s preliminary \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/CAs-fast-food-MW-early-evidence.pdf\">research\u003c/a> suggests that McDonald’s restaurants increased hamburger prices by less than 2% in California after the minimum wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most fast-food restaurant owners are franchisees who pay large corporations such as Wendy’s or Taco Bell to represent their brand. A spokesperson with the International Franchise Association, a trade group representing fast-food franchisees and franchisors, said the net job data is misleading. The organization, which fought the raise, has warned that it would hurt small business owners, workers and consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day you see headlines of restaurant closures, employee job losses and hours cut, and rising food prices for consumers,” the spokesperson said in a statement. “Local restaurant owners in California are already struggling to cope with the $20/hour wage, as the Fast Food Council considers additional wage increases. All the while, workers and consumers are feeling the pinch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebekah Paxton, research director for the Employment Policies Institute, a nonprofit research organization funded partly by the restaurant industry, said seasonally adjusted employment bureau figures reflect a more reliable picture. According to that \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">BLS data\u003c/a>, fast-food jobs decreased statewide by 2,700 between January and July but increased by about 400 since April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paxton pointed to her organization’s \u003ca href=\"https://epionline.org/studies/crisis-in-california/#:~:text=A%20majority%20of%20restaurants%20say,or%20consolidated%20positions%20(70%25).\">recent survey\u003c/a> of more than 180 fast-food operators in California, which found most have trimmed staff and cut employee hours while raising consumer prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is certainly not the rosy picture that the governor is portraying,” Paxton said. “Fast-food restaurant employment is stagnating and even going down. There’s a trend that is getting worse as this minimum wage policy continues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with some job losses, the new minimum wage has not materialized the catastrophic impacts on employment opponents predicted so far, said John Logan, the director of labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the most part, it’s good news for supporters of the legislation. There’s no evidence of a disastrous impact on jobs,” Logan said. “In fact, the signs seem to be that the California fast food sector is continuing to grow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California considered and then mandated a minimum wage raise at most fast-food restaurants, opponents warned the controversial legislation could be a job killer. On Tuesday, before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001032/at-dnc-roll-call-california-shines-as-harris-seals-nomination\">appearing at the Democratic National Convention\u003c/a>, Gov. Gavin Newsom highlighted new employment data pointing to a different picture: a growing industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quick-service restaurants have consistently added thousands of jobs every month this year in California, reaching a record employment total of 750,500 in July, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25054159-seriesreport-20240820150338_c0f56c\">preliminary data\u003c/a> released by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. The figures show 11,000 additional fast-food jobs since April, when the wages were hiked to at least $20 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s good for workers is good for business, and as California’s fast food industry continues booming every single month, our workers are finally getting the pay they deserve,” Newsom said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/08/20/icymi-after-raising-minimum-wage-california-has-more-fast-food-jobs-than-ever-before/\">a statement\u003c/a>. “Despite those who pedaled lies about how this would doom the industry, California’s economy and workers are again proving them wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s comments are the latest salvo in the closely watched \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Fast-Food-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm\">wage bump\u003c/a> for hundreds of thousands of fast-food employees. Newsom signed the increase into law last September. The legislation also created a first-of-its-kind Fast Food Council that allows workers to participate in the development of job standards. The council’s nine voting members can increase the hourly minimum wage by up to 3.5% annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think minimum wage (increases) kill jobs; I think they kill job vacancies,” Reich said. “When the minimum wage goes up, more workers are attracted to those jobs and they are more likely to stay in them. The numbers do show that wages can be much higher, and yet the business can do well, and workers can do well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reich’s preliminary \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/CAs-fast-food-MW-early-evidence.pdf\">research\u003c/a> suggests that McDonald’s restaurants increased hamburger prices by less than 2% in California after the minimum wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most fast-food restaurant owners are franchisees who pay large corporations such as Wendy’s or Taco Bell to represent their brand. A spokesperson with the International Franchise Association, a trade group representing fast-food franchisees and franchisors, said the net job data is misleading. The organization, which fought the raise, has warned that it would hurt small business owners, workers and consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day you see headlines of restaurant closures, employee job losses and hours cut, and rising food prices for consumers,” the spokesperson said in a statement. “Local restaurant owners in California are already struggling to cope with the $20/hour wage, as the Fast Food Council considers additional wage increases. All the while, workers and consumers are feeling the pinch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebekah Paxton, research director for the Employment Policies Institute, a nonprofit research organization funded partly by the restaurant industry, said seasonally adjusted employment bureau figures reflect a more reliable picture. According to that \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">BLS data\u003c/a>, fast-food jobs decreased statewide by 2,700 between January and July but increased by about 400 since April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paxton pointed to her organization’s \u003ca href=\"https://epionline.org/studies/crisis-in-california/#:~:text=A%20majority%20of%20restaurants%20say,or%20consolidated%20positions%20(70%25).\">recent survey\u003c/a> of more than 180 fast-food operators in California, which found most have trimmed staff and cut employee hours while raising consumer prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is certainly not the rosy picture that the governor is portraying,” Paxton said. “Fast-food restaurant employment is stagnating and even going down. There’s a trend that is getting worse as this minimum wage policy continues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with some job losses, the new minimum wage has not materialized the catastrophic impacts on employment opponents predicted so far, said John Logan, the director of labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the most part, it’s good news for supporters of the legislation. There’s no evidence of a disastrous impact on jobs,” Logan said. “In fact, the signs seem to be that the California fast food sector is continuing to grow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of hotel staffers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> are prepared to walk off the job over wages and staffing levels as their union negotiates contracts with some of the industry’s largest companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott employees in San José could start picketing as early as this week. The strike authorization vote on Monday passed with 98% support, according to Unite Here Local 19. On Friday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999702/san-francisco-hotel-workers-vote-yes-to-potential-strike\">thousands of San Francisco hotel workers approved a potential strike\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contracts covering 650 cooks, room attendants, bartenders, bellmen and other employees at the five San José hotels expired on June 30. The union said it began negotiating with management at the three companies last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of hotel workers in Honolulu, Boston and other cities have also supported potential walkouts, which are part of a Unite Here campaign for substantially higher wages and reversing what they call pandemic-era staffing cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ana Maria Rodriguez, a room attendant at the Hilton San José for 23 years, said she would walk off the job if needed because she doesn’t want her family to keep living paycheck to paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=news_11999978 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/10Sandra-fields9_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After giving the company so many years of my life, I should be able to afford my groceries and my PG&E bills,” Rodriguez said in a statement. “It’s the bare minimum.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott did not immediately respond to requests for comment. Last week, a Hyatt executive told KQED that the company offers competitive wages and benefits and considers the well-being of employees a top priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area hotel industry is still recovering from the pandemic, though there are glimmers of improvement. In San José, demand for hotel rooms is at 95% of pre-pandemic levels, but revenue continues to be lower as some downtown hotels shuttered even as others opened in less expensive areas, according to Team San José, a nonprofit tourism bureau for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the San José Office of Economic Development and Cultural Affairs, the city estimates it will collect $54.6 million in hotel tax revenue this fiscal year, which is 25% less than in fiscal year 2018-2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of hotel staffers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> are prepared to walk off the job over wages and staffing levels as their union negotiates contracts with some of the industry’s largest companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott employees in San José could start picketing as early as this week. The strike authorization vote on Monday passed with 98% support, according to Unite Here Local 19. On Friday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999702/san-francisco-hotel-workers-vote-yes-to-potential-strike\">thousands of San Francisco hotel workers approved a potential strike\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contracts covering 650 cooks, room attendants, bartenders, bellmen and other employees at the five San José hotels expired on June 30. The union said it began negotiating with management at the three companies last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of hotel workers in Honolulu, Boston and other cities have also supported potential walkouts, which are part of a Unite Here campaign for substantially higher wages and reversing what they call pandemic-era staffing cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ana Maria Rodriguez, a room attendant at the Hilton San José for 23 years, said she would walk off the job if needed because she doesn’t want her family to keep living paycheck to paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After giving the company so many years of my life, I should be able to afford my groceries and my PG&E bills,” Rodriguez said in a statement. “It’s the bare minimum.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott did not immediately respond to requests for comment. Last week, a Hyatt executive told KQED that the company offers competitive wages and benefits and considers the well-being of employees a top priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area hotel industry is still recovering from the pandemic, though there are glimmers of improvement. In San José, demand for hotel rooms is at 95% of pre-pandemic levels, but revenue continues to be lower as some downtown hotels shuttered even as others opened in less expensive areas, according to Team San José, a nonprofit tourism bureau for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the San José Office of Economic Development and Cultural Affairs, the city estimates it will collect $54.6 million in hotel tax revenue this fiscal year, which is 25% less than in fiscal year 2018-2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"soldout": {
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