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"content": "\u003cp>Hovik Manucharyan got on a plane and flew to a country at war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was fall 2020 and he felt drawn back to his home country of Armenia to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s not alone. Many Armenians who’ve grown up outside the country — often in California — are moving back to their homeland in a kind of reverse migration. They’re seeking a closer connection to their culture, and community, and are using skills they gained in the U.S. to make a difference in a country that many know more from stories than from experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This reverse migration is making an impact. Californian transplants have started businesses and nonprofits. Some work in Armenia’s government. Others have helped expand Armenia’s tech sector or work to develop infrastructure in this small country that is still recovering from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/nagorno-karabkah-drones-azerbaijan-aremenia/2020/11/11/441bcbd2-193d-11eb-8bda-814ca56e138b_story.html\">44-day war\u003c/a> with Azerbaijan over the disputed territory of \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-18270325\">Nagorno-Karabakh\u003c/a>, which is populated by ethnic Armenians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armenian immigrants in the United States, like Manucharyan, rallied to send aid to Armenia during the war when entire towns fell to Azerbaijan and thousands of Armenians were \u003ca href=\"https://www.unhcr.org/am/en/persons-in-refugee-like-situation\">displaced\u003c/a>. The conflict with Azerbaijan was one of many reasons that Manucharyan and his wife, Suzanna, decided to move their family to Armenia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just sort of feels less stressful being here [in Armenia] than far away and hearing about your homeland and not being able to contribute,” Manucharyan said.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mikael Matossian, Yerevan, Armenia resident\"]‘I just felt like I wasn’t doing enough in LA knowing that people my age, or younger, were being displaced or killed by the war here.’[/pullquote]Both Manucharyan and Suzanna moved to Los Angeles from Armenia when they were younger and spent most of their adult years in California. But they still feel strongly connected to their homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many Armenians, the 2020 war provided the impetus to leave California behind. The Manucharyans are part of a growing trend of Californians moving to Armenia full-time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just felt like I wasn’t doing enough in L.A. knowing that people my age, or younger, were being displaced or killed by the war here,” said Mikael Matossian, 28, who relocated to Yerevan last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Little Armenia\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are actually more Armenians \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/development-through-diversity-engaging-armenia%E2%80%99s-new-and-old-diaspora\">living outside\u003c/a> the country than there are inside Armenia. Starting in 1915, hundreds of thousands of people fled the Armenian genocide, \u003ca href=\"https://gsp.yale.edu/case-studies/armenian-genocide\">committed\u003c/a> by the Ottoman Empire — which was succeeded by modern-day Turkey — and wound up all over the world. Another large wave of immigration from Armenia started in the ’90s after the Soviet Union collapsed and Armenia became an independent country.[aside label='More on Immigration' tag='immigration']Los Angeles County has the largest population of Armenians in the world outside Armenia, with the city of Glendale — sometimes called Little Armenia — considered the epicenter of Armenian language and culture in California. Armenian is widely spoken in Los Angeles, with Armenian restaurants and schools scattered around the city. For many, the Armenian diaspora in California provides a grounding community. But for some, it can sometimes feel suffocating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to get out [of the community] because I really needed space to be myself,” said Kyle Khandikian, who grew up in L.A. and went to an Armenian school in Encino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khandikian, who identifies as gay, said that when he was growing up, LGBTQ issues were a taboo subject in L.A.’s Armenian community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a kid, I didn’t feel like I could be out and I wasn’t out,” Khandikian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954150\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person with short facial hair and glasses is photographed outdoors near a stream flowing through snowy terrain.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kyle Khandikian hiking in Yeghegis, Armenia. Growing up, Khandikian wanted space from the Armenian community in L.A. that he grew up in, but as an adult he decided to move to Yerevan to immerse himself in his family’s culture. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Kyle Khandikian)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When he started college at UCLA, Khandikian tried stepping away from the Armenian community. But being Armenian continued to be an important part of his identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that if you asked one of my friends from UCLA, ‘Who is Kyle?’ One of the first things they will say is, ‘Kyle is Armenian,’” Khandikian said.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kyle Khandikian, Yerevan, Armenia resident\"]‘Maybe one of the reasons why I wanted to come here is to let go of some of the baggage that I was given just by way of being born into this place and this people.’[/pullquote]Once Khandikian got some distance from the Armenian community during college and became comfortable with his sexuality, he felt like his different identities — Armenian and queer — could coexist. That made him want to wholeheartedly embrace his Armenian side in a way he felt like he couldn’t before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So he moved to Yerevan to immerse himself in Armenian culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe one of the reasons why I wanted to come here is to let go of some of the baggage that I was given just by way of being born into this place and this people,” Khandikian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A reverse brain drain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many Californians got the bug to move here after volunteering in Armenia during college.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Nanor Balabanian, Yerevan, Armenia resident\"]‘We had a common purpose and passion for our people, and I think I realized the power of our unity.’[/pullquote]Nanor Balabanian, 33, visited the country one summer with students from UC Santa Barbara. They set up a computer lab in a remote Armenian village using equipment they bought after fundraising at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a common purpose and passion for our people, and I think I realized the power of our unity,” Balabanian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balabanian turned the work she started during that first summer into a full-fledged nonprofit called \u003ca href=\"https://www.hiddenroadinitiative.org\">The Hidden Road Initiative\u003c/a> that helps expand access to education and provides leadership opportunities in rural Armenian villages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954149\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954149\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Four people and one dog walk down a sidewalk in a city wearing winter clothing.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nanor Balabanian, far left, walks through Yerevan, Armenia, with several young Armenian women she works with as part of her nonprofit, the Hidden Road Initiative, on February 9, 2023. Balabanian formerly worked as a teacher in California and now helps provide young Armenians with educational and leadership opportunities as part of her organization. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Levi Bridges)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Balabanian’s work is an example of a reverse brain drain happening in Armenia. Instead of educated, skilled workers moving away from their home countries for opportunities in the U.S., Armenians from Los Angeles, and elsewhere in the state, are bringing their skills back to Armenia.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mikael Matossian, Yerevan, Armenia resident\"]‘I think there’s a really important role for diasporans to play here to support the ongoing development of the country.’[/pullquote]Mikael Matossian, a 28-year-old who grew up in the San Fernando Valley, used to work in the renewable energy industry in Los Angeles. Now, he helps Armenia make its energy system less dependent on Russian gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a really important role for diasporans to play here to support the ongoing development of the country,” Matossian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A sense of community\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even though Matossian had never lived in Armenia full-time before moving to Yerevan last year, he said the country immediately felt like home. Just hearing people talking in Armenian everywhere, the language he spoke with his parents and grandparents back in L.A., gave everything a sense of familiarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But moving to Armenia isn’t a seamless transition for many who grew up as part of the diaspora. Matossian — and many other Californians — use a dialect called Western Armenian commonly spoken by the descendants of those who fled parts of the country that were annexed to Turkey during the genocide a century ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954147\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954147\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person with a beard stands on a a sidewalk in a city.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mikael Matossian, 28, stands in central Yerevan on February 12, 2023. Matossian moved to Yerevan last year and rents an apartment from an Armenian man who moved to L.A. ‘I feel like we traded places,’ Matossian said. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Levi Bridges)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many Californians who move here have to master the local dialect, Eastern Armenian, spoken in the capital. Matossian said he felt self-conscious at times when he spoke after arriving in Yerevan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to fit in here, but I’ve since kind of abandoned that idea — I’m comfortable with my dialect,” Matossian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Older Californians like Hovik Manucharyan — who moved his family to Yerevan after volunteering during the 2020 war — say they want their children to grow up with a closer connection to Armenian language and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move was a big change for Manucharyan’s three kids, but they felt welcomed when they arrived at their new Armenian school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954148\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Five people, two adults, two teens and one younger child sit at a table laid out with food.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Manucharyan family seated at their home in Yerevan, Armenia, on February 13, 2023. The family, who formerly lived in Glendale, moved to Yerevan, Armenia two years ago, to be closer to the country they love. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Levi Bridges)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Manurcharyan’s 17-year-old daughter, Vardine, said American students don’t really care when a new kid shows up in class. But in Armenia, students crowded around her on her first day at school introducing themselves and offering to show her around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Schools [in Armenia] are more like family,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians living in Yerevan described a closer connection to their ancestral homeland now that they live in Armenia. Their families survived a genocide that tried to extinguish Armenian culture.[aside postID=news_11841878 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1920_IMG_2213-copy-1020x574.jpg']But the survivors carried it with them when they fled as if their traditions and language were burning embers that they later rekindled, in places like Glendale, into big roaring bonfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving nearly halfway around the world makes Armenia more palpable, something you can touch without getting burnt, and carry with you when you go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Los Angeles County's Armenian population is thriving. Now, a younger generation heads back to Armenia to reconnect with their culture and revitalize the country.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hovik Manucharyan got on a plane and flew to a country at war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was fall 2020 and he felt drawn back to his home country of Armenia to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s not alone. Many Armenians who’ve grown up outside the country — often in California — are moving back to their homeland in a kind of reverse migration. They’re seeking a closer connection to their culture, and community, and are using skills they gained in the U.S. to make a difference in a country that many know more from stories than from experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This reverse migration is making an impact. Californian transplants have started businesses and nonprofits. Some work in Armenia’s government. Others have helped expand Armenia’s tech sector or work to develop infrastructure in this small country that is still recovering from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/nagorno-karabkah-drones-azerbaijan-aremenia/2020/11/11/441bcbd2-193d-11eb-8bda-814ca56e138b_story.html\">44-day war\u003c/a> with Azerbaijan over the disputed territory of \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-18270325\">Nagorno-Karabakh\u003c/a>, which is populated by ethnic Armenians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armenian immigrants in the United States, like Manucharyan, rallied to send aid to Armenia during the war when entire towns fell to Azerbaijan and thousands of Armenians were \u003ca href=\"https://www.unhcr.org/am/en/persons-in-refugee-like-situation\">displaced\u003c/a>. The conflict with Azerbaijan was one of many reasons that Manucharyan and his wife, Suzanna, decided to move their family to Armenia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just sort of feels less stressful being here [in Armenia] than far away and hearing about your homeland and not being able to contribute,” Manucharyan said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I just felt like I wasn’t doing enough in LA knowing that people my age, or younger, were being displaced or killed by the war here.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Both Manucharyan and Suzanna moved to Los Angeles from Armenia when they were younger and spent most of their adult years in California. But they still feel strongly connected to their homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many Armenians, the 2020 war provided the impetus to leave California behind. The Manucharyans are part of a growing trend of Californians moving to Armenia full-time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just felt like I wasn’t doing enough in L.A. knowing that people my age, or younger, were being displaced or killed by the war here,” said Mikael Matossian, 28, who relocated to Yerevan last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Little Armenia\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are actually more Armenians \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/development-through-diversity-engaging-armenia%E2%80%99s-new-and-old-diaspora\">living outside\u003c/a> the country than there are inside Armenia. Starting in 1915, hundreds of thousands of people fled the Armenian genocide, \u003ca href=\"https://gsp.yale.edu/case-studies/armenian-genocide\">committed\u003c/a> by the Ottoman Empire — which was succeeded by modern-day Turkey — and wound up all over the world. Another large wave of immigration from Armenia started in the ’90s after the Soviet Union collapsed and Armenia became an independent country.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Los Angeles County has the largest population of Armenians in the world outside Armenia, with the city of Glendale — sometimes called Little Armenia — considered the epicenter of Armenian language and culture in California. Armenian is widely spoken in Los Angeles, with Armenian restaurants and schools scattered around the city. For many, the Armenian diaspora in California provides a grounding community. But for some, it can sometimes feel suffocating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to get out [of the community] because I really needed space to be myself,” said Kyle Khandikian, who grew up in L.A. and went to an Armenian school in Encino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khandikian, who identifies as gay, said that when he was growing up, LGBTQ issues were a taboo subject in L.A.’s Armenian community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a kid, I didn’t feel like I could be out and I wasn’t out,” Khandikian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954150\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person with short facial hair and glasses is photographed outdoors near a stream flowing through snowy terrain.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kyle Khandikian hiking in Yeghegis, Armenia. Growing up, Khandikian wanted space from the Armenian community in L.A. that he grew up in, but as an adult he decided to move to Yerevan to immerse himself in his family’s culture. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Kyle Khandikian)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When he started college at UCLA, Khandikian tried stepping away from the Armenian community. But being Armenian continued to be an important part of his identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that if you asked one of my friends from UCLA, ‘Who is Kyle?’ One of the first things they will say is, ‘Kyle is Armenian,’” Khandikian said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Once Khandikian got some distance from the Armenian community during college and became comfortable with his sexuality, he felt like his different identities — Armenian and queer — could coexist. That made him want to wholeheartedly embrace his Armenian side in a way he felt like he couldn’t before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So he moved to Yerevan to immerse himself in Armenian culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe one of the reasons why I wanted to come here is to let go of some of the baggage that I was given just by way of being born into this place and this people,” Khandikian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A reverse brain drain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many Californians got the bug to move here after volunteering in Armenia during college.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nanor Balabanian, 33, visited the country one summer with students from UC Santa Barbara. They set up a computer lab in a remote Armenian village using equipment they bought after fundraising at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a common purpose and passion for our people, and I think I realized the power of our unity,” Balabanian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balabanian turned the work she started during that first summer into a full-fledged nonprofit called \u003ca href=\"https://www.hiddenroadinitiative.org\">The Hidden Road Initiative\u003c/a> that helps expand access to education and provides leadership opportunities in rural Armenian villages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954149\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954149\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Four people and one dog walk down a sidewalk in a city wearing winter clothing.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nanor Balabanian, far left, walks through Yerevan, Armenia, with several young Armenian women she works with as part of her nonprofit, the Hidden Road Initiative, on February 9, 2023. Balabanian formerly worked as a teacher in California and now helps provide young Armenians with educational and leadership opportunities as part of her organization. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Levi Bridges)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Balabanian’s work is an example of a reverse brain drain happening in Armenia. Instead of educated, skilled workers moving away from their home countries for opportunities in the U.S., Armenians from Los Angeles, and elsewhere in the state, are bringing their skills back to Armenia.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I think there’s a really important role for diasporans to play here to support the ongoing development of the country.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mikael Matossian, a 28-year-old who grew up in the San Fernando Valley, used to work in the renewable energy industry in Los Angeles. Now, he helps Armenia make its energy system less dependent on Russian gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a really important role for diasporans to play here to support the ongoing development of the country,” Matossian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A sense of community\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even though Matossian had never lived in Armenia full-time before moving to Yerevan last year, he said the country immediately felt like home. Just hearing people talking in Armenian everywhere, the language he spoke with his parents and grandparents back in L.A., gave everything a sense of familiarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But moving to Armenia isn’t a seamless transition for many who grew up as part of the diaspora. Matossian — and many other Californians — use a dialect called Western Armenian commonly spoken by the descendants of those who fled parts of the country that were annexed to Turkey during the genocide a century ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954147\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954147\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person with a beard stands on a a sidewalk in a city.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mikael Matossian, 28, stands in central Yerevan on February 12, 2023. Matossian moved to Yerevan last year and rents an apartment from an Armenian man who moved to L.A. ‘I feel like we traded places,’ Matossian said. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Levi Bridges)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many Californians who move here have to master the local dialect, Eastern Armenian, spoken in the capital. Matossian said he felt self-conscious at times when he spoke after arriving in Yerevan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to fit in here, but I’ve since kind of abandoned that idea — I’m comfortable with my dialect,” Matossian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Older Californians like Hovik Manucharyan — who moved his family to Yerevan after volunteering during the 2020 war — say they want their children to grow up with a closer connection to Armenian language and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move was a big change for Manucharyan’s three kids, but they felt welcomed when they arrived at their new Armenian school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954148\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Five people, two adults, two teens and one younger child sit at a table laid out with food.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Manucharyan family seated at their home in Yerevan, Armenia, on February 13, 2023. The family, who formerly lived in Glendale, moved to Yerevan, Armenia two years ago, to be closer to the country they love. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Levi Bridges)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Manurcharyan’s 17-year-old daughter, Vardine, said American students don’t really care when a new kid shows up in class. But in Armenia, students crowded around her on her first day at school introducing themselves and offering to show her around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Schools [in Armenia] are more like family,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians living in Yerevan described a closer connection to their ancestral homeland now that they live in Armenia. Their families survived a genocide that tried to extinguish Armenian culture.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the survivors carried it with them when they fled as if their traditions and language were burning embers that they later rekindled, in places like Glendale, into big roaring bonfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving nearly halfway around the world makes Armenia more palpable, something you can touch without getting burnt, and carry with you when you go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "a-black-family-got-their-beach-back-and-inspired-others-to-fight-against-land-theft",
"title": "A Black Family Got Their Beach Back — And Inspired Others to Fight Against Land Theft",
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"headTitle": "A Black Family Got Their Beach Back — And Inspired Others to Fight Against Land Theft | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Duane “Yellow Feather” Shepard stands at the top of a narrow park that slopes downward toward a lifeguard training center and panoramic views of the Pacific coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking over the horizon at a beautiful, beautiful ocean,” Shepard says. “It’s blue, serene — it’s quiet. It’s just a gorgeous, gorgeous view.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891875\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891875 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85.jpg\" alt=\"Sepia-tone portrait of an elaborately dressed couple, one in a three-piece suit and the other in a white dress with a bustle, holding a fan.\" width=\"1600\" height=\"2109\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85-800x1055.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85-1020x1344.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85-160x211.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85-1165x1536.jpg 1165w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85-1554x2048.jpg 1554w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wedding portrait of Charles Aaron and Willa A. Bruce. \u003ccite>(California African American Museum)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Shepard, this oceanfront park known as Bruce’s Beach — located in Manhattan Beach, just south of Los Angeles — holds a painful history. “This is the land that our family used to own,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shepard’s ancestors, an African American couple named Charles and Willa Bruce, owned this land a century ago. The couple built a beachfront resort called Bruce’s Beach Lodge in 1912 and welcomed Black beachgoers with a restaurant, a dance hall and changing tents with bathing suits for rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Bruces were run out of Manhattan Beach and forced to shut down their successful resort. Their property was seized by the city, and they lost their fortune. For years, the land was owned by the county of Los Angeles — until last month, when California passed a law that allowed the property to be transferred back to the couple’s descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The historic Bruce’s Beach case is inspiring social justice leaders and reparations activists to fight for other Black families whose ancestors also were victims of land theft in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Black resort faced harassment from white neighbors\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Shepard, a cousin of the direct descendant of Charles and Willa Bruce, says Bruce’s Beach offered a refuge for Black patrons during the Jim Crowe era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There weren’t many areas where Black people could get into the water along the entire coast of California at that time,” Shepard, 70, tells NPR. He’s a clan chief of the Pocasset Wampanoag Tribe of the Pokanoket Nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Bruce’s Beach] was a place where people could have social functions,” he says. “You had Black entertainers, actors and actresses, jazz artists, Black politicians as well as business owners and socialites.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2672px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891848 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM.png\" alt=\"On the left, a black-and-white photo of a dune with only a couple buildings on it and many telephone poles. On the right, cyclists along an asphalt beachfront beyond rows of buildings.\" width=\"2672\" height=\"884\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM.png 2672w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM-800x265.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM-1020x337.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM-160x53.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM-1536x508.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM-2048x678.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM-1920x635.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2672px) 100vw, 2672px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bruce’s Beach in 1915 and in 2021. \u003ccite>(Manhattan Beach Historical Society; Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, some white residents of Manhattan Beach feared an “invasion” by the African American community, according to local historian Robert L. Brigham’s 1956 Fresno State master’s thesis “Land Ownership and Occupancy by Negroes in Manhattan Beach, California.” White residents set up barricades to keep Black beachgoers from getting to the ocean, and the Ku Klux Klan, active along the California coast, reportedly planned attacks against the Bruces’ resort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They slashed tires, they burned mattresses under the porch of the resort, they tried to blow up a gas meter of one of the residents here,” Shepard says. “They had 24/7 phone campaigns and made threats against Willa and her family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The city of Manhattan Beach seized the resort\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In November 1923, a white realtor named George H. Lindsey approached Manhattan Beach’s Board of Trustees with an option to condemn Bruce’s Beach through the Park and Playground Act of 1909, \u003ca href=\"https://www.manhattanbeach.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/46327/637539367135870000\">according to an April 13, 2021, report by the Bruce’s Beach Task Force\u003c/a>, a resident-led task force appointed by the Manhattan Beach City Council last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1924, Manhattan Beach city officials invoked eminent domain, claiming the city would build a public park over 30 lots, including the Bruces’ land and four other lots owned by African American families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891849\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891849 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A man dribbles a basketball on a sidewalk between two green lawns with his son, who looks about 5.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A park visitor, Dorian Hill, plays basketball with his son at Bruce’s Beach. He says he felt drawn to the park before he knew the history. “And then I read the plaque. And then last summer happened,” Hill adds. “I was drawn here for a reason.” \u003ccite>(Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bruce’s Beach resort was shuttered and demolished, and the property sat vacant for decades. Willa and Charles Bruce requested $120,000 for both damages and the value of their property, but the city granted them $14,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the two parcels of land are worth an estimated $75 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 30, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB796\"> SB 796\u003c/a>, authorizing the county to transfer the land back to the Bruce family after nearly 100 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2021/10/05/la-county-prepares-for-bruces-beach-land-transfer/\">Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors voted unanimously\u003c/a> to begin the process of transferring the land. That process also will include confirming the Bruces’ rightful heirs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, we’re making history,” Newsom said at the ceremony held on Bruce’s Beach. “I’m proud to be here, not just for the descendants of the Bruce family, but for all of those families torn asunder because of racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891841 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-scaled.jpe\" alt=\"Four African American people dressed finely and smiling in the sun on a beachside boardwalk.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-scaled.jpe 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-800x573.jpe 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-1020x730.jpe 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-160x115.jpe 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-1536x1100.jpe 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-2048x1466.jpe 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-1920x1374.jpe 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two couples standing on a walkway at Bruce’s Beach, Manhattan Beach, circa 1920. \u003ccite>(Miriam Matthews Photograph Collections, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library, UCLA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Black landowners have faced eminent domain abuse for generations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Bruce’s Beach stands as just one example of land theft that’s taken place across the United States through violence, intimidation and legal maneuvers. For generations, Black landowners like Willa and Charles Bruce have been victimized by eminent domain abuse and unjust property laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the reasons why the Bruce’s case has been generating so much attention is because it represents the first instance in the history of the United States where an African American family or community that had their property taken unjustly, ended up having it returned,” says Thomas W. Mitchell, a property law scholar at Texas A&M University. He’s worked to reform discriminatory policies that have stripped African American people of their land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell is part of a research team called the Land Loss and Reparations Research Project, which is trying to put an economic value on agricultural land unjustly taken from Black farmers over the last hundred years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our research team has come up with a preliminary estimate of $300 billion,” Mitchell says, noting that it only accounts for the farmland itself. “We’re also going further and saying that as a result of losing this land, we lost the ability to benefit from the land ownership in terms of families getting loans to send their children to college, which then has a negative impact on economic mobility — and that’s just Black farmers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell estimates the total loss of generational wealth for Black Americans across the U.S. falls into the trillions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891850\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2674px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891850 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM.png\" alt=\"On the left, a sepia-toned photo of a couple, dressed in conservative beachwear, smiling, the man's hand on the woman's shoulder. On the right, a woman in a neon pink workout outfit poses as someone takes a photo with a mobile phone.\" width=\"2674\" height=\"878\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM.png 2674w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM-800x263.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM-1020x335.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM-160x53.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM-1536x504.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM-2048x672.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM-1920x630.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2674px) 100vw, 2674px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Louise and Byron Kenner at Bruce’s Beach, Manhattan Beach, circa 1920. Fitness coach Jasmine Dobbs poses for a photo on the walkway of Manhattan Beach in 2021. \u003ccite>(Credit: Miriam Matthews Photograph Collections, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library, UCLA.; Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But families such as the Bruces whose property was taken generations ago don’t have legal recourse to get their land back, Mitchell says. Statute-of-limitation restrictions prevent families from successfully filing lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell points to the Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921 in Tulsa, Oklahoma, when white mobs tried to destroy what was known as Black Wall Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, there was a state commission. Yes, it did do a detailed report. Yes, that detailed report documented tremendous and horrible abuses and killings and burning of businesses and taking of property,” he says. “But it didn’t lead to one penny — it didn’t lead to a single property being returned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891853\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891853 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A couple cuddles on a fuzzy blanket on the grass.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles locals Tiffany Harris and Avery Pike picnic at Bruce’s Beach. “It’s soothing to come to,” said Harris. \u003ccite>(Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bruce’s Beach had a different outcome because the government actually stepped in to make amends for a historical wrong. The California Legislature passed a law allowing for the land to be given back to the Bruce family, making it a unique case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is the Bruce’s Beach case a recognition that the time has come for real racial justice in this country?” Mitchell asks. “Can this serve as a template for providing effective redress to other African American families who have had their property taken unjustly? We’ll see.” [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Activists are trying to help other Black families reclaim their land\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>During the signing ceremony in Manhattan Beach, Newsom recognized activist Kavon Ward as the driving force behind the Bruce’s Beach movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891855\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891855 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A monument saying "Bruce's" with a plaque engraved on it, with a laminated photograph propped on the plaque.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A printed-out wedding portrait of Charles Aaron and Willa A. Bruce was placed on top of the plaque. \u003ccite>(Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I informed the [Bruce] family that I would do anything in my power to help them,” Ward, 39, tells NPR. “Not only to get restitution for their loss of civil rights, their loss of business enterprise, but for me, I felt like justice was getting their land back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At about the same time on the opposite coast, in Philadelphia, 43-year-old Ashanti Martin was on a similar mission. The two were introduced through a mutual friend, and together, Ward and Martin co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://whereismyland.org/\">Where Is My Land\u003c/a>, dedicated to helping Black Americans reclaim stolen land and secure restitution. Both say they were compelled to take action after the murder of George Floyd on May 25, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I read about \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2020/national/george-floyd-america/systemic-racism/\">George Floyd’s ancestor Hillery Thomas Stewart\u003c/a> who, back in the late 1800s, had owned 500 acres of land in North Carolina, and that land was stolen by white farmers,” Martin says. “I think there’s no question, had George Floyd’s ancestors kept that land in their family, his life outcomes would have transformed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891858\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2670px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891858 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM.png\" alt=\"On the left, a black-and-white photo of three people sitting in a sand dune and leaning together. On the right, a view of the ocean, sun on the water and a flat beach with a handful of people on it.\" width=\"2670\" height=\"882\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM.png 2670w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM-800x264.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM-1020x337.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM-160x53.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM-1536x507.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM-2048x677.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM-1920x634.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2670px) 100vw, 2670px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Three people at Bruce’s Beach, Manhattan Beach, 1920s. A view of Manhattan Beach in 2021. \u003ccite>(Miriam Matthews Photograph Collections, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library, UCLA.; Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Through their organization, Martin and Ward are fielding dozens more requests from African American families across the U.S., hoping to reclaim their land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think that we can handle all of this within my lifetime,” Ward says. “It took a long time for the land to be stolen — it didn’t happen overnight. And so getting it back is going to take even longer because there’s so many obstacles and roadblocks in the way. And so the only thing we can do is to make sure we’re dealing with this, one family at a time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the Bruce family, they say they won’t move to Manhattan Beach or build on the land that’s now being returned to them. Instead, they’ll rent the lifeguard training center back to the County of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shepard, their descendent, says reclaiming Bruce’s Beach was just the first step. Now, he says his family will continue their fight for restitution for the loss of revenue over the past 97 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891859\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891859 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a polo shirt and a ball cap sits on a bench alongside a beach and rests both hands on the head of a cane.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chief Duane “Yellow Feather” Shepard at Bruce’s Beach. \u003ccite>(Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=A+Black+family+got+their+beach+back+%E2%80%94+and+inspired+others+to+fight+against+land+theft&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The beachfront land — known as Bruce's Beach in Manhattan Beach — is being returned to the descendants of Charles and Willa Bruce 97 years after it was taken from them.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Duane “Yellow Feather” Shepard stands at the top of a narrow park that slopes downward toward a lifeguard training center and panoramic views of the Pacific coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking over the horizon at a beautiful, beautiful ocean,” Shepard says. “It’s blue, serene — it’s quiet. It’s just a gorgeous, gorgeous view.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891875\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891875 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85.jpg\" alt=\"Sepia-tone portrait of an elaborately dressed couple, one in a three-piece suit and the other in a white dress with a bustle, holding a fan.\" width=\"1600\" height=\"2109\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85-800x1055.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85-1020x1344.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85-160x211.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85-1165x1536.jpg 1165w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/bruce_wedding_custom-0595b4f6476a37c1595617dfdfbf29344315b2b3-s1600-c85-1554x2048.jpg 1554w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wedding portrait of Charles Aaron and Willa A. Bruce. \u003ccite>(California African American Museum)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Shepard, this oceanfront park known as Bruce’s Beach — located in Manhattan Beach, just south of Los Angeles — holds a painful history. “This is the land that our family used to own,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shepard’s ancestors, an African American couple named Charles and Willa Bruce, owned this land a century ago. The couple built a beachfront resort called Bruce’s Beach Lodge in 1912 and welcomed Black beachgoers with a restaurant, a dance hall and changing tents with bathing suits for rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Bruces were run out of Manhattan Beach and forced to shut down their successful resort. Their property was seized by the city, and they lost their fortune. For years, the land was owned by the county of Los Angeles — until last month, when California passed a law that allowed the property to be transferred back to the couple’s descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The historic Bruce’s Beach case is inspiring social justice leaders and reparations activists to fight for other Black families whose ancestors also were victims of land theft in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Black resort faced harassment from white neighbors\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Shepard, a cousin of the direct descendant of Charles and Willa Bruce, says Bruce’s Beach offered a refuge for Black patrons during the Jim Crowe era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There weren’t many areas where Black people could get into the water along the entire coast of California at that time,” Shepard, 70, tells NPR. He’s a clan chief of the Pocasset Wampanoag Tribe of the Pokanoket Nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Bruce’s Beach] was a place where people could have social functions,” he says. “You had Black entertainers, actors and actresses, jazz artists, Black politicians as well as business owners and socialites.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2672px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891848 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM.png\" alt=\"On the left, a black-and-white photo of a dune with only a couple buildings on it and many telephone poles. On the right, cyclists along an asphalt beachfront beyond rows of buildings.\" width=\"2672\" height=\"884\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM.png 2672w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM-800x265.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM-1020x337.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM-160x53.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM-1536x508.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM-2048x678.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.02.13-PM-1920x635.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2672px) 100vw, 2672px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bruce’s Beach in 1915 and in 2021. \u003ccite>(Manhattan Beach Historical Society; Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, some white residents of Manhattan Beach feared an “invasion” by the African American community, according to local historian Robert L. Brigham’s 1956 Fresno State master’s thesis “Land Ownership and Occupancy by Negroes in Manhattan Beach, California.” White residents set up barricades to keep Black beachgoers from getting to the ocean, and the Ku Klux Klan, active along the California coast, reportedly planned attacks against the Bruces’ resort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They slashed tires, they burned mattresses under the porch of the resort, they tried to blow up a gas meter of one of the residents here,” Shepard says. “They had 24/7 phone campaigns and made threats against Willa and her family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The city of Manhattan Beach seized the resort\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In November 1923, a white realtor named George H. Lindsey approached Manhattan Beach’s Board of Trustees with an option to condemn Bruce’s Beach through the Park and Playground Act of 1909, \u003ca href=\"https://www.manhattanbeach.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/46327/637539367135870000\">according to an April 13, 2021, report by the Bruce’s Beach Task Force\u003c/a>, a resident-led task force appointed by the Manhattan Beach City Council last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1924, Manhattan Beach city officials invoked eminent domain, claiming the city would build a public park over 30 lots, including the Bruces’ land and four other lots owned by African American families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891849\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891849 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A man dribbles a basketball on a sidewalk between two green lawns with his son, who looks about 5.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr378_custom-ac4cf19d93abdac5d79627a1c8ea7a66f6e9dfdb-s2600-c85-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A park visitor, Dorian Hill, plays basketball with his son at Bruce’s Beach. He says he felt drawn to the park before he knew the history. “And then I read the plaque. And then last summer happened,” Hill adds. “I was drawn here for a reason.” \u003ccite>(Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bruce’s Beach resort was shuttered and demolished, and the property sat vacant for decades. Willa and Charles Bruce requested $120,000 for both damages and the value of their property, but the city granted them $14,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the two parcels of land are worth an estimated $75 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 30, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB796\"> SB 796\u003c/a>, authorizing the county to transfer the land back to the Bruce family after nearly 100 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2021/10/05/la-county-prepares-for-bruces-beach-land-transfer/\">Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors voted unanimously\u003c/a> to begin the process of transferring the land. That process also will include confirming the Bruces’ rightful heirs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, we’re making history,” Newsom said at the ceremony held on Bruce’s Beach. “I’m proud to be here, not just for the descendants of the Bruce family, but for all of those families torn asunder because of racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891841 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-scaled.jpe\" alt=\"Four African American people dressed finely and smiling in the sun on a beachside boardwalk.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-scaled.jpe 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-800x573.jpe 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-1020x730.jpe 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-160x115.jpe 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-1536x1100.jpe 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-2048x1466.jpe 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/ark__21198_z1hd9ctd_custom-a2650f2fc838ef8b9c1cbc980def263c6eec0bcd-1920x1374.jpe 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two couples standing on a walkway at Bruce’s Beach, Manhattan Beach, circa 1920. \u003ccite>(Miriam Matthews Photograph Collections, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library, UCLA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Black landowners have faced eminent domain abuse for generations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Bruce’s Beach stands as just one example of land theft that’s taken place across the United States through violence, intimidation and legal maneuvers. For generations, Black landowners like Willa and Charles Bruce have been victimized by eminent domain abuse and unjust property laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the reasons why the Bruce’s case has been generating so much attention is because it represents the first instance in the history of the United States where an African American family or community that had their property taken unjustly, ended up having it returned,” says Thomas W. Mitchell, a property law scholar at Texas A&M University. He’s worked to reform discriminatory policies that have stripped African American people of their land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell is part of a research team called the Land Loss and Reparations Research Project, which is trying to put an economic value on agricultural land unjustly taken from Black farmers over the last hundred years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our research team has come up with a preliminary estimate of $300 billion,” Mitchell says, noting that it only accounts for the farmland itself. “We’re also going further and saying that as a result of losing this land, we lost the ability to benefit from the land ownership in terms of families getting loans to send their children to college, which then has a negative impact on economic mobility — and that’s just Black farmers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell estimates the total loss of generational wealth for Black Americans across the U.S. falls into the trillions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891850\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2674px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891850 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM.png\" alt=\"On the left, a sepia-toned photo of a couple, dressed in conservative beachwear, smiling, the man's hand on the woman's shoulder. On the right, a woman in a neon pink workout outfit poses as someone takes a photo with a mobile phone.\" width=\"2674\" height=\"878\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM.png 2674w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM-800x263.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM-1020x335.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM-160x53.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM-1536x504.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM-2048x672.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.08.27-PM-1920x630.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2674px) 100vw, 2674px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Louise and Byron Kenner at Bruce’s Beach, Manhattan Beach, circa 1920. Fitness coach Jasmine Dobbs poses for a photo on the walkway of Manhattan Beach in 2021. \u003ccite>(Credit: Miriam Matthews Photograph Collections, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library, UCLA.; Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But families such as the Bruces whose property was taken generations ago don’t have legal recourse to get their land back, Mitchell says. Statute-of-limitation restrictions prevent families from successfully filing lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell points to the Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921 in Tulsa, Oklahoma, when white mobs tried to destroy what was known as Black Wall Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, there was a state commission. Yes, it did do a detailed report. Yes, that detailed report documented tremendous and horrible abuses and killings and burning of businesses and taking of property,” he says. “But it didn’t lead to one penny — it didn’t lead to a single property being returned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891853\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891853 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A couple cuddles on a fuzzy blanket on the grass.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr307_custom-75d19bb2045973f073db222c8e8e0db22f011a0a-s2600-c85-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles locals Tiffany Harris and Avery Pike picnic at Bruce’s Beach. “It’s soothing to come to,” said Harris. \u003ccite>(Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bruce’s Beach had a different outcome because the government actually stepped in to make amends for a historical wrong. The California Legislature passed a law allowing for the land to be given back to the Bruce family, making it a unique case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is the Bruce’s Beach case a recognition that the time has come for real racial justice in this country?” Mitchell asks. “Can this serve as a template for providing effective redress to other African American families who have had their property taken unjustly? We’ll see.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Activists are trying to help other Black families reclaim their land\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>During the signing ceremony in Manhattan Beach, Newsom recognized activist Kavon Ward as the driving force behind the Bruce’s Beach movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891855\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891855 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A monument saying "Bruce's" with a plaque engraved on it, with a laminated photograph propped on the plaque.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr241_custom-d11a96ba071ef274e484f9b3e32bd8ef78610884-s2600-c85-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A printed-out wedding portrait of Charles Aaron and Willa A. Bruce was placed on top of the plaque. \u003ccite>(Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I informed the [Bruce] family that I would do anything in my power to help them,” Ward, 39, tells NPR. “Not only to get restitution for their loss of civil rights, their loss of business enterprise, but for me, I felt like justice was getting their land back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At about the same time on the opposite coast, in Philadelphia, 43-year-old Ashanti Martin was on a similar mission. The two were introduced through a mutual friend, and together, Ward and Martin co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://whereismyland.org/\">Where Is My Land\u003c/a>, dedicated to helping Black Americans reclaim stolen land and secure restitution. Both say they were compelled to take action after the murder of George Floyd on May 25, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I read about \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2020/national/george-floyd-america/systemic-racism/\">George Floyd’s ancestor Hillery Thomas Stewart\u003c/a> who, back in the late 1800s, had owned 500 acres of land in North Carolina, and that land was stolen by white farmers,” Martin says. “I think there’s no question, had George Floyd’s ancestors kept that land in their family, his life outcomes would have transformed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891858\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2670px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891858 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM.png\" alt=\"On the left, a black-and-white photo of three people sitting in a sand dune and leaning together. On the right, a view of the ocean, sun on the water and a flat beach with a handful of people on it.\" width=\"2670\" height=\"882\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM.png 2670w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM-800x264.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM-1020x337.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM-160x53.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM-1536x507.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM-2048x677.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/Screen-Shot-2021-10-11-at-12.17.02-PM-1920x634.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2670px) 100vw, 2670px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Three people at Bruce’s Beach, Manhattan Beach, 1920s. A view of Manhattan Beach in 2021. \u003ccite>(Miriam Matthews Photograph Collections, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library, UCLA.; Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Through their organization, Martin and Ward are fielding dozens more requests from African American families across the U.S., hoping to reclaim their land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think that we can handle all of this within my lifetime,” Ward says. “It took a long time for the land to be stolen — it didn’t happen overnight. And so getting it back is going to take even longer because there’s so many obstacles and roadblocks in the way. And so the only thing we can do is to make sure we’re dealing with this, one family at a time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the Bruce family, they say they won’t move to Manhattan Beach or build on the land that’s now being returned to them. Instead, they’ll rent the lifeguard training center back to the County of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shepard, their descendent, says reclaiming Bruce’s Beach was just the first step. Now, he says his family will continue their fight for restitution for the loss of revenue over the past 97 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891859\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11891859 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a polo shirt and a ball cap sits on a bench alongside a beach and rests both hands on the head of a cane.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr094_custom-bd18eda5053cbd03ca88d74d68d7837eb0715df1-s2600-c85-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chief Duane “Yellow Feather” Shepard at Bruce’s Beach. \u003ccite>(Bethany Mollenkof for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=A+Black+family+got+their+beach+back+%E2%80%94+and+inspired+others+to+fight+against+land+theft&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California has the lowest coronavirus transmission rate of any state following a sharp decline in cases and hospitalizations after a summer surge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nation’s most populous state is the only one experiencing “substantial” coronavirus transmission, the second-highest level \u003ca href=\"https://covid.cdc.gov/covid-data-tracker/#cases_community\">on the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s color-coded map\u003c/a>. So is Puerto Rico. In all other U.S. states, virus transmission is labeled as “high,” defined as 100 or more cases per 100,000 people in the last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s rate is 94 cases per 100,000. By comparison, Texas is 386 and Florida is 296.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State health experts say relatively high vaccination rates in California ahead of the arrival of the delta variant made a difference, and additional measures, such as masking, also helped stem the surge. Nearly 70% of eligible Californians are fully vaccinated, and another 8% have received their first shot, state data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The overall secret to California has been the vaccination rates were high enough that we started off in an OK place,” said \u003ca href=\"https://profiles.ucsf.edu/kirsten.bibbins-domingo\">Dr. Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo\u003c/a>, a professor of epidemiology at UCSF’s medical school. “We just never reached the height we saw in Florida, for example, because it’s against the backdrop of fairly high vaccination rates.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nOn Monday, a state mandate went into effect \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/mega-events/\">requiring attendees at indoor events with 1,000 or more people\u003c/a> to show proof of full vaccination or a negative test. Patrons previously were allowed to just attest they were vaccinated or had a negative test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Dr. Regina Chinsio-Kwong, Los Angeles County deputy health officer\"]‘In terms of case rates and hospitalizations, everything is downward trending. We are starting to get out of this surge, which is good.’[/pullquote]California has seen coronavirus cases and hospitalizations \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/state-dashboard/\">decline following a summer increase\u003c/a> in cases with the arrival of the delta variant. In the past two weeks, daily new cases are down by more than 4,000, a decrease of 32%, while hospitalizations have dropped by 22% to just over 6,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The summer surge occurred after California lifted many limits on businesses in June. It followed a much more severe winter surge when officials shuttered shops and schools in the state of nearly 40 million. During that time, sick patients packed many hospitals, and thousands died every week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s death toll is now more than 68,000, the highest in the nation, but the per-capita rate is lower than more than the half the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The severity of last winter may have helped temper this most recent surge in California, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.faculty.uci.edu/profile.cfm?faculty_id=5373\">Andrew Noymer\u003c/a>, a public health professor at UC Irvine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a combination of immunity from vaccination and from the huge winter wave that we had,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Related Coverage' tag='coronavirus']Los Angeles County, which is home to one in four of the state’s residents and has some of the state’s strictest virus mandates, reported a 1.2% positivity rate on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Barbara Ferrer, Los Angeles County’s director of public health, said safety measures that encourage masks and limit places where large numbers of unvaccinated people gather are needed to head off “a continual cycle of surges fueled by new variants of concern.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In neighboring Orange County, which has looser restrictions than L.A., coronavirus cases, positivity rates and hospitalizations also have declined in recent weeks, said Dr. Regina Chinsio-Kwong, the county’s deputy health officer. She said she believes vaccinations made a difference, noting the recent surge was initially detected in the county’s coastal areas and other places with lower vaccination rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of case rates and hospitalizations, everything is downward trending,” she said, adding the county’s positivity rate has fallen to 3.7% from 6.8% in late August. “We are starting to get out of this surge, which is good.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California has the lowest coronavirus transmission rate of any state following a sharp decline in cases and hospitalizations after a summer surge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nation’s most populous state is the only one experiencing “substantial” coronavirus transmission, the second-highest level \u003ca href=\"https://covid.cdc.gov/covid-data-tracker/#cases_community\">on the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s color-coded map\u003c/a>. So is Puerto Rico. In all other U.S. states, virus transmission is labeled as “high,” defined as 100 or more cases per 100,000 people in the last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s rate is 94 cases per 100,000. By comparison, Texas is 386 and Florida is 296.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State health experts say relatively high vaccination rates in California ahead of the arrival of the delta variant made a difference, and additional measures, such as masking, also helped stem the surge. Nearly 70% of eligible Californians are fully vaccinated, and another 8% have received their first shot, state data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The overall secret to California has been the vaccination rates were high enough that we started off in an OK place,” said \u003ca href=\"https://profiles.ucsf.edu/kirsten.bibbins-domingo\">Dr. Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo\u003c/a>, a professor of epidemiology at UCSF’s medical school. “We just never reached the height we saw in Florida, for example, because it’s against the backdrop of fairly high vaccination rates.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California has seen coronavirus cases and hospitalizations \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/state-dashboard/\">decline following a summer increase\u003c/a> in cases with the arrival of the delta variant. In the past two weeks, daily new cases are down by more than 4,000, a decrease of 32%, while hospitalizations have dropped by 22% to just over 6,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The summer surge occurred after California lifted many limits on businesses in June. It followed a much more severe winter surge when officials shuttered shops and schools in the state of nearly 40 million. During that time, sick patients packed many hospitals, and thousands died every week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s death toll is now more than 68,000, the highest in the nation, but the per-capita rate is lower than more than the half the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The severity of last winter may have helped temper this most recent surge in California, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.faculty.uci.edu/profile.cfm?faculty_id=5373\">Andrew Noymer\u003c/a>, a public health professor at UC Irvine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a combination of immunity from vaccination and from the huge winter wave that we had,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Los Angeles County, which is home to one in four of the state’s residents and has some of the state’s strictest virus mandates, reported a 1.2% positivity rate on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Barbara Ferrer, Los Angeles County’s director of public health, said safety measures that encourage masks and limit places where large numbers of unvaccinated people gather are needed to head off “a continual cycle of surges fueled by new variants of concern.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In neighboring Orange County, which has looser restrictions than L.A., coronavirus cases, positivity rates and hospitalizations also have declined in recent weeks, said Dr. Regina Chinsio-Kwong, the county’s deputy health officer. She said she believes vaccinations made a difference, noting the recent surge was initially detected in the county’s coastal areas and other places with lower vaccination rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of case rates and hospitalizations, everything is downward trending,” she said, adding the county’s positivity rate has fallen to 3.7% from 6.8% in late August. “We are starting to get out of this surge, which is good.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "LA County Brings Back Mask Mandate Indoors — Even If You're Vaccinated",
"title": "LA County Brings Back Mask Mandate Indoors — Even If You're Vaccinated",
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"content": "\u003cp>A rapid and sustained increase in COVID-19 cases in the nation's largest county requires restoring an indoor mask mandate even when people are vaccinated, Los Angeles County's public health officer said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Muntu Davis said at a virtual press conference that a public health order requiring masks indoors will go into effect Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is an all-hands-on-deck moment,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis didn't fully detail what he said would be some exceptions but said for example, people could still go out to eat and take off their masks only while eating and drinking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county has been recording more than 1,000 new cases each day for a week, and there is now \"substantial community transmission,\" Davis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>San Francisco Encouraging Vaccinations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>San Francisco city officials released a \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/city-officials-encourage-residents-get-vaccinated-combat-covid-19-variants\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statement\u003c/a> Thursday, shortly after LA County's indoor masking announcement, encouraging residents to get vaccinated as the delta variant of COVID-19 is spreading in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All Bay Area counties have seen at least a doubling of new COVID-19 cases over the last three weeks, according to the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In particular, the Black community has the lowest vaccination rate compared to the citywide rate, which means more people who are already struggling with significant disparities in this City might get sick,\" Mayor London Breed said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 13, 83% of people ages 12 and older in San Francisco have received at least one dose and 76% are fully vaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Average daily new cases of COVID-19 have increased four-fold from mid-June to early July. The city recorded 9.9 new cases per day on June 19 which jumped to 42 new cases per day on July 7. The city estimates that number will increase to at least 73 new cases per day this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we have seen since the beginning of the pandemic, COVID-19 infections are not distributed evenly throughout all neighborhoods and communities in San Francisco,” said Dr. Grant Colfax, Director of Health for the City and County of San Francisco, in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bayview-Hunters Point is still one of the hardest hit areas with COVID-19 infections, particularly in the African American community. With the new delta variant that is more transmissible, it is critical that our community gets vaccinated as soon as possible,” said Shamann Walton, President of the Board of Supervisors, in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Shelter Has Been Hit With a Cluster of Cases\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Northern California, at least 59 residents at a homeless shelter have tested positive for the virus, half of whom were vaccinated, health officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those infected at the shelter in Santa Rosa, 28 were fully vaccinated, Dr. Sundari Mase, Sonoma County's health officer, said Wednesday. Officials were reviewing an additional 26 possible positive cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11880762 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/santa-rosa-samuel-jones-hall-1020x638.png']Of the 59 people with confirmed infections at Samuel L. Jones Hall, nine were hospitalized, including six who were fully vaccinated and had \"multiple, significant\" underlying health conditions, including diabetes and pulmonary disease, health officials said. Four have since been discharged, and five remain hospitalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials said that fewer than half of the 153 residents had received at least partial vaccination and they do not know whether the outbreak started with a vaccinated or unvaccinated resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We know congregate settings are at much higher risk,\" Mase said. \"We also know there is a very high proportion of unvaccinated individuals that were in this setting.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the 69 vaccinated residents had received the single-shot Johnson & Johnson dose but Mase said it was hard to determine whether that was a factor in the outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Vaccines Protect Against Severe COVID Consequences\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Vaccines decrease the severity of the illness, reduce hospitalizations and decrease the risk of death. Clinical trials showed that a single dose of the J&J vaccine was 72% effective against moderate to severe COVID-19 in the United States, compared to 95% for the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines. A Food and Drug Administration analysis cautioned that it's not clear how well the vaccines work against each variant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outbreak is only the second time the coronavirus has been detected at the Sam Jones shelter. There was a smaller cluster of cases in January during the peak of the pandemic, said Jennielynn Holmes, head of homelessness services at Catholic Charities in Santa Rosa, which manages the shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shelter first became aware of the most recent outbreak on July 2, when it reported 20 positive cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Something is different. This is different than what we've seen the entire pandemic,\" Holmes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"delta-variant\" label=\"more on the delta variant\"]Holmes and city officials had said last week the outbreak was caused by the delta variant, which is far more contagious than the original strain of the virus. County officials said they had not confirmed that and need more time to review the infections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clarissa Millarker, a Sam Jones resident since March, said that prior to the outbreak, shelter staff had been lax in enforcing health protocols, particularly masking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I feel like it's entirely likely that I'm going to turn up infected,\" Millarker, who is vaccinated, told \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/officials-report-wider-covid-19-outbreak-at-sonoma-countys-largest-homeles/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Press Democrat\u003c/a> of Santa Rosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millarker said staff have since ramped up sanitation, been more vigilant about masks and started testing every few days. Still, there is confusion and anger over how the situation was handled by shelter operators, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People are upset, and they're right to be,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from The Associated Press and KQED's Julie Chang.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A rapid and sustained increase in COVID-19 cases requires a return to mandatory mask-wearing indoors, the county's public health officer says. He didn't detail what he said would be some exceptions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A rapid and sustained increase in COVID-19 cases in the nation's largest county requires restoring an indoor mask mandate even when people are vaccinated, Los Angeles County's public health officer said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Muntu Davis said at a virtual press conference that a public health order requiring masks indoors will go into effect Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is an all-hands-on-deck moment,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis didn't fully detail what he said would be some exceptions but said for example, people could still go out to eat and take off their masks only while eating and drinking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county has been recording more than 1,000 new cases each day for a week, and there is now \"substantial community transmission,\" Davis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>San Francisco Encouraging Vaccinations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>San Francisco city officials released a \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/city-officials-encourage-residents-get-vaccinated-combat-covid-19-variants\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statement\u003c/a> Thursday, shortly after LA County's indoor masking announcement, encouraging residents to get vaccinated as the delta variant of COVID-19 is spreading in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All Bay Area counties have seen at least a doubling of new COVID-19 cases over the last three weeks, according to the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In particular, the Black community has the lowest vaccination rate compared to the citywide rate, which means more people who are already struggling with significant disparities in this City might get sick,\" Mayor London Breed said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 13, 83% of people ages 12 and older in San Francisco have received at least one dose and 76% are fully vaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Average daily new cases of COVID-19 have increased four-fold from mid-June to early July. The city recorded 9.9 new cases per day on June 19 which jumped to 42 new cases per day on July 7. The city estimates that number will increase to at least 73 new cases per day this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we have seen since the beginning of the pandemic, COVID-19 infections are not distributed evenly throughout all neighborhoods and communities in San Francisco,” said Dr. Grant Colfax, Director of Health for the City and County of San Francisco, in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bayview-Hunters Point is still one of the hardest hit areas with COVID-19 infections, particularly in the African American community. With the new delta variant that is more transmissible, it is critical that our community gets vaccinated as soon as possible,” said Shamann Walton, President of the Board of Supervisors, in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Shelter Has Been Hit With a Cluster of Cases\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Northern California, at least 59 residents at a homeless shelter have tested positive for the virus, half of whom were vaccinated, health officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those infected at the shelter in Santa Rosa, 28 were fully vaccinated, Dr. Sundari Mase, Sonoma County's health officer, said Wednesday. Officials were reviewing an additional 26 possible positive cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Of the 59 people with confirmed infections at Samuel L. Jones Hall, nine were hospitalized, including six who were fully vaccinated and had \"multiple, significant\" underlying health conditions, including diabetes and pulmonary disease, health officials said. Four have since been discharged, and five remain hospitalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials said that fewer than half of the 153 residents had received at least partial vaccination and they do not know whether the outbreak started with a vaccinated or unvaccinated resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We know congregate settings are at much higher risk,\" Mase said. \"We also know there is a very high proportion of unvaccinated individuals that were in this setting.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the 69 vaccinated residents had received the single-shot Johnson & Johnson dose but Mase said it was hard to determine whether that was a factor in the outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Vaccines Protect Against Severe COVID Consequences\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Vaccines decrease the severity of the illness, reduce hospitalizations and decrease the risk of death. Clinical trials showed that a single dose of the J&J vaccine was 72% effective against moderate to severe COVID-19 in the United States, compared to 95% for the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines. A Food and Drug Administration analysis cautioned that it's not clear how well the vaccines work against each variant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outbreak is only the second time the coronavirus has been detected at the Sam Jones shelter. There was a smaller cluster of cases in January during the peak of the pandemic, said Jennielynn Holmes, head of homelessness services at Catholic Charities in Santa Rosa, which manages the shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shelter first became aware of the most recent outbreak on July 2, when it reported 20 positive cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Something is different. This is different than what we've seen the entire pandemic,\" Holmes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Holmes and city officials had said last week the outbreak was caused by the delta variant, which is far more contagious than the original strain of the virus. County officials said they had not confirmed that and need more time to review the infections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clarissa Millarker, a Sam Jones resident since March, said that prior to the outbreak, shelter staff had been lax in enforcing health protocols, particularly masking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I feel like it's entirely likely that I'm going to turn up infected,\" Millarker, who is vaccinated, told \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/officials-report-wider-covid-19-outbreak-at-sonoma-countys-largest-homeles/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Press Democrat\u003c/a> of Santa Rosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millarker said staff have since ramped up sanitation, been more vigilant about masks and started testing every few days. Still, there is confusion and anger over how the situation was handled by shelter operators, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People are upset, and they're right to be,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from The Associated Press and KQED's Julie Chang.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "A Black-Owned Beachfront Was Seized in the 1920s. Now LA County Says It'll Give It Back",
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"headTitle": "A Black-Owned Beachfront Was Seized in the 1920s. Now LA County Says It’ll Give It Back | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Los Angeles County plans to return prime beachfront property to descendants of a Black couple who built a seaside resort for African Americans but suffered racist harassment and were stripped of it by local city leaders a century ago, a county official said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the county’s intention to return this property,” Janice Hahn, a member of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors, told a news conference at what was known as Bruce’s Beach in the city of Manhattan Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SupJaniceHahn/status/1380594538163568641?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After multiple property transfers over the decades, a county lifeguard training headquarters building now sits on the property along some of the most coveted coastline in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The property encompasses two parcels purchased in 1912 by Willa and Charles Bruce, who built the first West Coast resort for Black people at a time when segregation barred them from many beaches. They built a lodge, cafe, dance hall and dressing tents with bathing suits for rent. Initially it was known as Bruce’s Lodge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bruce’s Beach became a place where Black families traveled from far and wide to be able to enjoy the simple pleasure of a day at the beach,” Hahn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It did not last long. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Janice Hahn, a member of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors']‘The Bruces had their California dream stolen from them … And this was an injustice inflicted not just upon Willa and Charles Bruce but generations of their descendants who almost certainly would have been millionaires if they had been able to keep this property and their successful business.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bruces and their customers were harassed by white neighbors and the Ku Klux Klan attempted to burn it down. The Manhattan Beach City Council finally used eminent domain to take the land away from the Bruces in the 1920s, purportedly for use as a park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bruces had their California dream stolen from them,” Hahn said. “And this was an injustice inflicted not just upon Willa and Charles Bruce but generations of their descendants who almost certainly would have been millionaires if they had been able to keep this property and their successful business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After lying unused for years, the land was transferred to the state of California in 1948 and in 1995 it was transferred to Los Angeles County for beach operations and maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last transfer came with restrictions that limit the ability to sell or transfer the property and can only be lifted through a new state law, Hahn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11868871\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11868871 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/1600px-Bruces_Beach_3.jpg\" alt=\"After lying unused for years, Bruce's Beach was transferred to the state of California in 1948 and in 1995 it was transferred to Los Angeles County for beach operations and maintenance.\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/1600px-Bruces_Beach_3.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/1600px-Bruces_Beach_3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/1600px-Bruces_Beach_3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/1600px-Bruces_Beach_3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/1600px-Bruces_Beach_3-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After lying unused for years, Bruce’s Beach was transferred to the state of California in 1948 and in 1995 it was transferred to Los Angeles County for beach operations and maintenance. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, D-Gardena, said that on Monday he will introduce legislation, Senate Bill 796, that would exempt the land from those restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After so many years we will right this injustice,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the law passes, the transfer to the descendants would have to be approved by the county’s five-member Board of Supervisors, said Liz Odendahl, Hahn’s director of communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manhattan Beach is now a city of about 35,000 people on the south shore of Santa Monica Bay. Its picturesque pier juts into swells prized by surfers, and luxury residences have replaced many of the beach houses along an oceanfront walk called The Strand. According to census data, its population is 78% white and 0.5% Black. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current City Council this week formally acknowledged and condemned city leaders’ efforts in the early 20th century to displace the Bruces and several other Black families, but stopped short of formally apologizing, Southern California News Group reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We offer this Acknowledgement and Condemnation as a foundational act for Manhattan Beach’s next one hundred years,” a document approved by the council says, “and the actions we will take together, to the best of our abilities, in deeds and in words, to reject prejudice and hate and promote respect and inclusion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hill rising steeply behind the beachfront property has a beach parking lot and above that is an ocean-view city park that was renamed Bruce’s Beach in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lot and park were not part of the Bruces’ property and would not be part of a transfer to the family, Odendahl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The value of the property has not been assessed, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A return of the land could include an option for the Bruce descendants to lease the land back to the county for continued use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bruces and their customers were harassed by white neighbors and the Ku Klux Klan attempted to burn it down. The Manhattan Beach City Council finally used eminent domain to take the land away from the Bruces in the 1920s, purportedly for use as a park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bruces had their California dream stolen from them,” Hahn said. “And this was an injustice inflicted not just upon Willa and Charles Bruce but generations of their descendants who almost certainly would have been millionaires if they had been able to keep this property and their successful business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After lying unused for years, the land was transferred to the state of California in 1948 and in 1995 it was transferred to Los Angeles County for beach operations and maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last transfer came with restrictions that limit the ability to sell or transfer the property and can only be lifted through a new state law, Hahn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11868871\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11868871 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/1600px-Bruces_Beach_3.jpg\" alt=\"After lying unused for years, Bruce's Beach was transferred to the state of California in 1948 and in 1995 it was transferred to Los Angeles County for beach operations and maintenance.\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/1600px-Bruces_Beach_3.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/1600px-Bruces_Beach_3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/1600px-Bruces_Beach_3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/1600px-Bruces_Beach_3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/1600px-Bruces_Beach_3-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After lying unused for years, Bruce’s Beach was transferred to the state of California in 1948 and in 1995 it was transferred to Los Angeles County for beach operations and maintenance. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, D-Gardena, said that on Monday he will introduce legislation, Senate Bill 796, that would exempt the land from those restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After so many years we will right this injustice,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the law passes, the transfer to the descendants would have to be approved by the county’s five-member Board of Supervisors, said Liz Odendahl, Hahn’s director of communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manhattan Beach is now a city of about 35,000 people on the south shore of Santa Monica Bay. Its picturesque pier juts into swells prized by surfers, and luxury residences have replaced many of the beach houses along an oceanfront walk called The Strand. According to census data, its population is 78% white and 0.5% Black. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current City Council this week formally acknowledged and condemned city leaders’ efforts in the early 20th century to displace the Bruces and several other Black families, but stopped short of formally apologizing, Southern California News Group reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We offer this Acknowledgement and Condemnation as a foundational act for Manhattan Beach’s next one hundred years,” a document approved by the council says, “and the actions we will take together, to the best of our abilities, in deeds and in words, to reject prejudice and hate and promote respect and inclusion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hill rising steeply behind the beachfront property has a beach parking lot and above that is an ocean-view city park that was renamed Bruce’s Beach in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lot and park were not part of the Bruces’ property and would not be part of a transfer to the family, Odendahl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The value of the property has not been assessed, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A return of the land could include an option for the Bruce descendants to lease the land back to the county for continued use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In Los Angeles County, the impact of the coronavirus pandemic has trickled down to some of the most vulnerable residents: kids in the child welfare system. The number of kids in the system rose dramatically during 2020, according to \u003ca href=\"https://dcfs.lacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Factsheet-CY-2020.pdf\">data\u003c/a> released by the county’s Department of Children and Family Services. At the end of 2020, there were 3,535 more children in the system \u003ca href=\"https://dcfs.lacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Factsheet-CY-2019.pdf\">than in 2019\u003c/a>, a spike of 10% over the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To put that increase in context, consider the numbers from the past five years: In 2015 there were 34,881 children in the system. That number crept upward most years, but never by more than a few hundred kids per year. An increase of 3,535 children for just a single year is significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DCFS officials were careful to say that spike in the number of kids in the system doesn’t necessarily mean there has been a corresponding increase in child abuse or neglect over the last year. Instead they attribute the increase to many cases not closing due to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11807392/what-happens-when-courthouses-where-abuse-cases-are-heard-shut-down\">pandemic shuttering the courts\u003c/a>, which led to an overall slowdown in the processing of cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Leslie Heimov, executive director, Children’s Law Center of California\"]‘We know that there’s been a significant increase in mental health distress … So a parent who’s already fragile or a child who’s already fragile who has an interruption in their services or an interruption in their mental health treatment, that’s compounded by the stress of the pandemic and by the separation.’[/pullquote]Still, ascertaining if a child is being abused got infinitely harder after the COVID-19 pandemic hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent afternoon, a teacher who called the department’s Child Protection Hotline told social worker Katherine Rossi that during a Zoom class, she noticed one of her first graders had a black eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is this the first time you see something like this, or do you think it might be the way it looks on the screen?” Rossi asked the teacher. “Did [the child] share anything that may help in regards to figuring out if he did have a black eye or not?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rossi determined that the teacher should do more follow up with the child and his parents — there was just too little to go on from what the teacher reported. She then walked the teacher through how to follow up, also a tricky process in the virtual world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DCFS Director Bobby Cagle said a teacher’s job of probing into the circumstances of a bruise is much harder over Zoom than simply being able to have a conversation with a child in the classroom. Over Zoom, teachers and social workers are “limited in what [they] can do because the child is at home … And you never know who is just off-screen,” Cagle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When shelter-in-place orders sent everyone home, calls to the hotline dropped dramatically. But as the year went on they crept back up, according to Carlos Torres, division chief of the Child Protection Hotline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now we’re getting 600 calls and online reports a day. Whereas if it was not COVID, we probably would be getting between 750 and 850 a day,” Torres said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cagle also said the number of children removed from their parent(s) or guardian during 2020 due to suspected abuse or neglect showed a minimal increase from the year prior. “The removals actually did go up a little bit, but if you’re looking at it percentage wise, we remained relatively constant,” Cagle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But shuttered courts have meant fewer open cases were closed and fewer adoptions were finalized in 2020. The net result was that many children who would have had their cases closed did not — and they remain in an already overburdened system.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Isolation for Kids and Parents — Swelling Caseloads for Lawyers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“The impact on the children has been significant,” said Leslie Heimov, executive director of the Children’s Law Center of California, which provides an attorney to every child who is removed from their parents due to issues of abuse or neglect. When the pandemic hit, in-person, supervised visits between those children and their parents were mostly stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a significant decline in the amount of face-to-face contact that children are having with their parents, with their siblings, with their extended family,” Heimov said. “Ironically, a foster parent could make a decision to bring their foster child with them when they went to visit their own sister or their next-door neighbor, but the child and their own parents might have been prohibited from seeing each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even well-intentioned changes – like case extensions to help parents comply with court orders – have caused hardship, Heimov added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Giving a family an extra six months, a year down the road to reunify doesn’t undo the damage that was perpetrated when they were physically separated from each other for three months, six months, nine months, however long it was that they weren’t able to have that incredibly important face-to-face contact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heimov also worries that the slowdown in the processing of cases may end up having a negative impact on some parents’ ability to reunite with their children at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that there’s been a significant increase in mental health distress throughout the whole country, so a parent who’s already fragile or a child who’s already fragile who has an interruption in their services or an interruption in their mental health treatment, that’s compounded by the stress of the pandemic and by the separation,” she said. “Then we may lose some parents who should have reunified and who were doing well, but this was just the straw that broke the camel’s back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='A Year of COVID' tag='a-year-of-covid']The spike in children in the system has also caused swelling caseloads for the children’s attorneys. “In January of 2020 we had 177 clients per attorney,” Heimov said. “We’ve gone from 177 children per lawyer to a high of 215… Having more clients reduces the amount of time that one can spend with each client.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An already overburdened system is now even more taxed, said Dennis Smeal, executive director of Los Angeles Dependency Lawyers, a nonprofit organization of five law firms that represent most of the parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before COVID we had 22,000 parents that we represented,” Smeal said. “By Dec. 31, we had 27,000, and that means that caseloads went up in some cases by 40%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lawyers are suffering,” he said, adding that his staff have been working extraordinary hours to meet the need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smeal does see some pandemic silver linings for families working to get their children back. He cites the new practice of filing paperwork electronically and the use of video conferencing to appear in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be if you were a long-haul truck driver you had to make the choice between losing income or appearing at your court hearings,” Smeal said. “Now we have remote hearings that I hope we’ll be able to use whenever parents can’t appear personally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As social workers, court staff and attorneys are starting to get vaccinated, there may be more cases processed in the near future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s going to be a big push to close as many cases as possible,” Smeal said. But until that happens, many children nearing reunification with their family will remain in foster care, a system at the brink.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Deepa Fernandes is an early childhood reporting fellow at Pacific Oaks College, which is funded in part by First 5 LA. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In Los Angeles County, the impact of the coronavirus pandemic has trickled down to some of the most vulnerable residents: kids in the child welfare system. The number of kids in the system rose dramatically during 2020, according to \u003ca href=\"https://dcfs.lacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Factsheet-CY-2020.pdf\">data\u003c/a> released by the county’s Department of Children and Family Services. At the end of 2020, there were 3,535 more children in the system \u003ca href=\"https://dcfs.lacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Factsheet-CY-2019.pdf\">than in 2019\u003c/a>, a spike of 10% over the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To put that increase in context, consider the numbers from the past five years: In 2015 there were 34,881 children in the system. That number crept upward most years, but never by more than a few hundred kids per year. An increase of 3,535 children for just a single year is significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DCFS officials were careful to say that spike in the number of kids in the system doesn’t necessarily mean there has been a corresponding increase in child abuse or neglect over the last year. Instead they attribute the increase to many cases not closing due to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11807392/what-happens-when-courthouses-where-abuse-cases-are-heard-shut-down\">pandemic shuttering the courts\u003c/a>, which led to an overall slowdown in the processing of cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still, ascertaining if a child is being abused got infinitely harder after the COVID-19 pandemic hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent afternoon, a teacher who called the department’s Child Protection Hotline told social worker Katherine Rossi that during a Zoom class, she noticed one of her first graders had a black eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is this the first time you see something like this, or do you think it might be the way it looks on the screen?” Rossi asked the teacher. “Did [the child] share anything that may help in regards to figuring out if he did have a black eye or not?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rossi determined that the teacher should do more follow up with the child and his parents — there was just too little to go on from what the teacher reported. She then walked the teacher through how to follow up, also a tricky process in the virtual world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DCFS Director Bobby Cagle said a teacher’s job of probing into the circumstances of a bruise is much harder over Zoom than simply being able to have a conversation with a child in the classroom. Over Zoom, teachers and social workers are “limited in what [they] can do because the child is at home … And you never know who is just off-screen,” Cagle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When shelter-in-place orders sent everyone home, calls to the hotline dropped dramatically. But as the year went on they crept back up, according to Carlos Torres, division chief of the Child Protection Hotline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now we’re getting 600 calls and online reports a day. Whereas if it was not COVID, we probably would be getting between 750 and 850 a day,” Torres said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cagle also said the number of children removed from their parent(s) or guardian during 2020 due to suspected abuse or neglect showed a minimal increase from the year prior. “The removals actually did go up a little bit, but if you’re looking at it percentage wise, we remained relatively constant,” Cagle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But shuttered courts have meant fewer open cases were closed and fewer adoptions were finalized in 2020. The net result was that many children who would have had their cases closed did not — and they remain in an already overburdened system.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Isolation for Kids and Parents — Swelling Caseloads for Lawyers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“The impact on the children has been significant,” said Leslie Heimov, executive director of the Children’s Law Center of California, which provides an attorney to every child who is removed from their parents due to issues of abuse or neglect. When the pandemic hit, in-person, supervised visits between those children and their parents were mostly stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a significant decline in the amount of face-to-face contact that children are having with their parents, with their siblings, with their extended family,” Heimov said. “Ironically, a foster parent could make a decision to bring their foster child with them when they went to visit their own sister or their next-door neighbor, but the child and their own parents might have been prohibited from seeing each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even well-intentioned changes – like case extensions to help parents comply with court orders – have caused hardship, Heimov added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Giving a family an extra six months, a year down the road to reunify doesn’t undo the damage that was perpetrated when they were physically separated from each other for three months, six months, nine months, however long it was that they weren’t able to have that incredibly important face-to-face contact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heimov also worries that the slowdown in the processing of cases may end up having a negative impact on some parents’ ability to reunite with their children at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that there’s been a significant increase in mental health distress throughout the whole country, so a parent who’s already fragile or a child who’s already fragile who has an interruption in their services or an interruption in their mental health treatment, that’s compounded by the stress of the pandemic and by the separation,” she said. “Then we may lose some parents who should have reunified and who were doing well, but this was just the straw that broke the camel’s back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The spike in children in the system has also caused swelling caseloads for the children’s attorneys. “In January of 2020 we had 177 clients per attorney,” Heimov said. “We’ve gone from 177 children per lawyer to a high of 215… Having more clients reduces the amount of time that one can spend with each client.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An already overburdened system is now even more taxed, said Dennis Smeal, executive director of Los Angeles Dependency Lawyers, a nonprofit organization of five law firms that represent most of the parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before COVID we had 22,000 parents that we represented,” Smeal said. “By Dec. 31, we had 27,000, and that means that caseloads went up in some cases by 40%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lawyers are suffering,” he said, adding that his staff have been working extraordinary hours to meet the need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smeal does see some pandemic silver linings for families working to get their children back. He cites the new practice of filing paperwork electronically and the use of video conferencing to appear in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be if you were a long-haul truck driver you had to make the choice between losing income or appearing at your court hearings,” Smeal said. “Now we have remote hearings that I hope we’ll be able to use whenever parents can’t appear personally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As social workers, court staff and attorneys are starting to get vaccinated, there may be more cases processed in the near future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s going to be a big push to close as many cases as possible,” Smeal said. But until that happens, many children nearing reunification with their family will remain in foster care, a system at the brink.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Deepa Fernandes is an early childhood reporting fellow at Pacific Oaks College, which is funded in part by First 5 LA. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>This is a story about Los Angeles — but to fully understand it, let’s start halfway across the country, in Chicago, where Kim Foxx was elected the top prosecutor five years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Foxx won the Cook County, Illinois, district attorney post in 2016, her progressive platform was still unusual in a country that had long embraced incarceration as the answer to crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"George Gascón, Los Angeles County district attorney\"]‘I developed the opinion that trying to do a gradual rollout would probably create more confusion. And it would be harder than just simply putting it all out there.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So she moved slowly — first surveying prosecutors for anonymous feedback about what gaps they saw in how they did the work; then inviting them to focus groups to drill down more on possible changes to office practices. When she started rolling out policies aimed at reducing incarceration, she largely did so one at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last four years, Foxx has faced her share of opposition from tough-on-crime supporters — but says she benefited from one other thing: timing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think when I came in 2016, it was a novelty almost to have someone coming in and talking about criminal justice reform as a prosecutor,” she said. “And then you saw momentum building across the country. … And there was a deliberate effort, I believe, on the right to kind of villainize what this work looks like, to villainize the progressive prosecutor being, you know, antithetical to law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years later, Foxx is far from the only so-called “progressive prosecutor” running a large, urban DA’s office — voters in San Francisco, Philadelphia, Boston and a number of other large cities have also embraced the promise of reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall, that change also came to Los Angeles County, which boasts the largest local prosecutor’s office in the nation, a massive bureaucracy that covers 4,000 square miles and includes 1,000 lawyers and 38 courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>George Gascón, a former San Francisco police chief and district attorney, survived a bruising battle with his tough-on-crime predecessor to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-11-06/george-gascon-la-district-attorney-race-jackie-lacey-concede\">win his position\u003c/a> running the massive LA office — and unlike Foxx, he moved to make changes at warp speed: He’d barely been sworn in last December when \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/12/08/944396495/george-gascon-implements-sweeping-changes-to-los-angeles-district-attorneys-offi\">he issued a set of directives\u003c/a> aimed at reducing prison sentences and focusing more on rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those directives barred prosecutors in Los Angeles from seeking the death penalty, trying juveniles as adults and filing most sentencing enhancements, including those sanctioned under the state’s three strike laws. The changes also eliminated cash bail in the massive county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón said there was no time to waste and that he was simply instituting the changes he campaigned on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"george-gascon\"]“I developed the opinion that trying to do a gradual rollout would probably create more confusion. And it would be harder than just simply putting it all out there and working from there,” he said. “And that was the reason for the rollout from day one. It was really a combination of my commitment to the voters and doing what I said that I was going to do and ensuring that we put it all [out there] and worked through it at the same time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resistance from anti-reform prosecutors was swift as well — both in and outside Gascón’s office. They joined forces to challenge some of those new policies, and in February, a judge agreed to put some of the changes on hold. Gascón said he is appealing; it’s a case widely expected to reach the state’s Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chicago’s Foxx said the swift pushback is a far cry from what she faced as a newly elected DA — and shows how the past four years have given those opposed to reform time to regroup, and come out swinging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very surprised about how forceful the opposition is,” Foxx said of Gascón’s experience. “He gets sworn in on a Monday. Monday night, he’s got his deputies on television saying that they’re not going to do what he says.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors in Gascón office said their opposition wasn’t just about the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those were kind of given to his deputies without any type of consultation, without any type of warning, without any type of introduction,” said Eric Siddall, vice president of the union representing deputy district attorneys in Los Angeles. “It was not done in that collaborative process. There was no dialog whatsoever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only were prosecutors not consulted, Siddall said, defense attorneys and the media seemed to receive the new directives at the same time they did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it wasn’t just the process — the prosecutors union opposes the policies on the merits as well. In a lawsuit filed less than a month after Gascón took office, they challenged the ban on enhancements, a commonly used prosecutor’s tool that can add years to someone’s sentence on top of a base term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nSiddall said the union isn’t trying to stymie every policy its members oppose, and that the lawsuit was narrowly crafted to challenge only the new directives that union members believe are illegal — and, when carried out, force its members to ignore their oath of office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He contends that Gascón is ignoring the law and abusing the long-standing notion of prosecutorial discretion — the power DAs hold to decide whether to charge someone with a crime, and what charges to file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prosecutorial discretion doesn’t mean you get to do whatever you want. It means you have to work within the bounds of the law,” said Siddall. “We’re actually not contesting Mr. Gascón’s ability to implement public policy. And if his public policy is geared around the rights of defendants and ignoring the rights of victims, that’s his prerogative. What we’re contesting is very limited parts of his directives … that are asking us to ignore what the law is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear that Gascón’s move to dramatically change how criminal justice is carried out in the most populous county in California is seen as threatening to prosecutors beyond LA’s borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association, the statewide group representing both elected district attorneys and line prosecutors, took the extraordinary step of joining the lawsuit against Gascón. In the past, the association has disagreed with reform-minded prosecutors like Gascón, but never challenged them in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In our view, it’s not just the difference in policies. It’s as though he thinks, and the people he surrounded himself with think, that he has been elected or anointed king of the LA County criminal court system,” said El Dorado County District Attorney Vern Pierson, who is the association’s president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Vern Pierson, president of the California District Attorneys Association\"]‘It’s as though he thinks, and the people he surrounded himself with think, that he has been elected or anointed king of the LA County criminal court system.’[/pullquote]Pierson said Gascón can’t just ignore laws he doesn’t like, and that prosecutorial discretion doesn’t extend to blanket policies like the ones issued in LA. He argued district attorneys have to look at cases individually and decide what’s best in that circumstance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last however many years, we’ve always advocated that the elected DA has a broad discretion to implement … different policies in San Francisco versus El Dorado County. We’ve always advocated for that, but we recognize there’s limits to it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Gascón find this argument — that he doesn’t have the discretion to broadly decide how harshly to charge cases — pretty hypocritical, considering how carefully DAs have guarded prosecutorial discretion in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost no one — and certainly none of the folks attacking George from the right — ever raised concerns about prosecutorial discretion when prosecutors were seeking to send people to prison for life for stealing a pizza,” said San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, another recently elected progressive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin contends that tough-on-crime prosecutors are happy to fall back on discretion when it gives them the chance to throw the book at someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We only see those concerns being raised — not just in Los Angeles, but across the country — as an effort to undo and undermine widely popular reforms that have empirical support and that are aimed specifically at addressing a very well-understood and well-documented history of racial bias and racial discrimination within the criminal justice system,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin and Kim Foxx, the Chicago prosecutor, said they believe what happens in Los Angeles could have wide-ranging implications for not just California, but the future of criminal justice reform across the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This is a story about Los Angeles — but to fully understand it, let’s start halfway across the country, in Chicago, where Kim Foxx was elected the top prosecutor five years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Foxx won the Cook County, Illinois, district attorney post in 2016, her progressive platform was still unusual in a country that had long embraced incarceration as the answer to crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So she moved slowly — first surveying prosecutors for anonymous feedback about what gaps they saw in how they did the work; then inviting them to focus groups to drill down more on possible changes to office practices. When she started rolling out policies aimed at reducing incarceration, she largely did so one at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last four years, Foxx has faced her share of opposition from tough-on-crime supporters — but says she benefited from one other thing: timing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think when I came in 2016, it was a novelty almost to have someone coming in and talking about criminal justice reform as a prosecutor,” she said. “And then you saw momentum building across the country. … And there was a deliberate effort, I believe, on the right to kind of villainize what this work looks like, to villainize the progressive prosecutor being, you know, antithetical to law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years later, Foxx is far from the only so-called “progressive prosecutor” running a large, urban DA’s office — voters in San Francisco, Philadelphia, Boston and a number of other large cities have also embraced the promise of reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall, that change also came to Los Angeles County, which boasts the largest local prosecutor’s office in the nation, a massive bureaucracy that covers 4,000 square miles and includes 1,000 lawyers and 38 courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>George Gascón, a former San Francisco police chief and district attorney, survived a bruising battle with his tough-on-crime predecessor to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-11-06/george-gascon-la-district-attorney-race-jackie-lacey-concede\">win his position\u003c/a> running the massive LA office — and unlike Foxx, he moved to make changes at warp speed: He’d barely been sworn in last December when \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/12/08/944396495/george-gascon-implements-sweeping-changes-to-los-angeles-district-attorneys-offi\">he issued a set of directives\u003c/a> aimed at reducing prison sentences and focusing more on rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those directives barred prosecutors in Los Angeles from seeking the death penalty, trying juveniles as adults and filing most sentencing enhancements, including those sanctioned under the state’s three strike laws. The changes also eliminated cash bail in the massive county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón said there was no time to waste and that he was simply instituting the changes he campaigned on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I developed the opinion that trying to do a gradual rollout would probably create more confusion. And it would be harder than just simply putting it all out there and working from there,” he said. “And that was the reason for the rollout from day one. It was really a combination of my commitment to the voters and doing what I said that I was going to do and ensuring that we put it all [out there] and worked through it at the same time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resistance from anti-reform prosecutors was swift as well — both in and outside Gascón’s office. They joined forces to challenge some of those new policies, and in February, a judge agreed to put some of the changes on hold. Gascón said he is appealing; it’s a case widely expected to reach the state’s Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chicago’s Foxx said the swift pushback is a far cry from what she faced as a newly elected DA — and shows how the past four years have given those opposed to reform time to regroup, and come out swinging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very surprised about how forceful the opposition is,” Foxx said of Gascón’s experience. “He gets sworn in on a Monday. Monday night, he’s got his deputies on television saying that they’re not going to do what he says.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors in Gascón office said their opposition wasn’t just about the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those were kind of given to his deputies without any type of consultation, without any type of warning, without any type of introduction,” said Eric Siddall, vice president of the union representing deputy district attorneys in Los Angeles. “It was not done in that collaborative process. There was no dialog whatsoever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only were prosecutors not consulted, Siddall said, defense attorneys and the media seemed to receive the new directives at the same time they did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it wasn’t just the process — the prosecutors union opposes the policies on the merits as well. In a lawsuit filed less than a month after Gascón took office, they challenged the ban on enhancements, a commonly used prosecutor’s tool that can add years to someone’s sentence on top of a base term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nSiddall said the union isn’t trying to stymie every policy its members oppose, and that the lawsuit was narrowly crafted to challenge only the new directives that union members believe are illegal — and, when carried out, force its members to ignore their oath of office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He contends that Gascón is ignoring the law and abusing the long-standing notion of prosecutorial discretion — the power DAs hold to decide whether to charge someone with a crime, and what charges to file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prosecutorial discretion doesn’t mean you get to do whatever you want. It means you have to work within the bounds of the law,” said Siddall. “We’re actually not contesting Mr. Gascón’s ability to implement public policy. And if his public policy is geared around the rights of defendants and ignoring the rights of victims, that’s his prerogative. What we’re contesting is very limited parts of his directives … that are asking us to ignore what the law is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear that Gascón’s move to dramatically change how criminal justice is carried out in the most populous county in California is seen as threatening to prosecutors beyond LA’s borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association, the statewide group representing both elected district attorneys and line prosecutors, took the extraordinary step of joining the lawsuit against Gascón. In the past, the association has disagreed with reform-minded prosecutors like Gascón, but never challenged them in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In our view, it’s not just the difference in policies. It’s as though he thinks, and the people he surrounded himself with think, that he has been elected or anointed king of the LA County criminal court system,” said El Dorado County District Attorney Vern Pierson, who is the association’s president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Pierson said Gascón can’t just ignore laws he doesn’t like, and that prosecutorial discretion doesn’t extend to blanket policies like the ones issued in LA. He argued district attorneys have to look at cases individually and decide what’s best in that circumstance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last however many years, we’ve always advocated that the elected DA has a broad discretion to implement … different policies in San Francisco versus El Dorado County. We’ve always advocated for that, but we recognize there’s limits to it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Gascón find this argument — that he doesn’t have the discretion to broadly decide how harshly to charge cases — pretty hypocritical, considering how carefully DAs have guarded prosecutorial discretion in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost no one — and certainly none of the folks attacking George from the right — ever raised concerns about prosecutorial discretion when prosecutors were seeking to send people to prison for life for stealing a pizza,” said San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, another recently elected progressive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin contends that tough-on-crime prosecutors are happy to fall back on discretion when it gives them the chance to throw the book at someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We only see those concerns being raised — not just in Los Angeles, but across the country — as an effort to undo and undermine widely popular reforms that have empirical support and that are aimed specifically at addressing a very well-understood and well-documented history of racial bias and racial discrimination within the criminal justice system,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin and Kim Foxx, the Chicago prosecutor, said they believe what happens in Los Angeles could have wide-ranging implications for not just California, but the future of criminal justice reform across the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "democratic-donor-ed-buck-accused-of-running-a-drug-den-after-a-3rd-man-ods",
"title": "Democratic Donor Ed Buck Accused of Running Drug Den After Third Man ODs",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 11:40 a.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County prosecutors say they have charged Democratic donor and activist Ed Buck with running a drug house and other crimes after a man overdosed on methamphetamine at Buck’s apartment last week. The man survived, but two other men have died from overdoses at Buck’s apartment in the past two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buck was arrested Tuesday night — after months in which activists and relatives of the men who died have called for criminal charges related to the suspicious circumstances around the deaths of 26-year-old Gemmel Moore in 2017 and 55-year-old Timothy Michael Dean in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buck, who is 65, is now facing felony counts of battery causing serious injury, administering methamphetamine and maintaining a drug house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted, he could face a maximum sentence of five years and eight months in state prison, said Greg Risling, the assistant chief of media relations for the \u003ca href=\"http://da.co.la.ca.us/media/news/man-charged-running-drug-den-west-hollywood-apartment\">Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent overdose took place on Sept. 11. Prosecutors say Buck injected a 37-year-old man with methamphetamine at Buck’s apartment on Laurel Avenue in West Hollywood. The man suffered an overdose but survived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for Moore and Dean have long accused Buck of being a sexual predator who lured gay, at-risk black men to his home in West Hollywood. As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/news/shows/greater-la/la-activists-call-for-prosecution-of-ed-buck/will-la-county-prosecute-ed-buck\">member station KCRW\u003c/a> reported this summer, Buck is alleged to have pressured men to do drugs, particularly crystal meth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Moore died, police say they found drug paraphernalia littered around the scene in Buck’s home, including syringes, pipes and plastic bags. The coroner blamed the death on an accidental overdose, but a homicide inquiry was launched after Moore’s journal was published weeks later. In it, Moore blamed Buck for introducing him to methamphetamine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I honestly don’t know what to do. I’ve become addicted to drugs and the worst one at that,” Moore wrote, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice4gemmel.org/post/wrongful-death-civil-rights-lawsuit-filed-by-gemmel-moore-s-mother\">his family’s website\u003c/a>. He added, “Ed Buck is the one to thank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors opted not to file charges against Buck related to Moore’s death. Earlier this year, Moore’s mother, LaTisha Nixon, filed a wrongful death lawsuit against Buck and Los Angeles County officials. She says Dean’s death could have been avoided if authorities had charged Buck in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The racial dynamic here is inescapable,” said Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School in Los Angeles. “What if this was an older African American person and a blond-haired, blue-eyed young man died in his apartment? Would we treat it differently?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Levinson cautioned, there is still not enough information available. “We don’t know what evidence or facts the DA had during previous investigations and what they have now,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than two years, activists have said Buck wasn’t charged with a crime because he is white, wealthy and politically connected. Now they’re welcoming news that he has been arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just completely ecstatic,” writer and activist Jasmyne Cannick \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/Jasmyne/status/1174244186918404096\">said via Twitter\u003c/a>. “Black gay men’s lives matter. The whole black LGBT community is going to be celebrating this evening because our lives matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannick, who has pointedly accused prosecutors and the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department of failing to stop a violent predator, says she has collected a trove of evidence against Buck, publishing interviews and other materials \u003ca href=\"http://www.jasmyneacannick.com/series/gemmel-moore/\">online\u003c/a>. The next step, in her view, is for him to face additional charges related to the deaths of Moore and Dean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Dean died earlier this year, Buck’s attorney, Seymour Amster, insisted his client is innocent of any crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a situation where Mr. Buck has caused a death,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/11/684346439/2nd-man-found-dead-in-home-of-prominent-democratic-donor-ed-buck\">Amster said\u003c/a>. “This is a situation where Mr. Buck has had longtime friends who unfortunately do not handle their life well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors are recommending that bail for Buck should be set at $4 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remain deeply concerned for the safety of people whose life circumstances may make them more vulnerable to criminal predators,” Los Angeles County District Attorney Jackie Lacey said, adding that new evidence from the recent overdose of the 37-year-old man at Buck’s apartment had prompted her to approve filing charges against Buck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buck has donated more than $200,000 to Democratic candidates and committees in California since 2011, including $2,000 to Gavin Newsom’s 2014 race for lieutenant governor and $2,500 to Xavier Becerra’s 2018 race for attorney general, according to the California \u003ca href=\"http://powersearch.sos.ca.gov/advanced.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Secretary of State website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, he has also contributed generously to Rep. Ami Bera from Elk Grove and Rep. Ted Lieu from Los Angeles, according to the donor tracking site \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/donor-lookup/results?name=ed+buck&order=desc&sort=A\">Open Secrets\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of his largest contributions have been to the Getting Stuff Done PAC, a political action committee based in Phoenix, the Open Secrets data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think he was one of the best known donors. I don’t think he is one of the biggest players by any stretch of the imagination,” said Levinson. “But he is someone who gave real money to democratic candidates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “Whenever candidates and office holders get money and then realize it’s from a tainted source … it tends to be this cleansing ritual where candidates try and absolve themselves of any connection by giving to a bonafide charity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Newsom and Becerra have already donated the contributions they received from Buck to LGBTQ rights groups, according to their respective campaign aides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Tara Siler contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Democratic+Donor+Ed+Buck+Accused+Of+Running+A+Drug+Den+After+A+3rd+Man+ODs&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 11:40 a.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County prosecutors say they have charged Democratic donor and activist Ed Buck with running a drug house and other crimes after a man overdosed on methamphetamine at Buck’s apartment last week. The man survived, but two other men have died from overdoses at Buck’s apartment in the past two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buck was arrested Tuesday night — after months in which activists and relatives of the men who died have called for criminal charges related to the suspicious circumstances around the deaths of 26-year-old Gemmel Moore in 2017 and 55-year-old Timothy Michael Dean in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buck, who is 65, is now facing felony counts of battery causing serious injury, administering methamphetamine and maintaining a drug house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted, he could face a maximum sentence of five years and eight months in state prison, said Greg Risling, the assistant chief of media relations for the \u003ca href=\"http://da.co.la.ca.us/media/news/man-charged-running-drug-den-west-hollywood-apartment\">Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent overdose took place on Sept. 11. Prosecutors say Buck injected a 37-year-old man with methamphetamine at Buck’s apartment on Laurel Avenue in West Hollywood. The man suffered an overdose but survived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for Moore and Dean have long accused Buck of being a sexual predator who lured gay, at-risk black men to his home in West Hollywood. As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/news/shows/greater-la/la-activists-call-for-prosecution-of-ed-buck/will-la-county-prosecute-ed-buck\">member station KCRW\u003c/a> reported this summer, Buck is alleged to have pressured men to do drugs, particularly crystal meth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Moore died, police say they found drug paraphernalia littered around the scene in Buck’s home, including syringes, pipes and plastic bags. The coroner blamed the death on an accidental overdose, but a homicide inquiry was launched after Moore’s journal was published weeks later. In it, Moore blamed Buck for introducing him to methamphetamine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I honestly don’t know what to do. I’ve become addicted to drugs and the worst one at that,” Moore wrote, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice4gemmel.org/post/wrongful-death-civil-rights-lawsuit-filed-by-gemmel-moore-s-mother\">his family’s website\u003c/a>. He added, “Ed Buck is the one to thank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors opted not to file charges against Buck related to Moore’s death. Earlier this year, Moore’s mother, LaTisha Nixon, filed a wrongful death lawsuit against Buck and Los Angeles County officials. She says Dean’s death could have been avoided if authorities had charged Buck in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The racial dynamic here is inescapable,” said Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School in Los Angeles. “What if this was an older African American person and a blond-haired, blue-eyed young man died in his apartment? Would we treat it differently?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Levinson cautioned, there is still not enough information available. “We don’t know what evidence or facts the DA had during previous investigations and what they have now,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than two years, activists have said Buck wasn’t charged with a crime because he is white, wealthy and politically connected. Now they’re welcoming news that he has been arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just completely ecstatic,” writer and activist Jasmyne Cannick \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/Jasmyne/status/1174244186918404096\">said via Twitter\u003c/a>. “Black gay men’s lives matter. The whole black LGBT community is going to be celebrating this evening because our lives matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannick, who has pointedly accused prosecutors and the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department of failing to stop a violent predator, says she has collected a trove of evidence against Buck, publishing interviews and other materials \u003ca href=\"http://www.jasmyneacannick.com/series/gemmel-moore/\">online\u003c/a>. The next step, in her view, is for him to face additional charges related to the deaths of Moore and Dean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Dean died earlier this year, Buck’s attorney, Seymour Amster, insisted his client is innocent of any crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a situation where Mr. Buck has caused a death,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/11/684346439/2nd-man-found-dead-in-home-of-prominent-democratic-donor-ed-buck\">Amster said\u003c/a>. “This is a situation where Mr. Buck has had longtime friends who unfortunately do not handle their life well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors are recommending that bail for Buck should be set at $4 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remain deeply concerned for the safety of people whose life circumstances may make them more vulnerable to criminal predators,” Los Angeles County District Attorney Jackie Lacey said, adding that new evidence from the recent overdose of the 37-year-old man at Buck’s apartment had prompted her to approve filing charges against Buck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buck has donated more than $200,000 to Democratic candidates and committees in California since 2011, including $2,000 to Gavin Newsom’s 2014 race for lieutenant governor and $2,500 to Xavier Becerra’s 2018 race for attorney general, according to the California \u003ca href=\"http://powersearch.sos.ca.gov/advanced.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Secretary of State website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, he has also contributed generously to Rep. Ami Bera from Elk Grove and Rep. Ted Lieu from Los Angeles, according to the donor tracking site \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/donor-lookup/results?name=ed+buck&order=desc&sort=A\">Open Secrets\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of his largest contributions have been to the Getting Stuff Done PAC, a political action committee based in Phoenix, the Open Secrets data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think he was one of the best known donors. I don’t think he is one of the biggest players by any stretch of the imagination,” said Levinson. “But he is someone who gave real money to democratic candidates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “Whenever candidates and office holders get money and then realize it’s from a tainted source … it tends to be this cleansing ritual where candidates try and absolve themselves of any connection by giving to a bonafide charity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Newsom and Becerra have already donated the contributions they received from Buck to LGBTQ rights groups, according to their respective campaign aides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Tara Siler contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Democratic+Donor+Ed+Buck+Accused+Of+Running+A+Drug+Den+After+A+3rd+Man+ODs&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated: 4:42 p.m.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of homeless people across Los Angeles County jumped 12% over the past year to nearly 59,000, with more young and old people and more families on the streets, according to the official annual count presented Tuesday to the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of the homeless people were found within the city of Los Angeles, which saw a 16% increase to 36,300. \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/homeless-count/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Point-in-Time Count\u003c/a> was done in January, and the report was presented to county supervisors Tuesday by the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11678178\"]The increase comes after last year’s tally found a slight decrease in the homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago, L.A. voters approved a tax hike and $1.2 billion housing bond to make a decade’s worth of massive investments to help solve the homeless crisis. That money has been committed to build more than half of the 10,000 new housing units planned countywide over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials from the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, a county agency, said the same people have not remained on the streets. The agency helped 21,631 people move into permanent housing during 2018 — a pace that could rapidly end homelessness if economic pressures had not pushed thousands more into the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while some people who had been homeless managed to get permanent places to live, others who had homes were forced onto the streets of metro Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are being housed out of homelessness and falling into homelessness on a continuous basis,” said Peter Lynn, the authority’s executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a quarter of the people in the L.A. count became homeless for the first time in the past year, and about half of those cited economic hardship as the primary cause, the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To catch up, cities need to overcome resistance to the placement of housing and shelters, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Janice Hahn called the numbers “disheartening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11721460,news_11668623\" label=\"Homelessness\"]“Even though our data shows we are housing more people than ever, it is hard to be optimistic when that progress is overwhelmed by the number of people falling into homelessness,” Hahn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles County numbers mirror tallies across California, as state officials struggle to address a lack of affordable housing. In addition, officials said, wages among lower-income residents have not kept up with the rising cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some state lawmakers on Tuesday called for legislation capping rent increases on some tenants and encouraging the construction of more affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing folks who are working, have jobs and are homeless. They can’t afford the rent. They can’t afford to live in the communities in which they’ve grown up their entire life. And they’re being displaced,” said Assemblywoman Buffy Wicks, a Democrat from Oakland, where a countywide survey this year found a 43% increase in the homeless population over the last several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11751060/a-rare-tenant-win-in-the-capitol-but-why-dont-californias-renters-have-more-political-punch\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tenant legislation faces persistent opposition\u003c/a> from landlords, and other major housing bills have already sputtered this legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles count found a 24% increase in homeless youth, defined as people under 25, and a 7% jump in people 62 or older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials estimate about 29% of people experiencing homelessness in L.A. County are mentally ill or coping with substance abuse problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two-thirds of all people on the streets are male, just under one-third are female, and about 2% identify as transgender or gender nonconforming.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated: 4:42 p.m.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of homeless people across Los Angeles County jumped 12% over the past year to nearly 59,000, with more young and old people and more families on the streets, according to the official annual count presented Tuesday to the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of the homeless people were found within the city of Los Angeles, which saw a 16% increase to 36,300. \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/homeless-count/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Point-in-Time Count\u003c/a> was done in January, and the report was presented to county supervisors Tuesday by the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials from the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, a county agency, said the same people have not remained on the streets. The agency helped 21,631 people move into permanent housing during 2018 — a pace that could rapidly end homelessness if economic pressures had not pushed thousands more into the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while some people who had been homeless managed to get permanent places to live, others who had homes were forced onto the streets of metro Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are being housed out of homelessness and falling into homelessness on a continuous basis,” said Peter Lynn, the authority’s executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a quarter of the people in the L.A. count became homeless for the first time in the past year, and about half of those cited economic hardship as the primary cause, the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To catch up, cities need to overcome resistance to the placement of housing and shelters, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Janice Hahn called the numbers “disheartening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Even though our data shows we are housing more people than ever, it is hard to be optimistic when that progress is overwhelmed by the number of people falling into homelessness,” Hahn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles County numbers mirror tallies across California, as state officials struggle to address a lack of affordable housing. In addition, officials said, wages among lower-income residents have not kept up with the rising cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some state lawmakers on Tuesday called for legislation capping rent increases on some tenants and encouraging the construction of more affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing folks who are working, have jobs and are homeless. They can’t afford the rent. They can’t afford to live in the communities in which they’ve grown up their entire life. And they’re being displaced,” said Assemblywoman Buffy Wicks, a Democrat from Oakland, where a countywide survey this year found a 43% increase in the homeless population over the last several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11751060/a-rare-tenant-win-in-the-capitol-but-why-dont-californias-renters-have-more-political-punch\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tenant legislation faces persistent opposition\u003c/a> from landlords, and other major housing bills have already sputtered this legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles count found a 24% increase in homeless youth, defined as people under 25, and a 7% jump in people 62 or older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials estimate about 29% of people experiencing homelessness in L.A. County are mentally ill or coping with substance abuse problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two-thirds of all people on the streets are male, just under one-third are female, and about 2% identify as transgender or gender nonconforming.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Two Deaths Reported as Woolsey Fire Continues to Force Evacuations in Ventura and L.A. Counties",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note: This post is no longer being updated. For the latest information on the Woolsey Fire and Hill Fire, please \u003ca href=\"http://www.fire.ca.gov/general/firemaps\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">click here\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/wildfires/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Follow KQED’s ongoing wildfire coverage.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:28 p.m. Saturday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fire officials say evacuation orders due to two wildfires raging in Southern California are expected to impact about 148,000 people, and structural losses are expected to be significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Woolsey Fire\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>This blaze burning west of Los Angeles ignited Thursday afternoon around 2:30 p.m. in the area of Rocketdyne, south of Simi Valley. It jumped Highway 101 overnight, and by early Friday morning was pushed into Los Angeles County by heavy Santa Ana winds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Saturday, the L.A. County Sherrif’s Department announced homicide detectives \u003ca href=\"https://local.nixle.com/alert/6917584/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">were investigating the deaths\u003c/a> of two individuals found in a sparsely populated stretch of Mulholland Highway in Malibu, but Los Angeles County sheriff’s Chief John Benedict offered no further details. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of 8:00 a.m. Saturday, according to Cal Fire:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Size\u003c/strong>: 70,000 acres\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Evacuations\u003c/strong>: 20,895 homes are under evacuation orders; for full evacuation orders and emergency shelters see \u003ca href=\"https://www.vcemergency.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Ventura County Fire Department Emergency Information\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.lacounty.gov/woolseyfire/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">county of Los Angeles evacuation information\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Damage\u003c/strong>: No injuries, “many” structures damaged and threatened, according to fire officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/CAL_FIRE/status/1061345725961793536\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11705327\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-800x531.jpg\" alt=\"The Woolsey Fire burns along the ridgeline off Cornell Road near Paramount Ranch on the morning of Nov. 9, 2018 in Agoura Hills.\" width=\"800\" height=\"531\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11705327\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-1200x796.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-1180x783.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-960x637.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-375x249.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Woolsey Fire burns along the ridgeline off Cornell Road near Paramount Ranch on the morning of Nov. 9, 2018 in Agoura Hills. \u003ccite>(Matthew Simmons/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LACoFireAirOps/status/1061048433094488066\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Hill Fire\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The Hill Fire, burning to the west of the Woolsey Fire, started Thursday afternoon around 2:00 p.m. but slowed once it reached the footprint of the 2013 Springs Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the latest report from Cal Fire Saturday morning:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Size\u003c/strong>: 4,531 acres\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Containment\u003c/strong>: 25 percent\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Evacuations\u003c/strong>: About 17,343 residents have been evacuated; full evacuation orders and emergency shelters available from \u003ca href=\"https://www.vcemergency.com/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">the Ventura County Fire Department\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Damage\u003c/strong>: One firefighter injured, 437 structures have been threatened and none damaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/CAL_FIRE/status/1061346220252180480\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A mandatory evacuation order for the entire city of Malibu was initially issued early Friday and then scaled back, but was reinstated city-wide by mid-morning as the fire pushed towards the ocean. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traffic backed up along the Pacific Coast Highway as residents attempted to leave the wealthy waterfront town. All four lanes were \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/CountyofLA/status/1061003331374481409\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">converted to southbound\u003c/a>, and no northbound traffic is permitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LASDHQ/status/1061073827021578240\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richardson estimates another 60,000 people will likely have to evacuate because the larger Woolsey Fire jumped U.S. 101 early Friday and is pushing toward the ocean. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighters had hoped to stop the fire’s march south at the Highway 101, but it jumped the freeway as the region’s notorious Santa Ana winds spiked in the early morning hours. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/VCFD_PIO/status/1060896472420380675\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire rapidly climbed into the Santa Monica Mountains and raced toward the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The perimeter is now the Pacific Ocean,” Richardson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenges are, number one, competing resources,” he said. “We all know this is the second fire that occurred in Ventura County, and it’s on the heels of what’s happened up in Northern California where they’ve had devastating loss \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705174/butte-county-fire-nearly-quadruples-in-size-overnight\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">in Butte County\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some 2,000 firefighters were battling the flames as helicopters and airplanes made water and fire retardant drops. Richardson said the fire’s pace forced firefighters to focus on life-protection rather than saving structures and he expects that yet-to-be-determined number to be significant. Crews were using the Zuma Beach parking lot as a staging area for large equipment and helicopters, as well as an evacuation spot for large animals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LACoLifeguards/status/1061011123061743617\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom — serving as acting governor as Jerry Brown travels out-of-state — issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2018/11/09/state-of-emergency-in-los-angeles-and-ventura-counties/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a state of emergency\u003c/a> on Friday for Ventura and Los Angeles counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forecasters expect a break in the Santa Ana winds on Saturday and then a new round Sunday through Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/VCFD_PIO/status/1061001989494984704\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note: This post is no longer being updated. For the latest information on the Woolsey Fire and Hill Fire, please \u003ca href=\"http://www.fire.ca.gov/general/firemaps\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">click here\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/wildfires/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Follow KQED’s ongoing wildfire coverage.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:28 p.m. Saturday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fire officials say evacuation orders due to two wildfires raging in Southern California are expected to impact about 148,000 people, and structural losses are expected to be significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Woolsey Fire\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>This blaze burning west of Los Angeles ignited Thursday afternoon around 2:30 p.m. in the area of Rocketdyne, south of Simi Valley. It jumped Highway 101 overnight, and by early Friday morning was pushed into Los Angeles County by heavy Santa Ana winds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Saturday, the L.A. County Sherrif’s Department announced homicide detectives \u003ca href=\"https://local.nixle.com/alert/6917584/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">were investigating the deaths\u003c/a> of two individuals found in a sparsely populated stretch of Mulholland Highway in Malibu, but Los Angeles County sheriff’s Chief John Benedict offered no further details. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of 8:00 a.m. Saturday, according to Cal Fire:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Size\u003c/strong>: 70,000 acres\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Evacuations\u003c/strong>: 20,895 homes are under evacuation orders; for full evacuation orders and emergency shelters see \u003ca href=\"https://www.vcemergency.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Ventura County Fire Department Emergency Information\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.lacounty.gov/woolseyfire/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">county of Los Angeles evacuation information\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Damage\u003c/strong>: No injuries, “many” structures damaged and threatened, according to fire officials.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11705327\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-800x531.jpg\" alt=\"The Woolsey Fire burns along the ridgeline off Cornell Road near Paramount Ranch on the morning of Nov. 9, 2018 in Agoura Hills.\" width=\"800\" height=\"531\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11705327\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-1200x796.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-1180x783.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-960x637.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-375x249.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/WoolseyBurn-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Woolsey Fire burns along the ridgeline off Cornell Road near Paramount Ranch on the morning of Nov. 9, 2018 in Agoura Hills. \u003ccite>(Matthew Simmons/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003ch3>Hill Fire\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The Hill Fire, burning to the west of the Woolsey Fire, started Thursday afternoon around 2:00 p.m. but slowed once it reached the footprint of the 2013 Springs Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the latest report from Cal Fire Saturday morning:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Size\u003c/strong>: 4,531 acres\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Containment\u003c/strong>: 25 percent\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Evacuations\u003c/strong>: About 17,343 residents have been evacuated; full evacuation orders and emergency shelters available from \u003ca href=\"https://www.vcemergency.com/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">the Ventura County Fire Department\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Damage\u003c/strong>: One firefighter injured, 437 structures have been threatened and none damaged.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>A mandatory evacuation order for the entire city of Malibu was initially issued early Friday and then scaled back, but was reinstated city-wide by mid-morning as the fire pushed towards the ocean. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traffic backed up along the Pacific Coast Highway as residents attempted to leave the wealthy waterfront town. All four lanes were \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/CountyofLA/status/1061003331374481409\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">converted to southbound\u003c/a>, and no northbound traffic is permitted.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Richardson estimates another 60,000 people will likely have to evacuate because the larger Woolsey Fire jumped U.S. 101 early Friday and is pushing toward the ocean. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighters had hoped to stop the fire’s march south at the Highway 101, but it jumped the freeway as the region’s notorious Santa Ana winds spiked in the early morning hours. \u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The fire rapidly climbed into the Santa Monica Mountains and raced toward the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The perimeter is now the Pacific Ocean,” Richardson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenges are, number one, competing resources,” he said. “We all know this is the second fire that occurred in Ventura County, and it’s on the heels of what’s happened up in Northern California where they’ve had devastating loss \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705174/butte-county-fire-nearly-quadruples-in-size-overnight\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">in Butte County\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some 2,000 firefighters were battling the flames as helicopters and airplanes made water and fire retardant drops. Richardson said the fire’s pace forced firefighters to focus on life-protection rather than saving structures and he expects that yet-to-be-determined number to be significant. Crews were using the Zuma Beach parking lot as a staging area for large equipment and helicopters, as well as an evacuation spot for large animals.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom — serving as acting governor as Jerry Brown travels out-of-state — issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2018/11/09/state-of-emergency-in-los-angeles-and-ventura-counties/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a state of emergency\u003c/a> on Friday for Ventura and Los Angeles counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forecasters expect a break in the Santa Ana winds on Saturday and then a new round Sunday through Tuesday.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For a series we’re calling “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/letters-to-my-california-dreamer\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Letter To My California Dreamer\u003c/a>,” we’re asking Californians from all walks of life to write a short letter to one of the first people in their family who came to the Golden State. The letter should explain:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What was their California Dream?\u003cbr>\nWhat happened to it?\u003cbr>\nIs that California Dream still alive for you?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here's a letter from Tai Moses to her father, Morris Moses:\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694766\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 372px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11694766\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32960_1_Dad-in-LA-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"372\" height=\"537\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32960_1_Dad-in-LA-qut.jpg 372w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32960_1_Dad-in-LA-qut-160x231.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32960_1_Dad-in-LA-qut-240x346.jpg 240w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 372px) 100vw, 372px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tai's father, Morris Moses, at the bus stop near his apartment on Crenshaw Boulevard in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Tai Moses)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">Dear Dad,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">In 1954, you arrived in Los Angeles from Coney Island. You came with your portable typewriter and a dream of writing the next great American novel. The year after, your father, who you called 'Pop,' used his savings to buy a train ticket from Coney Island to L.A. Pop showed up one morning at your apartment on Crenshaw Boulevard, carrying his canvas bag of bricklayers’ tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">He slept on the couch while you worked late into the night at your typing table in the corner of the room. Pop would get up early and shine his tools—his hammer, his chisel, his trowels. Tool bag in hand, he’d walk from job site to job site. But people didn’t build with bricks in earthquake country. Every afternoon Pop trudged back to the cramped little apartment, dejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694764\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 523px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11694764\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32962_3_Pop-in-NYC-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"523\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32962_3_Pop-in-NYC-qut.jpg 523w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32962_3_Pop-in-NYC-qut-160x184.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32962_3_Pop-in-NYC-qut-240x275.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32962_3_Pop-in-NYC-qut-375x430.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32962_3_Pop-in-NYC-qut-520x597.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 523px) 100vw, 523px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tai's grandfather, Samuel Moses, a Romanian immigrant, worked as a bricklayer in New York City, but couldn’t find a job when he came to Los Angeles in the 1950s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Tai Moses)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">The two of you made uneasy roommates. Your dream was to be a published novelist, the next Joseph Heller, and you believed that California, with its limitless horizons and golden light, would make your dream a reality. Pop just wanted a job doing honest labor. You both shared the California dream of opportunity and success. So the two of you came west with the hopes of building a better life; yours with words, Pop’s with brick and mortar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">You never did achieve the literary recognition you craved. But you did publish one short story in a literary journal. The title was, “Pop Comes To California,” and it was your masterpiece. I never knew Pop, this grandfather who died long before I was born. But I met him in the pages of your story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 574px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11694765 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32963_5_Mainstream_story-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"574\" height=\"705\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32963_5_Mainstream_story-qut.jpg 574w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32963_5_Mainstream_story-qut-160x197.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32963_5_Mainstream_story-qut-240x295.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32963_5_Mainstream_story-qut-375x461.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32963_5_Mainstream_story-qut-520x639.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 574px) 100vw, 574px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The first page of “Pop Comes To California,” published in July 1960 in the literary publication, “Mainstream” \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Tai Moses)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">To me, the California dream represents freedom—the freedom to be \"the hero of my own life,\" as you liked to say, quoting Dickens. After a lifetime in the Golden State, I’m on the verge of leaving, heading north to Oregon where I hope to write a novel of my own. The price of living in California has risen a bit too high. I still believe in the California dream. I’m just going to look for it somewhere else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">Love,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">Tai\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694869\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 454px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11694869\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32972_MM_TM-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"454\" height=\"643\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32972_MM_TM-qut.jpg 454w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32972_MM_TM-qut-160x227.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32972_MM_TM-qut-240x340.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32972_MM_TM-qut-375x531.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 454px) 100vw, 454px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tai Moses and her father, Morris Moses, in Marina del Rey, California, 1999. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Tai Moses)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For a series we’re calling “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/letters-to-my-california-dreamer\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Letter To My California Dreamer\u003c/a>,” we’re asking Californians from all walks of life to write a short letter to one of the first people in their family who came to the Golden State. The letter should explain:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What was their California Dream?\u003cbr>\nWhat happened to it?\u003cbr>\nIs that California Dream still alive for you?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here's a letter from Tai Moses to her father, Morris Moses:\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694766\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 372px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11694766\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32960_1_Dad-in-LA-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"372\" height=\"537\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32960_1_Dad-in-LA-qut.jpg 372w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32960_1_Dad-in-LA-qut-160x231.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32960_1_Dad-in-LA-qut-240x346.jpg 240w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 372px) 100vw, 372px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tai's father, Morris Moses, at the bus stop near his apartment on Crenshaw Boulevard in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Tai Moses)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">Dear Dad,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">In 1954, you arrived in Los Angeles from Coney Island. You came with your portable typewriter and a dream of writing the next great American novel. The year after, your father, who you called 'Pop,' used his savings to buy a train ticket from Coney Island to L.A. Pop showed up one morning at your apartment on Crenshaw Boulevard, carrying his canvas bag of bricklayers’ tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">He slept on the couch while you worked late into the night at your typing table in the corner of the room. Pop would get up early and shine his tools—his hammer, his chisel, his trowels. Tool bag in hand, he’d walk from job site to job site. But people didn’t build with bricks in earthquake country. Every afternoon Pop trudged back to the cramped little apartment, dejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694764\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 523px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11694764\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32962_3_Pop-in-NYC-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"523\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32962_3_Pop-in-NYC-qut.jpg 523w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32962_3_Pop-in-NYC-qut-160x184.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32962_3_Pop-in-NYC-qut-240x275.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32962_3_Pop-in-NYC-qut-375x430.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32962_3_Pop-in-NYC-qut-520x597.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 523px) 100vw, 523px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tai's grandfather, Samuel Moses, a Romanian immigrant, worked as a bricklayer in New York City, but couldn’t find a job when he came to Los Angeles in the 1950s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Tai Moses)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">The two of you made uneasy roommates. Your dream was to be a published novelist, the next Joseph Heller, and you believed that California, with its limitless horizons and golden light, would make your dream a reality. Pop just wanted a job doing honest labor. You both shared the California dream of opportunity and success. So the two of you came west with the hopes of building a better life; yours with words, Pop’s with brick and mortar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">You never did achieve the literary recognition you craved. But you did publish one short story in a literary journal. The title was, “Pop Comes To California,” and it was your masterpiece. I never knew Pop, this grandfather who died long before I was born. But I met him in the pages of your story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 574px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11694765 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32963_5_Mainstream_story-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"574\" height=\"705\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32963_5_Mainstream_story-qut.jpg 574w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32963_5_Mainstream_story-qut-160x197.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32963_5_Mainstream_story-qut-240x295.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32963_5_Mainstream_story-qut-375x461.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32963_5_Mainstream_story-qut-520x639.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 574px) 100vw, 574px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The first page of “Pop Comes To California,” published in July 1960 in the literary publication, “Mainstream” \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Tai Moses)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">To me, the California dream represents freedom—the freedom to be \"the hero of my own life,\" as you liked to say, quoting Dickens. After a lifetime in the Golden State, I’m on the verge of leaving, heading north to Oregon where I hope to write a novel of my own. The price of living in California has risen a bit too high. I still believe in the California dream. I’m just going to look for it somewhere else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">Love,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-family: courier\">Tai\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694869\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 454px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11694869\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32972_MM_TM-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"454\" height=\"643\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32972_MM_TM-qut.jpg 454w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32972_MM_TM-qut-160x227.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32972_MM_TM-qut-240x340.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32972_MM_TM-qut-375x531.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 454px) 100vw, 454px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tai Moses and her father, Morris Moses, in Marina del Rey, California, 1999. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Tai Moses)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Illegal Pot Shops Disrupt California's Budding Legal Market",
"title": "Illegal Pot Shops Disrupt California's Budding Legal Market",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A slight marijuana smell wafted out as a steady stream of customers walked into a warehouse, its doors and windows covered by bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly, police swooped in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sheriff's Department! Search warrant!\" a Los Angeles County deputy shouted as the team thundered through the front door and began hauling out people in handcuffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Compton 20 Cap Collective just south of Los Angeles that was raided earlier this spring is one of hundreds of illegal marijuana stores operating in L.A. County, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11637917/as-california-embraces-legal-marijuana-many-cities-and-counties-say-no\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">marijuana is legal\u003c/a> for anyone 21 and over and retailers must be licensed to sell to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broad \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11638056/everything-you-want-to-know-about-legal-weed-in-california-2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">marijuana legalization\u003c/a> arrived in California at the start of the year. From the beginning, there was concern the legal market would be undercut by the massive black market that has existed for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that's what's happening. Nowhere is it a bigger problem than in the state's biggest legal local marijuana market: Los Angeles County. Outlaw dispensaries there greatly outnumber about 150 licensed storefront retailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That reality is a buzzkill for those trying to play by the rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal pot shops are losing customers who can get products more cheaply at illegal outlets that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11670945/measure-to-slash-state-marijuana-taxes-suffers-setback\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">don't charge or pay taxes\u003c/a>, said Adam Spiker, executive director of the Southern California Coalition, a trade organization that represents cannabis growers, distributors and dispensary owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's an \"unfair competitive situation for licensed businesses,\" Spiker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think if you turn the tables and took cannabis out of the equation — if it was another industry that didn't have the stigmas — the government would do everything they could to give those licensed businesses paying taxes a level playing field.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the selling points for legalization was it would generate a tax windfall for state and local governments. However, during the first quarter, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11668090/california-pot-revenue-is-lower-than-forecast-are-taxes-too-high\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the state reported only $34 million\u003c/a> from cultivation and excise taxes, putting it on pace to fall well below the $175 million forecast for the first six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, state regulators sent nearly 1,000 cease-and-desist letters to cannabis businesses they suspected were operating illegally. An analysis by the trade publication Marijuana Business Daily found about 64 percent of the businesses were in the Los Angeles metropolitan area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the Los Angeles City Attorney's Office charged 142 people as part of a crackdown on illegal dispensaries. It also sent cease-and-desist letters but declined to say how many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County boasts the nation's largest sheriff's department, but even it has nowhere near the manpower to take down all the illegal pot shops. A task force overseen by Lt. Frank Montez raids an average of one dispensary a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the voter-approved ballot measure legalizing cannabis in California included a provision that made possessing more than 28.5 grams only a misdemeanor. That means officers can seize businesses' cash and marijuana, but employees and owners rarely face jail, and illegal operations often quickly reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a money-lucrative business so there are people willing to take the risk,\" said Capt. Holly Francisco, who commands the sheriff's department's narcotics unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montez sees his work as more than code enforcement. Marijuana sold illegally may be tainted with illegal pesticides and other harmful substances. And licensed marijuana shop owners who pay their taxes should have a fair playing field, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When you have an illegitimate, illegal dispensary operating, that not only hurts the industry as a whole but that really hurts the community,\" Montez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Compton store, a sign above a security window says customers must be at least 18 and have a physician's recommendation to buy medical marijuana and be 21 and have a valid photo ID for anything else. Like many others, the shop operated in plain sight and advertised online, including on WeedMaps, a go-to website for people looking to buy cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside, whiteboards on dirt-smudged walls advertised the prices for different types of cannabis and concentrates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cartridges for vapor pens and \"Shatter,\" a honey-like oil containing cannabis extract, cost between $15 and $30. Large display cases held jars of branded marijuana strains — 28 grams of \"Purple Dragon\" sold for $160.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People out here on the street are thinking it is a legitimate operation and are smoking this cannabis with all these dangerous pesticides, and they are really killing themselves,\" Montez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some illegal pot shops look so legitimate that customers may not even realize they are illegal unless they figure out they aren't being charged tax. But like any shopper looking for the best deal, plenty know these places are illegal and go because it's cheaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some illegal L.A. County pot shops grow their own plants, many are supplied by illegal grows in the hills of Northern California, long a major source of all U.S. pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lake County, about 125 miles (201 kilometers) north of San Francisco, is home to many such grows because of its topography, which allows pot farmers to easily hide large operations. It has an abundance of federal and state forests and land where cartels set up operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the L.A. County Sheriff's Department, Lake County lacks the manpower to put much of a dent in illegal operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputies patrol on the ground and in helicopters, and last year they destroyed about 250,000 plants and arrested 46 people for illegal grows, Sheriff Brian Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has no estimate for the number of illegal grows in the county but is confident the hundreds of thousands of plants deputies chop down each year are \"just the tip of the iceberg.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin said his short-staffed department has assigned a single detective full-time to marijuana eradication. He counts on help from state and federal agencies, but they too have their priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's all about manpower,\" he said. \"No one has enough of it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Paul Elias in San Francisco contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California ushered in broad marijuana legalization at the start of the year, but the illegal market still thrives.",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>Michael Balsamo\u003c/strong>\u003c/br>Associated Press",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A slight marijuana smell wafted out as a steady stream of customers walked into a warehouse, its doors and windows covered by bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly, police swooped in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sheriff's Department! Search warrant!\" a Los Angeles County deputy shouted as the team thundered through the front door and began hauling out people in handcuffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Compton 20 Cap Collective just south of Los Angeles that was raided earlier this spring is one of hundreds of illegal marijuana stores operating in L.A. County, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11637917/as-california-embraces-legal-marijuana-many-cities-and-counties-say-no\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">marijuana is legal\u003c/a> for anyone 21 and over and retailers must be licensed to sell to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broad \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11638056/everything-you-want-to-know-about-legal-weed-in-california-2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">marijuana legalization\u003c/a> arrived in California at the start of the year. From the beginning, there was concern the legal market would be undercut by the massive black market that has existed for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that's what's happening. Nowhere is it a bigger problem than in the state's biggest legal local marijuana market: Los Angeles County. Outlaw dispensaries there greatly outnumber about 150 licensed storefront retailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That reality is a buzzkill for those trying to play by the rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal pot shops are losing customers who can get products more cheaply at illegal outlets that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11670945/measure-to-slash-state-marijuana-taxes-suffers-setback\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">don't charge or pay taxes\u003c/a>, said Adam Spiker, executive director of the Southern California Coalition, a trade organization that represents cannabis growers, distributors and dispensary owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's an \"unfair competitive situation for licensed businesses,\" Spiker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think if you turn the tables and took cannabis out of the equation — if it was another industry that didn't have the stigmas — the government would do everything they could to give those licensed businesses paying taxes a level playing field.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the selling points for legalization was it would generate a tax windfall for state and local governments. However, during the first quarter, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11668090/california-pot-revenue-is-lower-than-forecast-are-taxes-too-high\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the state reported only $34 million\u003c/a> from cultivation and excise taxes, putting it on pace to fall well below the $175 million forecast for the first six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, state regulators sent nearly 1,000 cease-and-desist letters to cannabis businesses they suspected were operating illegally. An analysis by the trade publication Marijuana Business Daily found about 64 percent of the businesses were in the Los Angeles metropolitan area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the Los Angeles City Attorney's Office charged 142 people as part of a crackdown on illegal dispensaries. It also sent cease-and-desist letters but declined to say how many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County boasts the nation's largest sheriff's department, but even it has nowhere near the manpower to take down all the illegal pot shops. A task force overseen by Lt. Frank Montez raids an average of one dispensary a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the voter-approved ballot measure legalizing cannabis in California included a provision that made possessing more than 28.5 grams only a misdemeanor. That means officers can seize businesses' cash and marijuana, but employees and owners rarely face jail, and illegal operations often quickly reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a money-lucrative business so there are people willing to take the risk,\" said Capt. Holly Francisco, who commands the sheriff's department's narcotics unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montez sees his work as more than code enforcement. Marijuana sold illegally may be tainted with illegal pesticides and other harmful substances. And licensed marijuana shop owners who pay their taxes should have a fair playing field, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When you have an illegitimate, illegal dispensary operating, that not only hurts the industry as a whole but that really hurts the community,\" Montez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Compton store, a sign above a security window says customers must be at least 18 and have a physician's recommendation to buy medical marijuana and be 21 and have a valid photo ID for anything else. Like many others, the shop operated in plain sight and advertised online, including on WeedMaps, a go-to website for people looking to buy cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside, whiteboards on dirt-smudged walls advertised the prices for different types of cannabis and concentrates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cartridges for vapor pens and \"Shatter,\" a honey-like oil containing cannabis extract, cost between $15 and $30. Large display cases held jars of branded marijuana strains — 28 grams of \"Purple Dragon\" sold for $160.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People out here on the street are thinking it is a legitimate operation and are smoking this cannabis with all these dangerous pesticides, and they are really killing themselves,\" Montez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some illegal pot shops look so legitimate that customers may not even realize they are illegal unless they figure out they aren't being charged tax. But like any shopper looking for the best deal, plenty know these places are illegal and go because it's cheaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some illegal L.A. County pot shops grow their own plants, many are supplied by illegal grows in the hills of Northern California, long a major source of all U.S. pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lake County, about 125 miles (201 kilometers) north of San Francisco, is home to many such grows because of its topography, which allows pot farmers to easily hide large operations. It has an abundance of federal and state forests and land where cartels set up operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the L.A. County Sheriff's Department, Lake County lacks the manpower to put much of a dent in illegal operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputies patrol on the ground and in helicopters, and last year they destroyed about 250,000 plants and arrested 46 people for illegal grows, Sheriff Brian Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has no estimate for the number of illegal grows in the county but is confident the hundreds of thousands of plants deputies chop down each year are \"just the tip of the iceberg.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin said his short-staffed department has assigned a single detective full-time to marijuana eradication. He counts on help from state and federal agencies, but they too have their priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's all about manpower,\" he said. \"No one has enough of it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Paul Elias in San Francisco contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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},
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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