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"content": "\u003cp>https://instagram.com/p/9HMFDNSy6K/\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a \u003ca href=\"#correction\">correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, Thursday, Oct. 22:\u003c/strong> Alongside its $8 million campaign to defeat San Francisco Proposition F, a measure that would impose new restrictions on short-term rentals in the city, Airbnb thought it would gently call voters’ attention to the good things it does for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”1Ws6x5aKsWUBiNWQJlgJuLAvJD4qLi9A”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result was a series of campaign ads on billboards and Muni bus shelters throughout the city. The ads point out the company was responsible for $12 million in hotel taxes over the past year. A typical message:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Dear Public Libary System,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We hope you use the $12 million in hotel taxes to keep the library open later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Love,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.sfweekly.com/thesnitch/2015/10/21/passive-aggressive-pro-airbnb-ads-appear-on-muni-shleters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">As SFWeekly reports\u003c/a>, that particular message drew a riposte from a San Francisco State professor who ran some numbers and came up with a guess that maybe Airbnb’s $12 million could keep libraries open a couple minutes later every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ca id=\"correction\">Correction\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\nThis post originally stated that Airbnb’s “Dear San Francisco” ads were part of its campaign to defeat Proposition F, a measure that would place new limits on short-term rentals in the city. In fact, the ads don’t reference Proposition F or the election, and the company says they were posted independent of the “No on F” campaign.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The Airbnb ads were so tone deaf, in fact, as to inspire curiosity about whether they were a hoax. Really — would a company touting a $25 billion valuation launch a campaign reminding the locals how grateful they should be?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, that’s just what the company did. In a brief apology reported by SFWeekly, \u003ca href=\"http://techcrunch.com/2015/10/21/that-airbnb-ad/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">TechCrunch\u003c/a> and others, the company conceded that it had goofed:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“The intent was to show the hotel tax contribution from our hosts and guests, which is roughly $1 million per month. It was the wrong tone and we apologize to anyone who was offended. These ads are being taken down immediately.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>So the signs will be history. But Airbnb’s idea is inspiring: It would be great to put up some billboards giving the city a chance to respond to the company’s largesse with suggestions of its own about what it could do with its $12 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb2.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-10728710\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb2-400x234.png\" alt=\"You could use your $12 million to dig a ginormous hole in your back yard, then shovel your big steaming pile of smug into it.\" width=\"400\" height=\"234\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb2-400x234.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb2.png 611w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb3.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-10728711\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb3-400x232.png\" alt=\"Please take that $12 million and shove it ... up a drainpipe. Then when El Nino comes, all that cash will come back out and we'll all have a swell surprise.\" width=\"400\" height=\"232\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb3-400x232.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb3.png 594w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb4.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-10728712\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb4-400x229.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"229\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb4-400x229.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb4.png 598w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb5.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-10728713\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb5-400x232.png\" alt=\"Maybe you could pile that $12 million on a flatbed truck and drive it around town so we could appreciate it even more. \" width=\"400\" height=\"232\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb5-400x232.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb5.png 596w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/Screenshot-2015-10-23-12.29.45.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/Screenshot-2015-10-23-12.29.45-400x252.png\" alt=\"Dear Airbnb: You're right -- the 3/10ths of 1 percent you contribute to the city budget makes all the difference\" width=\"400\" height=\"252\" class=\"alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-10730363\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/Screenshot-2015-10-23-12.29.45-400x252.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/Screenshot-2015-10-23-12.29.45.png 456w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>https://instagram.com/p/9HMFDNSy6K/\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a \u003ca href=\"#correction\">correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, Thursday, Oct. 22:\u003c/strong> Alongside its $8 million campaign to defeat San Francisco Proposition F, a measure that would impose new restrictions on short-term rentals in the city, Airbnb thought it would gently call voters’ attention to the good things it does for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result was a series of campaign ads on billboards and Muni bus shelters throughout the city. The ads point out the company was responsible for $12 million in hotel taxes over the past year. A typical message:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Dear Public Libary System,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We hope you use the $12 million in hotel taxes to keep the library open later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Love,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.sfweekly.com/thesnitch/2015/10/21/passive-aggressive-pro-airbnb-ads-appear-on-muni-shleters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">As SFWeekly reports\u003c/a>, that particular message drew a riposte from a San Francisco State professor who ran some numbers and came up with a guess that maybe Airbnb’s $12 million could keep libraries open a couple minutes later every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ca id=\"correction\">Correction\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\nThis post originally stated that Airbnb’s “Dear San Francisco” ads were part of its campaign to defeat Proposition F, a measure that would place new limits on short-term rentals in the city. In fact, the ads don’t reference Proposition F or the election, and the company says they were posted independent of the “No on F” campaign.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The Airbnb ads were so tone deaf, in fact, as to inspire curiosity about whether they were a hoax. Really — would a company touting a $25 billion valuation launch a campaign reminding the locals how grateful they should be?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, that’s just what the company did. In a brief apology reported by SFWeekly, \u003ca href=\"http://techcrunch.com/2015/10/21/that-airbnb-ad/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">TechCrunch\u003c/a> and others, the company conceded that it had goofed:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“The intent was to show the hotel tax contribution from our hosts and guests, which is roughly $1 million per month. It was the wrong tone and we apologize to anyone who was offended. These ads are being taken down immediately.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>So the signs will be history. But Airbnb’s idea is inspiring: It would be great to put up some billboards giving the city a chance to respond to the company’s largesse with suggestions of its own about what it could do with its $12 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb2.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-10728710\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb2-400x234.png\" alt=\"You could use your $12 million to dig a ginormous hole in your back yard, then shovel your big steaming pile of smug into it.\" width=\"400\" height=\"234\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb2-400x234.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb2.png 611w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb3.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-10728711\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb3-400x232.png\" alt=\"Please take that $12 million and shove it ... up a drainpipe. Then when El Nino comes, all that cash will come back out and we'll all have a swell surprise.\" width=\"400\" height=\"232\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb3-400x232.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb3.png 594w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb4.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-10728712\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb4-400x229.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"229\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb4-400x229.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb4.png 598w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb5.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-10728713\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb5-400x232.png\" alt=\"Maybe you could pile that $12 million on a flatbed truck and drive it around town so we could appreciate it even more. \" width=\"400\" height=\"232\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb5-400x232.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/airbnb5.png 596w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/Screenshot-2015-10-23-12.29.45.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/Screenshot-2015-10-23-12.29.45-400x252.png\" alt=\"Dear Airbnb: You're right -- the 3/10ths of 1 percent you contribute to the city budget makes all the difference\" width=\"400\" height=\"252\" class=\"alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-10730363\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/Screenshot-2015-10-23-12.29.45-400x252.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/Screenshot-2015-10-23-12.29.45.png 456w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "looking-for-the-tech-vote-and-finding-there-isnt-one",
"title": "Looking for the Tech Vote -- and Finding There Isn't One",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tens of thousands of tech workers have flooded into San Francisco in recent years, changing the face of the city. How will they affect the upcoming election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”euoK6Sh12GY9mcweKJitUKuGbBZcxtCT”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s begin by agreeing that there is no techie block vote. We’re not talking about \u003ca href=\"http://memory-alpha.wikia.com/wiki/Borg\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Borg\u003c/a> here. But more to the point, the data don’t back up the assumption that all tech workers vote the same way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a variable that says ‘techie’ that we can check off,” says David Latterman, who runs the quantitative research firm \u003ca href=\"http://www.flanalytics.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Fall Line Analytics\u003c/a>. He has crunched political data locally for more than a decade, and he thinks the most salient factor is not so much what people do for a living but how old they are and how recently they arrived in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know 50-year-old techies on the far left, and [others] who are staunchly conservative, and everything in between,” Latterman says. “The older they get, the more they diffuse into the city and the body politic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ned Lerner, director of engineering at Sony Computer Entertainment America, typifies that older techie voter. “I only started voting local when I thought of myself as part of the local community, which took a while.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 56-year-old resident of the Richmond district moved to San Francisco in 1995. Lerner says his attitude about voting changed after he became a homeowner and a parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m much more likely to think about what is better — or worse — for my kids,” Lerner says. “I’m also increasingly aware of how complex the world is, which the issues on the ballot reflect, how the process is manipulated by those who have a personal stake, and how inadequate my knowledge is — and very likely, the knowledge of those who I might defer to, including the media.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latterman adds: “A lot of younger people, they’re not focused yet. People like to talk: ‘You know, we have this tech group mobilized.’ No, they don’t. There’s no evidence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, he says, because young tech workers are not likely to vote, they’re not being targeted by political candidates and campaigns, either with mailers or social media. At least, not in this year’s election, given that there’s no hotly contested race at the top of the ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">Airbnb, which has reportedly spent\u003ca href=\"http://www.businessinsider.com/airbnb-spends-8-million-against-prop-f-2015-9\"> $8 million\u003c/a> to defeat \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/a/forum/R201510050900\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition F\u003c/a>, might be the only compelling ballot draw, David Latterman says, mainly because the company has spent so much money to raise public awareness.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Latterman’s assessment is widely shared by other analysts who watch San Francisco politics closely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the jury is still out as to how politically engaged the majority of new young tech workers are,” says Rachel Brahinsky, assistant professor of urban affairs at the University of San Francisco. “You may have some people who are new to the city and haven’t figured out how to plug in yet. They may be just out of college and aren’t that politicized necessarily. Some of them are. Some of them aren’t. And then if they’re getting some of these tech jobs, they are very, very busy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the stereotype: the young recent arrival to San Francisco who lives in a bubble, shuttling between home and work, the bar and coffee bar, with nary a thought to civic engagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But enough from the political pundits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Let’s Talk To More Techies\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I headed for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sightglasscoffee.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Sightglass Coffee\u003c/a>, South of Market. It’s hip, spacious and packed with people who work in tech. Over the hum and swoosh of beans being roasted on-site, people hold business meetings or tap away diligently on their laptops. I expected to meet disengaged workaholics. Instead, I ran into 26-year-old Bill Rowan, a software engineer who’s been living in Cole Valley for three years. Does he vote?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every year,” he replies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Has he voted yet this year?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not yet,” Rowan replies. “I know I still have a little more time to make my selections, but I’ve already started studying the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rowan is so serious about doing his civic duty that he’s a member of the nonprofit San Francisco Planning and Urban Research Association (or \u003ca href=\"http://www.spur.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SPUR\u003c/a>) and attended a recent meeting to learn more about this year’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I do meet a couple of guys who don’t vote, like Amit Desai, who’s lived in SoMa for seven years. He works in marketing for a software company. Desai is 44. So, according to prevailing wisdom, he should be politically active. But no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m largely apolitical.” He chalks it up to cynicism, even though Desai says he’s troubled by the way the housing crisis has affected the cultural diversity of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is a great city, pretty city,” Desai says. “But it’s definitely becoming less diverse. At this rate, we’re going to have something akin to Manhattan, for techies, as opposed to bankers. More homogenous, wealthy group of residents, plus commuters and tourists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think to myself the KQED mic flag might be scaring away “brogrammers,” the stereotypical frat boy programmer everybody loves to hate. Or perhaps I’m attracting a self-selecting data pool of voters. I meet one middle-aged tech worker who refuses to talk on tape. He says he listens to KQED and he knows he’ll come off badly admitting he doesn’t vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the more time I spend at Sightglass, the more I meet young people working in tech who are really, really politically engaged. None more so than 24-year-old Will Hayworth, a software developer for \u003ca href=\"https://www.atlassian.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Atlassian\u003c/a>. Hayworth voted the same night the ballot arrived in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t fall asleep because I was so excited to vote!” Hayworth laughs. Despite moving to San Francisco just a year and a half ago, Hayworth can go down the list of housing measures from memory, thoughtfully explaining each vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are already seeing how high rents are re-shaping the city, and not in good ways,” they say. (Hayworth identifies as genderqueer, so I’ll be using the pronoun “they” from here on out.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I ask if Hayworth’s passion for politics is considered normal by friends and co-workers. Sipping on a vanilla iced cold brew, they say no. “When you try and discuss it and everything, you just sort of get blank stares.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayworth’s interest makes a lot more sense when you learn politics is a family concern. Their mother \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9r1DuHYhDtU\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nan Hayworth\u003c/a> was a Republican congresswoman in New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel loathed as a gay guy, sometimes. I feel loathed as a Republican among the gays. And I feel loathed as a techie by everybody who’s not in tech,” they say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With fingernails painted bright blue, Hayworth taps on an iPhone to pull up a photo of a poster you can still find slapped on telephone poles around SoMa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10725875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17114_IMG_0596-001.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10725875\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17114_IMG_0596-001.JPG-qut-800x642.jpg\" alt='\"Brogrammers off the block,\" this poster up in SoMa reads. \"Attention all lemmings/employees of Airbnb, Apple, DoubleDutch, Dropbox, Facebook, Google, SV Angels, Ron Conway, Scott Weiner, TechCrunch, Twitter, Uber, Yahoo. You are hereby advised to leave the Mission. Your next warning will not be so polite.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"642\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17114_IMG_0596-001.JPG-qut.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17114_IMG_0596-001.JPG-qut-400x321.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“Brogrammers off the block,” this poster up in SoMa says. “Attention all lemmings/employees of Airbnb, Apple, DoubleDutch, Dropbox, Facebook, Google, SV Angels, Ron Conway, Scott Weiner, TechCrunch, Twitter, Uber, Yahoo. You are hereby advised to leave the Mission. Your next warning will not be so polite.” \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Will Hayworth)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The logic of the poster isn’t exactly clear. Only the Mission is mentioned, although tech workers have reshaped a number of neighborhoods in the city. The list of companies seems to favor those that get a lot of media coverage, as opposed to, say, a list of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.bizjournals.com/sanfrancisco/subscriber-only/2015/03/06/san-francisco-tech-employers.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">top tech employers\u003c/a> in San Francisco. Whatever the case, Hayworth resents the malice communicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody, but nobody would confuse me for a brogrammer. I hope,” Hayworth says. “The fact they would just tar such a big group of people without knowing any of them. You know, obnoxious people in a bar do not represent, like, the entire tech community. And it’s really unfortunate that political discourse in San Francisco kind of throws all these people together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But how do I relate my findings here at Sightglass to what political analysts who parse voting data say? I went back to David Latterman to get his take. He promises voters like Hayworth who are outliers now \u003cem>will\u003c/em> get noticed within a couple election cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And “anyone who’s ever voted will be targeted next year.” Why? Because that will be a presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tens of thousands of tech workers have flooded into San Francisco in recent years, changing the face of the city. How will they affect the upcoming election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s begin by agreeing that there is no techie block vote. We’re not talking about \u003ca href=\"http://memory-alpha.wikia.com/wiki/Borg\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Borg\u003c/a> here. But more to the point, the data don’t back up the assumption that all tech workers vote the same way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a variable that says ‘techie’ that we can check off,” says David Latterman, who runs the quantitative research firm \u003ca href=\"http://www.flanalytics.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Fall Line Analytics\u003c/a>. He has crunched political data locally for more than a decade, and he thinks the most salient factor is not so much what people do for a living but how old they are and how recently they arrived in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know 50-year-old techies on the far left, and [others] who are staunchly conservative, and everything in between,” Latterman says. “The older they get, the more they diffuse into the city and the body politic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ned Lerner, director of engineering at Sony Computer Entertainment America, typifies that older techie voter. “I only started voting local when I thought of myself as part of the local community, which took a while.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 56-year-old resident of the Richmond district moved to San Francisco in 1995. Lerner says his attitude about voting changed after he became a homeowner and a parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m much more likely to think about what is better — or worse — for my kids,” Lerner says. “I’m also increasingly aware of how complex the world is, which the issues on the ballot reflect, how the process is manipulated by those who have a personal stake, and how inadequate my knowledge is — and very likely, the knowledge of those who I might defer to, including the media.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latterman adds: “A lot of younger people, they’re not focused yet. People like to talk: ‘You know, we have this tech group mobilized.’ No, they don’t. There’s no evidence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, he says, because young tech workers are not likely to vote, they’re not being targeted by political candidates and campaigns, either with mailers or social media. At least, not in this year’s election, given that there’s no hotly contested race at the top of the ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">Airbnb, which has reportedly spent\u003ca href=\"http://www.businessinsider.com/airbnb-spends-8-million-against-prop-f-2015-9\"> $8 million\u003c/a> to defeat \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/a/forum/R201510050900\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition F\u003c/a>, might be the only compelling ballot draw, David Latterman says, mainly because the company has spent so much money to raise public awareness.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Latterman’s assessment is widely shared by other analysts who watch San Francisco politics closely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the jury is still out as to how politically engaged the majority of new young tech workers are,” says Rachel Brahinsky, assistant professor of urban affairs at the University of San Francisco. “You may have some people who are new to the city and haven’t figured out how to plug in yet. They may be just out of college and aren’t that politicized necessarily. Some of them are. Some of them aren’t. And then if they’re getting some of these tech jobs, they are very, very busy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the stereotype: the young recent arrival to San Francisco who lives in a bubble, shuttling between home and work, the bar and coffee bar, with nary a thought to civic engagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But enough from the political pundits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Let’s Talk To More Techies\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I headed for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sightglasscoffee.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Sightglass Coffee\u003c/a>, South of Market. It’s hip, spacious and packed with people who work in tech. Over the hum and swoosh of beans being roasted on-site, people hold business meetings or tap away diligently on their laptops. I expected to meet disengaged workaholics. Instead, I ran into 26-year-old Bill Rowan, a software engineer who’s been living in Cole Valley for three years. Does he vote?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every year,” he replies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Has he voted yet this year?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not yet,” Rowan replies. “I know I still have a little more time to make my selections, but I’ve already started studying the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rowan is so serious about doing his civic duty that he’s a member of the nonprofit San Francisco Planning and Urban Research Association (or \u003ca href=\"http://www.spur.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SPUR\u003c/a>) and attended a recent meeting to learn more about this year’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I do meet a couple of guys who don’t vote, like Amit Desai, who’s lived in SoMa for seven years. He works in marketing for a software company. Desai is 44. So, according to prevailing wisdom, he should be politically active. But no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m largely apolitical.” He chalks it up to cynicism, even though Desai says he’s troubled by the way the housing crisis has affected the cultural diversity of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is a great city, pretty city,” Desai says. “But it’s definitely becoming less diverse. At this rate, we’re going to have something akin to Manhattan, for techies, as opposed to bankers. More homogenous, wealthy group of residents, plus commuters and tourists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think to myself the KQED mic flag might be scaring away “brogrammers,” the stereotypical frat boy programmer everybody loves to hate. Or perhaps I’m attracting a self-selecting data pool of voters. I meet one middle-aged tech worker who refuses to talk on tape. He says he listens to KQED and he knows he’ll come off badly admitting he doesn’t vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the more time I spend at Sightglass, the more I meet young people working in tech who are really, really politically engaged. None more so than 24-year-old Will Hayworth, a software developer for \u003ca href=\"https://www.atlassian.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Atlassian\u003c/a>. Hayworth voted the same night the ballot arrived in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t fall asleep because I was so excited to vote!” Hayworth laughs. Despite moving to San Francisco just a year and a half ago, Hayworth can go down the list of housing measures from memory, thoughtfully explaining each vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are already seeing how high rents are re-shaping the city, and not in good ways,” they say. (Hayworth identifies as genderqueer, so I’ll be using the pronoun “they” from here on out.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I ask if Hayworth’s passion for politics is considered normal by friends and co-workers. Sipping on a vanilla iced cold brew, they say no. “When you try and discuss it and everything, you just sort of get blank stares.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayworth’s interest makes a lot more sense when you learn politics is a family concern. Their mother \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9r1DuHYhDtU\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nan Hayworth\u003c/a> was a Republican congresswoman in New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel loathed as a gay guy, sometimes. I feel loathed as a Republican among the gays. And I feel loathed as a techie by everybody who’s not in tech,” they say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With fingernails painted bright blue, Hayworth taps on an iPhone to pull up a photo of a poster you can still find slapped on telephone poles around SoMa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10725875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17114_IMG_0596-001.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10725875\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17114_IMG_0596-001.JPG-qut-800x642.jpg\" alt='\"Brogrammers off the block,\" this poster up in SoMa reads. \"Attention all lemmings/employees of Airbnb, Apple, DoubleDutch, Dropbox, Facebook, Google, SV Angels, Ron Conway, Scott Weiner, TechCrunch, Twitter, Uber, Yahoo. You are hereby advised to leave the Mission. Your next warning will not be so polite.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"642\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17114_IMG_0596-001.JPG-qut.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17114_IMG_0596-001.JPG-qut-400x321.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“Brogrammers off the block,” this poster up in SoMa says. “Attention all lemmings/employees of Airbnb, Apple, DoubleDutch, Dropbox, Facebook, Google, SV Angels, Ron Conway, Scott Weiner, TechCrunch, Twitter, Uber, Yahoo. You are hereby advised to leave the Mission. Your next warning will not be so polite.” \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Will Hayworth)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The logic of the poster isn’t exactly clear. Only the Mission is mentioned, although tech workers have reshaped a number of neighborhoods in the city. The list of companies seems to favor those that get a lot of media coverage, as opposed to, say, a list of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.bizjournals.com/sanfrancisco/subscriber-only/2015/03/06/san-francisco-tech-employers.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">top tech employers\u003c/a> in San Francisco. Whatever the case, Hayworth resents the malice communicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody, but nobody would confuse me for a brogrammer. I hope,” Hayworth says. “The fact they would just tar such a big group of people without knowing any of them. You know, obnoxious people in a bar do not represent, like, the entire tech community. And it’s really unfortunate that political discourse in San Francisco kind of throws all these people together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But how do I relate my findings here at Sightglass to what political analysts who parse voting data say? I went back to David Latterman to get his take. He promises voters like Hayworth who are outliers now \u003cem>will\u003c/em> get noticed within a couple election cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And “anyone who’s ever voted will be targeted next year.” Why? Because that will be a presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Our California Political Muscle series has recently explored both the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/08/13/240-million-education-contract-illustrates-state-lobbying-loopholes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hidden elements of how businesses lobby to win state government contracts\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/08/12/local-california-governments-spend-big-to-influence-sacramento-lawmakers/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">who employs lobbyists in Sacramento\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A bill moving through the California Legislature that would force disclosure around lobbying for state contracts would put California in a group of just 18 states that require disclosure of procurement lobbying — which sounds good until you consider that a number of local communities have had similar rules on the books for years.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1200\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 1200 \u003c/a>, one of hundreds of bills awaiting final action when lawmakers return next week, would expand existing lobbying laws to include state government contracts. 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Breaking the lobbying law in LA County has consequences: The firm or person seeking the contract is disqualified from contention. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state’s largest cities also already regulate contract lobbying the same way that AB 1200’s author, Assemblyman Rich Gordon (D -Menlo Park), hopes to enact at the state level. For many of those cities, this kind of disclosure requirement is nothing new. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”ywdD3BNSW19dvummwJkg26leAeQasulG”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stacey Fulhorst, executive director of the San Diego Ethics Commission, led an overhaul of the city’s lobbying ordinance in 2007 but says lobbying for contracts has been on the city books at least since the 1990’s. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Four of California’s six largest counties — Los Angeles, San Diego, Orange, and Santa Clara — have lobbying ordinances that specifically include\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">contracts when it comes to disclosing the use of paid lobbyists. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Los Angeles County, which has thousands of contracts on the books on everything from groundskeeping to armed security guards, has even built its disclosure law into the process of applying for a contract to provide county services. Each applicant must certify that they are aware of the registration and disclosure requirements that the county places on lobbyists. Breaking the lobbying law in LA County has consequences: The firm or person seeking the contract is disqualified from contention. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state’s largest cities also already regulate contract lobbying the same way that AB 1200’s author, Assemblyman Rich Gordon (D -Menlo Park), hopes to enact at the state level. For many of those cities, this kind of disclosure requirement is nothing new. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stacey Fulhorst, executive director of the San Diego Ethics Commission, led an overhaul of the city’s lobbying ordinance in 2007 but says lobbying for contracts has been on the city books at least since the 1990’s. She says it’s “surprising” the state hasn’t adopted a similar provision. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Fulhorst also learned in the three years it took to overhaul San Diego’s laws the difficulty in tailoring lobbying laws so that routine communication isn’t discouraged. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We didn’t want to have to include a citizen contacting a representative about a street light,” she says. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For that reason, most city and county lobbying rules allow for communications — within the normal bid submission process — between vendors and the local governments they are hoping to supply with services. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Even smaller counties with fewer contracts have seen the need to have some kind of disclosure requirement to make sure big deals aren’t won with behind-the-scenes activity. In 1983, Santa Cruz County was considering the idea of entering into an exclusive cable television agreement with a single provider. County supervisors passed an ordinance that would require lobbyists to register during the bidding process. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But according to Santa Cruz County spokesman Rayne Marr, the ordinance “is a relic of the past” and is no longer used. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some counties instead rely on a series of ethics laws around the procurement process. These can govern the acceptance of gifts from applicants, or they set guidelines for appropriate contact with current service providers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without the registration of lobbyists, the counties and cities, like the state of California, are left unable to fully account for the contacts made and conversations that lead up to the awarding of thousands of taxpayer-funded contracts.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Pours Big Bucks Into Federal Campaigns -- Mostly From Wealthy Cities",
"title": "California Pours Big Bucks Into Federal Campaigns -- Mostly From Wealthy Cities",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>California donors poured $768 million into Senate, House and presidential races between 2007 and the end of 2014 -- money that largely flowed from wealthy cities in Los Angeles County and the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis of federal campaign finance data by\u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/\" target=\"_blank\"> MapLight.org\u003c/a> found that residents of California's most famous ZIP code -- 90210 -- gave the most money, $12.8 million, over the eight-year period. Aside from the Bay Area and L.A. County's dominance of the top 20 most generous ZIP codes, Sacramento and Newport Beach were also in the mix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, residents of the following cities poured nearly $155 million into the coffers of federal candidates over the eight-year period:\u003c/p>\n\u003ctable>\n\u003ctbody>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>ZIP\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Amount\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>City\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Population\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>90210\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$12,860,713.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Beverly Hills\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>16,984\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>90049\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$11,383,548.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles (Brentwood)\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>29,275\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>90266\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$11,124,125.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Manhattan Beach\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>30,505\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>95814\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$10,244,835.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Sacramento (downtown)\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Sacramento County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>5,330\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94010\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$8,503,650.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Burlingame\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Mateo County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>35,172\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94109\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$8,473,744.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Francisco (Nob Hill/Russian Hill)\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Francisco County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>38,763\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94105\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$8,452,198.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Francisco (Rincon Hill/SoMa\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Francisco County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>5,271\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>92660\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$8,358,433.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Newport Beach\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Orange County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>28,529\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>90024\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$8,091,490.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles (Westwood)\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>22,009\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>92037\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$8,039,083.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>La Jolla\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Diego County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>30,981\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>90067\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$7,844,815.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles (Century City)\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>5,575\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>95841\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$7,679,058.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Sacramento (North Highlands)\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Sacramento County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>13,816\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94301\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$7,358,970.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Palo Alto\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Santa Clara County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>14,401\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>90272\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$6,822,879.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Pacific Palisades\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>19,526\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94025\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$6,625,643.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Menlo Park\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Mateo County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>32,613\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94027\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$6,289,276.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Atherton\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Mateo County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>6,145\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94611\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$5,666,959.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Oakland\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Alameda County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>32,155\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94022\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$5,646,046.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Altos\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Santa Clara County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>17,620\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94901\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$5,469,509.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Rafael\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Marin County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>33,561\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003c/tbody>\n\u003c/table>\n\u003cp>The numbers shouldn't come as a surprise to political observers -- federal candidates, particularly Democrats, have\u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Obama-s-Bay-Area-fundraising-trip-brings-flak-5639663.php\" target=\"_blank\"> long used the Golden State to fill their campaign coffers. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/214130521\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Why not come here and use California as a piggy bank if you're a candidate? People out here are politically interested and very excited to see candidates,\" said Rick Hasen, an election law professor at UC Irvine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also unsurprising, said Hasen: The most money came from some of the state's wealthiest communities. He said in general the richest 0.1 percent of Americans donate the most to political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So it’s just par for the course that candidates and parties -- and now these outside groups -- go to where the money is, so now they are going to the richest part of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hasen said that because the data include only contributions to candidates, it \"grossly understates the amount of money that is certainly coming from rich Californians.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while $768 million is a lot of money, Hasen said the figures would be even higher if both parties viewed the Golden State as up for grabs in presidential races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If this were a competitive state, you'd see even more money coming in, because you'd have candidates and political operatives coming here even more,\" he said. \"The fact is that California is a safe Democratic state and so you don't have, for example, presidential candidates making many visits out here to campaign.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he said, \"the money's here,\" so they still show up to ask for it.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California donors poured $768 million into Senate, House and presidential races between 2007 and the end of 2014 -- money that largely flowed from wealthy cities in Los Angeles County and the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis of federal campaign finance data by\u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/\" target=\"_blank\"> MapLight.org\u003c/a> found that residents of California's most famous ZIP code -- 90210 -- gave the most money, $12.8 million, over the eight-year period. Aside from the Bay Area and L.A. County's dominance of the top 20 most generous ZIP codes, Sacramento and Newport Beach were also in the mix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, residents of the following cities poured nearly $155 million into the coffers of federal candidates over the eight-year period:\u003c/p>\n\u003ctable>\n\u003ctbody>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>ZIP\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Amount\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>City\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Population\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>90210\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$12,860,713.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Beverly Hills\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>16,984\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>90049\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$11,383,548.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles (Brentwood)\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>29,275\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>90266\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$11,124,125.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Manhattan Beach\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>30,505\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>95814\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$10,244,835.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Sacramento (downtown)\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Sacramento County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>5,330\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94010\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$8,503,650.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Burlingame\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Mateo County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>35,172\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94109\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$8,473,744.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Francisco (Nob Hill/Russian Hill)\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Francisco County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>38,763\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94105\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$8,452,198.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Francisco (Rincon Hill/SoMa\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Francisco County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>5,271\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>92660\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$8,358,433.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Newport Beach\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Orange County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>28,529\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>90024\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$8,091,490.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles (Westwood)\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>22,009\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>92037\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$8,039,083.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>La Jolla\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Diego County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>30,981\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>90067\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$7,844,815.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles (Century City)\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>5,575\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>95841\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$7,679,058.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Sacramento (North Highlands)\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Sacramento County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>13,816\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94301\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$7,358,970.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Palo Alto\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Santa Clara County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>14,401\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>90272\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$6,822,879.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Pacific Palisades\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Angeles County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>19,526\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94025\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$6,625,643.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Menlo Park\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Mateo County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>32,613\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94027\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$6,289,276.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Atherton\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Mateo County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>6,145\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94611\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$5,666,959.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Oakland\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Alameda County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>32,155\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94022\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$5,646,046.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Los Altos\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Santa Clara County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>17,620\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>94901\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$5,469,509.00\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>San Rafael\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>Marin County\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>33,561\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003c/tbody>\n\u003c/table>\n\u003cp>The numbers shouldn't come as a surprise to political observers -- federal candidates, particularly Democrats, have\u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Obama-s-Bay-Area-fundraising-trip-brings-flak-5639663.php\" target=\"_blank\"> long used the Golden State to fill their campaign coffers. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/214130521&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/214130521'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Why not come here and use California as a piggy bank if you're a candidate? People out here are politically interested and very excited to see candidates,\" said Rick Hasen, an election law professor at UC Irvine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also unsurprising, said Hasen: The most money came from some of the state's wealthiest communities. He said in general the richest 0.1 percent of Americans donate the most to political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So it’s just par for the course that candidates and parties -- and now these outside groups -- go to where the money is, so now they are going to the richest part of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hasen said that because the data include only contributions to candidates, it \"grossly understates the amount of money that is certainly coming from rich Californians.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while $768 million is a lot of money, Hasen said the figures would be even higher if both parties viewed the Golden State as up for grabs in presidential races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If this were a competitive state, you'd see even more money coming in, because you'd have candidates and political operatives coming here even more,\" he said. \"The fact is that California is a safe Democratic state and so you don't have, for example, presidential candidates making many visits out here to campaign.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he said, \"the money's here,\" so they still show up to ask for it.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Berkeley Mayor Tom Bates has announced a citywide water conservation challenge with the chance for Berkeley residents to win “fame, appreciation, and a free lunch,” the latter with him and his wife, state Sen. Loni Hancock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates and Hancock issued what they’re calling the Bates-Hancock Water Conservation Challenge on Monday. The contest pits Berkeleyan against Berkeleyan in a race to see who can reduce their water usage the most in a two-month billing cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the challenge might be a little harder than it looks. To win, you have to beat the water conservation numbers posted by Berkeley’s First Household. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates and Hancock disclosed their own \u003ca href=\"#bateswaterbill\">personal water bill\u003c/a>, which shows that in the latest billing period they have reduced their water usage by 68.1 percent over the base year we’re all being measured against, 2013. The couple’s statement from East Bay MUD shows them using 37 gallons a day for the billing period from April 10 to June 9. They used 116 gallons a day for the comparable period in 2013. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to Berkeleyside Monday, Bates said the conservation competition “could be a good thing” to raise people’s awareness about how their own actions can significantly affect California’s devastating drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea was to keep the issue of water conservation on people’s minds,” he said. “Hopefully people can break our record!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The drought represents a growing emergency,” Hancock said in a statement published in Mayor Bates’ regular Update newsletter. “Each individual can play an important role in addressing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge deadline is July 10, with winners recognized at Council’s July 14 meeting, and is open to Berkeley residents and elected officials residing in the East Bay MUD service area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How to enter:\u003c/strong> If your water bill shows you have reduced your daily water use by more than 68.1 percent during the last completed billing cycle, email mayor@cityofberkeley.info and show them a copy of your bill. (To calculate your reduction percentage, subtract the most recent gallons per day amount from the 2013 gallons per day amount, then divide the remainder by the 2013 gallons per day amount and multiply by 100.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’ll be recognized at an upcoming Berkeley City Council meeting by Mayor Bates, have a permanent recognition in the City Council records, and, if you are the largest water reducer out of all the entries, you’ll win a free lunch with Bates and Hancock.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"bateswaterbill\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10582841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 710px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill.jpg\" alt=\"The most recent water bill for Berkeley Mayor Tom Bates and his wife, state Sen. Loni Hancock. \" width=\"710\" height=\"696\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10582841\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill.jpg 710w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill-400x392.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill-32x32.jpg 32w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill-64x64.jpg 64w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill-75x75.jpg 75w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 710px) 100vw, 710px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The most recent water bill for Berkeley Mayor Tom Bates and his wife, state Sen. Loni Hancock. \u003ccite>(Berkeleyside)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Support independent local journalism by \u003c/b>\u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/support-berkeleyside/\">\u003cb>becoming a Berkeleyside member\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003cb>. Members enjoy lots of perks, like invitations to member-only events, and an annual party.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Mayor Tom Bates and wife, state Sen. Loni Hancock, cut use by 68.1 percent. So Berkeleyans, beat that.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Berkeley Mayor Tom Bates has announced a citywide water conservation challenge with the chance for Berkeley residents to win “fame, appreciation, and a free lunch,” the latter with him and his wife, state Sen. Loni Hancock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates and Hancock issued what they’re calling the Bates-Hancock Water Conservation Challenge on Monday. The contest pits Berkeleyan against Berkeleyan in a race to see who can reduce their water usage the most in a two-month billing cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the challenge might be a little harder than it looks. To win, you have to beat the water conservation numbers posted by Berkeley’s First Household. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates and Hancock disclosed their own \u003ca href=\"#bateswaterbill\">personal water bill\u003c/a>, which shows that in the latest billing period they have reduced their water usage by 68.1 percent over the base year we’re all being measured against, 2013. The couple’s statement from East Bay MUD shows them using 37 gallons a day for the billing period from April 10 to June 9. They used 116 gallons a day for the comparable period in 2013. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to Berkeleyside Monday, Bates said the conservation competition “could be a good thing” to raise people’s awareness about how their own actions can significantly affect California’s devastating drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea was to keep the issue of water conservation on people’s minds,” he said. “Hopefully people can break our record!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The drought represents a growing emergency,” Hancock said in a statement published in Mayor Bates’ regular Update newsletter. “Each individual can play an important role in addressing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge deadline is July 10, with winners recognized at Council’s July 14 meeting, and is open to Berkeley residents and elected officials residing in the East Bay MUD service area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How to enter:\u003c/strong> If your water bill shows you have reduced your daily water use by more than 68.1 percent during the last completed billing cycle, email mayor@cityofberkeley.info and show them a copy of your bill. (To calculate your reduction percentage, subtract the most recent gallons per day amount from the 2013 gallons per day amount, then divide the remainder by the 2013 gallons per day amount and multiply by 100.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’ll be recognized at an upcoming Berkeley City Council meeting by Mayor Bates, have a permanent recognition in the City Council records, and, if you are the largest water reducer out of all the entries, you’ll win a free lunch with Bates and Hancock.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"bateswaterbill\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10582841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 710px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill.jpg\" alt=\"The most recent water bill for Berkeley Mayor Tom Bates and his wife, state Sen. Loni Hancock. \" width=\"710\" height=\"696\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10582841\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill.jpg 710w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill-400x392.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill-32x32.jpg 32w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill-64x64.jpg 64w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/Bates-bill-75x75.jpg 75w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 710px) 100vw, 710px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The most recent water bill for Berkeley Mayor Tom Bates and his wife, state Sen. Loni Hancock. \u003ccite>(Berkeleyside)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Support independent local journalism by \u003c/b>\u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/support-berkeleyside/\">\u003cb>becoming a Berkeleyside member\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003cb>. Members enjoy lots of perks, like invitations to member-only events, and an annual party.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Increasing national attention on issues of use of force, transparency and inequity in the criminal justice system hasn’t been lost on California state legislators, who are pushing dozens of bills aimed at enhancing law enforcement accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California branch of the American Civil Liberties Union is following and advocating for many of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The national attention on police conduct and police abuses has absolutely led to a large number of bills on this issue this year,” says Natasha Minsker, director of the recently expanded ACLU’s Sacramento-based Center for Advocacy and Policy. “What’s yet to be seen, and what we hope for, is that it actually leads to real reforms being enacted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The concern that there would be a conflict of interest between a district attorney and officers they may work with is unfounded.’\u003ccite>Peace Officers Research Association of California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>That observation is a rare example of common ground between groups like the ACLU and law enforcement organizations like the California State Sheriffs’ Association, which is also keeping a close watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are certainly more bills on these topics this year,” said Cory Salzillo, the association’s legislative director. “I think it’s because of the media attention on events in other places like Ferguson and Staten Island.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six of the eight bills the ACLU is highlighting have been placed on either the Senate or Assembly appropriations “suspense file,” meaning the appropriations committees of either house won’t hear the bills until after the state budget is finalized. The hold is meant for high-cost legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason the bills carry big price tags, Minsker says, is that several of them are seeking better data collection — and the agencies that would be providing that data are also the ones providing the cost estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people we’re trying to get information about, those are the people who provide the estimate of the cost,” Minsker says. “And the cost is coming back shockingly high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Data Collection\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly bills \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB953\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">953\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB619\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">619\u003c/a> by Assemblywoman Shirley Weber (D-San Diego) would greatly expand the data that state and local law enforcement agencies are required to report to the California attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB953 updates the definition of profiling to include gender identity and would require all local law enforcement agencies to deliver quarterly reports to the attorney general on all traffic, public transportation and pedestrian stops by July 2017. Most police departments in the state collect only traffic stop data with a few identifying characteristics of the subject, such as race.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-10533302\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi.jpg\" alt=\"RS6677_115011610-sfi\" width=\"540\" height=\"360\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi.jpg 540w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi-400x267.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 540px) 100vw, 540px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB11&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB11\u003c/a> Peace Officer Training: Mental Health\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB29&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB29\u003c/a> Peace Officer Training: Mental Health\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB227&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB227\u003c/a> Grand Jury Investigations\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB411&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB411\u003c/a> Photographing/Recording Police\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB601&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB601\u003c/a> CDCR Data Dashboard\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB629&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB629\u003c/a> “Lynching”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB86&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB86\u003c/a> Special Prosecutor Investigations\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB619&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB619\u003c/a> Use of Force Data Collection\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB953&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB953\u003c/a> Racial Stop Data Collection\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1118&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB1118\u003c/a> Procedural Justice Training\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The bill would require a slew of data for every stop, including an officer’s perception of the subject’s race, ethnicity, gender, age, sexual orientation, religious affiliation, English proficiency and physical or mental disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peace Officers Research Association of California opposes AB953, arguing that officers already receive rigorous training on combating racial profiling and that police departments already collect many of the statistics called for in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe the additional information required will take much more of the officer’s time and result in less service to the public,” the association’s opposition statement says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salzillo said the bill requires law enforcement officers to essentially guess the demographic information. The language of the bill prohibits officers from asking suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know how that works,” he said. “In an attempt to stop racial profiling, it requires officers to pay a lot more attention to race. It’s counterintuitive in that regard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five similar attempts at mandating racial stop data precede AB953, going back to 1999 when then-Gov. Gray Davis vetoed a bill that would have required statewide collection of traffic stop data. But Davis required the California Highway Patrol to start noting the race of the people its officers pulled over, and many local law enforcement agencies began doing so \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/crime/article/Police-rarely-analyze-share-racial-data-on-stops-5697028.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">voluntarily — with mixed results\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s AB619 calls for better bookkeeping on law enforcement use of force and would apply the standards of in-custody deaths to all fatal encounters with police. Current law requires that law enforcement or corrections agencies report details of in-custody deaths to the state attorney general within 10 days of an incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also calls for detailed use-of-force reporting to the attorney general by 2018. Those reports would include characteristics like race, age and gender of officers and subjects in use-of-force cases. The legislation would require open reporting on everything from hand-to-hand physical strikes to gunshots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Data collection is the key to transparency and accountability,” the ACLU’s Minsker says. “If we think racial profiling is important, if we think police killing people is important, we need to collect data and then have conversations about how to fix it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB619 has no formal opposition listed. The ACLU of California is co-sponsoring both of Weber’s bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s aren’t the only bills seeking to expand public safety data collection. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB601&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB601\u003c/a> by Sen. Loni Hancock (D-Berkeley) would require the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to produce a “data dashboard,” publicly available on CDCR’s website. The web portal would include the following:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Information on CDCR staffing\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Inmate enrollment in rehabilitation programs — with diploma and GED completion rates\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of deaths, specifying homicides, suicides, unexpected deaths and expected deaths\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of use-of-force incidents\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of inmate appeals and their status\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of inmates in administrative segregation — or solitary confinement\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contraband seized, quantifying cellphones and drugs\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of days in lockdown\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Budget information\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Hancock’s bill would also require a report to the governor and Legislature on \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/cgi-bin/displaycode?section=pen&group=03001-04000&file=3016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CDCR’s pilot case management re-entry program\u003c/a> by July 31, 2017. Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/docs/SB_601_Veto_Message.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vetoed\u003c/a> a similar bill in 2011, noting that the CDCR already posts much of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/COMPSTAT/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">information\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Training\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate bills \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB11\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">11\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB29&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">29\u003c/a> by Sen. Jim Beall (D-San Jose) would require the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.post.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training\u003c/a> to implement advanced training on mental health issues for California law enforcement officers. From the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/09/30/half-of-those-killed-by-san-francisco-police-are-mentally-ill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Bay Area\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"http://tacreports.org/storage/documents/2013-justifiable-homicides.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nationwide\u003c/a>, it’s estimated that about half of people killed by police are in psychiatric crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”skkL4liZxSqO1gzWqn7QrbRJso14PRgR”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB11 requires 20 hours of behavioral health training at the police academies to be part of the basic requirements to become a peace officer in California. SB29 requires a 40-hour course for field training officers, who mentor recent academy graduates when they first hit the streets. The bills indicate a move toward a state mandate for specialized Crisis Intervention Training, a program some departments have already voluntarily implemented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several state law enforcement associations join disability rights advocacy groups in support of SB11. Fewer groups support SB29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a growing recognition among law enforcement nationwide of the need for more behavioral health training for officers,” the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California wrote in support of SB11. “The existing California Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) curriculum includes only 6 hours of mental health training out of a total of 664 hours of mandated training for peace officers, which is clearly not sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Sheriffs’ Association opposes both bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More training for the sake of more training may not be beneficial and may come at the expense of other, more necessary training,” the association wrote in opposition. “Although we appreciate the desire to improve interactions between law enforcement and persons with mental health issues, [both bills represent] a premature, unfunded mandate that offers no guarantee of providing the appropriate training to the right officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Investigations\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB227 and AB 86 are seeking, in different ways, to establish more independence in the investigations of officer-involved fatalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB227&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB227\u003c/a> by Sen. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles) would not allow grand juries to inquire into cases of potential police misconduct that resulted in the death of a suspect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The use of the criminal grand jury process, and the refusal to indict as occurred in Ferguson and other communities of color, has fostered an atmosphere of suspicion that threatens to compromise our justice system,” Mitchell wrote in an op-ed published in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.dailynews.com/opinion/20150507/why-grand-juries-are-wrong-for-officer-involved-shootings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Los Angeles Daily News\u003c/a>. Her bill would require police use-of-force cases to be charged through a preliminary examination, in open court, rather than behind the closed doors of the grand jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association opposes the bill, writing that California’s grand jury system is “decidedly different and amazingly fairer” than the system in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”eAOzptDt4C8SI5dRdhjhkunRlLBYKGrZ”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While there may be fundamental deficiencies in the grand jury systems of other states, we do not believe that those deficiencies exist in California to justify the outright prohibition of criminal grand juries in fatal officer-involved shootings,” the association wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB86&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB86\u003c/a> would require the state attorney general to appoint a special prosecutor to independently investigate killings by on-duty law enforcement officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters and opposition reveal a stark divide. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People supports the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police brutality has had a long history in California,” the NAACP wrote. “Following the high-profiled deaths of Michael Brown and Eric Garner, civil rights advocates have campaigned for greater oversight of the investigation process following deaths involving law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But most statewide law enforcement agencies oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“District Attorneys have made decisions for years, and have overseen difficult cases that have been scrutinized heavily by the media and public,” the Peace Officers Research Association of California wrote. “The concern that there would be a conflict of interest between a District Attorney and officers they may work with is unfounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salzillo said the bill implied that peace officers who use deadly force are presumed guilty of a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We reject that,” he said. “In so many of these cases, the officer’s been shot at, the officer’s been threatened with a weapon. The officer is a victim in many ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s ACLU also supports McCarty’s bill, but California ACLU director Minsker says she still wouldn’t expect many police officers to face criminal charges following fatal shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are really encouraging folks to focus not just on prosecutions,” Minsker says, “but investigating fatal incidents where police have used force to ask, ‘What went wrong? How could we have prevented this?'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And Many More\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the many other law enforcement bills meandering their way through the Legislature, one would clarify California law regarding \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB411&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">photographing and recording\u003c/a> police on duty. Still \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB629&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">another\u003c/a> would scrub the term “lynching” from the state’s penal code, and several bills are vying to establish statewide rules for police body-worn cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And of course, the Legislature doesn’t have the final word on these proposals. Bills that make it through both houses must still win Gov. Brown’s approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had initial meetings with the governor’s staff to educate them about the bills,” Minsker says, adding that it’s difficult to predict where Brown will land on any of these issues. “At this point no red flags have been raised on these bills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post was updated May 22 to add a link to existing CDCR COMPSTAT reports.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Legislature Considering a Stack of Cop-Accountability Bills | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Increasing national attention on issues of use of force, transparency and inequity in the criminal justice system hasn’t been lost on California state legislators, who are pushing dozens of bills aimed at enhancing law enforcement accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California branch of the American Civil Liberties Union is following and advocating for many of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The national attention on police conduct and police abuses has absolutely led to a large number of bills on this issue this year,” says Natasha Minsker, director of the recently expanded ACLU’s Sacramento-based Center for Advocacy and Policy. “What’s yet to be seen, and what we hope for, is that it actually leads to real reforms being enacted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The concern that there would be a conflict of interest between a district attorney and officers they may work with is unfounded.’\u003ccite>Peace Officers Research Association of California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>That observation is a rare example of common ground between groups like the ACLU and law enforcement organizations like the California State Sheriffs’ Association, which is also keeping a close watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are certainly more bills on these topics this year,” said Cory Salzillo, the association’s legislative director. “I think it’s because of the media attention on events in other places like Ferguson and Staten Island.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six of the eight bills the ACLU is highlighting have been placed on either the Senate or Assembly appropriations “suspense file,” meaning the appropriations committees of either house won’t hear the bills until after the state budget is finalized. The hold is meant for high-cost legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason the bills carry big price tags, Minsker says, is that several of them are seeking better data collection — and the agencies that would be providing that data are also the ones providing the cost estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people we’re trying to get information about, those are the people who provide the estimate of the cost,” Minsker says. “And the cost is coming back shockingly high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Data Collection\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly bills \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB953\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">953\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB619\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">619\u003c/a> by Assemblywoman Shirley Weber (D-San Diego) would greatly expand the data that state and local law enforcement agencies are required to report to the California attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB953 updates the definition of profiling to include gender identity and would require all local law enforcement agencies to deliver quarterly reports to the attorney general on all traffic, public transportation and pedestrian stops by July 2017. Most police departments in the state collect only traffic stop data with a few identifying characteristics of the subject, such as race.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-10533302\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi.jpg\" alt=\"RS6677_115011610-sfi\" width=\"540\" height=\"360\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi.jpg 540w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi-400x267.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 540px) 100vw, 540px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB11&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB11\u003c/a> Peace Officer Training: Mental Health\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB29&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB29\u003c/a> Peace Officer Training: Mental Health\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB227&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB227\u003c/a> Grand Jury Investigations\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB411&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB411\u003c/a> Photographing/Recording Police\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB601&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB601\u003c/a> CDCR Data Dashboard\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB629&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB629\u003c/a> “Lynching”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB86&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB86\u003c/a> Special Prosecutor Investigations\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB619&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB619\u003c/a> Use of Force Data Collection\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB953&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB953\u003c/a> Racial Stop Data Collection\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1118&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB1118\u003c/a> Procedural Justice Training\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The bill would require a slew of data for every stop, including an officer’s perception of the subject’s race, ethnicity, gender, age, sexual orientation, religious affiliation, English proficiency and physical or mental disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peace Officers Research Association of California opposes AB953, arguing that officers already receive rigorous training on combating racial profiling and that police departments already collect many of the statistics called for in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe the additional information required will take much more of the officer’s time and result in less service to the public,” the association’s opposition statement says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salzillo said the bill requires law enforcement officers to essentially guess the demographic information. The language of the bill prohibits officers from asking suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know how that works,” he said. “In an attempt to stop racial profiling, it requires officers to pay a lot more attention to race. It’s counterintuitive in that regard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five similar attempts at mandating racial stop data precede AB953, going back to 1999 when then-Gov. Gray Davis vetoed a bill that would have required statewide collection of traffic stop data. But Davis required the California Highway Patrol to start noting the race of the people its officers pulled over, and many local law enforcement agencies began doing so \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/crime/article/Police-rarely-analyze-share-racial-data-on-stops-5697028.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">voluntarily — with mixed results\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s AB619 calls for better bookkeeping on law enforcement use of force and would apply the standards of in-custody deaths to all fatal encounters with police. Current law requires that law enforcement or corrections agencies report details of in-custody deaths to the state attorney general within 10 days of an incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also calls for detailed use-of-force reporting to the attorney general by 2018. Those reports would include characteristics like race, age and gender of officers and subjects in use-of-force cases. The legislation would require open reporting on everything from hand-to-hand physical strikes to gunshots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Data collection is the key to transparency and accountability,” the ACLU’s Minsker says. “If we think racial profiling is important, if we think police killing people is important, we need to collect data and then have conversations about how to fix it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB619 has no formal opposition listed. The ACLU of California is co-sponsoring both of Weber’s bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s aren’t the only bills seeking to expand public safety data collection. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB601&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB601\u003c/a> by Sen. Loni Hancock (D-Berkeley) would require the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to produce a “data dashboard,” publicly available on CDCR’s website. The web portal would include the following:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Information on CDCR staffing\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Inmate enrollment in rehabilitation programs — with diploma and GED completion rates\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of deaths, specifying homicides, suicides, unexpected deaths and expected deaths\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of use-of-force incidents\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of inmate appeals and their status\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of inmates in administrative segregation — or solitary confinement\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contraband seized, quantifying cellphones and drugs\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of days in lockdown\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Budget information\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Hancock’s bill would also require a report to the governor and Legislature on \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/cgi-bin/displaycode?section=pen&group=03001-04000&file=3016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CDCR’s pilot case management re-entry program\u003c/a> by July 31, 2017. Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/docs/SB_601_Veto_Message.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vetoed\u003c/a> a similar bill in 2011, noting that the CDCR already posts much of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/COMPSTAT/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">information\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Training\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate bills \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB11\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">11\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB29&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">29\u003c/a> by Sen. Jim Beall (D-San Jose) would require the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.post.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training\u003c/a> to implement advanced training on mental health issues for California law enforcement officers. From the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/09/30/half-of-those-killed-by-san-francisco-police-are-mentally-ill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Bay Area\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"http://tacreports.org/storage/documents/2013-justifiable-homicides.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nationwide\u003c/a>, it’s estimated that about half of people killed by police are in psychiatric crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB11 requires 20 hours of behavioral health training at the police academies to be part of the basic requirements to become a peace officer in California. SB29 requires a 40-hour course for field training officers, who mentor recent academy graduates when they first hit the streets. The bills indicate a move toward a state mandate for specialized Crisis Intervention Training, a program some departments have already voluntarily implemented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several state law enforcement associations join disability rights advocacy groups in support of SB11. Fewer groups support SB29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a growing recognition among law enforcement nationwide of the need for more behavioral health training for officers,” the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California wrote in support of SB11. “The existing California Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) curriculum includes only 6 hours of mental health training out of a total of 664 hours of mandated training for peace officers, which is clearly not sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Sheriffs’ Association opposes both bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More training for the sake of more training may not be beneficial and may come at the expense of other, more necessary training,” the association wrote in opposition. “Although we appreciate the desire to improve interactions between law enforcement and persons with mental health issues, [both bills represent] a premature, unfunded mandate that offers no guarantee of providing the appropriate training to the right officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Investigations\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB227 and AB 86 are seeking, in different ways, to establish more independence in the investigations of officer-involved fatalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB227&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB227\u003c/a> by Sen. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles) would not allow grand juries to inquire into cases of potential police misconduct that resulted in the death of a suspect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The use of the criminal grand jury process, and the refusal to indict as occurred in Ferguson and other communities of color, has fostered an atmosphere of suspicion that threatens to compromise our justice system,” Mitchell wrote in an op-ed published in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.dailynews.com/opinion/20150507/why-grand-juries-are-wrong-for-officer-involved-shootings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Los Angeles Daily News\u003c/a>. Her bill would require police use-of-force cases to be charged through a preliminary examination, in open court, rather than behind the closed doors of the grand jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association opposes the bill, writing that California’s grand jury system is “decidedly different and amazingly fairer” than the system in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While there may be fundamental deficiencies in the grand jury systems of other states, we do not believe that those deficiencies exist in California to justify the outright prohibition of criminal grand juries in fatal officer-involved shootings,” the association wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB86&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB86\u003c/a> would require the state attorney general to appoint a special prosecutor to independently investigate killings by on-duty law enforcement officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters and opposition reveal a stark divide. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People supports the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police brutality has had a long history in California,” the NAACP wrote. “Following the high-profiled deaths of Michael Brown and Eric Garner, civil rights advocates have campaigned for greater oversight of the investigation process following deaths involving law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But most statewide law enforcement agencies oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“District Attorneys have made decisions for years, and have overseen difficult cases that have been scrutinized heavily by the media and public,” the Peace Officers Research Association of California wrote. “The concern that there would be a conflict of interest between a District Attorney and officers they may work with is unfounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salzillo said the bill implied that peace officers who use deadly force are presumed guilty of a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We reject that,” he said. “In so many of these cases, the officer’s been shot at, the officer’s been threatened with a weapon. The officer is a victim in many ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s ACLU also supports McCarty’s bill, but California ACLU director Minsker says she still wouldn’t expect many police officers to face criminal charges following fatal shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are really encouraging folks to focus not just on prosecutions,” Minsker says, “but investigating fatal incidents where police have used force to ask, ‘What went wrong? How could we have prevented this?'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And Many More\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the many other law enforcement bills meandering their way through the Legislature, one would clarify California law regarding \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB411&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">photographing and recording\u003c/a> police on duty. Still \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB629&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">another\u003c/a> would scrub the term “lynching” from the state’s penal code, and several bills are vying to establish statewide rules for police body-worn cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And of course, the Legislature doesn’t have the final word on these proposals. Bills that make it through both houses must still win Gov. Brown’s approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had initial meetings with the governor’s staff to educate them about the bills,” Minsker says, adding that it’s difficult to predict where Brown will land on any of these issues. “At this point no red flags have been raised on these bills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post was updated May 22 to add a link to existing CDCR COMPSTAT reports.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>SACRAMENTO — California would aggressively reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 under a plan announced Wednesday by Gov. Jerry Brown that steps up the state’s previously established target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=18938\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">executive order\u003c/a> goes farther than a federal proposal also aiming to curb global warming, but lacks specifics on how to accomplish its goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown set a target of reducing emissions to 40 percent below 1990 levels over the next 15 years and called it the most aggressive benchmark enacted by a government in North America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this order, California sets a very high bar for itself and other states and nations, but it’s one that must be reached — for this generation and generations to come,” Brown said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Obama announced a plan last summer to cut carbon dioxide emissions by 30 percent by 2030, with 2005 levels as the starting point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said climate change would factor into government planning, and he ordered state agencies and departments to implement measures to reduce emissions. Brown called for an update to the Safeguarding California Plan — the state climate adaption strategy — to identify how climate change will affect infrastructure and industry and what actions California can take to reduce the risks of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order aligns California’s greenhouse-gas reduction targets with those of leading international governments ahead of the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris later this year. The 28-nation European Union has set the same target for 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already has been moving toward an 80 percent reduction in emissions by 2050 under a 2005 executive order by former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his inauguration in January, Brown said he wanted to take steps to increase renewable energy use to 50 percent in the next 15 years. He called for the state to increase renewable electricity sources, reduce petroleum use in vehicles, double the energy efficiency of existing buildings and make heating fuels cleaner by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s action comes amid equally aggressive efforts aimed at fighting the state’s historic drought, which has been California’s primary environmental concern in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s order \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=18938\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">was posted\u003c/a> on the governor’s official website, along with praise from a variety of world figures. Among them was Tom Steyer, the billionaire hedge fund manager who has emerged as a major funder of environmentally focused political campaigns:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=18938\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“When it comes to climate change, California has emerged as a global leader – proving that we don’t have to choose between a healthy environment and a strong economy. Today Governor Brown took that leadership to the next level. By setting an ambitious and achievable target to reduce emissions of climate-altering pollutants 40 percent by 2030, Governor Brown is setting a course that will build upon the hundreds of thousands of good paying advanced energy jobs in California, improve the health and wellbeing of Californians and continue our global leadership to solve the greatest challenge of our generation.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite being a political hero to the environmental movement in his first stint as governor in the 1970s, Brown has gotten harsh criticism from conservationists recently for his refusal to ban hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, for oil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In general, we expected more of him because we, as a state, expect more, period,” Marta Stoepker, a spokeswoman for the Sierra Club in California, said in February.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>SACRAMENTO — California would aggressively reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 under a plan announced Wednesday by Gov. Jerry Brown that steps up the state’s previously established target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=18938\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">executive order\u003c/a> goes farther than a federal proposal also aiming to curb global warming, but lacks specifics on how to accomplish its goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown set a target of reducing emissions to 40 percent below 1990 levels over the next 15 years and called it the most aggressive benchmark enacted by a government in North America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this order, California sets a very high bar for itself and other states and nations, but it’s one that must be reached — for this generation and generations to come,” Brown said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Obama announced a plan last summer to cut carbon dioxide emissions by 30 percent by 2030, with 2005 levels as the starting point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said climate change would factor into government planning, and he ordered state agencies and departments to implement measures to reduce emissions. Brown called for an update to the Safeguarding California Plan — the state climate adaption strategy — to identify how climate change will affect infrastructure and industry and what actions California can take to reduce the risks of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order aligns California’s greenhouse-gas reduction targets with those of leading international governments ahead of the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris later this year. The 28-nation European Union has set the same target for 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already has been moving toward an 80 percent reduction in emissions by 2050 under a 2005 executive order by former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his inauguration in January, Brown said he wanted to take steps to increase renewable energy use to 50 percent in the next 15 years. He called for the state to increase renewable electricity sources, reduce petroleum use in vehicles, double the energy efficiency of existing buildings and make heating fuels cleaner by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s action comes amid equally aggressive efforts aimed at fighting the state’s historic drought, which has been California’s primary environmental concern in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s order \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=18938\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">was posted\u003c/a> on the governor’s official website, along with praise from a variety of world figures. Among them was Tom Steyer, the billionaire hedge fund manager who has emerged as a major funder of environmentally focused political campaigns:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=18938\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“When it comes to climate change, California has emerged as a global leader – proving that we don’t have to choose between a healthy environment and a strong economy. Today Governor Brown took that leadership to the next level. By setting an ambitious and achievable target to reduce emissions of climate-altering pollutants 40 percent by 2030, Governor Brown is setting a course that will build upon the hundreds of thousands of good paying advanced energy jobs in California, improve the health and wellbeing of Californians and continue our global leadership to solve the greatest challenge of our generation.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite being a political hero to the environmental movement in his first stint as governor in the 1970s, Brown has gotten harsh criticism from conservationists recently for his refusal to ban hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, for oil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In general, we expected more of him because we, as a state, expect more, period,” Marta Stoepker, a spokeswoman for the Sierra Club in California, said in February.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a45/\">Matthew Dababneh\u003c/a> had some compelling reasons for wanting to chair the state Assembly’s Banking and Finance Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Fernando Valley Democrat worked for \u003ca href=\"http://sherman.house.gov/\">U.S. Rep. Brad Sherman (D-Sherman Oaks)\u003c/a>, a senior member of the House Financial Services Committee, for nearly a decade, including during the recent recession as Sherman \u003ca href=\"http://sherman.house.gov/media-center/opinion-editorials/regulating-wall-streets-abuses\">tackled Wall Street and credit rating reform\u003c/a>. Improving financial literacy in the congressional district was also a key issue during Dababneh’s time as Sherman’s district chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Here’s why you need to raise money: You raise money and then the party takes it.’ \u003ccite>Former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I was really drawn because of experience and personal interest to serve on the Banking and Finance Committee,” Dababneh said. “For me, my (committee) requests were based on my experience, subject matter I thought was most relevant to my district, where my interests lie and wanting to focus my attention on some of the policies I want to pursue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s something besides expertise, however, that sets Dababneh apart from most of his Democratic colleagues in the state Assembly: his impressive fundraising prowess, which he’s used in part to help other Democrats get elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201697827″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED and Maplight.org analysis of data, along with interviews with current and former lawmakers, shows that the most powerful committee chairs in the state Assembly share a knack for prolific fundraising and a propensity to funnel this money to the Democratic Party and other Democrats running for office. Our analysis looked at campaign finance contributions from when each current member entered office through the end of 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter noborder\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1Gd6KHpKOv6nXDPbeYkpM6u_2SgXOC4O28SJtW_brVV0/pubchart?oid=1139646740&format=interactive\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nData from California Secretary of State and MapLight.org (Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Generosity is clearly not the only consideration for Assembly speakers when they are assigning committees — but former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano said it “absolutely” is a key factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Democrat said he was often asked why he needed to raise money when he was running virtually unopposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Sometimes the folks who are the most successful fundraisers are also the most successful at being aggressive in a number of areas.’ \u003ccite>Former Assembly Speaker John Pérez\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Here’s why you need to raise money: You raise money and then the party takes it. They are very nice about that, and they take it and you are able also, because you don’t give it all to the party. You are able to help candidates you like,” he said. “And a chairmanship will usually come with that — not necessarily … the final say is between a member and the speaker, and there are other political obligations that speaker might have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dababneh questioned whether the Banking and Finance Committee chairmanship is even really a “juice” committee, as they are \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1988-10-30/local/me-788_1_insurance-committee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">historically known\u003c/a> in Sacramento. He noted he was taken off the Governmental Organization Committee — a committee often seen as a fundraising bonanza because it regulates gambling, alcohol and tobacco — when he became Banking’s leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"http://abnk.assembly.ca.gov/\">Banking and Finance\u003c/a>, along with \u003ca href=\"http://agov.assembly.ca.gov/\">Governmental Organization\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ains.assembly.ca.gov/\">Insurance\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://apro.assembly.ca.gov/\">Appropriations\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ahea.assembly.ca.gov/\">Health\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://autl.assembly.ca.gov/\">Utilities and Commerce\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://abp.assembly.ca.gov/\">Business and Professions\u003c/a> are typically seen as the most powerful committees in the Assembly because they oversee legislation that impacts the state’s most influential — and monied — industries and interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the purpose of this analysis, we also included a newly created committee, \u003ca href=\"http://privacycp.assembly.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Privacy and Consumer Protection\u003c/a>, which stands to wield an enormous amount of power in years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of campaign finance data through the end of 2014 from the entire state Assembly Democratic Caucus revealed:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Over their time in office, the current chairs of those eight committees raised nearly $20 million combined — on average, $847,000 more each than the rest of Democrats in the Assembly. Only two of those chairs, Asssemblywoman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a14/\">Susan Bonilla\u003c/a> (D-Concord) and Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a43/\">Mike Gatto\u003c/a> (D-Glendale), have been in office longer than two years.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Those chairs also funneled a total of $3.4 million to other campaigns over the past five years, with $1.9 million of it going straight to the California Democratic Party.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The biggest contributors were Gatto, who has funneled more than $630,000 to other Democrats since 2010; and Utilities and Commerce chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a63/\">Assemblyman Anthony Rendon \u003c/a> (D-Lakewood), who spread around an impressive $641,000 in just three years.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Dababneh has been in office only since late 2013, but has proved to be a more prolific fundraiser on an annual basis than any other lawmaker besides Gatto. Dababneh raised an average of more than $840,000 a year; Gatto has brought in more than $1.1 million annually on average.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The average amount “juice” chairs gave away was $435,116 during their time in office, nearly twice as much as the rest of the Assembly Democratic Caucus, whose members contributed an average of $239,627.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Both Bonilla and Gatto saw big bumps in fundraising after they were named chairs of juice committees.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All of the chairs managed to dramatically increase their annual fundraising after being elected — some, including Health chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a18/\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a>, D-Oakland, and Insurance chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a69/\">Tom Daly\u003c/a>, D-Anaheim, doubled their fundraising between their first and second terms.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter noborder\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1Gd6KHpKOv6nXDPbeYkpM6u_2SgXOC4O28SJtW_brVV0/pubchart?oid=268275437&format=interactive\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nData from California Secretary of State and MapLight.org (Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Rise of Party Politics\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, the assumption has been that chairs of juice committees excel at fundraising largely because the powerful interest groups they are regulating want access and influence over the lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But our analysis didn’t find overwhelming connections between chairs’ campaign contributions and the businesses they regulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public employee unions and unions representing the building trades were the top two donors to nearly every committee chair. Other big donors included: the real estate and development industry; Indian tribes; public safety unions; and the medical and dental industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”UGUE8TRgs8Uwf9C8oAwHiZNmCsBH48Dg”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco State political scientist Jason McDaniel said caucus leaders reward generosity to other Democrats because term limits and campaign finance laws have curbed the power of individual politicians and made the party more important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s a quid pro quo. Look at it this way — who would you trust more? This is a team, a team effort, is how they think about it,” he said. “And if you are on a team and someone is out for their own stats, like in basketball if you give them the ball and they never pass the ball — I think that’s how leadership sees these kind of things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a question of “who can we trust more, not who can raise more money and has better connections to the big money industries,” McDaniel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Who would you trust more? This is a team, a team effort is how they think about it.’ \u003ccite>Political scientist Jason McDaniel\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>There are exceptions to the rule. Assemblyman\u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a21/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Adam Gray\u003c/a> (D-Merced) chairs the powerful Assembly Governmental Organization Committee. But Gray actually took way more from the party than he gave during a tough re-election battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Gatto, who raised more than any other lawmaker in the Assembly, lost his plum position as head of the Appropriations Committee last year to Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a51/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jimmy Gomez\u003c/a> (D-Echo Park).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Assembly Privacy committee still stands to wield influence, but not nearly as much as Appropriations, which is where many bills live or die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been explained to me that I am the No. 1 fundraiser for the Democratic Party in the history of Assembly, yet I lost my chairmanship — so that’s either tremendous disloyalty on the part of the speaker or lack of correlation with money and chairmanships,” Gatto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assembly Speaker John Pérez, who was termed out last year, said he considered a range of things when deciding who to name to leadership roles, including their desires, policy expertise, temperament and leadership skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s absolutely never been a litmus test that I have seen” for fundraising, Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said the same skills that make someone a successful legislator are usually found in strong fundraisers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes the folks who are the most successful fundraisers are also the most successful at being aggressive in a number of areas, so sometimes it’s a skill set that people have in common,” he said. “But it’s not a dispositive skill set.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Money Shapes Power of Capitol Committees | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a45/\">Matthew Dababneh\u003c/a> had some compelling reasons for wanting to chair the state Assembly’s Banking and Finance Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Fernando Valley Democrat worked for \u003ca href=\"http://sherman.house.gov/\">U.S. Rep. Brad Sherman (D-Sherman Oaks)\u003c/a>, a senior member of the House Financial Services Committee, for nearly a decade, including during the recent recession as Sherman \u003ca href=\"http://sherman.house.gov/media-center/opinion-editorials/regulating-wall-streets-abuses\">tackled Wall Street and credit rating reform\u003c/a>. Improving financial literacy in the congressional district was also a key issue during Dababneh’s time as Sherman’s district chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Here’s why you need to raise money: You raise money and then the party takes it.’ \u003ccite>Former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I was really drawn because of experience and personal interest to serve on the Banking and Finance Committee,” Dababneh said. “For me, my (committee) requests were based on my experience, subject matter I thought was most relevant to my district, where my interests lie and wanting to focus my attention on some of the policies I want to pursue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s something besides expertise, however, that sets Dababneh apart from most of his Democratic colleagues in the state Assembly: his impressive fundraising prowess, which he’s used in part to help other Democrats get elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201697827″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201697827″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED and Maplight.org analysis of data, along with interviews with current and former lawmakers, shows that the most powerful committee chairs in the state Assembly share a knack for prolific fundraising and a propensity to funnel this money to the Democratic Party and other Democrats running for office. Our analysis looked at campaign finance contributions from when each current member entered office through the end of 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter noborder\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1Gd6KHpKOv6nXDPbeYkpM6u_2SgXOC4O28SJtW_brVV0/pubchart?oid=1139646740&format=interactive\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nData from California Secretary of State and MapLight.org (Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Generosity is clearly not the only consideration for Assembly speakers when they are assigning committees — but former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano said it “absolutely” is a key factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Democrat said he was often asked why he needed to raise money when he was running virtually unopposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Sometimes the folks who are the most successful fundraisers are also the most successful at being aggressive in a number of areas.’ \u003ccite>Former Assembly Speaker John Pérez\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Here’s why you need to raise money: You raise money and then the party takes it. They are very nice about that, and they take it and you are able also, because you don’t give it all to the party. You are able to help candidates you like,” he said. “And a chairmanship will usually come with that — not necessarily … the final say is between a member and the speaker, and there are other political obligations that speaker might have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dababneh questioned whether the Banking and Finance Committee chairmanship is even really a “juice” committee, as they are \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1988-10-30/local/me-788_1_insurance-committee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">historically known\u003c/a> in Sacramento. He noted he was taken off the Governmental Organization Committee — a committee often seen as a fundraising bonanza because it regulates gambling, alcohol and tobacco — when he became Banking’s leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"http://abnk.assembly.ca.gov/\">Banking and Finance\u003c/a>, along with \u003ca href=\"http://agov.assembly.ca.gov/\">Governmental Organization\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ains.assembly.ca.gov/\">Insurance\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://apro.assembly.ca.gov/\">Appropriations\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ahea.assembly.ca.gov/\">Health\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://autl.assembly.ca.gov/\">Utilities and Commerce\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://abp.assembly.ca.gov/\">Business and Professions\u003c/a> are typically seen as the most powerful committees in the Assembly because they oversee legislation that impacts the state’s most influential — and monied — industries and interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the purpose of this analysis, we also included a newly created committee, \u003ca href=\"http://privacycp.assembly.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Privacy and Consumer Protection\u003c/a>, which stands to wield an enormous amount of power in years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of campaign finance data through the end of 2014 from the entire state Assembly Democratic Caucus revealed:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Over their time in office, the current chairs of those eight committees raised nearly $20 million combined — on average, $847,000 more each than the rest of Democrats in the Assembly. Only two of those chairs, Asssemblywoman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a14/\">Susan Bonilla\u003c/a> (D-Concord) and Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a43/\">Mike Gatto\u003c/a> (D-Glendale), have been in office longer than two years.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Those chairs also funneled a total of $3.4 million to other campaigns over the past five years, with $1.9 million of it going straight to the California Democratic Party.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The biggest contributors were Gatto, who has funneled more than $630,000 to other Democrats since 2010; and Utilities and Commerce chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a63/\">Assemblyman Anthony Rendon \u003c/a> (D-Lakewood), who spread around an impressive $641,000 in just three years.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Dababneh has been in office only since late 2013, but has proved to be a more prolific fundraiser on an annual basis than any other lawmaker besides Gatto. Dababneh raised an average of more than $840,000 a year; Gatto has brought in more than $1.1 million annually on average.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The average amount “juice” chairs gave away was $435,116 during their time in office, nearly twice as much as the rest of the Assembly Democratic Caucus, whose members contributed an average of $239,627.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Both Bonilla and Gatto saw big bumps in fundraising after they were named chairs of juice committees.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All of the chairs managed to dramatically increase their annual fundraising after being elected — some, including Health chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a18/\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a>, D-Oakland, and Insurance chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a69/\">Tom Daly\u003c/a>, D-Anaheim, doubled their fundraising between their first and second terms.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter noborder\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1Gd6KHpKOv6nXDPbeYkpM6u_2SgXOC4O28SJtW_brVV0/pubchart?oid=268275437&format=interactive\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nData from California Secretary of State and MapLight.org (Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Rise of Party Politics\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, the assumption has been that chairs of juice committees excel at fundraising largely because the powerful interest groups they are regulating want access and influence over the lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But our analysis didn’t find overwhelming connections between chairs’ campaign contributions and the businesses they regulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public employee unions and unions representing the building trades were the top two donors to nearly every committee chair. Other big donors included: the real estate and development industry; Indian tribes; public safety unions; and the medical and dental industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco State political scientist Jason McDaniel said caucus leaders reward generosity to other Democrats because term limits and campaign finance laws have curbed the power of individual politicians and made the party more important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s a quid pro quo. Look at it this way — who would you trust more? This is a team, a team effort, is how they think about it,” he said. “And if you are on a team and someone is out for their own stats, like in basketball if you give them the ball and they never pass the ball — I think that’s how leadership sees these kind of things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a question of “who can we trust more, not who can raise more money and has better connections to the big money industries,” McDaniel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Who would you trust more? This is a team, a team effort is how they think about it.’ \u003ccite>Political scientist Jason McDaniel\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>There are exceptions to the rule. Assemblyman\u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a21/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Adam Gray\u003c/a> (D-Merced) chairs the powerful Assembly Governmental Organization Committee. But Gray actually took way more from the party than he gave during a tough re-election battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Gatto, who raised more than any other lawmaker in the Assembly, lost his plum position as head of the Appropriations Committee last year to Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a51/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jimmy Gomez\u003c/a> (D-Echo Park).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Assembly Privacy committee still stands to wield influence, but not nearly as much as Appropriations, which is where many bills live or die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been explained to me that I am the No. 1 fundraiser for the Democratic Party in the history of Assembly, yet I lost my chairmanship — so that’s either tremendous disloyalty on the part of the speaker or lack of correlation with money and chairmanships,” Gatto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assembly Speaker John Pérez, who was termed out last year, said he considered a range of things when deciding who to name to leadership roles, including their desires, policy expertise, temperament and leadership skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s absolutely never been a litmus test that I have seen” for fundraising, Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said the same skills that make someone a successful legislator are usually found in strong fundraisers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
},
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
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