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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an executive order Wednesday halting executions in California, saying that the death penalty has been a costly failure that is unfairly applied to people of color and the mentally disabled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"The Death Penalty in California\" tag=\"death-penalty\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order grants a reprieve to the 737 inmates on California's death row, a move that seems likely to end the prospect of any executions during Newsom's term, but would allow the next governor to resume capital punishment. He also ordered the closure of the execution chamber at San Quentin State Prison and withdrew the lethal injection protocol — the legal regulatory framework setting out how to put a prisoner to death in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California hasn't carried out an execution in 13 years, but is close to resuming them. Twenty-five people on death row have exhausted their appeals, Newsom repeatedly said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are considering executing more people than any other state in modern history — to line up human beings, every day, for executions for two-plus years,\" he said. \"Premeditated, state-sponsored executions. ... I cannot sign off on executing hundreds and hundreds of human beings, knowing among them are people who are innocent.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"small\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]'We are considering executing more people than any other state in modern history — to line up human beings, every day, for executions for two-plus years. Premeditated, state-sponsored executions. ... I cannot sign off on executing hundreds and hundreds of human beings, knowing among them are people who are innocent.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom struck a personal tone in those public remarks made shortly after he signed the order at the state Capitol. Flanked by Democratic lawmakers and other elected officials, he spoke about a family friend, Pete Pianezzi, who was convicted of murder and narrowly escaped the death penalty after just one juror opposed it. He was eventually pardoned after a mob hit man flipped and admitted that two other men had carried out the killings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor also cited other personal experiences — seeing a man he went to high school with during a tour of death row, and knowing that a former foster brother spent time in San Quentin for crack cocaine dealing. He said those experiences and conversations with victims in recent days — along with the knowledge that the state would be resuming executions soon — led to his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This has been a 40-year journey for me,\" he said, noting that he spoke with family members of victims on both sides of the issue. One told him that he had a responsibility to \"eradicate evil,\" she said, while another said that he had no right to take another life in the name of her daughter. He acknowledged that those messages were hard to square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"To the victims, all I can say is, we owe you and we need to do more and do better, more broadly for victims in this state ... but we cannot advance the death penalty in an effort to try to soften the blow of what happened,\" Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/qOr62pUZmXM?t=137\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move was met with scorn from supporters of the death penalty, who called the blanket reprieves an abuse of power and questioned whether Newsom has the legal authority to withdraw the lethal injection protocol, which is set by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. But Democrats roundly praised the move, and before Newsom even signed the order, a group of two dozen lawmakers announced legislation to put the abolishment of the death penalty before voters in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Xavier Becerra — who would be responsible for defending the governor's order if the state is sued — said Newsom's action \"represents a bold, new direction in California’s march toward perfecting our search for justice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California voters have weighed in on the death penalty as recently as 2016, when they narrowly defeated a ballot measure to abolish capital punishment but approved a competing measure aimed at speeding up the death penalty in California. An execution has not been carried out in the state since January 2006, after a federal judge ruled that the lethal injection protocol at the time — a cocktail of three drugs — could lead to unconstitutional suffering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside align=\"left\" postID=\"news_10833493\" label=\"Inside Death Row, Inmates Disagree on Capital Punishment\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It seems likely that someone will challenge Newsom's order in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kent Scheidegger, legal director of the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation — a staunch defender of the death penalty — noted that voters have repeatedly upheld the punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The use of the reprieve power to block the enforcement of a law that the people have voted on, that he simply disagrees with, is a gross abuse of that power,\" Scheidegger said. \"The constitution gives the governor the reprieve power to use where it's needed in individual cases, where there might be a problem with the case, but it's not the purpose of the power to block enforcement of duly enacted laws.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"small\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kent Scheidegger, legal director of the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation\"]'The use of the reprieve power to block the enforcement of a law that the people have voted on, that he simply disagrees with, is a gross abuse of that power. The constitution gives the governor the reprieve power to use where it's needed in individual cases, where there might be a problem with the case, but it's not the purpose of the power to block enforcement of duly enacted laws.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican lawmakers also lambasted the governor. Assemblywoman Melissa Melendez, R-Lake Elsinore, charged that the governor \"clearly does not represent the majority of people in this state who want to see justice served for these heinous crimes.\" And state Sen, Jim Nielsen, a Republican representing Tehama who spent nearly two decades on the state's parole board, called the order \"an affront to our system of justice\" that betrays both victims and juries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The governor has the authority to delay the implementation of the law, but his action is eroding faith of California voters in our democracy and our system of justice,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom responded during his press conference that while voters did uphold the law recently, they also elected him. And he called on the public to repeal the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The people of California have entrusted me ... with the constitutional right to do what I am doing,\" he said. \"I have been crystal-clear about my opposition to the death penalty, I don't think this comes as a surprise. The constitution and the laws of this state afford me the right to do this. The law does not change. It will only change with voters or the Supreme Court.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And progressive Democrats, who run both houses of the Legislature, stood squarely with Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Practically speaking, we know that our justice system makes errors. It is a human process and humans make mistakes, especially in groups. But the death penalty is irreversible,\" Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon said in a written statement. \"We have seen many cases of wrongful convictions reversed only after decades. The most convincing exonerating evidence will not bring back a person who has been executed. The costs of our broken capital punishment system — the financial costs — are also extensive and undeniable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom struck a personal tone in those public remarks made shortly after he signed the order at the state Capitol. Flanked by Democratic lawmakers and other elected officials, he spoke about a family friend, Pete Pianezzi, who was convicted of murder and narrowly escaped the death penalty after just one juror opposed it. He was eventually pardoned after a mob hit man flipped and admitted that two other men had carried out the killings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor also cited other personal experiences — seeing a man he went to high school with during a tour of death row, and knowing that a former foster brother spent time in San Quentin for crack cocaine dealing. He said those experiences and conversations with victims in recent days — along with the knowledge that the state would be resuming executions soon — led to his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This has been a 40-year journey for me,\" he said, noting that he spoke with family members of victims on both sides of the issue. One told him that he had a responsibility to \"eradicate evil,\" she said, while another said that he had no right to take another life in the name of her daughter. He acknowledged that those messages were hard to square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"To the victims, all I can say is, we owe you and we need to do more and do better, more broadly for victims in this state ... but we cannot advance the death penalty in an effort to try to soften the blow of what happened,\" Newsom said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/qOr62pUZmXM'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/qOr62pUZmXM'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The move was met with scorn from supporters of the death penalty, who called the blanket reprieves an abuse of power and questioned whether Newsom has the legal authority to withdraw the lethal injection protocol, which is set by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. But Democrats roundly praised the move, and before Newsom even signed the order, a group of two dozen lawmakers announced legislation to put the abolishment of the death penalty before voters in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Xavier Becerra — who would be responsible for defending the governor's order if the state is sued — said Newsom's action \"represents a bold, new direction in California’s march toward perfecting our search for justice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California voters have weighed in on the death penalty as recently as 2016, when they narrowly defeated a ballot measure to abolish capital punishment but approved a competing measure aimed at speeding up the death penalty in California. An execution has not been carried out in the state since January 2006, after a federal judge ruled that the lethal injection protocol at the time — a cocktail of three drugs — could lead to unconstitutional suffering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom will sign a sweeping order on Wednesday putting an executive moratorium on California's troubled death penalty, thus ordering a reprieve for the 737 people on death row.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"The Death Penalty in California\" tag=\"death-penalty\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action suspends any further executions in California as long as Newsom is governor, his office said. But only the voters can \u003cem>repeal\u003c/em> the death penalty, something they rejected narrowly three years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor's office said Newsom's order will also immediately close the state's execution chamber at San Quentin Prison, but does not otherwise change any existing convictions or sentences — and will not lead to any death row inmates being released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our death penalty system has been — by any measure — a failure,\" Newsom said in a written statement. \"It has provided no public safety benefit or value as a deterrent. It has wasted billions of taxpayer dollars. But most of all, the death penalty is absolute, irreversible and irreparable in the event of a human error.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside align=\"left\" postID=\"news_10833493\" label=\"Inside Death Row, Inmates Disagree on Capital Punishment\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The executive order will also argue that capital punishment is inherently unfair — applied more often to people of color and those with a mental disability, according to an administration source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An $853,000 upgrade of the execution chamber at San Quentin was completed in 2010, but it has never been used. The last execution in California occurred Jan. 17, 2006, when Clarence Ray Allen, 76, was put to death. No executions have been carried out since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A court-ordered moratorium on executions has been in place since February 2006, when a federal judge declared that California's lethal injection protocol was unconstitutional. A new execution protocol is under review, but Newsom's order will withdraw it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public opinion in California on capital punishment has shifted dramatically in the past few decades, with increasing numbers of people preferring the option of life without the possibility of parole to the death penalty in most cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in 2012 and 2016, California voters rejected ballot measures to abolish the death penalty. As they narrowly rejected Proposition 62 three years ago, voters narrowly passed a competing measure, Proposition 66, to expedite executions by shortening the appeals process. The California Supreme Court rejected part of that measure, while keeping most of it intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11732532\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11732532\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Chamber-Phones-800x555.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"555\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Chamber-Phones-800x555.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Chamber-Phones-160x111.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Chamber-Phones-1020x708.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Chamber-Phones-1200x833.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Chamber-Phones.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Phones line a wall of the lethal injection chamber at San Quentin State Prison, photographed in 2010. \u003ccite>(Scott Shafer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom's action on the death penalty will no doubt place him in the national spotlight. What might have seemed avant-garde decades ago isn't anymore: The governors of Colorado, Oregon and Washington state have issued moratoriums on executions in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eighteen other states and the District of Columbia have abolished the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"small\" align=”right” citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]'Our death penalty system has been — by any measure — a failure. It has provided no public safety benefit or value as a deterrent. It has wasted billions of taxpayer dollars. But most of all, the death penalty is absolute, irreversible and irreparable in the event of a human error.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Newsom's action is the latest indication of how California politics have changed around capital punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1986, voters essentially recalled California Chief Justice Rose Bird and two associate Supreme Court justices appointed by former Gov. Jerry Brown over their opposition to the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were replaced by Brown's successor, Republican tough-on-crime Gov. George Deukmejian, a former attorney general who oversaw a vast expansion of California's prison system before he left the governor's office in 1991.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JsSw0tjBEeM\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1990, Dianne Feinstein ran for governor as a pro-death penalty Democrat, views that were booed at the state Democratic Convention that year. She won her party's nomination nonetheless, losing to Republican Pete Wilson in the general election later that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1998, Democratic gubernatorial candidate Gray Davis also ran as a supporter of capital punishment, easily crushing Republican Attorney General Dan Lungren in the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the state's demographics have changed, so too have California's politics. In 2006, Jerry Brown was elected attorney general promising to uphold the state's death penalty, even though he personally opposed it. Four years later San Francisco District Attorney Kamala Harris, an ardent opponent of capital punishment, was narrowly elected attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, it's hard to find a mainstream Democrat in California who supports the death penalty. As for Newsom, highlighting the issue could elevate his national profile, but could also ignite a firestorm of protest by crime victim advocates, President Trump and others. That seems to be a risk he's willing, if not happy, to take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11732541\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11732541\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Row-Guard-800x544.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"544\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Row-Guard-800x544.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Row-Guard-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Row-Guard-1020x693.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Row-Guard-1200x816.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Row-Guard.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An armed California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) officer stands guard at San Quentin State Prison's death row on Aug. 15, 2016. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action suspends any further executions in California as long as Newsom is governor, his office said. But only the voters can \u003cem>repeal\u003c/em> the death penalty, something they rejected narrowly three years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor's office said Newsom's order will also immediately close the state's execution chamber at San Quentin Prison, but does not otherwise change any existing convictions or sentences — and will not lead to any death row inmates being released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our death penalty system has been — by any measure — a failure,\" Newsom said in a written statement. \"It has provided no public safety benefit or value as a deterrent. It has wasted billions of taxpayer dollars. But most of all, the death penalty is absolute, irreversible and irreparable in the event of a human error.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The executive order will also argue that capital punishment is inherently unfair — applied more often to people of color and those with a mental disability, according to an administration source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An $853,000 upgrade of the execution chamber at San Quentin was completed in 2010, but it has never been used. The last execution in California occurred Jan. 17, 2006, when Clarence Ray Allen, 76, was put to death. No executions have been carried out since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A court-ordered moratorium on executions has been in place since February 2006, when a federal judge declared that California's lethal injection protocol was unconstitutional. A new execution protocol is under review, but Newsom's order will withdraw it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public opinion in California on capital punishment has shifted dramatically in the past few decades, with increasing numbers of people preferring the option of life without the possibility of parole to the death penalty in most cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in 2012 and 2016, California voters rejected ballot measures to abolish the death penalty. As they narrowly rejected Proposition 62 three years ago, voters narrowly passed a competing measure, Proposition 66, to expedite executions by shortening the appeals process. The California Supreme Court rejected part of that measure, while keeping most of it intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11732532\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11732532\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Chamber-Phones-800x555.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"555\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Chamber-Phones-800x555.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Chamber-Phones-160x111.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Chamber-Phones-1020x708.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Chamber-Phones-1200x833.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Chamber-Phones.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Phones line a wall of the lethal injection chamber at San Quentin State Prison, photographed in 2010. \u003ccite>(Scott Shafer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom's action on the death penalty will no doubt place him in the national spotlight. What might have seemed avant-garde decades ago isn't anymore: The governors of Colorado, Oregon and Washington state have issued moratoriums on executions in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eighteen other states and the District of Columbia have abolished the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'Our death penalty system has been — by any measure — a failure. It has provided no public safety benefit or value as a deterrent. It has wasted billions of taxpayer dollars. But most of all, the death penalty is absolute, irreversible and irreparable in the event of a human error.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Newsom's action is the latest indication of how California politics have changed around capital punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1986, voters essentially recalled California Chief Justice Rose Bird and two associate Supreme Court justices appointed by former Gov. Jerry Brown over their opposition to the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were replaced by Brown's successor, Republican tough-on-crime Gov. George Deukmejian, a former attorney general who oversaw a vast expansion of California's prison system before he left the governor's office in 1991.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/JsSw0tjBEeM'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/JsSw0tjBEeM'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>In 1990, Dianne Feinstein ran for governor as a pro-death penalty Democrat, views that were booed at the state Democratic Convention that year. She won her party's nomination nonetheless, losing to Republican Pete Wilson in the general election later that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1998, Democratic gubernatorial candidate Gray Davis also ran as a supporter of capital punishment, easily crushing Republican Attorney General Dan Lungren in the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the state's demographics have changed, so too have California's politics. In 2006, Jerry Brown was elected attorney general promising to uphold the state's death penalty, even though he personally opposed it. Four years later San Francisco District Attorney Kamala Harris, an ardent opponent of capital punishment, was narrowly elected attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, it's hard to find a mainstream Democrat in California who supports the death penalty. As for Newsom, highlighting the issue could elevate his national profile, but could also ignite a firestorm of protest by crime victim advocates, President Trump and others. That seems to be a risk he's willing, if not happy, to take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11732541\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11732541\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Row-Guard-800x544.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"544\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Row-Guard-800x544.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Row-Guard-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Row-Guard-1020x693.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Row-Guard-1200x816.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/San-Quentin-Death-Row-Guard.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An armed California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) officer stands guard at San Quentin State Prison's death row on Aug. 15, 2016. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom Details Housing Plan, But Faces Bipartisan Pushback",
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"content": "\u003cp>Governor Gavin Newsom has released details of his budget that aims to address California's housing crisis, including a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11729288/legislators-push-back-against-newsom-housing-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">controversial plan\u003c/a> to push cities to plan and approve more units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor's idea to link the road maintenance dollars that cities get from the state to the progress they are making on housing development received bipartisan pushback from state lawmakers. And in order for Newsom to even be around for the plan's implementation, he'll have to win a second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, originally announced in January, and outlined in a \u003ca href=\"http://dof.ca.gov/Budget/Trailer_Bill_Language/documents/HousingPlanningandProductionGrants.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">budget trailer bill\u003c/a> on Monday, begins with the establishment of higher goals for the amount of housing that cities need to plan for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It then proposes sending $250 million to local jurisdictions to help with that planning, and $500 million in incentive grants -- money awarded to cities making progress on their housing targets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor spoke of the link between housing and transportation during the campaign, and has argued that bold action is needed to meet his lofty goal of building 3.5 million new units in the state by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our state’s affordability crisis is undermining the California Dream and the foundations of our economic well-being,” said Newsom in a statement. “Families should be able to live near where they work. They shouldn’t live in constant fear of eviction or spend their whole paycheck to keep a roof overhead. That’s increasingly the case throughout California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning in 2023, the plan directs road maintenance money to \"be withheld from any jurisdiction that does not have a compliant housing element and has not zoned or entitled for its annual housing goals.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy's kickoff date, not announced during the original rollout of the idea, would take until 2023 -- a relative eternity in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That delayed implementation did little to win over state lawmakers on Monday, when the idea took heat from both sides of the aisle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Taking away that particular pot of money is probably a very unwise thing to do in the sense that it would defer your road maintenance,\" Senator Jim Beall, D-San Jose, chair of the Senate Transportation Committee, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Frazier, D-Discovery Bay, chair of the Assembly Transportation committee agreed that no new conditions should be placed on the road maintenance money -- which was raised by an increase in the state gas tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Many of the same people who are hardest hit by the housing crisis depend on local roads and highways for their livelihoods,\" said Frazier in a statement. \"It is not fair, or in good faith, to deny them the benefits of [gas tax money] after they have paid for it, based on local government decisions they have no control over.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Republican Leader Marie Waldron also denounced the plan, saying it \"is not fair and it’s not going to solve the problem.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom must now work with lawmakers to negotiate a budget deal ahead of a mid-June deadline.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Governor Gavin Newsom has released details of his budget that aims to address California's housing crisis, including a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11729288/legislators-push-back-against-newsom-housing-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">controversial plan\u003c/a> to push cities to plan and approve more units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor's idea to link the road maintenance dollars that cities get from the state to the progress they are making on housing development received bipartisan pushback from state lawmakers. And in order for Newsom to even be around for the plan's implementation, he'll have to win a second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, originally announced in January, and outlined in a \u003ca href=\"http://dof.ca.gov/Budget/Trailer_Bill_Language/documents/HousingPlanningandProductionGrants.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">budget trailer bill\u003c/a> on Monday, begins with the establishment of higher goals for the amount of housing that cities need to plan for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It then proposes sending $250 million to local jurisdictions to help with that planning, and $500 million in incentive grants -- money awarded to cities making progress on their housing targets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor spoke of the link between housing and transportation during the campaign, and has argued that bold action is needed to meet his lofty goal of building 3.5 million new units in the state by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our state’s affordability crisis is undermining the California Dream and the foundations of our economic well-being,” said Newsom in a statement. “Families should be able to live near where they work. They shouldn’t live in constant fear of eviction or spend their whole paycheck to keep a roof overhead. That’s increasingly the case throughout California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning in 2023, the plan directs road maintenance money to \"be withheld from any jurisdiction that does not have a compliant housing element and has not zoned or entitled for its annual housing goals.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy's kickoff date, not announced during the original rollout of the idea, would take until 2023 -- a relative eternity in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That delayed implementation did little to win over state lawmakers on Monday, when the idea took heat from both sides of the aisle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Taking away that particular pot of money is probably a very unwise thing to do in the sense that it would defer your road maintenance,\" Senator Jim Beall, D-San Jose, chair of the Senate Transportation Committee, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Frazier, D-Discovery Bay, chair of the Assembly Transportation committee agreed that no new conditions should be placed on the road maintenance money -- which was raised by an increase in the state gas tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Many of the same people who are hardest hit by the housing crisis depend on local roads and highways for their livelihoods,\" said Frazier in a statement. \"It is not fair, or in good faith, to deny them the benefits of [gas tax money] after they have paid for it, based on local government decisions they have no control over.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Republican Leader Marie Waldron also denounced the plan, saying it \"is not fair and it’s not going to solve the problem.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom must now work with lawmakers to negotiate a budget deal ahead of a mid-June deadline.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Cal Fire Report Urges Quick Action to Protect High-Risk Towns From Wildfire Threats",
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"content": "\u003cp>With a total of 3 percent of California's land area having burned in 2017 and 2018 -- years that saw the biggest, deadliest and most destructive wildfires in the state's history -- Cal Fire on Tuesday released a plan to reduce the threat posed by wildland blazes to communities around the state. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cal Fire recommendations call on state agencies to act quickly on a number of fronts, including launching projects to reduce fuels around dozens of the state's most wildfire-vulnerable communities and streamlining regulations so that needed vegetation management happens more rapidly. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed up the most urgent projects, the agency suggests its own firefighters could be deployed alongside National Guard troops on fuel reduction work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California's housing affordability problem even makes an appearance in the recommendations, with the firefighting agency calling on the state to take immediate steps to provide more housing for entry-level employees working on fuel reduction projects\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5759583/Cal-Fire-2019-Community-Wildfire-Prevention-and.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">the report\u003c/a> emphasizes rapid action, it also outlines the long-term challenges the state faces to reduce the risk of devastating wildfires. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is important to note that California faces a massive backlog of forest management work,\" the reports says. \"Millions of acres are in need of treatment, and this work, once completed, must be repeated over the years. ... While fuels treatment such as forest thinning and creation of fire breaks can help reduce fire severity, wind-driven wildfire events that destroy lives and property will very likely still occur.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/01/08/emergency-preparedness-executive-orders/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">an executive order\u003c/a> on Jan. 8, his first full day in office, for the agency to produce a list of recommendations for the \"most impactful\" steps he might take \"to prevent and mitigate wildfires to the greatest extent possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire's response leads off with a list of 35 \"priority\" fuel reduction projects that have already been identified by the agency's regional units and can be launched now \"to help reduce public safety risk for over 200 communities\" statewide. The projects involve removing dead trees, clearing or thinning vegetation, and creating travel corridors for firefighters and residents along densely wooded roads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list of priority projects includes several in the immediate Bay Area. Among them:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A 1,760-acre project to create shaded fuel breaks in the hills north and west of Orinda (a shaded fuel break is one that clears brush and lower branches from trees while leaving the trees themselves in place, part of a strategy to prevent fires from spreading through the crowns of trees).\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A 467-acre project to create a shaded fuel break for 100 feet on each side of Kings Mountain Road in parkland above Woodside, in southern San Mateo County.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A 454-acre project to create a shaded fuel break along Highway 17 between Lexington Reservoir and the Santa Cruz County line.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A 250-acre project at Quarry County Park in El Granada that aims to cut back a major stand of eucalyptus. \u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The priority fuel reduction projects also includes two large swaths of territory near inland towns in Mendocino County: 26,500 acres around Ukiah and nearly 12,000 acres around Willits. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also recommends 13 medium- and long-term steps to reduce the risk of big, destructive fires throughout the state. Those include coordinating with air-quality agencies to allow more widespread use of prescribed burns; taking steps to develop the work force needed for future fuel reduction and forestry work; and studying changes in state forestry law needed to restore the health of the state's woodlands. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's order and the Cal Fire report come after a two-year period in which more than 3 million of California's roughly 100 million-acre land area burned. Those blazes include last summer's Mendocino Complex Fire, which charred about 459,000 acres -- about 15 times the area of San Francisco -- and became the biggest wildland fire in state history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 140 people have died in wildfires over the previous two fire seasons, including 85 last November in the Camp Fire in Butte County. That blaze also destroyed nearly 14,000 homes, making it California's deadliest and most destructive wildfire. \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With a total of 3 percent of California's land area having burned in 2017 and 2018 -- years that saw the biggest, deadliest and most destructive wildfires in the state's history -- Cal Fire on Tuesday released a plan to reduce the threat posed by wildland blazes to communities around the state. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cal Fire recommendations call on state agencies to act quickly on a number of fronts, including launching projects to reduce fuels around dozens of the state's most wildfire-vulnerable communities and streamlining regulations so that needed vegetation management happens more rapidly. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed up the most urgent projects, the agency suggests its own firefighters could be deployed alongside National Guard troops on fuel reduction work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California's housing affordability problem even makes an appearance in the recommendations, with the firefighting agency calling on the state to take immediate steps to provide more housing for entry-level employees working on fuel reduction projects\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5759583/Cal-Fire-2019-Community-Wildfire-Prevention-and.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">the report\u003c/a> emphasizes rapid action, it also outlines the long-term challenges the state faces to reduce the risk of devastating wildfires. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is important to note that California faces a massive backlog of forest management work,\" the reports says. \"Millions of acres are in need of treatment, and this work, once completed, must be repeated over the years. ... While fuels treatment such as forest thinning and creation of fire breaks can help reduce fire severity, wind-driven wildfire events that destroy lives and property will very likely still occur.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/01/08/emergency-preparedness-executive-orders/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">an executive order\u003c/a> on Jan. 8, his first full day in office, for the agency to produce a list of recommendations for the \"most impactful\" steps he might take \"to prevent and mitigate wildfires to the greatest extent possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire's response leads off with a list of 35 \"priority\" fuel reduction projects that have already been identified by the agency's regional units and can be launched now \"to help reduce public safety risk for over 200 communities\" statewide. The projects involve removing dead trees, clearing or thinning vegetation, and creating travel corridors for firefighters and residents along densely wooded roads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list of priority projects includes several in the immediate Bay Area. Among them:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A 1,760-acre project to create shaded fuel breaks in the hills north and west of Orinda (a shaded fuel break is one that clears brush and lower branches from trees while leaving the trees themselves in place, part of a strategy to prevent fires from spreading through the crowns of trees).\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A 467-acre project to create a shaded fuel break for 100 feet on each side of Kings Mountain Road in parkland above Woodside, in southern San Mateo County.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A 454-acre project to create a shaded fuel break along Highway 17 between Lexington Reservoir and the Santa Cruz County line.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A 250-acre project at Quarry County Park in El Granada that aims to cut back a major stand of eucalyptus. \u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The priority fuel reduction projects also includes two large swaths of territory near inland towns in Mendocino County: 26,500 acres around Ukiah and nearly 12,000 acres around Willits. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also recommends 13 medium- and long-term steps to reduce the risk of big, destructive fires throughout the state. Those include coordinating with air-quality agencies to allow more widespread use of prescribed burns; taking steps to develop the work force needed for future fuel reduction and forestry work; and studying changes in state forestry law needed to restore the health of the state's woodlands. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's order and the Cal Fire report come after a two-year period in which more than 3 million of California's roughly 100 million-acre land area burned. Those blazes include last summer's Mendocino Complex Fire, which charred about 459,000 acres -- about 15 times the area of San Francisco -- and became the biggest wildland fire in state history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 140 people have died in wildfires over the previous two fire seasons, including 85 last November in the Camp Fire in Butte County. That blaze also destroyed nearly 14,000 homes, making it California's deadliest and most destructive wildfire. \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A proposal from Gov. Gavin Newsom to encourage more housing development landed with a thud in a state legislative committee hearing on Tuesday, signaling a tough road ahead for one piece of the governor's ambitious housing agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan, loosely articulated in Newsom's January budget proposal, would link new road repair funding that California cities receive from the state to the progress those cities are making on housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators on three committees that convened to review Newsom's housing plans (including Democrats typically aligned with the governor's goals) argued that the road repair money should not be contingent upon housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I’m taken aback right now,\" said Cecilia Aguilar-Curry, D-Winters. \"Because going after [transportation] funding is not something that I think should be on the table.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pot of money targeted by the governor was created in 2017, when the Legislature passed Senate Bill 1 to raise the gasoline tax and vehicle fees in order to fund transportation infrastructure improvements. More than a quarter of the $5.24 billion raised by the tax goes to cities for \u003ca href=\"http://www.catc.ca.gov/programs/sb1/lsrp/\">road fixes and maintenance\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, voters rejected an initiative that would have overturned the gas tax and road funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants the state to demand more aggressive goals for housing production, and use the SB 1 funding as a stick toward local governments, to push them to facilitate development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t reach those goals, we’re going to take SB 1 money from you,\" Newsom said at his budget press conference in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators at a joint hearing of the Budget Subcommittee No. 4 on State Administration, the Assembly Housing And Community Development Committee, and the Assembly Local Government Committee told administration officials that the benchmarks were unfair, and the source of proposed funding inappropriate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think that the voters do have a certain expectation that those funds be used for what was promised,\" said Assemblyman Jim Cooper, D-Elk Grove. \"And now to change that mid-stream, I think that’s going to rub a lot of folks wrong.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's proposal, which has not yet been formulated into a bill, would keep the money dedicated toward transportation. But critics argue that worthy road repair projects in cities that aren't meeting housing goals could be deprived of funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other legislators said cities should only be judged on how they plan for housing development, since actual production of new units can be subject to the whims of the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You’re tying SB 1 money to the production, where cities are only accountable to planning for it,\" said Assemblywoman Tasha Boerner Horvath, D-Encinitas. \"There’s a flaw in that logic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives with the Newsom administration's Department of Finance assured lawmakers that the transportation funding-housing production link is still being formulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are multiple different goals that could be looked at and determined whether good faith progress is being made toward housing goals,\" said Steve Wells, with the Department of Finance. \"So I think that’s all part of the deliberation that’s happening before we decide on any final numbers or final goals or what is going to be tallied to determine compliance.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A proposal from Gov. Gavin Newsom to encourage more housing development landed with a thud in a state legislative committee hearing on Tuesday, signaling a tough road ahead for one piece of the governor's ambitious housing agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan, loosely articulated in Newsom's January budget proposal, would link new road repair funding that California cities receive from the state to the progress those cities are making on housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators on three committees that convened to review Newsom's housing plans (including Democrats typically aligned with the governor's goals) argued that the road repair money should not be contingent upon housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I’m taken aback right now,\" said Cecilia Aguilar-Curry, D-Winters. \"Because going after [transportation] funding is not something that I think should be on the table.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pot of money targeted by the governor was created in 2017, when the Legislature passed Senate Bill 1 to raise the gasoline tax and vehicle fees in order to fund transportation infrastructure improvements. More than a quarter of the $5.24 billion raised by the tax goes to cities for \u003ca href=\"http://www.catc.ca.gov/programs/sb1/lsrp/\">road fixes and maintenance\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, voters rejected an initiative that would have overturned the gas tax and road funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants the state to demand more aggressive goals for housing production, and use the SB 1 funding as a stick toward local governments, to push them to facilitate development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t reach those goals, we’re going to take SB 1 money from you,\" Newsom said at his budget press conference in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators at a joint hearing of the Budget Subcommittee No. 4 on State Administration, the Assembly Housing And Community Development Committee, and the Assembly Local Government Committee told administration officials that the benchmarks were unfair, and the source of proposed funding inappropriate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think that the voters do have a certain expectation that those funds be used for what was promised,\" said Assemblyman Jim Cooper, D-Elk Grove. \"And now to change that mid-stream, I think that’s going to rub a lot of folks wrong.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's proposal, which has not yet been formulated into a bill, would keep the money dedicated toward transportation. But critics argue that worthy road repair projects in cities that aren't meeting housing goals could be deprived of funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other legislators said cities should only be judged on how they plan for housing development, since actual production of new units can be subject to the whims of the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You’re tying SB 1 money to the production, where cities are only accountable to planning for it,\" said Assemblywoman Tasha Boerner Horvath, D-Encinitas. \"There’s a flaw in that logic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives with the Newsom administration's Department of Finance assured lawmakers that the transportation funding-housing production link is still being formulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are multiple different goals that could be looked at and determined whether good faith progress is being made toward housing goals,\" said Steve Wells, with the Department of Finance. \"So I think that’s all part of the deliberation that’s happening before we decide on any final numbers or final goals or what is going to be tallied to determine compliance.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hat you do online. When you’re home. When you’re not. Where you shop. Who you friend and date. What apps you download and how you use them. Your age, sex, income, credit score, and location day and night. We trade thousands and thousands of points of data like this every day to use websites like Facebook, services like Gmail and apps like Tinder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Personal data has become the currency of the Internet. Things are free online because you’re paying with your data. Companies mine that data, and then monetize it through advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big data collectors like Google and Facebook record not only what you do on their sites, but also elsewhere on the Internet through tracking devices like browser cookies. They combine all that information with data they acquire and purchase from third parties. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657315/heres-the-data-facebook-has-on-users-and-how-the-company-gathers-it\">The result is a big ball of data\u003c/a> about you that can be used by advertisers for marketing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘This digital dividend scheme is really a trick for consumers to get them to agree to allow their information to be collected even more.’\u003ccite>Jeffrey Chester, Center for Digital Democracy\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Most smaller data collectors, like say a free smartphone game, sell the data they gather to brokers. Companies that have platforms to reach eyeballs — like Google and Facebook — roll up their own balls of user data and charge advertisers to target marketing to its users based on that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his state of the state address, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11726287/gov-gavin-newsom-wants-users-to-profit-from-online-data\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">said consumers should make money from all their data\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve asked my team to develop a proposal for a new ‘data dividend’ for Californians, because we recognize that your data has value and it belongs to you,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This idea isn’t new. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private companies like Datacoup and Meeco have \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketplace.org/2014/08/27/tech/how-sell-your-private-data-if-you-really-want\">tried to get consumers to sell their data\u003c/a> directly to advertisers. The problem these companies have run into is that even selling even your most personal, intimate details won’t actually bring you that much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because one individual’s information isn’t worth that much on its own. Even U.S. consumers, who, because of their buying power, have the most valuable personal information in the world, have only been able to make tens of dollars a month on these data marketplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data really starts to gain value when companies have information on millions or billions of users, and when they control the mediums for advertisers to access those users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When news came out that Gov. Newsom wanted to pursue a digital dividend, some suggested that this could be trouble for companies like Google and Facebook. Could they survive if they were forced to pay users for their data?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s all speculation so far. There are no details on how the dividend would work. Would companies have to provide cash? Would they have to give customers an option of paying to keep their data private? Or could Facebook and Google make their services free in exchange for user data, which is what they’re already doing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google and Facebook have not made a public comment about Newsom’s proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657315/heres-the-data-facebook-has-on-users-and-how-the-company-gathers-it\">Here’s the Data Facebook Has on Users and How the Company Gathers It\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657315/heres-the-data-facebook-has-on-users-and-how-the-company-gathers-it\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS23343_GettyImages-624830956-qut-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It is impossible to tell how, if at all, the dividend would impact the business model at Google, Facebook or any other company that traffics in our personal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we do know is that privacy advocates have not rallied around the call for a digital dividend. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Chester, for one, is concerned that Newsom and others are even floating the idea of paying people for data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chester is with the Center for Digital Democracy, a privacy advocacy group. He said giving people a digital dividend could actually speed up the collection of data rather than slow it down because it will regularize the idea that our personal information should be bought and sold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This digital dividend scheme is really a trick for consumers to get them to agree to allow their information to be collected even more than what’s going on today,” Chester said. What we really need to do, Chester said, is to protect data from being collected and used by corporations to shape our experiences online and off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high Chester said. Our online data has not only become the currency of the internet, it is increasingly being used to shape how we think of ourselves and each other. It is the grist for the algorithms that construct our online worlds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What ads do you see online? What discounts are you offered? What stories pop up in your social media feed? Who should you friend? Who are you paired with on a dating app? What restaurants are recommended to you? What videos are shown to your children? What data are the companies making these decisions looking at? Who collected it? How accurate is it? How is it changing the way you see the world?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much money, really, is it worth to have a say in these answers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">W\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>hat you do online. When you’re home. When you’re not. Where you shop. Who you friend and date. What apps you download and how you use them. Your age, sex, income, credit score, and location day and night. We trade thousands and thousands of points of data like this every day to use websites like Facebook, services like Gmail and apps like Tinder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Personal data has become the currency of the Internet. Things are free online because you’re paying with your data. Companies mine that data, and then monetize it through advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big data collectors like Google and Facebook record not only what you do on their sites, but also elsewhere on the Internet through tracking devices like browser cookies. They combine all that information with data they acquire and purchase from third parties. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657315/heres-the-data-facebook-has-on-users-and-how-the-company-gathers-it\">The result is a big ball of data\u003c/a> about you that can be used by advertisers for marketing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘This digital dividend scheme is really a trick for consumers to get them to agree to allow their information to be collected even more.’\u003ccite>Jeffrey Chester, Center for Digital Democracy\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Most smaller data collectors, like say a free smartphone game, sell the data they gather to brokers. Companies that have platforms to reach eyeballs — like Google and Facebook — roll up their own balls of user data and charge advertisers to target marketing to its users based on that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his state of the state address, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11726287/gov-gavin-newsom-wants-users-to-profit-from-online-data\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">said consumers should make money from all their data\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve asked my team to develop a proposal for a new ‘data dividend’ for Californians, because we recognize that your data has value and it belongs to you,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This idea isn’t new. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private companies like Datacoup and Meeco have \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketplace.org/2014/08/27/tech/how-sell-your-private-data-if-you-really-want\">tried to get consumers to sell their data\u003c/a> directly to advertisers. The problem these companies have run into is that even selling even your most personal, intimate details won’t actually bring you that much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because one individual’s information isn’t worth that much on its own. Even U.S. consumers, who, because of their buying power, have the most valuable personal information in the world, have only been able to make tens of dollars a month on these data marketplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data really starts to gain value when companies have information on millions or billions of users, and when they control the mediums for advertisers to access those users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When news came out that Gov. Newsom wanted to pursue a digital dividend, some suggested that this could be trouble for companies like Google and Facebook. Could they survive if they were forced to pay users for their data?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s all speculation so far. There are no details on how the dividend would work. Would companies have to provide cash? Would they have to give customers an option of paying to keep their data private? Or could Facebook and Google make their services free in exchange for user data, which is what they’re already doing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google and Facebook have not made a public comment about Newsom’s proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657315/heres-the-data-facebook-has-on-users-and-how-the-company-gathers-it\">Here’s the Data Facebook Has on Users and How the Company Gathers It\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657315/heres-the-data-facebook-has-on-users-and-how-the-company-gathers-it\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS23343_GettyImages-624830956-qut-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It is impossible to tell how, if at all, the dividend would impact the business model at Google, Facebook or any other company that traffics in our personal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we do know is that privacy advocates have not rallied around the call for a digital dividend. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Chester, for one, is concerned that Newsom and others are even floating the idea of paying people for data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chester is with the Center for Digital Democracy, a privacy advocacy group. He said giving people a digital dividend could actually speed up the collection of data rather than slow it down because it will regularize the idea that our personal information should be bought and sold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This digital dividend scheme is really a trick for consumers to get them to agree to allow their information to be collected even more than what’s going on today,” Chester said. What we really need to do, Chester said, is to protect data from being collected and used by corporations to shape our experiences online and off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high Chester said. Our online data has not only become the currency of the internet, it is increasingly being used to shape how we think of ourselves and each other. It is the grist for the algorithms that construct our online worlds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What ads do you see online? What discounts are you offered? What stories pop up in your social media feed? Who should you friend? Who are you paired with on a dating app? What restaurants are recommended to you? What videos are shown to your children? What data are the companies making these decisions looking at? Who collected it? How accurate is it? How is it changing the way you see the world?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much money, really, is it worth to have a say in these answers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom is ordering additional testing in a 35-year-old quadruple murder case that’s attracted national attention after accusations of possible police misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Cooper was convicted of the brutal murders of Doug and Peggy Ryen, their 10-year-old daughter Jessica and 11-year-old neighbor Christopher Hughes in the Ryen’s home in San Bernardino County’s Chino Hills in 1983. Cooper had recently escaped from a minimum security section of a nearby prison where he was serving time for a burglary conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cooper — who is currently on death row at San Quentin State Prison — has always maintained his innocence, and in recent years courts and outside observers have raised questions about the evidence used to convict Cooper, a black man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper and his supporters say that police planted evidence to frame him and that new technologies unavailable at the time of his trial and appeals could prove that he is not the murderer. They also note that the one surviving witness, an 8 year-old-boy, initially told police that three white men attacked him, then changed his story, and at one point said Cooper was not the murderer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors oppose the new testing, noting that Cooper was convicted and exhausted his numerous appeals — and that retesting undertaken in the early 2000s “conclusively” establishes his guilt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper applied for clemency in 2016, prompting the new flurry of activity in his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Newsom overrode prosecutors’ objections and ordered new DNA tests on several key pieces of evidence, including hairs collected from the victim’s hands and the crime scene, two separate blood samples, fingernail scrapings from the victims and a button found in the house that authorities say the murderer hid out in after killing the victims with a hatchet and knife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have reviewed the record in this case, including information regarding the evidentiary value of additional forensic testing submitted by Mr. Cooper’s representatives, and the People, acting through the San Bernardino County District Attorney,” Newsom wrote in the executive order ordering the new testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take no position regarding Mr. Cooper’s guilt or innocence at this time. Especially in cases where the government seeks to impose the ultimate punishment of death, I need to be satisfied that all relevant evidence is carefully and fairly examined,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, former Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714673/gov-brown-orders-new-dna-testing-in-1983-murder-case\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ordered tests\u003c/a> of four other pieces of evidence and appointed a retired Los Angeles Superior Court judge as special master to oversee the unusual case. The testing ordered in December has not yet been conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper’s attorney, Norman Hiles, said the additional testing and the tests ordered by Brown will all be done through the special master.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are extremely pleased and gratified that this has happened quickly,” Hiles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Bernardino County District Attorney Jason Anderson said he is disappointed by Newsom’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, over time it seems the victims’ desire for justice in this case matters less and less. This office did not feel any additional DNA testing should have been ordered,” Anderson said in a written statement. “Prior DNA testing that Mr. Cooper sought, agreed to and claimed would exonerate him have all confirmed Mr. Cooper’s guilt and that Mr. Cooper’s allegations of evidence tampering were unfounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case attracted national interest after \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/05/17/opinion/sunday/kevin-cooper-california-death-row.html\">a New York Times columnist undertook an investigation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Afterwards, U.S. senators Kamala Harris and Dianne Feinstein — and reality television star Kim Kardashian — urged officials to allow re-testing. Harris opposed that re-testing when she was the state attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not just outside observers who have raised questions about the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2004, the Ninth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals halted Cooper’s planned execution and ordered DNA testing of the bloody T-shirt that will now be re-tested again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Cooper’s DNA was found on the shirt, a majority of the appeals court reaffirmed his death sentence. But four members of the court, led by Judge William Fletcher, in 2009 \u003ca href=\"http://cdn.ca9.uscourts.gov/datastore/opinions/2009/05/11/05-99004o.pdf\">issued a blistering dissent\u003c/a>, arguing that the trial court had discounted key evidence — including the presence of a chemical used to preserve blood, which was found in one of the blood samples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That indicated, the dissent stated, that police may have taken a blood sample of Cooper’s and sprinkled it on a T-shirt to frame him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fletcher’s dissent stated that there is “substantial evidence that three white men, rather than Cooper, were the killers. Some of the evidence was introduced at trial. Some of the evidence, even though exculpatory, was deliberately destroyed by the (San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department) and was therefore not available for use at trial. Some of the evidence, even though exculpatory, was concealed from Cooper and therefore not available for use at trial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That evidence included the fact that the girlfriend of a convicted murderer, Lee Farrow, told police that Farrow was wearing a T-shirt identical to the bloody shirt found near the murder scene on the day of the killings. But later, when Farrow returned home, the girlfriend said, he was wearing bloody coveralls. She turned those coveralls over to police, and told them that his hatchet was missing. A hatchet was one of the weapons used in the murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coveralls were later discarded by police, and were never tested for DNA evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the dissent, Fletcher went one-by-one through all the pieces of physical evidence used to convict Cooper and concluded that in numerous cases it was likely that police planted the evidence to frame Cooper after the fact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department investigators were confronted with a horrifying multiple murder, far worse than any that had previously occurred in the county. They had an obvious suspect … They drew what seemed, at the beginning, a sensible conclusion — that Kevin Cooper, the escaped prisoner, was the murderer,” he wrote. “Once (sheriff’s) investigators drew that conclusion, they manipulated and planted evidence in order to convict Cooper. In the course of their investigation, they discounted, disregarded, and discarded evidence pointing to other killers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fletcher closed by noting that Cooper has now been on death row for nearly half his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my opinion, he is probably innocent of the crimes for which the State of California is about to execute him. If he is innocent, the real killers have escaped. They may kill again. They may already have done so. We owe it to the victims of this horrible crime, to Kevin Cooper, and to ourselves to get this one right,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom is ordering additional testing in a 35-year-old quadruple murder case that’s attracted national attention after accusations of possible police misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Cooper was convicted of the brutal murders of Doug and Peggy Ryen, their 10-year-old daughter Jessica and 11-year-old neighbor Christopher Hughes in the Ryen’s home in San Bernardino County’s Chino Hills in 1983. Cooper had recently escaped from a minimum security section of a nearby prison where he was serving time for a burglary conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cooper — who is currently on death row at San Quentin State Prison — has always maintained his innocence, and in recent years courts and outside observers have raised questions about the evidence used to convict Cooper, a black man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper and his supporters say that police planted evidence to frame him and that new technologies unavailable at the time of his trial and appeals could prove that he is not the murderer. They also note that the one surviving witness, an 8 year-old-boy, initially told police that three white men attacked him, then changed his story, and at one point said Cooper was not the murderer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors oppose the new testing, noting that Cooper was convicted and exhausted his numerous appeals — and that retesting undertaken in the early 2000s “conclusively” establishes his guilt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper applied for clemency in 2016, prompting the new flurry of activity in his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Newsom overrode prosecutors’ objections and ordered new DNA tests on several key pieces of evidence, including hairs collected from the victim’s hands and the crime scene, two separate blood samples, fingernail scrapings from the victims and a button found in the house that authorities say the murderer hid out in after killing the victims with a hatchet and knife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have reviewed the record in this case, including information regarding the evidentiary value of additional forensic testing submitted by Mr. Cooper’s representatives, and the People, acting through the San Bernardino County District Attorney,” Newsom wrote in the executive order ordering the new testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take no position regarding Mr. Cooper’s guilt or innocence at this time. Especially in cases where the government seeks to impose the ultimate punishment of death, I need to be satisfied that all relevant evidence is carefully and fairly examined,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, former Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714673/gov-brown-orders-new-dna-testing-in-1983-murder-case\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ordered tests\u003c/a> of four other pieces of evidence and appointed a retired Los Angeles Superior Court judge as special master to oversee the unusual case. The testing ordered in December has not yet been conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper’s attorney, Norman Hiles, said the additional testing and the tests ordered by Brown will all be done through the special master.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are extremely pleased and gratified that this has happened quickly,” Hiles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Bernardino County District Attorney Jason Anderson said he is disappointed by Newsom’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, over time it seems the victims’ desire for justice in this case matters less and less. This office did not feel any additional DNA testing should have been ordered,” Anderson said in a written statement. “Prior DNA testing that Mr. Cooper sought, agreed to and claimed would exonerate him have all confirmed Mr. Cooper’s guilt and that Mr. Cooper’s allegations of evidence tampering were unfounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case attracted national interest after \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/05/17/opinion/sunday/kevin-cooper-california-death-row.html\">a New York Times columnist undertook an investigation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Afterwards, U.S. senators Kamala Harris and Dianne Feinstein — and reality television star Kim Kardashian — urged officials to allow re-testing. Harris opposed that re-testing when she was the state attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not just outside observers who have raised questions about the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2004, the Ninth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals halted Cooper’s planned execution and ordered DNA testing of the bloody T-shirt that will now be re-tested again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Cooper’s DNA was found on the shirt, a majority of the appeals court reaffirmed his death sentence. But four members of the court, led by Judge William Fletcher, in 2009 \u003ca href=\"http://cdn.ca9.uscourts.gov/datastore/opinions/2009/05/11/05-99004o.pdf\">issued a blistering dissent\u003c/a>, arguing that the trial court had discounted key evidence — including the presence of a chemical used to preserve blood, which was found in one of the blood samples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That indicated, the dissent stated, that police may have taken a blood sample of Cooper’s and sprinkled it on a T-shirt to frame him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fletcher’s dissent stated that there is “substantial evidence that three white men, rather than Cooper, were the killers. Some of the evidence was introduced at trial. Some of the evidence, even though exculpatory, was deliberately destroyed by the (San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department) and was therefore not available for use at trial. Some of the evidence, even though exculpatory, was concealed from Cooper and therefore not available for use at trial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That evidence included the fact that the girlfriend of a convicted murderer, Lee Farrow, told police that Farrow was wearing a T-shirt identical to the bloody shirt found near the murder scene on the day of the killings. But later, when Farrow returned home, the girlfriend said, he was wearing bloody coveralls. She turned those coveralls over to police, and told them that his hatchet was missing. A hatchet was one of the weapons used in the murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coveralls were later discarded by police, and were never tested for DNA evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the dissent, Fletcher went one-by-one through all the pieces of physical evidence used to convict Cooper and concluded that in numerous cases it was likely that police planted the evidence to frame Cooper after the fact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department investigators were confronted with a horrifying multiple murder, far worse than any that had previously occurred in the county. They had an obvious suspect … They drew what seemed, at the beginning, a sensible conclusion — that Kevin Cooper, the escaped prisoner, was the murderer,” he wrote. “Once (sheriff’s) investigators drew that conclusion, they manipulated and planted evidence in order to convict Cooper. In the course of their investigation, they discounted, disregarded, and discarded evidence pointing to other killers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fletcher closed by noting that Cooper has now been on death row for nearly half his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my opinion, he is probably innocent of the crimes for which the State of California is about to execute him. If he is innocent, the real killers have escaped. They may kill again. They may already have done so. We owe it to the victims of this horrible crime, to Kevin Cooper, and to ourselves to get this one right,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Cannabis Leaders Say California's Recreational Pot Market Faltering",
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"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Leaders in the cannabis industry say \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11638056/everything-you-want-to-know-about-legal-weed-in-california-2\">California’s recreational marijuana market\u003c/a> is not working. On Thursday, a group of them sent Gov. Gavin Newsom's administration a list of recommendations on how to fix it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final recommendations — obtained by KQED — call for, among other things, simplifying the permitting process, including appointing a cannabis director to the governor's office to coordinate state policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taxes are another issue. They can reach as high as 40 percent in some parts of California. The industry group suggests reforming the cannabis tax structure and offering tax deductions and incentives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And getting a license can be prohibitively expensive for some cannabis businesses. The industry group recommends developing a loan program to help cover the cost of licenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/5746158-Making-a-Market-for-Cannabis-Recommendations-for.html\" width=800 height=800]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hezekiah Allen, with \u003ca href=\"http://www.emeraldgrown.com/?fbclid=IwAR3AZwGPpwbRf2Ju1B6U6hYbVQI56lWezkDmSVXLiqS2ZQmZwk1XEjDLts4\">Emerald Grown\u003c/a>, a federation of cannabis cooperatives, was part of the group that made the recommendations. He said that, so far, state and local governments have mostly failed at implementing legal pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Less than 10 percent of the businesses have licenses. The market is in recession. Sales are actually contracted year to year from previous years,\" said Allen. \"No metric is indicating that legal cannabis is working in California.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Allen, part of the problem is that not enough local jurisdictions are permitting cannabis operations. The industry group said more than 60 percent of cities and counties don't permit marijuana businesses. An estimated 20 million Californians don't have convenient access to legal cannabis. Among the recommendations is one to create incentives for more cities and counties to permit cannabis businesses and to offer grants and technical assistance to those that do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group is also recommending the state prioritize which illegal cannabis businesses it cracks down on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They suggest the state focus on \"those operators who undermine legalization and present significant public health, safety or environmental risks” — for instance, large illegal marijuana operations on public lands that contaminate the environment — rather than small, unpermitted growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said the growers he represents want the state to spend more on supporting the legal market rather than going after people who are trying to comply with the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These are not the criminals. These are small family businesses. They need help,\" said Allen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Allen, news that Gov. Newsom is going to send in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11725301/gov-newsom-will-pull-california-national-guard-from-the-mexico-border\">National Guard troops to help combat illegal grows in Northern California\u003c/a> has upset small growers who feel like they’re already being kept out of the legal market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said they called the move a \"slap in the face,\" and that small unpermitted growers are worried they'll be unfairly lumped together with large illegal operations that damage public lands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sending the National Guard out to Northern California to go do something with cannabis is very different than prioritizing public lands, egregious environmental, worker abuse. You know, there are crimes that happen alongside unregulated cannabis cultivation which absolutely need to be a focus of more priority.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with its recommendations, the group suggests the state spend $400 million over the next three years to help \"jump-start a robust legal cannabis market in California.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Leaders in the cannabis industry say \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11638056/everything-you-want-to-know-about-legal-weed-in-california-2\">California’s recreational marijuana market\u003c/a> is not working. On Thursday, a group of them sent Gov. Gavin Newsom's administration a list of recommendations on how to fix it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final recommendations — obtained by KQED — call for, among other things, simplifying the permitting process, including appointing a cannabis director to the governor's office to coordinate state policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taxes are another issue. They can reach as high as 40 percent in some parts of California. The industry group suggests reforming the cannabis tax structure and offering tax deductions and incentives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And getting a license can be prohibitively expensive for some cannabis businesses. The industry group recommends developing a loan program to help cover the cost of licenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hezekiah Allen, with \u003ca href=\"http://www.emeraldgrown.com/?fbclid=IwAR3AZwGPpwbRf2Ju1B6U6hYbVQI56lWezkDmSVXLiqS2ZQmZwk1XEjDLts4\">Emerald Grown\u003c/a>, a federation of cannabis cooperatives, was part of the group that made the recommendations. He said that, so far, state and local governments have mostly failed at implementing legal pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Less than 10 percent of the businesses have licenses. The market is in recession. Sales are actually contracted year to year from previous years,\" said Allen. \"No metric is indicating that legal cannabis is working in California.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Allen, part of the problem is that not enough local jurisdictions are permitting cannabis operations. The industry group said more than 60 percent of cities and counties don't permit marijuana businesses. An estimated 20 million Californians don't have convenient access to legal cannabis. Among the recommendations is one to create incentives for more cities and counties to permit cannabis businesses and to offer grants and technical assistance to those that do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group is also recommending the state prioritize which illegal cannabis businesses it cracks down on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They suggest the state focus on \"those operators who undermine legalization and present significant public health, safety or environmental risks” — for instance, large illegal marijuana operations on public lands that contaminate the environment — rather than small, unpermitted growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said the growers he represents want the state to spend more on supporting the legal market rather than going after people who are trying to comply with the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These are not the criminals. These are small family businesses. They need help,\" said Allen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Allen, news that Gov. Newsom is going to send in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11725301/gov-newsom-will-pull-california-national-guard-from-the-mexico-border\">National Guard troops to help combat illegal grows in Northern California\u003c/a> has upset small growers who feel like they’re already being kept out of the legal market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said they called the move a \"slap in the face,\" and that small unpermitted growers are worried they'll be unfairly lumped together with large illegal operations that damage public lands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sending the National Guard out to Northern California to go do something with cannabis is very different than prioritizing public lands, egregious environmental, worker abuse. You know, there are crimes that happen alongside unregulated cannabis cultivation which absolutely need to be a focus of more priority.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with its recommendations, the group suggests the state spend $400 million over the next three years to help \"jump-start a robust legal cannabis market in California.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Trump's Battle With California Over Bullet Train Funding May Be Just Beginning",
"title": "Trump's Battle With California Over Bullet Train Funding May Be Just Beginning",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A day after the Trump administration put California on notice that it would try to take back as much as $3.5 billion in federal funding for the state's high-speed rail project, just one thing is clear: The dispute is likely to take months to resolve and could well wind up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronald Batory, the head of the Department of Transportation's Federal Railroad Administration, sent \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5745224/Batory-Letter-to-Kelly-Re-CAHSR-Termination-021919.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a letter\u003c/a> to the California High-Speed Rail Authority on Tuesday informing the agency it intended to revoke \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5745223/Executed-FY10-Amendment-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a 2010 agreement\u003c/a> to provide $929 million for construction of the bullet train.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter also said the FRA would try to recover another \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5745222/HSRFRA-CooperativeGrantAgreement-Amendment6.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$2.5 billion in funds\u003c/a> granted as part of the federal stimulus program in 2009 -- money that has already been spent on the high-speed rail program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Batory said the federal rail agency was acting after finding that the state had \"materially failed to comply\" with the terms of its grant agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday's FRA letter came in the midst of a dispute between President Trump and Gov. Gavin Newsom, touched off in part by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11725636/state-of-the-state-newsom-pulls-plug-on-s-f-to-l-a-high-speed-rail-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the governor's announcement last week \u003c/a>that the state would focus on building a 160-mile segment of high-speed rail route and essentially put key segments of the project -- building out the route to the Bay Area and Los Angeles -- on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's declaration came after a seemingly unending series of delays and difficulties that have increased the bullet train network's estimated cost from $33 billion to $77 billion and delayed the projected completion date for the San Francisco-Los Angeles link from 2020 to 2033. The problems confronting the project have included lawsuits challenging various aspects of the enterprise, long delays in acquiring land for construction and major cost overruns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump blasted Newsom's announcement last week and vowed to seek repayment of the federal funds already granted for the project. The president upped the ante after the Newsom administration announced California was joining 15 other states in a legal challenge to his declaration of a national emergency to secure funding for his long-sought wall on the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1097856404629700609\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation leaves veteran transportation officials and analysts shaking their heads at a move they say is virtually without precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I’ve never heard of a case where it escalates to this level,\" Randy Rentschler, the Metropolitan Transportation Commission's director of legislation and public affairs, said Wednesday. \"Usually these things are worked out quietly, not on the front pages of the papers. I can think of nothing remotely close to this. It’s unprecedented.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Art Bauer, a former senior staffer with the state Senate Transportation Committee who was involved in crafting the language for the state's 2008 high-speed rail ballot measure, said he was \"unfamiliar with any precedent\" for such a funding withdrawal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Certainly, in my 25 or 30 years of being involved in transportation policy development in the state, I'm unfamiliar with the idea of canceling a grant,\" Bauer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauer said that the state could have a problem hanging onto the $929 million grant because it hadn't yet filed for reimbursement of some work already done on the rail project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The way the grants work is you do a piece of work, then you file a claim with the Department of Transportation for reimbursement, and the grant money flows to you at that point,\" Bauer said. \"Evidently, the state has not done that. So I guess if you're sitting in Washington and you're looking at this $930 million or whatever it is, and you say, 'Well, no one's used this money,' ... and you may feel, 'We can withdraw the money, we can withdraw their ability to claim the money.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauer predicted it will take months, at least, to unravel what happens to the funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal rail agency's letter alleged that the High-Speed Rail Authority has failed to meet certain funding and accounting requirements for work on the bullet train project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter also said a review of the authority's documents led federal officials to conclude that the rail authority \"has failed to make reasonable progress\" on the project's initial segment in the San Joaquin Valley -- leading the federal agency to declare the work cannot be completed by the December 2022 deadline set by grant agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, a strong proponent of public transportation in general, said the Trump administration's criticism of the high-speed rail project is disingenuous at best.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's Donald Trump's allies in the Central Valley who have done everything in their power to slow down the land acquisition and the other logistical steps to build the project,\" Wiener said. \"So this project has been so politicized by Trump's own colleagues in the Republican Party who are opposing the project that it's hard for him to say, 'Well you didn't do it quickly enough.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom may have put the high-speed rail project in the crosshairs by taunting Trump in his State of the State speech last week, Wiener wouldn't criticize the Democratic governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The governor said what he said and I believe what he was expressing was ... let's just finish the backbone of the system in the Central Valley. We're already constructing it. It's funded. Let's get it done and then we will move north and south from there.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Moore, a USC professor of engineering and public policy and director of the university's transportation engineering program, said the matter could well wind up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore said the issues itemized in Batory's letter \"appear to me to be ... technicalities that normally would not stop a project. But much depends on the exact language in the full-funding agreements, and much depends on the posture the federal government wants to take. These are in fact agreements, they're contracts. There is an obligation to perform.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The question then becomes, 'What is substantive non-performance?' \" Moore said. \"That's typically where judges get involved.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore also pointed to a 2010 case in which the Department of Transportation demanded repayment of grants awarded to a major transportation project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that episode, the department sought to reclaim $271 million in grants the state of New Jersey spent for initial planning of an $8.7 billion tunnel project under the Hudson River. The repayment demand was made after Gov. Chris Christie canceled the project. The state eventually agreed to pay back $95 million.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Transportation officials and analysts say that attempted withdrawal of as much as $3.5 billion in high-speed rail grants is 'unprecedented.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A day after the Trump administration put California on notice that it would try to take back as much as $3.5 billion in federal funding for the state's high-speed rail project, just one thing is clear: The dispute is likely to take months to resolve and could well wind up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronald Batory, the head of the Department of Transportation's Federal Railroad Administration, sent \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5745224/Batory-Letter-to-Kelly-Re-CAHSR-Termination-021919.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a letter\u003c/a> to the California High-Speed Rail Authority on Tuesday informing the agency it intended to revoke \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5745223/Executed-FY10-Amendment-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a 2010 agreement\u003c/a> to provide $929 million for construction of the bullet train.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter also said the FRA would try to recover another \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5745222/HSRFRA-CooperativeGrantAgreement-Amendment6.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$2.5 billion in funds\u003c/a> granted as part of the federal stimulus program in 2009 -- money that has already been spent on the high-speed rail program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Batory said the federal rail agency was acting after finding that the state had \"materially failed to comply\" with the terms of its grant agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday's FRA letter came in the midst of a dispute between President Trump and Gov. Gavin Newsom, touched off in part by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11725636/state-of-the-state-newsom-pulls-plug-on-s-f-to-l-a-high-speed-rail-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the governor's announcement last week \u003c/a>that the state would focus on building a 160-mile segment of high-speed rail route and essentially put key segments of the project -- building out the route to the Bay Area and Los Angeles -- on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's declaration came after a seemingly unending series of delays and difficulties that have increased the bullet train network's estimated cost from $33 billion to $77 billion and delayed the projected completion date for the San Francisco-Los Angeles link from 2020 to 2033. The problems confronting the project have included lawsuits challenging various aspects of the enterprise, long delays in acquiring land for construction and major cost overruns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump blasted Newsom's announcement last week and vowed to seek repayment of the federal funds already granted for the project. The president upped the ante after the Newsom administration announced California was joining 15 other states in a legal challenge to his declaration of a national emergency to secure funding for his long-sought wall on the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The situation leaves veteran transportation officials and analysts shaking their heads at a move they say is virtually without precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I’ve never heard of a case where it escalates to this level,\" Randy Rentschler, the Metropolitan Transportation Commission's director of legislation and public affairs, said Wednesday. \"Usually these things are worked out quietly, not on the front pages of the papers. I can think of nothing remotely close to this. It’s unprecedented.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Art Bauer, a former senior staffer with the state Senate Transportation Committee who was involved in crafting the language for the state's 2008 high-speed rail ballot measure, said he was \"unfamiliar with any precedent\" for such a funding withdrawal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Certainly, in my 25 or 30 years of being involved in transportation policy development in the state, I'm unfamiliar with the idea of canceling a grant,\" Bauer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauer said that the state could have a problem hanging onto the $929 million grant because it hadn't yet filed for reimbursement of some work already done on the rail project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The way the grants work is you do a piece of work, then you file a claim with the Department of Transportation for reimbursement, and the grant money flows to you at that point,\" Bauer said. \"Evidently, the state has not done that. So I guess if you're sitting in Washington and you're looking at this $930 million or whatever it is, and you say, 'Well, no one's used this money,' ... and you may feel, 'We can withdraw the money, we can withdraw their ability to claim the money.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauer predicted it will take months, at least, to unravel what happens to the funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal rail agency's letter alleged that the High-Speed Rail Authority has failed to meet certain funding and accounting requirements for work on the bullet train project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter also said a review of the authority's documents led federal officials to conclude that the rail authority \"has failed to make reasonable progress\" on the project's initial segment in the San Joaquin Valley -- leading the federal agency to declare the work cannot be completed by the December 2022 deadline set by grant agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, a strong proponent of public transportation in general, said the Trump administration's criticism of the high-speed rail project is disingenuous at best.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's Donald Trump's allies in the Central Valley who have done everything in their power to slow down the land acquisition and the other logistical steps to build the project,\" Wiener said. \"So this project has been so politicized by Trump's own colleagues in the Republican Party who are opposing the project that it's hard for him to say, 'Well you didn't do it quickly enough.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom may have put the high-speed rail project in the crosshairs by taunting Trump in his State of the State speech last week, Wiener wouldn't criticize the Democratic governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The governor said what he said and I believe what he was expressing was ... let's just finish the backbone of the system in the Central Valley. We're already constructing it. It's funded. Let's get it done and then we will move north and south from there.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Moore, a USC professor of engineering and public policy and director of the university's transportation engineering program, said the matter could well wind up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore said the issues itemized in Batory's letter \"appear to me to be ... technicalities that normally would not stop a project. But much depends on the exact language in the full-funding agreements, and much depends on the posture the federal government wants to take. These are in fact agreements, they're contracts. There is an obligation to perform.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The question then becomes, 'What is substantive non-performance?' \" Moore said. \"That's typically where judges get involved.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore also pointed to a 2010 case in which the Department of Transportation demanded repayment of grants awarded to a major transportation project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that episode, the department sought to reclaim $271 million in grants the state of New Jersey spent for initial planning of an $8.7 billion tunnel project under the Hudson River. The repayment demand was made after Gov. Chris Christie canceled the project. The state eventually agreed to pay back $95 million.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For 12 years, California’s juvenile justice facilities were overseen by a court monitor — the result of a lawsuit aimed at ending the culture of violence, including staff abuse and frequent suicides, at the state’s correctional institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, three years after that oversight ended — and despite assurances “that the state was entering a new era of rehabilitative treatment” — a \u003ca href=\"http://www.cjcj.org/uploads/cjcj/documents/unmet_promises_continued_violence_and_neglect_in_california_division_of_juvenile_justice.pdf?utm_content=%7BURIENCODE%5BFIRST_NAME%5D%7D&utm_source=VerticalResponse&utm_medium=Email&utm_term=report&utm_campaign=New%20Report%20Finds%20Dangerous%20Conditions%20at%20CA%20Division%20of%20Juvenile%20Justice\">new report\u003c/a> finds the 600 young men and women housed in the four Division of Juvenile Justice (DJJ) facilities in California are still being exposed to “violent” and “inhumane” conditions, where fights and riots are a part of daily life and lead to lasting trauma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727294\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.54-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11727294\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.54-AM-800x606.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"606\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.54-AM-800x606.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.54-AM-160x121.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.54-AM.png 938w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A graph of violent incidents per 100 kids, according to the report. \u003ccite>(Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The 102-page report from the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice concludes that this culture is “concealed by an absence of state oversight,” as well as the isolated locations of the facilities, compared to where the youths’ families live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the three years since court monitoring ended, DJJ has returned to its historical state of poor conditions, a punitive staff culture and inescapable violence,” says the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is also spending an exorbitant amount of money — about $300,000 per kid annually — to run these institutions, which housed 10,000 young people 20 years ago, but now are drastically under capacity. The majority of DJJ youths are 17- to 19-year-olds with assault or robbery convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727295\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1334px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11727295\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1334\" height=\"1186\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM.png 1334w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM-160x142.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM-800x711.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM-1020x907.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM-1200x1067.png 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1334px) 100vw, 1334px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The fenced area outside of a living unit. \u003ccite>(Center for Juvenile and Criminal Justice)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1618px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11727296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1618\" height=\"998\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM.png 1618w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM-160x99.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM-800x493.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM-1020x629.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM-1200x740.png 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1618px) 100vw, 1618px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cells in the Behavioral Treatment Program lockdown unit. \u003ccite>(Center for Juvenile and Criminal Justice)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice staff members Maureen Washburn and Renee Menart wrote the report after touring several DJJ facilities and speaking to dozens of people involved in the juvenile justice system, including facilities staff and young people who are currently incarcerated or formerly served time inside DJJ institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menart said that when you walk into a DJJ facility, it feels like a prison, and that every youth they spoke with had either witnessed or experienced violence. This experience continues to haunt them when they leave DJJ, she said, which contributes to high recidivism rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Among the youth we spoke to, you have them all describing feeling very isolated when they come home — feeling distant from their families, feeling overwhelmed by the world,” she said. “These youth are coming out of institutions where they spend prime years of their adolescence. They come in as teenagers and they come out as an adult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Washburn said she was struck during their tours by the secretive culture at DJJ — including limits on which youths they were allowed to talk with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real intent, I think, behind our report was to bring light and bring attention to a system that’s really been shrouded in secrecy for a long time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report recommends an entire rethinking of the juvenile justice system — something California Gov. Gavin Newsom has already indicated he’s open to. Newsom has proposed moving DJJ out from under the state corrections department and into the Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘…the institution needs more than a switch in its agencies.’\u003ccite>Renee Menart,\u003cbr>\nCenter on Juvenile and Criminal Justice\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Menart said she’s cautiously optimistic about Newsom’s commitment to changing juvenile justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were certainly encouraged that the governor decided to focus in on the Division of Juvenile Justice, and his recognition that it needs reform is something that we’re all very grateful for. We also recognize that the institution needs more than a switch in its agencies,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menart said a name change is not enough, noting that many of the staff come from a corrections background and that the youth have acclimated to the violent DJJ culture. She said juvenile justice needs to be entirely reimagined, and young people serving time at state facilities should be relocated to county facilities closer to home, which also have empty beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counties have the capacity and the ability to maintain and support youth,” she said. “(These) smaller facilities have family support nearby and can integrate them back into the community more easily and provide a more comprehensive continuum of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For 12 years, California’s juvenile justice facilities were overseen by a court monitor — the result of a lawsuit aimed at ending the culture of violence, including staff abuse and frequent suicides, at the state’s correctional institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, three years after that oversight ended — and despite assurances “that the state was entering a new era of rehabilitative treatment” — a \u003ca href=\"http://www.cjcj.org/uploads/cjcj/documents/unmet_promises_continued_violence_and_neglect_in_california_division_of_juvenile_justice.pdf?utm_content=%7BURIENCODE%5BFIRST_NAME%5D%7D&utm_source=VerticalResponse&utm_medium=Email&utm_term=report&utm_campaign=New%20Report%20Finds%20Dangerous%20Conditions%20at%20CA%20Division%20of%20Juvenile%20Justice\">new report\u003c/a> finds the 600 young men and women housed in the four Division of Juvenile Justice (DJJ) facilities in California are still being exposed to “violent” and “inhumane” conditions, where fights and riots are a part of daily life and lead to lasting trauma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727294\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.54-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11727294\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.54-AM-800x606.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"606\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.54-AM-800x606.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.54-AM-160x121.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.54-AM.png 938w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A graph of violent incidents per 100 kids, according to the report. \u003ccite>(Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The 102-page report from the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice concludes that this culture is “concealed by an absence of state oversight,” as well as the isolated locations of the facilities, compared to where the youths’ families live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the three years since court monitoring ended, DJJ has returned to its historical state of poor conditions, a punitive staff culture and inescapable violence,” says the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is also spending an exorbitant amount of money — about $300,000 per kid annually — to run these institutions, which housed 10,000 young people 20 years ago, but now are drastically under capacity. The majority of DJJ youths are 17- to 19-year-olds with assault or robbery convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727295\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1334px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11727295\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1334\" height=\"1186\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM.png 1334w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM-160x142.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM-800x711.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM-1020x907.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.30-AM-1200x1067.png 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1334px) 100vw, 1334px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The fenced area outside of a living unit. \u003ccite>(Center for Juvenile and Criminal Justice)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1618px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11727296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1618\" height=\"998\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM.png 1618w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM-160x99.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM-800x493.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM-1020x629.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-19-at-11.47.17-AM-1200x740.png 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1618px) 100vw, 1618px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cells in the Behavioral Treatment Program lockdown unit. \u003ccite>(Center for Juvenile and Criminal Justice)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice staff members Maureen Washburn and Renee Menart wrote the report after touring several DJJ facilities and speaking to dozens of people involved in the juvenile justice system, including facilities staff and young people who are currently incarcerated or formerly served time inside DJJ institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menart said that when you walk into a DJJ facility, it feels like a prison, and that every youth they spoke with had either witnessed or experienced violence. This experience continues to haunt them when they leave DJJ, she said, which contributes to high recidivism rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Among the youth we spoke to, you have them all describing feeling very isolated when they come home — feeling distant from their families, feeling overwhelmed by the world,” she said. “These youth are coming out of institutions where they spend prime years of their adolescence. They come in as teenagers and they come out as an adult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Washburn said she was struck during their tours by the secretive culture at DJJ — including limits on which youths they were allowed to talk with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real intent, I think, behind our report was to bring light and bring attention to a system that’s really been shrouded in secrecy for a long time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report recommends an entire rethinking of the juvenile justice system — something California Gov. Gavin Newsom has already indicated he’s open to. Newsom has proposed moving DJJ out from under the state corrections department and into the Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘…the institution needs more than a switch in its agencies.’\u003ccite>Renee Menart,\u003cbr>\nCenter on Juvenile and Criminal Justice\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Menart said she’s cautiously optimistic about Newsom’s commitment to changing juvenile justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were certainly encouraged that the governor decided to focus in on the Division of Juvenile Justice, and his recognition that it needs reform is something that we’re all very grateful for. We also recognize that the institution needs more than a switch in its agencies,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menart said a name change is not enough, noting that many of the staff come from a corrections background and that the youth have acclimated to the violent DJJ culture. She said juvenile justice needs to be entirely reimagined, and young people serving time at state facilities should be relocated to county facilities closer to home, which also have empty beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counties have the capacity and the ability to maintain and support youth,” she said. “(These) smaller facilities have family support nearby and can integrate them back into the community more easily and provide a more comprehensive continuum of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Children's advocates were thrilled when Gov. Gavin Newsom came out big for them on Jan. 10 in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11717355/gavin-newsom-looks-to-spend-and-save-in-first-budget-proposal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">first budget proposal\u003c/a>. He called for phasing in universal preschool, putting money into state-funded child care and investing in education for child care workers. State Sen. Holly Mitchell, D-Los Angeles, said it’s clear Newsom will be an ally on social issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And we're also clear that we also helped set the table for him to have the luxury of coming in in 2019 and making these declarations and having money to spend,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell points to the painful votes lawmakers — women and men — took during the great recession that cut social programs, and afterward, that ultimately built up the state’s reserves. During his budget press conference, Newsom called out lawmakers whose proposals he’d drawn from, including Mitchell. She ticks off the hard-fought bills she got passed when others weren’t talking about poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"First increase in CalWORKs' cash grant in a generation. Elimination of a racist, classist, sexist policy — Maximum Family Grant,\" she listed. \"More and more people at the table talking about child poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years women have championed bills \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB273\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">expanding access to child care\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB480&search_keywords=Diapers\">making diapers more affordable\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB63\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">increasing access to family leave\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Bartholow, a policy advocate with the Western Center on Law and Poverty, said women leaders in the Senate and Assembly drove poverty-related policies even while the state was dealing with a budget crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw women stepping forward and saying that poverty, that family poverty, that poverty among female-led households, was an important policy issue,\" she said. \"And you saw them apply this kind of creativity and big thinking that normally had been reserved for issues that weren't involving poor children and their mothers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers acknowledge former Gov. Jerry Brown embraced some of their ideas, but somewhat reluctantly. In Newsom they see more of an enthusiastic partner in tackling issues like ending child poverty. Assemblywoman Autumn Burke, D-Marina del Rey, has had several conversations with Newsom about the problem. She said the state has to do better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To say that you're the fifth-largest economy in the world and that you let your children live in that kind of distress, to me, says that we are not caring about the correct population. And we're not caring about the state as the whole and the people as a whole,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burke authored a bill that \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1520\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">created a task force to study how to best lift kids and families out of poverty\u003c/a>. Advocates are now urging lawmakers to act on the task force’s recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Children's advocates were thrilled when Gov. Gavin Newsom came out big for them on Jan. 10 in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11717355/gavin-newsom-looks-to-spend-and-save-in-first-budget-proposal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">first budget proposal\u003c/a>. He called for phasing in universal preschool, putting money into state-funded child care and investing in education for child care workers. State Sen. Holly Mitchell, D-Los Angeles, said it’s clear Newsom will be an ally on social issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And we're also clear that we also helped set the table for him to have the luxury of coming in in 2019 and making these declarations and having money to spend,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell points to the painful votes lawmakers — women and men — took during the great recession that cut social programs, and afterward, that ultimately built up the state’s reserves. During his budget press conference, Newsom called out lawmakers whose proposals he’d drawn from, including Mitchell. She ticks off the hard-fought bills she got passed when others weren’t talking about poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"First increase in CalWORKs' cash grant in a generation. Elimination of a racist, classist, sexist policy — Maximum Family Grant,\" she listed. \"More and more people at the table talking about child poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years women have championed bills \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB273\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">expanding access to child care\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB480&search_keywords=Diapers\">making diapers more affordable\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB63\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">increasing access to family leave\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Bartholow, a policy advocate with the Western Center on Law and Poverty, said women leaders in the Senate and Assembly drove poverty-related policies even while the state was dealing with a budget crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw women stepping forward and saying that poverty, that family poverty, that poverty among female-led households, was an important policy issue,\" she said. \"And you saw them apply this kind of creativity and big thinking that normally had been reserved for issues that weren't involving poor children and their mothers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers acknowledge former Gov. Jerry Brown embraced some of their ideas, but somewhat reluctantly. In Newsom they see more of an enthusiastic partner in tackling issues like ending child poverty. Assemblywoman Autumn Burke, D-Marina del Rey, has had several conversations with Newsom about the problem. She said the state has to do better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To say that you're the fifth-largest economy in the world and that you let your children live in that kind of distress, to me, says that we are not caring about the correct population. And we're not caring about the state as the whole and the people as a whole,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burke authored a bill that \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1520\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">created a task force to study how to best lift kids and families out of poverty\u003c/a>. Advocates are now urging lawmakers to act on the task force’s recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>National Emergency and State of the State\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Citing “an invasion of our country,” President Trump declared a national emergency today to circumvent Congress and obtain additional funds to build a wall at the U.S.-Mexico border. The declaration allows him to access roughly $8 billion, including nearly $4 billion earmarked for military construction projects. California Gov. Gavin Newsom called the president’s declaration “a national disgrace” and vowed legal action. Also this week, the governor delivered his first State of the State speech from Sacramento. He scaled back costly projects championed by his predecessor, Jerry Brown, including high-speed rail and the construction of two tunnels to move water from the Delta, while championing state funding incentives to spur local communities to build affordable housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Katie Orr, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tal Kopan, Washington correspondent, San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sean Walsh, GOP political strategist, Wilson Walsh George Ross Consulting \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Congresswoman Anna Eshoo\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The new Congress boasts a record number of women lawmakers on Capitol Hill and many of them are in key leadership positions, including Anna Eshoo. The Palo Alto congresswoman is chair of the Health Subcommittee of the House Energy and Commerce Committee. This week, she held a hearing to discuss four bills introduced by her and fellow Democrats to shore up protections for people with pre-existing conditions and to educate consumers about the risks of short-term medical plans being promoted by the Trump administration. Meanwhile, divisions are emerging among congressional Democrats over single-payer “Medicare for All” legislation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> U.S. Rep. Anna Eshoo (D-Palo Alto)\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“Zucked”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">More than 2 billion people around the world log onto Facebook to do everything from sharing family vacation photos to scrolling through news feeds and streaming live events. But its explosive growth since its launch 15 years ago has come at a price. Multiple data breaches, including one last year affecting tens of millions of users, as well as the proliferation of misinformation campaigns to influence national elections, have prompted congressional hearings and public backlash to Facebook and its CEO, Mark Zuckerberg. Now, a new book by a venture capitalist and early Facebook investor explains why he thinks Facebook is a “clear and present danger to democracy” and what can be done about it.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Roger McNamee, author, “Zucked”\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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