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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:05 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is challenging \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump’s\u003c/a> tariffs in court, arguing in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/FILE_8502.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">lawsuit\u003c/a> filed Wednesday morning that he lacks the authority to unilaterally impose the levies on foreign goods and that they are doing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034827/bay-area-business-already-tough-trumps-tariffs-preparing-pain\">irreparable harm to the state’s economy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and Attorney General Rob Bonta are asking a federal court to pause the tariffs being levied against Mexico, China and Canada, as well as the across-the-board 10% tariff enacted by Trump. The suit argues that the law the president is relying on — the International Economic Emergency Powers Act — has never been used before to justify tariffs, and that Trump needs Congressional authorization for actions with such broad economic consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and Bonta announced the lawsuit at Gemperle Orchards, a family-owned almond farm in Stanislaus County. Newsom called the tariffs a regressive sales tax that is hurting both businesses and consumers — including Trump’s own supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said California, the largest manufacturing state in the nation, has a responsibility to use its economic and political might to push back against the tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Eighty years of economic dominance in just a matter of weeks being unwound by this kind of recklessness,” Newsom said. “We are very mindful of the anxiety that this has imposed on all of you and very mindful of our role and responsibility at this moment not to be bystanders and to try to shape this debate and shape this conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024152\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024152\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing jackets and the man on the right wearing a black hat stand near each other talking.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1336\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1920x1283.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump talks with Gov. Gavin Newsom after arriving on Air Force One at Los Angeles International Airport in Los Angeles, on Jan. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Mark Schiefelbein/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>White House spokesperson Kush Desai defended the tariffs in a statement and slammed Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of focusing on California’s rampant crime, homelessness and unaffordability, Gavin Newsom is spending his time trying to block President Trump’s historic efforts to finally address the national emergency of our country’s persistent goods trade deficits,” he said. “The entire Trump administration remains committed to addressing this national emergency that’s decimating America’s industries and leaving our workers behind with every tool at our disposal, from tariffs to negotiations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit cites the U.S. Supreme Court’s “major questions doctrine,” a legal principle that assumes Congress must weigh in on issues of major political or economic significance. The Supreme Court relied on the doctrine to strike down laws related to pollution control and student loan forgiveness under Presidents Joe Biden and Barack Obama, the governor noted.[aside postID=news_12033446 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty-1020x680.jpg']“If they are consistent, then this lawsuit is a lock in terms of what the Attorney General has laid out and what this state is asserting,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office said the tariffs have already cost California billions of dollars in economic losses. Bonta said the state’s largest sectors — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034501/tariffs-to-have-widespread-impact-on-california-businesses\">particularly manufacturing and agriculture\u003c/a> — are being hurt by the tariffs, along with consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that Mexico, Canada and China are California’s top trade partners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump’s rogue and erratic tariffs are wreaking havoc … and causing unique harm to the California economy, the fifth largest in the world and a major driver of the national economy,” Bonta said. “Trump does not have the authority to impose these tariffs. He must be stopped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christine Gemperle, owner of the almond farm where the news conference took place, said she’s not sure if her business will still be able to afford the farm equipment and other supplies they need to grow their crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because seasons determine when crops are planted and harvested, we do not have the luxury to wait years for factories to be built or supply chains to grow,” she said. “Regardless of all the scientific and engineering advances, farming is still hard work. And the weather makes every year a gamble. The last thing we need is more uncertainty, and not knowing whether we can ride this one out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036403\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12036403 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trucks leave the Port of Oakland on Sept. 28, 2023. (Martin do Nascimento/KQED) \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The suit, and Newsom’s strident comments — at one point he accused Trump of “corruption” — mark a departure from the governor’s less aggressive posturing this year. For months, Newsom has avoided \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026230/after-years-of-attacks-newsom-tries-flattery-on-trump\">directly criticizing Trump\u003c/a> as California seeks federal emergency assistance to help recover from the devastating Los Angeles wildfires. However, in recent weeks, the governor has been vocal about his desire to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/04/us/politics/newsom-trump-california-tariffs.html\">protect California’s economy\u003c/a> from Trump’s tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit is California’s 14th against the Trump administration since January. Democratic Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas noted in a statement that lawmakers approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024851/california-legislature-approves-50m-to-fight-trump-administration-in-court\">a $50 million legal defense fund\u003c/a> earlier this year to push back against the Trump administration in court. Half of the fund was earmarked for the state Department of Justice, led by Bonta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump’s tariffs are the single largest tax increase in our lifetime, and they’re jamming Californians with higher prices on groceries, medicine and cars,” Rivas said. “This is why we enacted a legal defense fund: to fight Republican policies that harm taxpayers. We’re protecting our residents — and all American families — from unlawful economic chaos.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that fund was created as an insurance policy that he would prefer not to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t want to go down this path. We were hoping we didn’t need to go down this path, but we prepared to go down this path,” he said of the legal challenges to Trump’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:05 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is challenging \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump’s\u003c/a> tariffs in court, arguing in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/FILE_8502.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">lawsuit\u003c/a> filed Wednesday morning that he lacks the authority to unilaterally impose the levies on foreign goods and that they are doing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034827/bay-area-business-already-tough-trumps-tariffs-preparing-pain\">irreparable harm to the state’s economy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and Attorney General Rob Bonta are asking a federal court to pause the tariffs being levied against Mexico, China and Canada, as well as the across-the-board 10% tariff enacted by Trump. The suit argues that the law the president is relying on — the International Economic Emergency Powers Act — has never been used before to justify tariffs, and that Trump needs Congressional authorization for actions with such broad economic consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and Bonta announced the lawsuit at Gemperle Orchards, a family-owned almond farm in Stanislaus County. Newsom called the tariffs a regressive sales tax that is hurting both businesses and consumers — including Trump’s own supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said California, the largest manufacturing state in the nation, has a responsibility to use its economic and political might to push back against the tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Eighty years of economic dominance in just a matter of weeks being unwound by this kind of recklessness,” Newsom said. “We are very mindful of the anxiety that this has imposed on all of you and very mindful of our role and responsibility at this moment not to be bystanders and to try to shape this debate and shape this conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024152\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024152\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing jackets and the man on the right wearing a black hat stand near each other talking.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1336\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1920x1283.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump talks with Gov. Gavin Newsom after arriving on Air Force One at Los Angeles International Airport in Los Angeles, on Jan. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Mark Schiefelbein/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>White House spokesperson Kush Desai defended the tariffs in a statement and slammed Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of focusing on California’s rampant crime, homelessness and unaffordability, Gavin Newsom is spending his time trying to block President Trump’s historic efforts to finally address the national emergency of our country’s persistent goods trade deficits,” he said. “The entire Trump administration remains committed to addressing this national emergency that’s decimating America’s industries and leaving our workers behind with every tool at our disposal, from tariffs to negotiations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit cites the U.S. Supreme Court’s “major questions doctrine,” a legal principle that assumes Congress must weigh in on issues of major political or economic significance. The Supreme Court relied on the doctrine to strike down laws related to pollution control and student loan forgiveness under Presidents Joe Biden and Barack Obama, the governor noted.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If they are consistent, then this lawsuit is a lock in terms of what the Attorney General has laid out and what this state is asserting,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office said the tariffs have already cost California billions of dollars in economic losses. Bonta said the state’s largest sectors — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034501/tariffs-to-have-widespread-impact-on-california-businesses\">particularly manufacturing and agriculture\u003c/a> — are being hurt by the tariffs, along with consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that Mexico, Canada and China are California’s top trade partners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump’s rogue and erratic tariffs are wreaking havoc … and causing unique harm to the California economy, the fifth largest in the world and a major driver of the national economy,” Bonta said. “Trump does not have the authority to impose these tariffs. He must be stopped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christine Gemperle, owner of the almond farm where the news conference took place, said she’s not sure if her business will still be able to afford the farm equipment and other supplies they need to grow their crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because seasons determine when crops are planted and harvested, we do not have the luxury to wait years for factories to be built or supply chains to grow,” she said. “Regardless of all the scientific and engineering advances, farming is still hard work. And the weather makes every year a gamble. The last thing we need is more uncertainty, and not knowing whether we can ride this one out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036403\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12036403 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trucks leave the Port of Oakland on Sept. 28, 2023. (Martin do Nascimento/KQED) \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The suit, and Newsom’s strident comments — at one point he accused Trump of “corruption” — mark a departure from the governor’s less aggressive posturing this year. For months, Newsom has avoided \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026230/after-years-of-attacks-newsom-tries-flattery-on-trump\">directly criticizing Trump\u003c/a> as California seeks federal emergency assistance to help recover from the devastating Los Angeles wildfires. However, in recent weeks, the governor has been vocal about his desire to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/04/us/politics/newsom-trump-california-tariffs.html\">protect California’s economy\u003c/a> from Trump’s tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit is California’s 14th against the Trump administration since January. Democratic Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas noted in a statement that lawmakers approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024851/california-legislature-approves-50m-to-fight-trump-administration-in-court\">a $50 million legal defense fund\u003c/a> earlier this year to push back against the Trump administration in court. Half of the fund was earmarked for the state Department of Justice, led by Bonta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump’s tariffs are the single largest tax increase in our lifetime, and they’re jamming Californians with higher prices on groceries, medicine and cars,” Rivas said. “This is why we enacted a legal defense fund: to fight Republican policies that harm taxpayers. We’re protecting our residents — and all American families — from unlawful economic chaos.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that fund was created as an insurance policy that he would prefer not to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t want to go down this path. We were hoping we didn’t need to go down this path, but we prepared to go down this path,” he said of the legal challenges to Trump’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In just 24 minutes and without any debate, the most powerful committee in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034385/politics-friday-trans-bills-die-in-sacramento-becerra-is-running-for-governor\">state Senate\u003c/a> last week moved 33 bills from public view into a secretive process that will decide whether the measures live or die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two days later, its sister committee in the Assembly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/hearings/258908?t=1021&f=d51dbab457534dd5347a16ea035602e3\">moved 82 of its bills in under two minutes\u003c/a> to the same secretive, uncertain future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If history is any guide, between a quarter to a third of those bills will be killed next month. For most of the bills, no one but lobbyists, a handful of capital staffers, lawmakers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s\u003c/a> policy team will know exactly why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So it goes with the Senate and Assembly’s appropriations committees, the gatekeepers for bills proposing to spend taxpayer money. The committees’ “suspense files” are where hundreds of bills die quietly each year. The fates of the bills that were moved to the file last week – along with dozens of others that will be added later – will be announced in a single hearing on what’s known as “suspense day” scheduled for May. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/digital-democracy/2024/04/california-democrats-no-votes/\">As CalMatters has reported\u003c/a>, members of the Legislature almost never vote in public hearings to kill bills by attaching their names to a formal “no” vote. For instance, of 2,403 bills that died in the two-year session that concluded last fall, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/12/failed-bills-california/\">only 25 were killed \u003c/a>by a majority of lawmakers voting “no.” Instead, bills tend to die behind the scenes. It can be incredibly difficult for members of the public to learn who killed a measure and why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appropriations committees’ suspense files are the most notorious example. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12034707 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230817-UC-BERKELEY-CAMPUS-MD-02_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opaque process frustrates some lawmakers, including Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/corey-jackson-165443\">Corey Jackson\u003c/a>, a Democrat representing Moreno Valley. He \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/jackson835/status/1909992574783488216\">has criticized\u003c/a> Democratic leadership for not doing more to address homelessness, inequality and people moving out of state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way we treat the appropriations process is a non-democratic process; I believe that it’s a corrupt process,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Per decades-old policy, any bill that’s estimated to cost taxpayers at least \u003ca href=\"https://sapro.senate.ca.gov/FAQs#:~:text=Generally%2C%20if%20the%20cost%20of,referral%20to%20the%20Suspense%20File.\">$50,000\u003c/a> gets placed on the suspense file. Twice a year – once in May and again in August – the committees announce which bills move bills off of “suspense” and can advance through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/08/california-laws-legislature-suspense-file/\">Last summer\u003c/a>, the committees culled about a third of the 830 bills that had been placed on suspense. Some of them were controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans were outraged that the committee didn’t vote on their bill seeking to add new requirements before state officials could place “sexually violent predators” in communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate’s top Republican, Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/brian-jones-42\">Brian Jones\u003c/a> of San Diego, accused Democratic leaders of protecting “predators over families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some Democrats, including Jackson, also were frustrated. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2977\">Jackson had a child tax credit bill\u003c/a> die in the suspense file. Asked last week if he knew who was responsible for killing the bill, Jackson said, “That’s part of the process. You don’t know in many cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When cost estimates kill California bills\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Other Democrats last summer also accused the Newsom administration of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/digital-democracy/2024/08/newsom-healthcare-costs-inflated-estimates/\">inflating cost estimates\u003c/a> to kill health care legislation the governor’s team didn’t like through the suspense process. The Newsom administration insisted its estimates were accurate. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12032042 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/14772659073_f7e7f00d0a_k_qed-1020x765.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The administration looks forward to tackling some of the most pressing policy challenges with the Legislature, but doing so within the confines of our budgetary constraints,” Christian Beltran, legislative director for Newsom’s Department of Finance, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/hearings/258841?t=272&f=3a46f72f3543642bbed8a1938494f85b\">told the Senate Appropriations Committee last week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the 82 bills that moved to the Assembly appropriations suspense file included measures on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab90\">overnight parking for homeless students\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab800\">vending machine prices in prisons\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1240\">corporate homeownership\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Senate committee, measures on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb4\">indigenous missing persons cases\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb15\">gun-dealership inspections\u003c/a> and the formation of a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb388\">California Latino Commission\u003c/a> were all moved to the suspense file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the behind-the-scenes work begins for lobbyists such as Chris Micheli, who is advocating for a bill that was moved last week to suspense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to have conversations with the staff of the committee and the members of the committee, particularly the chair, who is most influential in terms of what bills, you know, stay or go,” Micheli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Appropriations chairs make hard calls\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former chairs of the appropriations committees – called “approps” in Capitol shorthand – told CalMatters it can be a difficult position to be in. The chairs often have to make tough decisions to kill particularly controversial, poorly thought out or expensive bills that the leaders of the other legislative committees didn’t want to make. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would get angry with people,” said Lorena Gonzalez, a former Democratic assemblymember from San Diego who is now president of the California Labor Federation. “I’d have policy (committee) chairs come to me and they’re like, ‘Oh, I couldn’t kill these. But here are the bills I think you should kill.’ I’m like, you know, ‘Grow some balls.’ ” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12033818 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, chairs also have to deal with colleagues who take it personally when their favorite bills are killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Gatto, a former Democratic Assembly appropriations chair from Los Angeles, said he faced intense blowback from some colleagues. He said one fellow Democrat targeted him during a reelection campaign after Gatto killed his bill in suspense. Another retaliated by killing one of Gatto’s bills in a different committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mandate was to engage in a cost-benefit analysis for the good of the state, to make sure that we did not spend any more than we had,” Gatto said. “Maybe I took the mandate too seriously, or maybe I was not that great with managing human relationships, but I ended up having a number of very upset colleagues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said she didn’t think it was fair to call the suspense file process secretive. She said anyone can review the committee’s fiscal estimates and its analyses and weigh in. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the end, it’s the chairperson who usually has to take the heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“‘I think everybody leaves being approps chair with a lot of people upset with them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Digital Democracy transcription manager Hans Poschman contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In just 24 minutes and without any debate, the most powerful committee in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034385/politics-friday-trans-bills-die-in-sacramento-becerra-is-running-for-governor\">state Senate\u003c/a> last week moved 33 bills from public view into a secretive process that will decide whether the measures live or die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two days later, its sister committee in the Assembly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/hearings/258908?t=1021&f=d51dbab457534dd5347a16ea035602e3\">moved 82 of its bills in under two minutes\u003c/a> to the same secretive, uncertain future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If history is any guide, between a quarter to a third of those bills will be killed next month. For most of the bills, no one but lobbyists, a handful of capital staffers, lawmakers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s\u003c/a> policy team will know exactly why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So it goes with the Senate and Assembly’s appropriations committees, the gatekeepers for bills proposing to spend taxpayer money. The committees’ “suspense files” are where hundreds of bills die quietly each year. The fates of the bills that were moved to the file last week – along with dozens of others that will be added later – will be announced in a single hearing on what’s known as “suspense day” scheduled for May. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/digital-democracy/2024/04/california-democrats-no-votes/\">As CalMatters has reported\u003c/a>, members of the Legislature almost never vote in public hearings to kill bills by attaching their names to a formal “no” vote. For instance, of 2,403 bills that died in the two-year session that concluded last fall, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/12/failed-bills-california/\">only 25 were killed \u003c/a>by a majority of lawmakers voting “no.” Instead, bills tend to die behind the scenes. It can be incredibly difficult for members of the public to learn who killed a measure and why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appropriations committees’ suspense files are the most notorious example. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opaque process frustrates some lawmakers, including Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/corey-jackson-165443\">Corey Jackson\u003c/a>, a Democrat representing Moreno Valley. He \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/jackson835/status/1909992574783488216\">has criticized\u003c/a> Democratic leadership for not doing more to address homelessness, inequality and people moving out of state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way we treat the appropriations process is a non-democratic process; I believe that it’s a corrupt process,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Per decades-old policy, any bill that’s estimated to cost taxpayers at least \u003ca href=\"https://sapro.senate.ca.gov/FAQs#:~:text=Generally%2C%20if%20the%20cost%20of,referral%20to%20the%20Suspense%20File.\">$50,000\u003c/a> gets placed on the suspense file. Twice a year – once in May and again in August – the committees announce which bills move bills off of “suspense” and can advance through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/08/california-laws-legislature-suspense-file/\">Last summer\u003c/a>, the committees culled about a third of the 830 bills that had been placed on suspense. Some of them were controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans were outraged that the committee didn’t vote on their bill seeking to add new requirements before state officials could place “sexually violent predators” in communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate’s top Republican, Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/brian-jones-42\">Brian Jones\u003c/a> of San Diego, accused Democratic leaders of protecting “predators over families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some Democrats, including Jackson, also were frustrated. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2977\">Jackson had a child tax credit bill\u003c/a> die in the suspense file. Asked last week if he knew who was responsible for killing the bill, Jackson said, “That’s part of the process. You don’t know in many cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When cost estimates kill California bills\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Other Democrats last summer also accused the Newsom administration of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/digital-democracy/2024/08/newsom-healthcare-costs-inflated-estimates/\">inflating cost estimates\u003c/a> to kill health care legislation the governor’s team didn’t like through the suspense process. The Newsom administration insisted its estimates were accurate. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The administration looks forward to tackling some of the most pressing policy challenges with the Legislature, but doing so within the confines of our budgetary constraints,” Christian Beltran, legislative director for Newsom’s Department of Finance, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/hearings/258841?t=272&f=3a46f72f3543642bbed8a1938494f85b\">told the Senate Appropriations Committee last week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the 82 bills that moved to the Assembly appropriations suspense file included measures on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab90\">overnight parking for homeless students\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab800\">vending machine prices in prisons\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1240\">corporate homeownership\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Senate committee, measures on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb4\">indigenous missing persons cases\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb15\">gun-dealership inspections\u003c/a> and the formation of a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb388\">California Latino Commission\u003c/a> were all moved to the suspense file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the behind-the-scenes work begins for lobbyists such as Chris Micheli, who is advocating for a bill that was moved last week to suspense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to have conversations with the staff of the committee and the members of the committee, particularly the chair, who is most influential in terms of what bills, you know, stay or go,” Micheli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Appropriations chairs make hard calls\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former chairs of the appropriations committees – called “approps” in Capitol shorthand – told CalMatters it can be a difficult position to be in. The chairs often have to make tough decisions to kill particularly controversial, poorly thought out or expensive bills that the leaders of the other legislative committees didn’t want to make. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would get angry with people,” said Lorena Gonzalez, a former Democratic assemblymember from San Diego who is now president of the California Labor Federation. “I’d have policy (committee) chairs come to me and they’re like, ‘Oh, I couldn’t kill these. But here are the bills I think you should kill.’ I’m like, you know, ‘Grow some balls.’ ” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, chairs also have to deal with colleagues who take it personally when their favorite bills are killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Gatto, a former Democratic Assembly appropriations chair from Los Angeles, said he faced intense blowback from some colleagues. He said one fellow Democrat targeted him during a reelection campaign after Gatto killed his bill in suspense. Another retaliated by killing one of Gatto’s bills in a different committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mandate was to engage in a cost-benefit analysis for the good of the state, to make sure that we did not spend any more than we had,” Gatto said. “Maybe I took the mandate too seriously, or maybe I was not that great with managing human relationships, but I ended up having a number of very upset colleagues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said she didn’t think it was fair to call the suspense file process secretive. She said anyone can review the committee’s fiscal estimates and its analyses and weigh in. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the end, it’s the chairperson who usually has to take the heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“‘I think everybody leaves being approps chair with a lot of people upset with them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Digital Democracy transcription manager Hans Poschman contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-needs-transitional-kindergarten-teachers-preschool-teachers-want-in",
"title": "California Needs Transitional Kindergarten Teachers. Preschool Teachers Want in",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Humberto Estratalán’s daughter started transitional kindergarten last fall in the Coachella Valley city of La Quinta, he was surprised to hear she’d be in a combination class with kindergartners — with only one teacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the classroom held about 30 kids but had no dedicated aide to help the teacher manage them. His daughter would come home, deflated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was struggling emotionally. We could tell she was just a little, not herself, not as happy to be at school,” Estratalán said. “She said, ‘Who do I go to when [the teacher] is busy?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most upsetting moment was when he picked her up from school one day and noticed her sweatpants were inside out. He said when he asked the school about it, he was told his daughter had an accident and had been sent to an office to change by herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here we have a 4-year-old in the office restroom, sitting on the floor, naked, changing herself,” he said. “That was the last straw.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estratalán, who is an education policy advocate for the nonprofit UNITE-LA, said he knew that state rules require an adult for every 12 transitional kindergarten students. He complained to the Desert Sands Unified School District, and within two months, the school reassigned teachers from other grades and hired more staff to open up a new transitional kindergarten class with a teacher and aide, where he said his daughter is thriving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035275\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035275 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bilingual exercises hang on a wall in a transitional kindergarten classroom in Oakland, California, on May 17, 2024. Beginning this fall, all California children who turn 4 by Sept. 1 will be eligible for transitional kindergarten, marking the final phase of the state’s four-year rollout of the expanded grade level. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The rough start of the year, however, highlights the staffing challenges some school districts face as they try to keep up with California’s rapid expansion of transitional kindergarten. The state needs a lot more teachers and aides to fill TK classrooms, but advocates say early childhood educators who have the experience and desire to step into those jobs are being deterred by the state’s credentialing system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting this fall, any child who turns 4 by Sept. 1 can enroll in TK, marking the final phase of California’s four-year rollout of the new grade. A lot is riding on the success of universal TK: supporters hope that a year of learning through play will \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/10/05/governor-newsom-signs-early-childhood-legislation-highlights-transformative-investments-in-early-learning/#:~:text=%E2%80%9CEvery%20child%20deserves%20access%20to,Rivas%2C%20author%20of%20AB%201363.\">help give a boost to young kids who may not otherwise have access to preschool.\u003c/a> Districts facing declining enrollment hope that a surge of new students will improve their financial outlook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom, who made universal TK a focus of his education policy, is proposing to spend \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2025-26/pdf/BudgetSummary/TK-12Education.pdf\">$3.9 billion in the 2025–26 budget \u003c/a>to fully implement the program. Part of that money would go toward lowering the student to teacher staffing ratio from 12-to-1 to 10-to-1. School districts that don’t comply could face a fine or risk losing funding.[aside postID=news_12031802 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/TKSF-1020x765.jpg']\u003ca href=\"https://learningpolicyinstitute.org/media/3724/download?inline&file=California_Transitional_Kindergarten_Workforce_REPORT.pdf\">Researchers estimate\u003c/a> that California schools will need 11,900 teachers and at least 16,000 aides to keep TK expansion on track. But amid a shortage of teachers at all levels of public education, some school districts struggle to hire or retain those who have the skills to support the physical, social-emotional, and cognitive development of 4-year-olds, said Naj Alikhan, a spokesman for the Association of California School Administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rural or smaller school districts have a hard time finding a qualified teacher from their local pool of candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desert Sands Unified, where Estratalán’s daughter is enrolled, has hosted job fairs and offered financial incentives to entice teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have, you know, five universities like the Bay Area right around all these school districts, and it’s difficult,” said Dennis Zink, senior director of certificated personnel at the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To grow the workforce, the state introduced a new credential for teachers who want to specialize in TK through third grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Alikhan said he’s heard anecdotally that not enough people are pursuing the PK–3 credential, and one reason may be the credential’s \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/17_-_qQGLGSU60cOR_RcZPPQrvEOc2Tk5/view\">stringent requirements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035266\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035266\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students in the early education credential program make mini-lesson plans during their lecture at Cal State Dominguez Hills on April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo/LAist)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>Teachers may want to do it, but it’s the investment of time and investment of money that’s preventing some from moving forward with it,” he said.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates must hold a bachelor’s degree, complete coursework in child development or early childhood education, pass the state’s teacher performance assessment and undergo up to 600 hours of training in classrooms — typically without pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say those are tough barriers for at least \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/data-snapshot/double-or-nothing-potential-tk-wages-for-californias-early-educators/\">17,000 early educators who already teach young kids and have a bachelor’s degree \u003c/a>but aren’t part of the state’s K–12 school system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelica Cardenas, who has a master’s degree in early childhood education and 13 years of experience teaching 2- to 5-year-olds in Head Start and state preschool programs in the Bay Area, would still need a credential to teach TK.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12033002 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Angelica Cardenas of Hayward poses for a portrait on the Cal State University East Bay campus in Hayward, March 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People tell me ‘I think you’d be a really good TK teacher,’ and I would love to, but right now, I don’t know if I have the energy to go back to school,” Cardenas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s credentialing program would also require her to jump through more hoops than a K–12 teacher at a private or public school with no experience teaching 4-year-olds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a preschool teacher with a bachelor’s degree and five years of work experience would still have to undergo classroom training to earn the credential. Those 600 hours amount to at least $10,000 in lost wages, according to researchers at the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment (CSCCE) at UC Berkeley and the California Budget and Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ctc.ca.gov/credentials/leaflets/Single-Multiple-Subject-Credentials-(CL-834)\">private school\u003c/a> teachers, who are not required to hold a state-issued credential, can shift to TK without additional training or any experience teaching 4-year-olds. State law only requires them and K–12 public school teachers to complete six to eight classes of early childhood education or development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lea Austin, executive director of the CSCCE, argues that the separate pathways are inequitable for early educators, the majority of whom are women of color. A preschool teacher earns on average $17.66 per hour, which is less than half the salary of an elementary school teacher, according to an analysis of the most recent labor data for California workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t use your existing experience and education as evidence that you are a qualified teacher in the same way that anybody teaching kindergarten or older has the opportunity to do that,” Austin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035265\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assistant professor Yoonjin Esther Nam-Huh teaches early literacy and language trainings at Cal State Dominguez Hills on April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo/LAist)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Austin and other advocates have called on the state’s Commission on Teacher Credentialing to offer early educators the same pathway to teaching TK as private school teachers. She said if the state doesn’t improve access, it risks losing a valuable workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just feels sad and wrong to be losing such experienced educators when there’s a clear need for them and when there should be opportunities for them,” Austin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mary Vixie Sandy, director of the Commission, said that policy for private school teachers existed long before the PK–3 credential came along. She urged patience as teacher preparation programs train the first cohorts of PK–3 credential candidates to figure out what worked and what didn’t and consider changes in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not trying to keep a workforce out, not at all. We most certainly want the workforce in,” she said.[aside postID=news_12027906 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250213-HEADSTARTFUNDINGINTERRUPTION-03-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']The CTC allows teacher training programs to waive up to 400 hours of training depending on a person’s preschool classroom experience, but requires 200 hours to prepare candidates to teach up to third grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The knowledge of someone whose complete experience has been with 3- and 4-year-olds may not be sufficient to be assigned to a third-grade classroom,” she said. “And if they have a credential that authorizes them to serve in those places, we have a fundamental obligation to the public to make sure the people we credential are prepared to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardenas, 38, considers herself a lifelong learner and said she would be willing to undergo more professional training, but she can’t afford to take time off work to pursue a credential, at least not without a scholarship or grant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It takes one to two years to complete a teacher preparation program, and the CTC is giving these programs some leeway to waive prior coursework in child development or early childhood education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has awarded \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/5012#:~:text=Many%20Teacher%20Recruitment%20Grants%20Are%20Targeted%20to,are%20EL/LI%20is%2055%20percent%20or%20greater.\">millions of dollars in grants\u003c/a> to support aspiring TK teachers willing to work in classrooms as they earn their credential. California State University, Dominguez Hills, is \u003ca href=\"https://news.csudh.edu/ballmer-group-gift/\">offering up to $15,000 grants to students pursuing the credential\u003c/a> as part of an effort to increase the early childhood education workforce. It’s also trying to make returning to school easier for preschool teachers who have an associate’s degree by giving them three years to complete their bachelor’s degree and PK–3 credential if they attend full-time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007557\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007557\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1124\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1536x863.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1920x1079.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José State University’s Washington Square Hall located in downtown San José. \u003ccite>(Sundry Photography via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Jose State University offered to cover the full cost of tuition for up to 28 early educators who enrolled in its PK-3 credentialing program by April 1st, according to Maria Fusaro, a child and adolescent development professor at the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fusaro said going through the program takes “a big commitment,” but it’s up to early educators to decide whether the effort is worth the reward of working in a K–12 setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single mom of two boys, Cardenas said she’s attracted to the good salary, benefits and summer breaks that come with teaching in public schools. She said she was excited by the prospect of teaching TK when the state began expanding the grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She knows she has what it takes to teach 4-year-olds — the patience to see them through the potty training and other foundational skills so they’re ready for the next stage of learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It saddens me that after all the years of education that I have, all the years of experience, I wouldn’t be able to teach TK even though that’s my jam,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California needs a lot more teachers and aides to fill transitional kindergarten classrooms, but advocates say early childhood educators who have the experience and desire to step into those jobs are deterred by the state’s credentialing system. ",
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"title": "California Needs Transitional Kindergarten Teachers. Preschool Teachers Want in | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/daisynguyen\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Daisy Nguyen\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ellyyu\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Elly Yu\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Humberto Estratalán’s daughter started transitional kindergarten last fall in the Coachella Valley city of La Quinta, he was surprised to hear she’d be in a combination class with kindergartners — with only one teacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the classroom held about 30 kids but had no dedicated aide to help the teacher manage them. His daughter would come home, deflated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was struggling emotionally. We could tell she was just a little, not herself, not as happy to be at school,” Estratalán said. “She said, ‘Who do I go to when [the teacher] is busy?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most upsetting moment was when he picked her up from school one day and noticed her sweatpants were inside out. He said when he asked the school about it, he was told his daughter had an accident and had been sent to an office to change by herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here we have a 4-year-old in the office restroom, sitting on the floor, naked, changing herself,” he said. “That was the last straw.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estratalán, who is an education policy advocate for the nonprofit UNITE-LA, said he knew that state rules require an adult for every 12 transitional kindergarten students. He complained to the Desert Sands Unified School District, and within two months, the school reassigned teachers from other grades and hired more staff to open up a new transitional kindergarten class with a teacher and aide, where he said his daughter is thriving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035275\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035275 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/240517-TKBilingualLearners-125-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bilingual exercises hang on a wall in a transitional kindergarten classroom in Oakland, California, on May 17, 2024. Beginning this fall, all California children who turn 4 by Sept. 1 will be eligible for transitional kindergarten, marking the final phase of the state’s four-year rollout of the expanded grade level. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The rough start of the year, however, highlights the staffing challenges some school districts face as they try to keep up with California’s rapid expansion of transitional kindergarten. The state needs a lot more teachers and aides to fill TK classrooms, but advocates say early childhood educators who have the experience and desire to step into those jobs are being deterred by the state’s credentialing system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting this fall, any child who turns 4 by Sept. 1 can enroll in TK, marking the final phase of California’s four-year rollout of the new grade. A lot is riding on the success of universal TK: supporters hope that a year of learning through play will \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/10/05/governor-newsom-signs-early-childhood-legislation-highlights-transformative-investments-in-early-learning/#:~:text=%E2%80%9CEvery%20child%20deserves%20access%20to,Rivas%2C%20author%20of%20AB%201363.\">help give a boost to young kids who may not otherwise have access to preschool.\u003c/a> Districts facing declining enrollment hope that a surge of new students will improve their financial outlook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom, who made universal TK a focus of his education policy, is proposing to spend \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2025-26/pdf/BudgetSummary/TK-12Education.pdf\">$3.9 billion in the 2025–26 budget \u003c/a>to fully implement the program. Part of that money would go toward lowering the student to teacher staffing ratio from 12-to-1 to 10-to-1. School districts that don’t comply could face a fine or risk losing funding.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://learningpolicyinstitute.org/media/3724/download?inline&file=California_Transitional_Kindergarten_Workforce_REPORT.pdf\">Researchers estimate\u003c/a> that California schools will need 11,900 teachers and at least 16,000 aides to keep TK expansion on track. But amid a shortage of teachers at all levels of public education, some school districts struggle to hire or retain those who have the skills to support the physical, social-emotional, and cognitive development of 4-year-olds, said Naj Alikhan, a spokesman for the Association of California School Administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rural or smaller school districts have a hard time finding a qualified teacher from their local pool of candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desert Sands Unified, where Estratalán’s daughter is enrolled, has hosted job fairs and offered financial incentives to entice teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have, you know, five universities like the Bay Area right around all these school districts, and it’s difficult,” said Dennis Zink, senior director of certificated personnel at the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To grow the workforce, the state introduced a new credential for teachers who want to specialize in TK through third grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Alikhan said he’s heard anecdotally that not enough people are pursuing the PK–3 credential, and one reason may be the credential’s \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/17_-_qQGLGSU60cOR_RcZPPQrvEOc2Tk5/view\">stringent requirements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035266\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035266\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-10-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students in the early education credential program make mini-lesson plans during their lecture at Cal State Dominguez Hills on April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo/LAist)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>Teachers may want to do it, but it’s the investment of time and investment of money that’s preventing some from moving forward with it,” he said.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates must hold a bachelor’s degree, complete coursework in child development or early childhood education, pass the state’s teacher performance assessment and undergo up to 600 hours of training in classrooms — typically without pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say those are tough barriers for at least \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/data-snapshot/double-or-nothing-potential-tk-wages-for-californias-early-educators/\">17,000 early educators who already teach young kids and have a bachelor’s degree \u003c/a>but aren’t part of the state’s K–12 school system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelica Cardenas, who has a master’s degree in early childhood education and 13 years of experience teaching 2- to 5-year-olds in Head Start and state preschool programs in the Bay Area, would still need a credential to teach TK.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12033002 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250325_TEACHERS-FOR-TK_DMB_00058-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Angelica Cardenas of Hayward poses for a portrait on the Cal State University East Bay campus in Hayward, March 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People tell me ‘I think you’d be a really good TK teacher,’ and I would love to, but right now, I don’t know if I have the energy to go back to school,” Cardenas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s credentialing program would also require her to jump through more hoops than a K–12 teacher at a private or public school with no experience teaching 4-year-olds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a preschool teacher with a bachelor’s degree and five years of work experience would still have to undergo classroom training to earn the credential. Those 600 hours amount to at least $10,000 in lost wages, according to researchers at the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment (CSCCE) at UC Berkeley and the California Budget and Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ctc.ca.gov/credentials/leaflets/Single-Multiple-Subject-Credentials-(CL-834)\">private school\u003c/a> teachers, who are not required to hold a state-issued credential, can shift to TK without additional training or any experience teaching 4-year-olds. State law only requires them and K–12 public school teachers to complete six to eight classes of early childhood education or development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lea Austin, executive director of the CSCCE, argues that the separate pathways are inequitable for early educators, the majority of whom are women of color. A preschool teacher earns on average $17.66 per hour, which is less than half the salary of an elementary school teacher, according to an analysis of the most recent labor data for California workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t use your existing experience and education as evidence that you are a qualified teacher in the same way that anybody teaching kindergarten or older has the opportunity to do that,” Austin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035265\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECED-CREDENTIALS-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assistant professor Yoonjin Esther Nam-Huh teaches early literacy and language trainings at Cal State Dominguez Hills on April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo/LAist)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Austin and other advocates have called on the state’s Commission on Teacher Credentialing to offer early educators the same pathway to teaching TK as private school teachers. She said if the state doesn’t improve access, it risks losing a valuable workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just feels sad and wrong to be losing such experienced educators when there’s a clear need for them and when there should be opportunities for them,” Austin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mary Vixie Sandy, director of the Commission, said that policy for private school teachers existed long before the PK–3 credential came along. She urged patience as teacher preparation programs train the first cohorts of PK–3 credential candidates to figure out what worked and what didn’t and consider changes in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not trying to keep a workforce out, not at all. We most certainly want the workforce in,” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The CTC allows teacher training programs to waive up to 400 hours of training depending on a person’s preschool classroom experience, but requires 200 hours to prepare candidates to teach up to third grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The knowledge of someone whose complete experience has been with 3- and 4-year-olds may not be sufficient to be assigned to a third-grade classroom,” she said. “And if they have a credential that authorizes them to serve in those places, we have a fundamental obligation to the public to make sure the people we credential are prepared to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardenas, 38, considers herself a lifelong learner and said she would be willing to undergo more professional training, but she can’t afford to take time off work to pursue a credential, at least not without a scholarship or grant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It takes one to two years to complete a teacher preparation program, and the CTC is giving these programs some leeway to waive prior coursework in child development or early childhood education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has awarded \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/5012#:~:text=Many%20Teacher%20Recruitment%20Grants%20Are%20Targeted%20to,are%20EL/LI%20is%2055%20percent%20or%20greater.\">millions of dollars in grants\u003c/a> to support aspiring TK teachers willing to work in classrooms as they earn their credential. California State University, Dominguez Hills, is \u003ca href=\"https://news.csudh.edu/ballmer-group-gift/\">offering up to $15,000 grants to students pursuing the credential\u003c/a> as part of an effort to increase the early childhood education workforce. It’s also trying to make returning to school easier for preschool teachers who have an associate’s degree by giving them three years to complete their bachelor’s degree and PK–3 credential if they attend full-time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007557\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007557\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1124\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1536x863.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1920x1079.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José State University’s Washington Square Hall located in downtown San José. \u003ccite>(Sundry Photography via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Jose State University offered to cover the full cost of tuition for up to 28 early educators who enrolled in its PK-3 credentialing program by April 1st, according to Maria Fusaro, a child and adolescent development professor at the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fusaro said going through the program takes “a big commitment,” but it’s up to early educators to decide whether the effort is worth the reward of working in a K–12 setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single mom of two boys, Cardenas said she’s attracted to the good salary, benefits and summer breaks that come with teaching in public schools. She said she was excited by the prospect of teaching TK when the state began expanding the grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She knows she has what it takes to teach 4-year-olds — the patience to see them through the potty training and other foundational skills so they’re ready for the next stage of learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It saddens me that after all the years of education that I have, all the years of experience, I wouldn’t be able to teach TK even though that’s my jam,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Golden State has a message for federal employees who’ve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034414/rural-california-relies-on-the-trump-administration-for-jobs-now-theyre-bracing-for-cuts\">lost their jobs\u003c/a>: Come work for California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Trump administration carries out massive layoffs across federal agencies, California launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/Pages/latest-news.aspx\">an initiative\u003c/a> on Friday to recruit those displaced workers to thousands of vacant positions with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Top recruitment priorities for the state’s 3,200 current job openings include \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029182/federal-policy-turmoil-threatens-californias-wildfire-prevention-efforts\">firefighters\u003c/a>, clinical social workers and psychologists, Monica Erickson, chief deputy director of the California Department of Human Resources, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an incredible opportunity for California to be able to get workers that have incredible skill sets that California is looking for,” said Erickson, a state employee for 35 years. “We have great opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of federal workers have been terminated or placed on administrative leave as President Trump and billionaire adviser Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency shrinks agencies in a quest to reduce spending. Just this week, about 10,000 people were laid off from the Department of Health and Human Services, including hundreds at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033968/san-franciscos-hhs-office-close-federal-health-cuts-pelosi\">San Francisco office that was shut down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024152\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024152\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing jackets and the man on the right wearing a black hat stand near each other talking.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1336\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1920x1283.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump talks with Gov. Gavin Newsom after arriving on Air Force One at Los Angeles International Airport in Los Angeles on Jan. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Mark Schiefelbein/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/03/03/governor-newsom-orders-return-to-office/\">ordered\u003c/a> CalHR to take steps to recruit laid-off federal employees. That includes a new resource \u003ca href=\"https://workforcalifornia.ca.gov/federalworkers\">website\u003c/a> that aims to help former or current federal workers better understand California’s job application process and find openings that match their skills, particularly in fields such as firefighting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029178/trumps-mass-layoffs-noaa-cut-into-bay-area-weather-service\">weather forecasting\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029795/california-scientists-left-adrift-mass-federal-layoffs-noaa\">science\u003c/a>, and medical and mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California values the skillset and experience federal workers bring to public service — and we want them to know that there is a place for them here in the Golden State,” Newsom said in a statement. “Recruiting these experienced professionals to fill key job openings in a variety of fields can help us now and into the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is joining other states that are wooing former federal employees to fill jobs within their ranks. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul said a “You’re Hired” campaign that started in February has drawn more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/youre-hired-governor-hochul-announces-more-1300-applications-received-new-york-launched#:~:text=Governor%20Kathy%20Hochul%20today%20updated,of%20Government%20Efficiency%20\">1,300 job applications\u003c/a> to state agencies and hired 28 candidates with federal work experience.[aside postID=news_12034221 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250307-BERKELEY-SCIENCE-PROTEST-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg']According to the Hawaii Department of Human Resources Development, the state has hired 12 former federal workers, with more in the pipeline, after receiving more than 2,200 applications since February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hawaii Gov. Josh Green ordered the state to \u003ca href=\"https://governor.hawaii.gov/newsroom/office-of-the-governor-news-release-gov-green-signs-executive-order-for-expedited-state-hiring/\">expedite\u003c/a> its hiring process for federal workers, a step California has not yet taken, according to Erickson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re certainly trying to focus on our federal workforce and bring them over by providing resources to them, videos to make it easy to hire, but the process is the same,” Erickson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applicants who’ve self-identified as being affected by federal job cuts have created 165 online accounts to apply for California state jobs since March 7, when CalHR started tracking this information. The agency does not know how many of these applicants have been hired, according to a spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s new one-stop website for federal employees features guides to navigate the application process, examples of state positions that may have federal equivalency and a look at benefits available to California state workers such as employee pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalHR will hold a virtual training on Thursday tailored to former federal employees on how to apply for a state job, as well as future \u003ca href=\"https://workforcalifornia.ca.gov/events/\">hiring events\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Golden State has a message for federal employees who’ve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034414/rural-california-relies-on-the-trump-administration-for-jobs-now-theyre-bracing-for-cuts\">lost their jobs\u003c/a>: Come work for California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Trump administration carries out massive layoffs across federal agencies, California launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/Pages/latest-news.aspx\">an initiative\u003c/a> on Friday to recruit those displaced workers to thousands of vacant positions with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Top recruitment priorities for the state’s 3,200 current job openings include \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029182/federal-policy-turmoil-threatens-californias-wildfire-prevention-efforts\">firefighters\u003c/a>, clinical social workers and psychologists, Monica Erickson, chief deputy director of the California Department of Human Resources, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an incredible opportunity for California to be able to get workers that have incredible skill sets that California is looking for,” said Erickson, a state employee for 35 years. “We have great opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of federal workers have been terminated or placed on administrative leave as President Trump and billionaire adviser Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency shrinks agencies in a quest to reduce spending. Just this week, about 10,000 people were laid off from the Department of Health and Human Services, including hundreds at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033968/san-franciscos-hhs-office-close-federal-health-cuts-pelosi\">San Francisco office that was shut down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024152\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024152\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing jackets and the man on the right wearing a black hat stand near each other talking.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1336\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1920x1283.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump talks with Gov. Gavin Newsom after arriving on Air Force One at Los Angeles International Airport in Los Angeles on Jan. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Mark Schiefelbein/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/03/03/governor-newsom-orders-return-to-office/\">ordered\u003c/a> CalHR to take steps to recruit laid-off federal employees. That includes a new resource \u003ca href=\"https://workforcalifornia.ca.gov/federalworkers\">website\u003c/a> that aims to help former or current federal workers better understand California’s job application process and find openings that match their skills, particularly in fields such as firefighting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029178/trumps-mass-layoffs-noaa-cut-into-bay-area-weather-service\">weather forecasting\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029795/california-scientists-left-adrift-mass-federal-layoffs-noaa\">science\u003c/a>, and medical and mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California values the skillset and experience federal workers bring to public service — and we want them to know that there is a place for them here in the Golden State,” Newsom said in a statement. “Recruiting these experienced professionals to fill key job openings in a variety of fields can help us now and into the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is joining other states that are wooing former federal employees to fill jobs within their ranks. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul said a “You’re Hired” campaign that started in February has drawn more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/youre-hired-governor-hochul-announces-more-1300-applications-received-new-york-launched#:~:text=Governor%20Kathy%20Hochul%20today%20updated,of%20Government%20Efficiency%20\">1,300 job applications\u003c/a> to state agencies and hired 28 candidates with federal work experience.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>According to the Hawaii Department of Human Resources Development, the state has hired 12 former federal workers, with more in the pipeline, after receiving more than 2,200 applications since February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hawaii Gov. Josh Green ordered the state to \u003ca href=\"https://governor.hawaii.gov/newsroom/office-of-the-governor-news-release-gov-green-signs-executive-order-for-expedited-state-hiring/\">expedite\u003c/a> its hiring process for federal workers, a step California has not yet taken, according to Erickson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re certainly trying to focus on our federal workforce and bring them over by providing resources to them, videos to make it easy to hire, but the process is the same,” Erickson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applicants who’ve self-identified as being affected by federal job cuts have created 165 online accounts to apply for California state jobs since March 7, when CalHR started tracking this information. The agency does not know how many of these applicants have been hired, according to a spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s new one-stop website for federal employees features guides to navigate the application process, examples of state positions that may have federal equivalency and a look at benefits available to California state workers such as employee pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalHR will hold a virtual training on Thursday tailored to former federal employees on how to apply for a state job, as well as future \u003ca href=\"https://workforcalifornia.ca.gov/events/\">hiring events\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Five years ago this month, millions of Americans began\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101876368/working-from-home-in-the-coronavirus-era\"> working from home\u003c/a> as companies adapted to the sudden realities of the\u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20200312-coronavirus-covid-19-update-work-from-home-in-a-pandemic\"> COVID-19 pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the coronavirus spread nationwide, individual states — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2020/03/california-essential-worker-coronavirus-lockdown/\">including California\u003c/a> — ordered residents to stay in their homes to minimize infections. And while some exceptions were made for workers considered “essential,” by April 2020, a Gallup poll found that 62% of employed Americans had begun \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/306695/workers-discovering-affinity-remote-work.aspx\">working from home\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Tell us: How has a return-to-office mandate affected you?\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>However, even as remote work swiftly became a new normal for many employees, the shift to widespread “working from home” was not permanent. As soon as the strictest\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11874669/californias-june-15-reopening-will-scrap-social-distancing-and-capacity-requirements\"> public health restrictions \u003c/a>were lifted, some companies around the country began calling their employees back to the office, while others instituted hybrid schedules where staff could mix in-office work with remote work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, in recent months, several major employers are changing or abandoning those hybrid schedules completely — with companies like Meta, Amazon, Salesforce and JPMorgan ordering their staff to increase their\u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/01/01/back-to-work-office-companies\"> in-office attendance\u003c/a>. On March 3, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/RTO-EO-3.3.25_-GGN-signed.pdf\">executive order (PDF)\u003c/a> ordering most state employees to work in-person at least four days a week starting July 1, stating that “When we work together, collaboration improves, innovation thrives, and accountability increases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, going into the office more often can be a major adjustment for many reasons. These include the length — and expense — of commuting and losing flexibility that remote work can afford people with personal responsibilities like raising a child, taking care of a loved one or dealing with their own health issues. This flexibility, advocates say, has allowed working mothers to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/12/business/women-work-remote-flexible-careers.html\">more involved in their careers \u003c/a>while they balance child-raising and granted more job opportunities to folks living with\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/06/30/return-to-office-inequity/\"> disabilities and chronic health conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if your employer suddenly demands that you increase your in-office hours, what can you do — and what rights do employees even have when it comes to return-to-office mandates? We spoke to several legal experts who focus on employment law to understand what options remote or hybrid employees have in 2025 if they are asked to come to the office more — and how to best advocate for your particular needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When it comes to return-to-office mandates, your employer has the upper hand\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The employer always has the right to set the terms and conditions of employment,” said Christine Long, partner at Berliner Cohen, a San José-based law firm that provides employers with legal representation — “as long as the employee is given notice in advance of those things.” Adequate notice, Long said, “is usually considered a pay period in advance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if you moved to another region — or even another state — during the pandemic, your employer can still require that you come into the office any number of days during the week. And if you were hired during the pandemic \u003cem>while\u003c/em> you were living in another state, it’s likely your employer can also ask for you to move to California. The employer usually has the right to change the terms of employment, Long told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101909031 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/02/GettyImages-2197268386-1-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ella Zheng, managing partner at the San Francisco and Palo Alto offices of Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight — a firm that offers legal services to workers — agrees that businesses have the upper hand here. Ultimately, “the employer has the discretion to set how many days they require their employees to go back to work,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zheng acknowledges that going to the office more could absolutely make it harder for employees to maintain a work-life balance — particularly caregivers. “If they’re raising a child, especially a young child,” she said, “If the employee is caring for an elder at home potentially with medical conditions, they would have concerns about returning to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, at the state level, there is still no law in place that requires employers to set up hybrid work schedules for parents or caregivers. During the pandemic, Long said, “there was no order that said ‘you must work from home.’ The order was that you are not to be out unless you’re performing essential services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is one state law that does allow employees to request accommodations, including working from home in very specific circumstances. In 1959, California passed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dor.ca.gov/Home/FairEmploymentAct\">Fair Employment and Housing Act (FEHA)\u003c/a>, which states that employers cannot discriminate against employees based on several factors, including a medical condition or a physical or mental disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being a parent or a caregiver, however, is not one of these factors — and “just getting your kid to and from school or needing child care in the afternoon, those are not accommodations,” Long said. (In San Francisco, however, employees who are parents or caregivers \u003cem>are \u003c/em>afforded some additional protections thanks to the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information--family-friendly-workplace-ordinance\">Family Friendly Workplace Ordinance [FFWO]\u003c/a> — more on that in the next section.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you do plan to request certain accommodations from your employer due to your health or disability, keep in mind that while your employer is not allowed to ask for a diagnosis, they can ask you for a medical note from your healthcare provider confirming that you have a disability and listing the ways in which it limits you. You can contact\u003ca href=\"https://www.dor.ca.gov/Home/FairEmploymentAct\"> California’s Department of Rehabilitation \u003c/a>to better understand which disabilities and health conditions are included under FEHA\u003ca href=\"https://www.dor.ca.gov/Home/FairEmploymentAct\">.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are granted accommodations under FEHA, Zheng said that your employer needs to make sure you will not be adversely impacted in the workplace as a result. Employees, she said, “should not get excluded from important projects or assignments and not be retaliated against because they have this reasonable accommodation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1989px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1989\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed.jpg 1989w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed-800x536.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed-1020x684.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed-1536x1029.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed-1920x1287.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1989px) 100vw, 1989px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bay Area Rapid Transit commuters stand on the platform as a train pulls into the Powell Street station in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>If you work in San Francisco, you may have more ability to push back against return-to-work mandates\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2022, San Francisco expanded its \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information--family-friendly-workplace-ordinance\">Family Friendly Workplace Ordinance\u003c/a> (FFWO), which sets up rules for SF-based employers with 20 or more employees. “The ordinance allows people to make requests of their employer to help them with parenting, family caregiving or caring for an older adult in their family,” said Katherine Wutchiett, senior staff attorney at Legal Aid at Work, a San Francisco-based legal aid office that offers services across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People can request things like adjusting their schedule to make it possible to do daycare pickup, or requesting to be on projects that have more predictable hours,” she said. “There’s not a set list of what people can ask for, but it’s just changes that would allow them to be able to take care of their family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2022-12/Family%20Friendly%20Workplace%20Poster%202022_0.pdf\">accommodations under FFWO\u003c/a>, you must:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>work in San Francisco, or be assigned to your employer’s San Francisco office (you don’t need to live in San Francisco);\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>work for a company that has at least 20 or more employees;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>work with this employer at least eight hours per week on a regular basis, for at least six months;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>be responsible for the care of either a child (your own or a child you’re a guardian of), a family member with a serious health condition, or a family member 65 or older.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You must submit the FFWO request for accommodations to your employer in writing. If you’re unsure how to get started, San Francisco city officials have created \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-02/FFWO%20Sample%20Request%20Form%20-%20August%202022%20%28English%29.pdf\">a sample FFWO form (PDF) \u003c/a>that you can complete yourself and submit to your employer.[aside postID=news_12030376 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/M6A0745_qed-1020x680.jpg']“Using the [sample] form can be a great way to make the request because there are some employers that don’t know that this law exists,” Wutchiett said. “It educates the employer that this is actually a San Francisco city ordinance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An employer \u003cem>can\u003c/em> deny your request, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2022-12/Family%20Friendly%20Workplace%20Poster%202022_0.pdf\">according to city notices (PDF)\u003c/a>, your employer can only deny your request once they have met with you to discuss alternatives — and they must also show that accommodating your request would cause them \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/reports--may-2023--reasonable-accommodation-policy\">“undue hardship.”\u003c/a> Your employer must provide you an explanation in writing and you have the right to file a complaint with the city’s Office of Labor Standards Enforcement (OLSE).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you believe that your employer has ignored your request — or is not following the terms of the FFWO — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information--contact-office-labor-standards-enforcement\">you can contact OLSE directly\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>You can still try to advocate for yourself in the face of an employer’s return-to-office announcement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you don’t work in San Francisco and aren’t therefore covered by the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information--family-friendly-workplace-ordinance\">Family Friendly Workplace Ordinance\u003c/a>, you frankly have fewer options available to push back against an employer who’s demanding that you come into the office more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even though it’s possible to still talk to your employer to propose alternatives, the legal experts KQED spoke to recommend that you exercise a degree of caution when trying this — to make sure you don’t accidentally jeopardize your job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People can certainly talk to their employer about standards and ask questions,” said Wutchiett from Legal Aid at Work. But, “they should be careful knowing that if they say to their employer, ‘I absolutely cannot come to work more than two days a week in person,’ and their employer wants to set a four day in-person requirement, that might make it difficult for them to continue in their job,” she warned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You also want to be proactive in initiating any conversation like this with your employer, recommended Zheng from Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight. “As soon as [employees] learn about the change in the in-office workday policy, they should start thinking about raising the accommodation request with the employer, and they need to do that as soon as possible,” she said. “They can’t be sitting on the policy for a long time and not say anything until the last minute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Make sure you know the right person to talk about your company’s policies, Zheng adds — whether that’s your direct supervisor or the human resources department — and then communicate with that person in writing, whether that’s email or text. If you end up having an in-person conversation, make sure to send an email or another type of written message to who you met — confirming what you discussed and potentially agreed to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That way it’s very clear as to who said what, and it’s really the best way for employees to protect themselves,” Zheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When talking to your employer, Wutchiett also suggests highlighting how remote working or a hybrid schedule has helped you become a more productive worker — ideally with concrete examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One thing we learned from the pandemic is that a lot of people are able to work really successfully from home,” she said. “Think through the ways that you’ve been successful over the last couple of years, how you’ve been able to accomplish your employer’s needs while still working from your home and being able to point out that in the ways it benefits both the employer and yourself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That can be a way to have a friendlier conversation about what that transition to go back might look like,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re planning to request for an accommodation under California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dor.ca.gov/Home/FairEmploymentAct\">Fair Employment and Housing Act\u003c/a> (FEHA), remember that there is a process both you and your employer must follow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you make that [FEHA] request, your employer has an obligation to engage in a good faith interactive process with you, to determine how they can accommodate you,” Wutchiett said. Employers are required to provide reasonable accommodations that would allow you to fulfill your essential functions at work, she explained, unless they can show that it would cause them “an undue hardship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>If you’re part of a union, check in with them about your employer’s return-to-office mandate ASAP\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to 2023 data from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center, 16.2% of working Californians form \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/California-Union-Membership-and-Coverage-2023-Chartboook.pdf\">part of a labor union (PDF)\u003c/a>. If you’re one of them, your union could well be an additional resource when talking with your employer about returning to the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is always important to seek out your shop steward, your union leadership, and try to get the help that they can provide for you,” said Lorena Gonzalez, president of the California Labor Federation. She adds that union leadership can walk you through the finer details of the collective bargaining agreement that exists between workers, the union and the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a collective bargaining agreement with your employer, it’s really important to know the conditions of it,” she said. “Some things were bargained for during and after COVID that have to be taken into consideration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unions and employers re-negotiate their collective bargaining agreements every few years and if negotiations are coming up at your workplace, remote working options could be something you tell your union that you’re interested in being considered for negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Returning to the office “absolutely something that could be collectively bargained,” Gonzalez said. “It’s usually up to the union and the membership of the union what the priorities are at the bargaining table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even if contract negotiations are not scheduled for the near future, she stressed the support that a union can offer its members in these kinds of labor matters. She points to the organizing and legal efforts led by SEIU Local 1000, which represents tens of thousands of state employees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.abc10.com/article/news/local/state-workers-protest-newsom-return-to-office-order/103-29575fa6-02d2-4d35-959c-872e2b8e05ec#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%2C%20Calif.,they%20call%20an%20unfair%20mandate.\">as they push back \u003c/a>against Gov. Newsom’s return-to-office mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we work collectively with the union, we’re able to have a much stronger voice,” Gonzalez said — “and we’re able to force employers to deal with issues that otherwise they would like to just mandate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>Tell us: How has a return-to-office mandate affected you?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Do you work for an employer that “went remote” during the height of the pandemic but has since requested that employees return to in-person work?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you’ve experienced a return-to-office mandate, we’d like to hear from you. How did having to work in the office more days a week affect your daily life, your family or your commute — and how do you feel about it all? What positive effects, if any, has returning to the office had for you, personally or professionally? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Also, if you feel like you’ve finally made in-person work for you again, we’d like to hear your advice. How would you recommend others adapt to the shift away from remote work and back to the office? And if you worked out an understanding with your employer concerning a return-to-office mandate, what strategies worked for you?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You can use the form below to share your thoughts with us, and what you tell us could be shared in a future KQED story. You don’t have to name your employer if you don’t want to, but it will be helpful to hear about when your employer began mandating more days in the office, where your office is based and where you live.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We may use any contact information you provide to get in touch with you to ask a few follow-up questions, but we’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission. We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeF6RelNW1w7veJkDblmQFXeX-eeH4PiQGGHdodqSbAWHmqfw/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Five years ago this month, millions of Americans began\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101876368/working-from-home-in-the-coronavirus-era\"> working from home\u003c/a> as companies adapted to the sudden realities of the\u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20200312-coronavirus-covid-19-update-work-from-home-in-a-pandemic\"> COVID-19 pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the coronavirus spread nationwide, individual states — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2020/03/california-essential-worker-coronavirus-lockdown/\">including California\u003c/a> — ordered residents to stay in their homes to minimize infections. And while some exceptions were made for workers considered “essential,” by April 2020, a Gallup poll found that 62% of employed Americans had begun \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/306695/workers-discovering-affinity-remote-work.aspx\">working from home\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Tell us: How has a return-to-office mandate affected you?\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>However, even as remote work swiftly became a new normal for many employees, the shift to widespread “working from home” was not permanent. As soon as the strictest\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11874669/californias-june-15-reopening-will-scrap-social-distancing-and-capacity-requirements\"> public health restrictions \u003c/a>were lifted, some companies around the country began calling their employees back to the office, while others instituted hybrid schedules where staff could mix in-office work with remote work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, in recent months, several major employers are changing or abandoning those hybrid schedules completely — with companies like Meta, Amazon, Salesforce and JPMorgan ordering their staff to increase their\u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/01/01/back-to-work-office-companies\"> in-office attendance\u003c/a>. On March 3, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/RTO-EO-3.3.25_-GGN-signed.pdf\">executive order (PDF)\u003c/a> ordering most state employees to work in-person at least four days a week starting July 1, stating that “When we work together, collaboration improves, innovation thrives, and accountability increases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, going into the office more often can be a major adjustment for many reasons. These include the length — and expense — of commuting and losing flexibility that remote work can afford people with personal responsibilities like raising a child, taking care of a loved one or dealing with their own health issues. This flexibility, advocates say, has allowed working mothers to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/12/business/women-work-remote-flexible-careers.html\">more involved in their careers \u003c/a>while they balance child-raising and granted more job opportunities to folks living with\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/06/30/return-to-office-inequity/\"> disabilities and chronic health conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if your employer suddenly demands that you increase your in-office hours, what can you do — and what rights do employees even have when it comes to return-to-office mandates? We spoke to several legal experts who focus on employment law to understand what options remote or hybrid employees have in 2025 if they are asked to come to the office more — and how to best advocate for your particular needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When it comes to return-to-office mandates, your employer has the upper hand\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The employer always has the right to set the terms and conditions of employment,” said Christine Long, partner at Berliner Cohen, a San José-based law firm that provides employers with legal representation — “as long as the employee is given notice in advance of those things.” Adequate notice, Long said, “is usually considered a pay period in advance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if you moved to another region — or even another state — during the pandemic, your employer can still require that you come into the office any number of days during the week. And if you were hired during the pandemic \u003cem>while\u003c/em> you were living in another state, it’s likely your employer can also ask for you to move to California. The employer usually has the right to change the terms of employment, Long told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ella Zheng, managing partner at the San Francisco and Palo Alto offices of Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight — a firm that offers legal services to workers — agrees that businesses have the upper hand here. Ultimately, “the employer has the discretion to set how many days they require their employees to go back to work,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zheng acknowledges that going to the office more could absolutely make it harder for employees to maintain a work-life balance — particularly caregivers. “If they’re raising a child, especially a young child,” she said, “If the employee is caring for an elder at home potentially with medical conditions, they would have concerns about returning to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, at the state level, there is still no law in place that requires employers to set up hybrid work schedules for parents or caregivers. During the pandemic, Long said, “there was no order that said ‘you must work from home.’ The order was that you are not to be out unless you’re performing essential services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is one state law that does allow employees to request accommodations, including working from home in very specific circumstances. In 1959, California passed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dor.ca.gov/Home/FairEmploymentAct\">Fair Employment and Housing Act (FEHA)\u003c/a>, which states that employers cannot discriminate against employees based on several factors, including a medical condition or a physical or mental disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being a parent or a caregiver, however, is not one of these factors — and “just getting your kid to and from school or needing child care in the afternoon, those are not accommodations,” Long said. (In San Francisco, however, employees who are parents or caregivers \u003cem>are \u003c/em>afforded some additional protections thanks to the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information--family-friendly-workplace-ordinance\">Family Friendly Workplace Ordinance [FFWO]\u003c/a> — more on that in the next section.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you do plan to request certain accommodations from your employer due to your health or disability, keep in mind that while your employer is not allowed to ask for a diagnosis, they can ask you for a medical note from your healthcare provider confirming that you have a disability and listing the ways in which it limits you. You can contact\u003ca href=\"https://www.dor.ca.gov/Home/FairEmploymentAct\"> California’s Department of Rehabilitation \u003c/a>to better understand which disabilities and health conditions are included under FEHA\u003ca href=\"https://www.dor.ca.gov/Home/FairEmploymentAct\">.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are granted accommodations under FEHA, Zheng said that your employer needs to make sure you will not be adversely impacted in the workplace as a result. Employees, she said, “should not get excluded from important projects or assignments and not be retaliated against because they have this reasonable accommodation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1989px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1989\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed.jpg 1989w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed-800x536.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed-1020x684.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed-1536x1029.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/bartnostrike20130804_qed-1920x1287.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1989px) 100vw, 1989px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bay Area Rapid Transit commuters stand on the platform as a train pulls into the Powell Street station in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>If you work in San Francisco, you may have more ability to push back against return-to-work mandates\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2022, San Francisco expanded its \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information--family-friendly-workplace-ordinance\">Family Friendly Workplace Ordinance\u003c/a> (FFWO), which sets up rules for SF-based employers with 20 or more employees. “The ordinance allows people to make requests of their employer to help them with parenting, family caregiving or caring for an older adult in their family,” said Katherine Wutchiett, senior staff attorney at Legal Aid at Work, a San Francisco-based legal aid office that offers services across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People can request things like adjusting their schedule to make it possible to do daycare pickup, or requesting to be on projects that have more predictable hours,” she said. “There’s not a set list of what people can ask for, but it’s just changes that would allow them to be able to take care of their family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2022-12/Family%20Friendly%20Workplace%20Poster%202022_0.pdf\">accommodations under FFWO\u003c/a>, you must:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>work in San Francisco, or be assigned to your employer’s San Francisco office (you don’t need to live in San Francisco);\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>work for a company that has at least 20 or more employees;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>work with this employer at least eight hours per week on a regular basis, for at least six months;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>be responsible for the care of either a child (your own or a child you’re a guardian of), a family member with a serious health condition, or a family member 65 or older.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You must submit the FFWO request for accommodations to your employer in writing. If you’re unsure how to get started, San Francisco city officials have created \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-02/FFWO%20Sample%20Request%20Form%20-%20August%202022%20%28English%29.pdf\">a sample FFWO form (PDF) \u003c/a>that you can complete yourself and submit to your employer.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Using the [sample] form can be a great way to make the request because there are some employers that don’t know that this law exists,” Wutchiett said. “It educates the employer that this is actually a San Francisco city ordinance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An employer \u003cem>can\u003c/em> deny your request, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2022-12/Family%20Friendly%20Workplace%20Poster%202022_0.pdf\">according to city notices (PDF)\u003c/a>, your employer can only deny your request once they have met with you to discuss alternatives — and they must also show that accommodating your request would cause them \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/reports--may-2023--reasonable-accommodation-policy\">“undue hardship.”\u003c/a> Your employer must provide you an explanation in writing and you have the right to file a complaint with the city’s Office of Labor Standards Enforcement (OLSE).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you believe that your employer has ignored your request — or is not following the terms of the FFWO — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information--contact-office-labor-standards-enforcement\">you can contact OLSE directly\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>You can still try to advocate for yourself in the face of an employer’s return-to-office announcement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you don’t work in San Francisco and aren’t therefore covered by the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information--family-friendly-workplace-ordinance\">Family Friendly Workplace Ordinance\u003c/a>, you frankly have fewer options available to push back against an employer who’s demanding that you come into the office more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even though it’s possible to still talk to your employer to propose alternatives, the legal experts KQED spoke to recommend that you exercise a degree of caution when trying this — to make sure you don’t accidentally jeopardize your job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People can certainly talk to their employer about standards and ask questions,” said Wutchiett from Legal Aid at Work. But, “they should be careful knowing that if they say to their employer, ‘I absolutely cannot come to work more than two days a week in person,’ and their employer wants to set a four day in-person requirement, that might make it difficult for them to continue in their job,” she warned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You also want to be proactive in initiating any conversation like this with your employer, recommended Zheng from Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight. “As soon as [employees] learn about the change in the in-office workday policy, they should start thinking about raising the accommodation request with the employer, and they need to do that as soon as possible,” she said. “They can’t be sitting on the policy for a long time and not say anything until the last minute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Make sure you know the right person to talk about your company’s policies, Zheng adds — whether that’s your direct supervisor or the human resources department — and then communicate with that person in writing, whether that’s email or text. If you end up having an in-person conversation, make sure to send an email or another type of written message to who you met — confirming what you discussed and potentially agreed to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That way it’s very clear as to who said what, and it’s really the best way for employees to protect themselves,” Zheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When talking to your employer, Wutchiett also suggests highlighting how remote working or a hybrid schedule has helped you become a more productive worker — ideally with concrete examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One thing we learned from the pandemic is that a lot of people are able to work really successfully from home,” she said. “Think through the ways that you’ve been successful over the last couple of years, how you’ve been able to accomplish your employer’s needs while still working from your home and being able to point out that in the ways it benefits both the employer and yourself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That can be a way to have a friendlier conversation about what that transition to go back might look like,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re planning to request for an accommodation under California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dor.ca.gov/Home/FairEmploymentAct\">Fair Employment and Housing Act\u003c/a> (FEHA), remember that there is a process both you and your employer must follow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you make that [FEHA] request, your employer has an obligation to engage in a good faith interactive process with you, to determine how they can accommodate you,” Wutchiett said. Employers are required to provide reasonable accommodations that would allow you to fulfill your essential functions at work, she explained, unless they can show that it would cause them “an undue hardship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>If you’re part of a union, check in with them about your employer’s return-to-office mandate ASAP\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to 2023 data from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center, 16.2% of working Californians form \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/California-Union-Membership-and-Coverage-2023-Chartboook.pdf\">part of a labor union (PDF)\u003c/a>. If you’re one of them, your union could well be an additional resource when talking with your employer about returning to the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is always important to seek out your shop steward, your union leadership, and try to get the help that they can provide for you,” said Lorena Gonzalez, president of the California Labor Federation. She adds that union leadership can walk you through the finer details of the collective bargaining agreement that exists between workers, the union and the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a collective bargaining agreement with your employer, it’s really important to know the conditions of it,” she said. “Some things were bargained for during and after COVID that have to be taken into consideration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unions and employers re-negotiate their collective bargaining agreements every few years and if negotiations are coming up at your workplace, remote working options could be something you tell your union that you’re interested in being considered for negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Returning to the office “absolutely something that could be collectively bargained,” Gonzalez said. “It’s usually up to the union and the membership of the union what the priorities are at the bargaining table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even if contract negotiations are not scheduled for the near future, she stressed the support that a union can offer its members in these kinds of labor matters. She points to the organizing and legal efforts led by SEIU Local 1000, which represents tens of thousands of state employees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.abc10.com/article/news/local/state-workers-protest-newsom-return-to-office-order/103-29575fa6-02d2-4d35-959c-872e2b8e05ec#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%2C%20Calif.,they%20call%20an%20unfair%20mandate.\">as they push back \u003c/a>against Gov. Newsom’s return-to-office mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we work collectively with the union, we’re able to have a much stronger voice,” Gonzalez said — “and we’re able to force employers to deal with issues that otherwise they would like to just mandate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>Tell us: How has a return-to-office mandate affected you?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Do you work for an employer that “went remote” during the height of the pandemic but has since requested that employees return to in-person work?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you’ve experienced a return-to-office mandate, we’d like to hear from you. How did having to work in the office more days a week affect your daily life, your family or your commute — and how do you feel about it all? What positive effects, if any, has returning to the office had for you, personally or professionally? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Also, if you feel like you’ve finally made in-person work for you again, we’d like to hear your advice. How would you recommend others adapt to the shift away from remote work and back to the office? And if you worked out an understanding with your employer concerning a return-to-office mandate, what strategies worked for you?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You can use the form below to share your thoughts with us, and what you tell us could be shared in a future KQED story. You don’t have to name your employer if you don’t want to, but it will be helpful to hear about when your employer began mandating more days in the office, where your office is based and where you live.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We may use any contact information you provide to get in touch with you to ask a few follow-up questions, but we’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission. We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeF6RelNW1w7veJkDblmQFXeX-eeH4PiQGGHdodqSbAWHmqfw/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeF6RelNW1w7veJkDblmQFXeX-eeH4PiQGGHdodqSbAWHmqfw/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "As California AG, Xavier Becerra Sued Trump 120 Times. Now He's Running for Governor",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/xavier-becerra\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, who as California attorney general was a constant legal antagonist of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> during his first term as president, announced on Wednesday that he’s running for governor in 2026 when term limits prevent Gavin Newsom from seeking a third term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra said he’s jumping in at a time when California is facing threats, including climate change, a housing affordability crisis and constant hostility from the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the place to be. This is the time to do it. It’s a ‘break glass moment’ and I think I bring the experiences to help build us out of this mess,” Becerra told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As President Joe Biden’s choice to be health secretary, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/department-of-health-and-human-services\">Becerra oversaw an agency\u003c/a> with a sprawling array of responsibilities, from protecting food and drug safety to managing the Medicare and Medicaid programs and helping to implement the nation’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi’s office confirmed the Trump administration will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033968/san-franciscos-hhs-office-close-federal-health-cuts-pelosi\">shut down San Francisco’s HHS office\u003c/a> this spring as thousands of layoffs begin amid widespread cuts to the federal health agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayra Alvarez, president at the Children’s Partnership, a statewide advocacy organization focused on child health equity, has worked with Becerra for nearly 20 years in Washington and Sacramento. She has not endorsed anyone in the race but said that as HHS Secretary Becerra played a critical role in strengthening the nation’s health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Becerra really took ownership of ensuring that laws like the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid were as strong as possible, particularly in the aftermath of the pandemic and coming out of the public health emergency,” Alvarez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11989201 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/060624-Ideas-Fest-Alex-Becerra-LV-CM-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra, who was California’s top law enforcement official when Biden nominated him, was not an obvious choice to run HHS, which has a fiscal year 2024 budget of $1.7 trillion, accounting for 25% of the nation’s entire federal spending. Although he helped implement the Biden administration’s COVID-19 policies, including vaccine distribution, Becerra was often in the background, especially compared with Dr. Anthony Fauci.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His biggest challenge is that he did not serve in a particularly high profile way during his time in Biden’s cabinet, so he’d come into this race with a decided name recognition disadvantage,” said Dan Schnur, a USC political communications professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, Schnur notes Becerra will benefit from his years as California’s AG.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During his time as attorney general, he got to know a lot of people statewide and a lot of different constituencies so his base might be less demographic and geographic than it is ideological,” Schnur said, adding Becerra’s true strength won’t be known until former Vice President Kamala Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026900/could-kamala-harris-shake-up-californias-governor-race-democrats-weigh-in\">decides if she’s running\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra said he’s in the race no matter who else jumps in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve put my sneakers on the starting block, and I’m in,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra, 67, is leaning on his resume in hopes of distinguishing himself from a growing field of Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I think I bring to this position as governor that no other candidate can is the executive experience of having been in the heat of this — in the kitchen at the hottest point — and having to deliver results,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beccera, who sued the Trump administration 120 times as attorney general, often successfully, enters a crowded Democratic field with Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis, former Rep. Katie Porter, former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, former state legislative leader Toni Atkins and state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond. Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a conservative Republican, has also declared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris, who returned to California when Trump was sworn in, has said she’ll decide whether to run by the end of summer. Becerra isn’t waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s California’s time to rise, and it makes no difference to me how many people are in the race. For me, the competition is — can I get to enough people to explain how my experience and my gut are going to serve as well as governor,” Beccera said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, Becerra said he didn’t necessarily have any “big ideas” to set him apart from the other candidates, saying he’s offering leadership that is prepared, focused and measured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when many Democrats say they want a fighter who will stand up against Republicans, Becerra acknowledges he’s not the type of politician who gives stem-winder speeches or creates viral moments on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am who I am. I’ve had pretty decent success being authentic. That’s not going to change,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While not mentioning Robert F. Kennedy Jr. by name, Becerra faulted his successor as HHS secretary for not getting on top of the current measles outbreak, blaming it on a lack of preparation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we can’t afford are man-made disasters where you fire people simply because they’re workers for the federal government, or you stop doing cancer research simply because you don’t like the NIH,” Beccera said, referring to the National Institutes of Health. “The reality is, it’s California’s time to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must rise to this challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/xavier-becerra\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, who as California attorney general was a constant legal antagonist of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> during his first term as president, announced on Wednesday that he’s running for governor in 2026 when term limits prevent Gavin Newsom from seeking a third term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra said he’s jumping in at a time when California is facing threats, including climate change, a housing affordability crisis and constant hostility from the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the place to be. This is the time to do it. It’s a ‘break glass moment’ and I think I bring the experiences to help build us out of this mess,” Becerra told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As President Joe Biden’s choice to be health secretary, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/department-of-health-and-human-services\">Becerra oversaw an agency\u003c/a> with a sprawling array of responsibilities, from protecting food and drug safety to managing the Medicare and Medicaid programs and helping to implement the nation’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi’s office confirmed the Trump administration will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033968/san-franciscos-hhs-office-close-federal-health-cuts-pelosi\">shut down San Francisco’s HHS office\u003c/a> this spring as thousands of layoffs begin amid widespread cuts to the federal health agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayra Alvarez, president at the Children’s Partnership, a statewide advocacy organization focused on child health equity, has worked with Becerra for nearly 20 years in Washington and Sacramento. She has not endorsed anyone in the race but said that as HHS Secretary Becerra played a critical role in strengthening the nation’s health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Becerra really took ownership of ensuring that laws like the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid were as strong as possible, particularly in the aftermath of the pandemic and coming out of the public health emergency,” Alvarez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra, who was California’s top law enforcement official when Biden nominated him, was not an obvious choice to run HHS, which has a fiscal year 2024 budget of $1.7 trillion, accounting for 25% of the nation’s entire federal spending. Although he helped implement the Biden administration’s COVID-19 policies, including vaccine distribution, Becerra was often in the background, especially compared with Dr. Anthony Fauci.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His biggest challenge is that he did not serve in a particularly high profile way during his time in Biden’s cabinet, so he’d come into this race with a decided name recognition disadvantage,” said Dan Schnur, a USC political communications professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, Schnur notes Becerra will benefit from his years as California’s AG.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During his time as attorney general, he got to know a lot of people statewide and a lot of different constituencies so his base might be less demographic and geographic than it is ideological,” Schnur said, adding Becerra’s true strength won’t be known until former Vice President Kamala Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026900/could-kamala-harris-shake-up-californias-governor-race-democrats-weigh-in\">decides if she’s running\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra said he’s in the race no matter who else jumps in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve put my sneakers on the starting block, and I’m in,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra, 67, is leaning on his resume in hopes of distinguishing himself from a growing field of Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I think I bring to this position as governor that no other candidate can is the executive experience of having been in the heat of this — in the kitchen at the hottest point — and having to deliver results,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beccera, who sued the Trump administration 120 times as attorney general, often successfully, enters a crowded Democratic field with Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis, former Rep. Katie Porter, former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, former state legislative leader Toni Atkins and state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond. Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a conservative Republican, has also declared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris, who returned to California when Trump was sworn in, has said she’ll decide whether to run by the end of summer. Becerra isn’t waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s California’s time to rise, and it makes no difference to me how many people are in the race. For me, the competition is — can I get to enough people to explain how my experience and my gut are going to serve as well as governor,” Beccera said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, Becerra said he didn’t necessarily have any “big ideas” to set him apart from the other candidates, saying he’s offering leadership that is prepared, focused and measured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when many Democrats say they want a fighter who will stand up against Republicans, Becerra acknowledges he’s not the type of politician who gives stem-winder speeches or creates viral moments on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am who I am. I’ve had pretty decent success being authentic. That’s not going to change,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While not mentioning Robert F. Kennedy Jr. by name, Becerra faulted his successor as HHS secretary for not getting on top of the current measles outbreak, blaming it on a lack of preparation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we can’t afford are man-made disasters where you fire people simply because they’re workers for the federal government, or you stop doing cancer research simply because you don’t like the NIH,” Beccera said, referring to the National Institutes of Health. “The reality is, it’s California’s time to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must rise to this challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 100 LGBTQ+ rights activists and community members marched in Kentfield, the Marin County community where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> recently purchased a new home, on Monday as part of International Transgender Day of Visibility, which highlights discrimination faced by trans people worldwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates are calling on state leaders to reaffirm their commitment to the transgender community following recent attacks from the Trump administration and Newsom. The governor split with fellow Democrats earlier this month, describing the party’s progressive politics as “toxic” and the participation of transgender athletes in female sports “deeply unfair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants held signs that read “Let Trans Kids Play” and “Do Better Newsom,” a reference to Newsom’s comments about the trans community on his new podcast. In a friendly interview with conservative talk show host Charlie Kirk in early March, Newsom appeared to agree with Kirk regarding the fairness of transgender athletes participating in women’s sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conversation frustrated state Democrats and LGBTQ advocacy groups who saw Newsom’s failure to push back as an acquiescence to conservative attacks on trans youth and athletes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033881\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033881\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Parents, children and supporters march to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s home in Kentfield in support of trans youth on March 31, 2025. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom “has been a huge ally and advocate for so many years,” said Sister Shalita Corndog, an activist with the nonprofit Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence, San Francisco’s famed drag troupe. “We are all just shocked and confused and devastated about what happened in his interview… wondering why he’s not more explicitly in favor of and supportive of people like us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump\u003c/a> passed an executive order seeking to bar transgender athletes from women’s athletics. Several conservative states, including Florida and Texas, already prohibit trans students from participating in teams that align with their gender identity, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026189/transgender-athletes-face-new-hurdles-as-ncaa-adopts-stricter-policy-citing-trump-order\">the NCAA changed its participation policy\u003c/a> to align with Trump’s directives shortly after it was passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when we are seeing legislators attempt to undermine everything from marriage equality to the existence of trans people to LGBTQ+ rights in the workplace, we need our allies to step up and speak out,” the Human Rights Campaign said in a statement. “This is not a moment to sit politely in the face of authoritarian bullies or throw people under the bus for political posturing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033886\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033886\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police in front of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s home in Kentfield on March 31, 2025. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Janna Barkin, an author and trans rights advocate who participated in Monday’s march, said Newsom has been at the forefront of the LGBTQ movement in California for decades, making his recent about-face even more disheartening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want our local representatives, our California representatives, to stand strong and make public statements, press conferences and letters to constituents stating that they’re unwavering in their commitment to the trans community and transgender rights,” Barkin said.[aside postID=news_12033501 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250326_SFBarber_GC-15_qed.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, advocacy groups have worked with legislators to push for bills reaffirming the state’s support for the trans community, said Amy Wrena, an organizer with nonprofit Rainbow Families Action Group. Representatives such as state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) have introduced bills that would defend transgender workers from discrimination and protect trans access to health care, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We plan to celebrate and to show that trans people are here,” Barkin told KQED. “They’re beautiful parts of our community and we’re here to be joyful and celebratory and visible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march to Newsom’s home ended in a dance party as Lady Gaga’s “Born this Way” and Chappell Roan’s “Pink Pony Club” played. The demonstration ended peacefully after law enforcement arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/dventon\">Danielle Venton\u003c/a> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 100 LGBTQ+ rights activists and community members marched in Kentfield, the Marin County community where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> recently purchased a new home, on Monday as part of International Transgender Day of Visibility, which highlights discrimination faced by trans people worldwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates are calling on state leaders to reaffirm their commitment to the transgender community following recent attacks from the Trump administration and Newsom. The governor split with fellow Democrats earlier this month, describing the party’s progressive politics as “toxic” and the participation of transgender athletes in female sports “deeply unfair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants held signs that read “Let Trans Kids Play” and “Do Better Newsom,” a reference to Newsom’s comments about the trans community on his new podcast. In a friendly interview with conservative talk show host Charlie Kirk in early March, Newsom appeared to agree with Kirk regarding the fairness of transgender athletes participating in women’s sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conversation frustrated state Democrats and LGBTQ advocacy groups who saw Newsom’s failure to push back as an acquiescence to conservative attacks on trans youth and athletes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033881\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033881\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-02-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Parents, children and supporters march to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s home in Kentfield in support of trans youth on March 31, 2025. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom “has been a huge ally and advocate for so many years,” said Sister Shalita Corndog, an activist with the nonprofit Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence, San Francisco’s famed drag troupe. “We are all just shocked and confused and devastated about what happened in his interview… wondering why he’s not more explicitly in favor of and supportive of people like us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump\u003c/a> passed an executive order seeking to bar transgender athletes from women’s athletics. Several conservative states, including Florida and Texas, already prohibit trans students from participating in teams that align with their gender identity, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026189/transgender-athletes-face-new-hurdles-as-ncaa-adopts-stricter-policy-citing-trump-order\">the NCAA changed its participation policy\u003c/a> to align with Trump’s directives shortly after it was passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when we are seeing legislators attempt to undermine everything from marriage equality to the existence of trans people to LGBTQ+ rights in the workplace, we need our allies to step up and speak out,” the Human Rights Campaign said in a statement. “This is not a moment to sit politely in the face of authoritarian bullies or throw people under the bus for political posturing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033886\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033886\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-07-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police in front of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s home in Kentfield on March 31, 2025. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Janna Barkin, an author and trans rights advocate who participated in Monday’s march, said Newsom has been at the forefront of the LGBTQ movement in California for decades, making his recent about-face even more disheartening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want our local representatives, our California representatives, to stand strong and make public statements, press conferences and letters to constituents stating that they’re unwavering in their commitment to the trans community and transgender rights,” Barkin said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, advocacy groups have worked with legislators to push for bills reaffirming the state’s support for the trans community, said Amy Wrena, an organizer with nonprofit Rainbow Families Action Group. Representatives such as state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) have introduced bills that would defend transgender workers from discrimination and protect trans access to health care, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We plan to celebrate and to show that trans people are here,” Barkin told KQED. “They’re beautiful parts of our community and we’re here to be joyful and celebratory and visible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march to Newsom’s home ended in a dance party as Lady Gaga’s “Born this Way” and Chappell Roan’s “Pink Pony Club” played. The demonstration ended peacefully after law enforcement arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/dventon\">Danielle Venton\u003c/a> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Gov. Gavin Newsom launched his new podcast last month, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2025/02/26/gavin-newsom-podcast-maga-00206153\">touted it as an opportunity\u003c/a> to understand the MAGA movement’s motivations and figure out a path forward for Democrats after the party’s bruising losses in the 2024 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the early response has predominantly been bewilderment — from supporters, critics and the public alike — as listeners struggle to make sense of Newsom’s intentions, his political evolution and what the show signals for his leadership of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s about-face from leading critic of President Donald Trump to MAGA-curious pundit comes at a critical moment for the state, as California \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/01/california-trump-lawsuits/\">launches legal battles against Trump administration policies\u003c/a> and faces potentially hundreds of billions of dollars in federal funding cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have dismissed Newsom’s concerted shift to the center on some issues as disingenuous and \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/AsmRepublicans/status/1902043977819549976\">roasted him\u003c/a> for diverting his attention away from solving the state’s problems. Even many allies who applaud Newsom for reaching across the ideological aisle were troubled by his early guests and how the governor boosted their ultraconservative views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Sacramento, legislators and advocates are scratching their heads. If the podcast is, as insiders widely suspect, Newsom’s attempt to redefine himself ahead of a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/11/gavin-newsom-trump-president/\">long-anticipated presidential bid\u003c/a>, then what does a renewed focus on the national stage mean for the remaining two years of his governorship?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quite frankly, we’re all asking those questions,” said state Sen. Ben Allen, a Santa Monica Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen pushed for a limit on single-use plastics in California that Newsom signed into law in 2022 — before scrapping rules to put the law into effect right before the final deadline this month, citing cost concerns, and telling regulators to start over. Environmentalists fumed that the governor was \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/environment/story/2025-03-07/newsom-fails-to-greenlight-landmark-plastic-legislation\">bowing to industry pressure\u003c/a> after an election in which affordability was at the forefront of voters’ minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people are trying to figure out what’s going on,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The governor’s mixed messages\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom gave \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/02/gavin-newsom-la-fires-test/\">nearly all his attention\u003c/a> in the first part of the year to the response and recovery from the devastating wildfires that burned through Los Angeles County in early January. Despite initially proclaiming last fall that he would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/11/gavin-newsom-special-session-trump-resistance/\">again lead the resistance\u003c/a> to Trump, national politics took a backseat as the governor \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/01/trump-la-fires-newsom/\">navigated their complex relationship\u003c/a> to lobby for federal disaster aid, which California has not yet secured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom seemed to flip a switch in late February with the podcast launch. Since then, the governor has not held any public events or press conferences, allowing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.iheartmedia.com/press/iheartpodcasts-and-california-governor-gavin-newsom-announce-new-solo-podcast-gavin-newsom\">four episodes of his show\u003c/a> released so far to drive his messaging almost completely, though he has also waded back into denouncing federal Republicans on social media.[aside postID=news_12026230 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/102425-Newsom-Trump-LA-Fires-AP-CM-03-copy-1020x681.jpg']That has created a conundrum for those trying to understand how what Newsom says in these casual conversations may translate to his day job running the biggest state in the country. When his remarks generate headlines — as they did during the controversial first episode featuring the Trump-aligned activist Charlie Kirk, where Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/03/newsom-transgender-athletes/\">called it “deeply unfair”\u003c/a> for transgender athletes to participate in girls’ sports — his office refuses to clarify his positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to far-right former Trump adviser Steve Bannon on the third episode last week about the president’s foreign trade strategy, Newsom said he was “not an absolutist as it relates to being against tariffs,” just days after the governor put out a statement that “tariffs are nothing more than a tax on hardworking American families.” Spokesperson Izzy Gardon would not explain when Newsom supported the use of tariffs, directing CalMatters back to his comments on the podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cornered by reporters at the Capitol this week, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/ZavalaA/status/1902175222805172244\">dodged questions\u003c/a> about whether he supported Republican-led legislation that would ban transgender women and girls from competitive sports in California. “I haven’t seen any bills,” he repeatedly said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shifting tone and positions without explanation has undermined Democrats’ trust, said Anthony Rendon, who was Assembly speaker when Newsom took office during Trump’s first term promising to make California a bulwark against the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rendon, who termed out of the Legislature last year, said he talks to former colleagues who now wonder whether they should strategically shift their priorities so that they don’t waste time on measures that Newsom will simply veto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re mystified,” he said. “‘WTF’ is the most common text message I get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Uncertainty in Sacramento\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many lawmakers, not wanting to damage their relationships with the man who ultimately decides the fate of their agendas, are loath to speak publicly about the governor’s podcast. Those who will can be painstakingly diplomatic, emphasizing that they remain committed to their own work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just have to remain focused. The outside noise to me is neither here nor there,” said Sen. Lena Gonzalez, a Long Beach Democrat who serves as the Senate majority leader. “Sometimes words are just words, and I’m hoping that that’s where it stays.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the most progressive lawmakers at the Capitol have spoken out against Newsom’s choice of guests and his comments about transgender athletes, but they have largely separated those complaints from the governor himself, whom they characterize as an ally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Ash Kalra, a San José Democrat, said there is too much focus on what the governor is doing as the Trump administration challenges democracy itself. He said it was not helpful for Democrats to go after each other when they should be fighting the Republicans in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that every Democrat right now should be ringing the alarm as to the constitutional crisis that we’re having, and anything that detracts from that I think minimizes the dangerous place we’re in as a nation,” Kalra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many Democrats, Allen complimented Newsom for “talking to people from different perspectives in different parts of the country” as the party tries to make sense of Trump’s victory in November. But Allen said he didn’t want Democrats to take the wrong lessons from the 2024 election and be afraid to assert their values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that some of the people who have been on his show have been a little fringe,” Allen said. “I worry that they may be anchoring the conversation in a way that’s counterproductive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1023px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/092823-Newsom-Fast-Food-Bill-AJ-CM-29-1024x682-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1023\" height=\"682\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/092823-Newsom-Fast-Food-Bill-AJ-CM-29-1024x682-copy.jpg 1023w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/092823-Newsom-Fast-Food-Bill-AJ-CM-29-1024x682-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/092823-Newsom-Fast-Food-Bill-AJ-CM-29-1024x682-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/092823-Newsom-Fast-Food-Bill-AJ-CM-29-1024x682-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1023px) 100vw, 1023px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom addresses media after signing legislation in Los Angeles on Sept. 28, 2023. \u003ccite>(Alisha Jucevic for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Listeners confused and distraught\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Listeners have been equally perplexed. Voter data expert Paul Mitchell \u003ca href=\"https://capitolweekly.net/ca-120-gavins-podcast-presidential-run-or-empire-building/\">surveyed 1,000 Californians\u003c/a> before and after the first episode of the podcast dropped and found a tangle of conflicting responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked to watch three snippets of Newsom’s conversation with Kirk, nearly a quarter of respondents said they viewed the governor as more moderate, but twice as many people said the podcast harmed their perception of Newsom as improved it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the short-term, wow, Republicans are not convinced and Democrats are not pleased,” Mitchell said, pointing to hundreds of \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/1f1d8h51nchuutsnwc87z/Newsom-All-Open-Ended-Comments-on-Podcast-Clips.pdf?rlkey=qdu127y2esukydobenkk1i5ru&e=1&dl=0\">open-ended comments\u003c/a> from the survey in which conservatives largely expressed suspicion of Newsom’s intentions and liberals felt betrayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell also tracked a drop in the governor’s approval rating, from 52% to 47%. But since the launch, positive and negative sentiments about the podcast have dropped while neutral sentiment has nearly doubled — with political independents seeming more receptive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That could be voters kind of cracking the door open,” Mitchell said. “If he’s trying to get away from the Gavin Newsom caricature, then that might be something he’s doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet a true political reinvention, one that could reshape the arc of his career, is a long-term project, for better or worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liberal donors and activists who backed Newsom in the past were shaken by the early episodes, which also saw the governor brush past comments that the 2020 election was stolen from Trump \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/akoseff/status/1899850041977942505\">without any debate\u003c/a> as he cozied up to figures who have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/15/us/politics/charlie-kirk-rnc-antisemitism.html\">accused of antisemitism\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/steve-bannon-cpac-nazi-salute-gesture-wave-43a06de6184fe58940c8ae3d743bc6ba\">doing a Nazi salute\u003c/a>. Movie star Jane Fonda \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/yasharali/reel/DHMJho5SR3w/\">compared Newsom\u003c/a> to the former UK Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, known for appeasing Adolf Hitler’s early territorial annexations to avoid war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ludovic Blain, executive director of the progressive donor network California Donor Table, slammed Newsom for “capitulating to authoritarians,” even as he expressed hope that the governor would grow a stronger backbone and defend civil rights as the podcast continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s turning the Democratic Party into one that stands for nothing,” Blain said. “We do expect Gavin to be better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I don’t think this podcast is gonna help him’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>And if Newsom is going to persuade the public that he’s got bipartisan appeal and is electable in purple states, that day still looked far away at the recent California Republican Party convention in Sacramento. Attendees — even the young men whose drift to Trump in 2024 has convinced Democrats that podcasts are the future — were not buying the governor’s transformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He hasn’t done anything to build any trust. And I don’t think this podcast is gonna help him,” said Topher Hall, a 25-year-old college student from El Dorado County wearing a Make America Great Again \u003cem>Again\u003c/em> sweatshirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hall said he had watched clips from the podcast on Kirk’s social media and felt that Newsom was merely trying to use the large established audiences of his conservative guests to build his own platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After growing up apolitical in the liberal Bay Area, Hall said he was drawn to the Republican Party in recent years by its stances in favor of gun rights and against transgender athletes. But Newsom’s comments about the latter had struck him as opportunistic flip-flopping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s kind of a slick politician. I think he’s like the used car salesman of politics. I think he’s just Hollywood,” Hall said. “He’s just a sellout.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Rutan, a 60-year-old retired educator from Fullerton, said Newsom lost her completely with his dictatorial lockdowns during the coronavirus pandemic. But she listened to his conversations with Kirk and Bannon, curious what they would say to him — and whether the governor would actually take their advice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was frustrated that he had not, calling Newsom’s engagement with the conservative activists “so disingenuous” and the “wrong priority” following the Los Angeles fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your place is the governor. You have a job to do and now you just want to sit on a chair and act like you’re buddies with people?” said Rutan, who sported a bedazzled red-white-and-blue elephant pin. “You have people in the state you need to take care of. Why aren’t you doing your job? And that’s what I’m most annoyed with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/03/gavin-newsom-podcast-politics/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Gov. Gavin Newsom launched his new podcast last month, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2025/02/26/gavin-newsom-podcast-maga-00206153\">touted it as an opportunity\u003c/a> to understand the MAGA movement’s motivations and figure out a path forward for Democrats after the party’s bruising losses in the 2024 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the early response has predominantly been bewilderment — from supporters, critics and the public alike — as listeners struggle to make sense of Newsom’s intentions, his political evolution and what the show signals for his leadership of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s about-face from leading critic of President Donald Trump to MAGA-curious pundit comes at a critical moment for the state, as California \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/01/california-trump-lawsuits/\">launches legal battles against Trump administration policies\u003c/a> and faces potentially hundreds of billions of dollars in federal funding cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have dismissed Newsom’s concerted shift to the center on some issues as disingenuous and \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/AsmRepublicans/status/1902043977819549976\">roasted him\u003c/a> for diverting his attention away from solving the state’s problems. Even many allies who applaud Newsom for reaching across the ideological aisle were troubled by his early guests and how the governor boosted their ultraconservative views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Sacramento, legislators and advocates are scratching their heads. If the podcast is, as insiders widely suspect, Newsom’s attempt to redefine himself ahead of a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/11/gavin-newsom-trump-president/\">long-anticipated presidential bid\u003c/a>, then what does a renewed focus on the national stage mean for the remaining two years of his governorship?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quite frankly, we’re all asking those questions,” said state Sen. Ben Allen, a Santa Monica Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen pushed for a limit on single-use plastics in California that Newsom signed into law in 2022 — before scrapping rules to put the law into effect right before the final deadline this month, citing cost concerns, and telling regulators to start over. Environmentalists fumed that the governor was \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/environment/story/2025-03-07/newsom-fails-to-greenlight-landmark-plastic-legislation\">bowing to industry pressure\u003c/a> after an election in which affordability was at the forefront of voters’ minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people are trying to figure out what’s going on,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The governor’s mixed messages\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom gave \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/02/gavin-newsom-la-fires-test/\">nearly all his attention\u003c/a> in the first part of the year to the response and recovery from the devastating wildfires that burned through Los Angeles County in early January. Despite initially proclaiming last fall that he would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/11/gavin-newsom-special-session-trump-resistance/\">again lead the resistance\u003c/a> to Trump, national politics took a backseat as the governor \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/01/trump-la-fires-newsom/\">navigated their complex relationship\u003c/a> to lobby for federal disaster aid, which California has not yet secured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom seemed to flip a switch in late February with the podcast launch. Since then, the governor has not held any public events or press conferences, allowing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.iheartmedia.com/press/iheartpodcasts-and-california-governor-gavin-newsom-announce-new-solo-podcast-gavin-newsom\">four episodes of his show\u003c/a> released so far to drive his messaging almost completely, though he has also waded back into denouncing federal Republicans on social media.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That has created a conundrum for those trying to understand how what Newsom says in these casual conversations may translate to his day job running the biggest state in the country. When his remarks generate headlines — as they did during the controversial first episode featuring the Trump-aligned activist Charlie Kirk, where Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/03/newsom-transgender-athletes/\">called it “deeply unfair”\u003c/a> for transgender athletes to participate in girls’ sports — his office refuses to clarify his positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to far-right former Trump adviser Steve Bannon on the third episode last week about the president’s foreign trade strategy, Newsom said he was “not an absolutist as it relates to being against tariffs,” just days after the governor put out a statement that “tariffs are nothing more than a tax on hardworking American families.” Spokesperson Izzy Gardon would not explain when Newsom supported the use of tariffs, directing CalMatters back to his comments on the podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cornered by reporters at the Capitol this week, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/ZavalaA/status/1902175222805172244\">dodged questions\u003c/a> about whether he supported Republican-led legislation that would ban transgender women and girls from competitive sports in California. “I haven’t seen any bills,” he repeatedly said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shifting tone and positions without explanation has undermined Democrats’ trust, said Anthony Rendon, who was Assembly speaker when Newsom took office during Trump’s first term promising to make California a bulwark against the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rendon, who termed out of the Legislature last year, said he talks to former colleagues who now wonder whether they should strategically shift their priorities so that they don’t waste time on measures that Newsom will simply veto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re mystified,” he said. “‘WTF’ is the most common text message I get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Uncertainty in Sacramento\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many lawmakers, not wanting to damage their relationships with the man who ultimately decides the fate of their agendas, are loath to speak publicly about the governor’s podcast. Those who will can be painstakingly diplomatic, emphasizing that they remain committed to their own work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just have to remain focused. The outside noise to me is neither here nor there,” said Sen. Lena Gonzalez, a Long Beach Democrat who serves as the Senate majority leader. “Sometimes words are just words, and I’m hoping that that’s where it stays.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the most progressive lawmakers at the Capitol have spoken out against Newsom’s choice of guests and his comments about transgender athletes, but they have largely separated those complaints from the governor himself, whom they characterize as an ally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Ash Kalra, a San José Democrat, said there is too much focus on what the governor is doing as the Trump administration challenges democracy itself. He said it was not helpful for Democrats to go after each other when they should be fighting the Republicans in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that every Democrat right now should be ringing the alarm as to the constitutional crisis that we’re having, and anything that detracts from that I think minimizes the dangerous place we’re in as a nation,” Kalra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many Democrats, Allen complimented Newsom for “talking to people from different perspectives in different parts of the country” as the party tries to make sense of Trump’s victory in November. But Allen said he didn’t want Democrats to take the wrong lessons from the 2024 election and be afraid to assert their values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that some of the people who have been on his show have been a little fringe,” Allen said. “I worry that they may be anchoring the conversation in a way that’s counterproductive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1023px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/092823-Newsom-Fast-Food-Bill-AJ-CM-29-1024x682-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1023\" height=\"682\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/092823-Newsom-Fast-Food-Bill-AJ-CM-29-1024x682-copy.jpg 1023w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/092823-Newsom-Fast-Food-Bill-AJ-CM-29-1024x682-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/092823-Newsom-Fast-Food-Bill-AJ-CM-29-1024x682-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/092823-Newsom-Fast-Food-Bill-AJ-CM-29-1024x682-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1023px) 100vw, 1023px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom addresses media after signing legislation in Los Angeles on Sept. 28, 2023. \u003ccite>(Alisha Jucevic for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Listeners confused and distraught\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Listeners have been equally perplexed. Voter data expert Paul Mitchell \u003ca href=\"https://capitolweekly.net/ca-120-gavins-podcast-presidential-run-or-empire-building/\">surveyed 1,000 Californians\u003c/a> before and after the first episode of the podcast dropped and found a tangle of conflicting responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked to watch three snippets of Newsom’s conversation with Kirk, nearly a quarter of respondents said they viewed the governor as more moderate, but twice as many people said the podcast harmed their perception of Newsom as improved it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the short-term, wow, Republicans are not convinced and Democrats are not pleased,” Mitchell said, pointing to hundreds of \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/1f1d8h51nchuutsnwc87z/Newsom-All-Open-Ended-Comments-on-Podcast-Clips.pdf?rlkey=qdu127y2esukydobenkk1i5ru&e=1&dl=0\">open-ended comments\u003c/a> from the survey in which conservatives largely expressed suspicion of Newsom’s intentions and liberals felt betrayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell also tracked a drop in the governor’s approval rating, from 52% to 47%. But since the launch, positive and negative sentiments about the podcast have dropped while neutral sentiment has nearly doubled — with political independents seeming more receptive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That could be voters kind of cracking the door open,” Mitchell said. “If he’s trying to get away from the Gavin Newsom caricature, then that might be something he’s doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet a true political reinvention, one that could reshape the arc of his career, is a long-term project, for better or worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liberal donors and activists who backed Newsom in the past were shaken by the early episodes, which also saw the governor brush past comments that the 2020 election was stolen from Trump \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/akoseff/status/1899850041977942505\">without any debate\u003c/a> as he cozied up to figures who have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/15/us/politics/charlie-kirk-rnc-antisemitism.html\">accused of antisemitism\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/steve-bannon-cpac-nazi-salute-gesture-wave-43a06de6184fe58940c8ae3d743bc6ba\">doing a Nazi salute\u003c/a>. Movie star Jane Fonda \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/yasharali/reel/DHMJho5SR3w/\">compared Newsom\u003c/a> to the former UK Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, known for appeasing Adolf Hitler’s early territorial annexations to avoid war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ludovic Blain, executive director of the progressive donor network California Donor Table, slammed Newsom for “capitulating to authoritarians,” even as he expressed hope that the governor would grow a stronger backbone and defend civil rights as the podcast continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s turning the Democratic Party into one that stands for nothing,” Blain said. “We do expect Gavin to be better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I don’t think this podcast is gonna help him’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>And if Newsom is going to persuade the public that he’s got bipartisan appeal and is electable in purple states, that day still looked far away at the recent California Republican Party convention in Sacramento. Attendees — even the young men whose drift to Trump in 2024 has convinced Democrats that podcasts are the future — were not buying the governor’s transformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He hasn’t done anything to build any trust. And I don’t think this podcast is gonna help him,” said Topher Hall, a 25-year-old college student from El Dorado County wearing a Make America Great Again \u003cem>Again\u003c/em> sweatshirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hall said he had watched clips from the podcast on Kirk’s social media and felt that Newsom was merely trying to use the large established audiences of his conservative guests to build his own platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After growing up apolitical in the liberal Bay Area, Hall said he was drawn to the Republican Party in recent years by its stances in favor of gun rights and against transgender athletes. But Newsom’s comments about the latter had struck him as opportunistic flip-flopping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s kind of a slick politician. I think he’s like the used car salesman of politics. I think he’s just Hollywood,” Hall said. “He’s just a sellout.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Rutan, a 60-year-old retired educator from Fullerton, said Newsom lost her completely with his dictatorial lockdowns during the coronavirus pandemic. But she listened to his conversations with Kirk and Bannon, curious what they would say to him — and whether the governor would actually take their advice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was frustrated that he had not, calling Newsom’s engagement with the conservative activists “so disingenuous” and the “wrong priority” following the Los Angeles fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your place is the governor. You have a job to do and now you just want to sit on a chair and act like you’re buddies with people?” said Rutan, who sported a bedazzled red-white-and-blue elephant pin. “You have people in the state you need to take care of. Why aren’t you doing your job? And that’s what I’m most annoyed with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/03/gavin-newsom-podcast-politics/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "legal-showdown-over-sanctuary-laws-tests-federal-vs-state-power-again",
"title": "Legal Showdown Over Sanctuary Laws Tests Federal vs. State Power Again",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">President Donald Trump\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> has made no secret of his disdain for sanctuary laws, but the first time he was president, his administration repeatedly ended up on the losing side of legal cases over whether states, cities and counties can be forced to participate in immigration enforcement.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2017, courts of appeals \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/11/21/565678707/enter-title\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">sided\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> with San Francisco and Santa Clara counties, as well as the city of Chicago, in two cases challenging Trump’s attempts to withhold federal law enforcement funds from sanctuary jurisdictions. An appeals court also \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/2020/06/court-turns-down-governments-sanctuary-state-petition/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ruled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that California’s statewide sanctuary law was legal in a suit brought by the Trump administration. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, none of the cases went to the U.S. Supreme Court. Eight years later, the legal battle is being reprised. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties, along with 14 other jurisdictions, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026179/san-francisco-leads-lawsuit-against-trumps-threats-to-punish-sanctuary-cities\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">are suing again\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> over Trump’s expanded order to strip sanctuary jurisdictions of all federal funding, not just law enforcement grants. The Trump administration has filed two lawsuits — one against the state of Illinois and one against the state of New York — over laws limiting cooperation with federal immigration enforcement officials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Trump and the Department of Justice are also threatening to investigate and prosecute state and local officials who impede or interfere with the enforcement of federal immigration laws. Defenders of sanctuary laws argue that they do not obstruct immigration enforcement but simply prevent local police from carrying out the federal government’s responsibilities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is the federal government coercing local officials to bend to their will or face defunding or prosecution and that is illegal,” San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu said as he introduced the latest San Francisco lawsuit last month. “Last I checked, we still live in a democracy under the rule of law.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At issue are decades-old policies that supporters say encourage immigrant communities to cooperate with police, as well as fundamental disagreements over the separation of powers between federal and state governments.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Backers of sanctuary laws say they exist to enhance public safety and they point to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.2014673117\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">studies\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> showing no negative effects on crime rates. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We are striving to create a culture of trust and security within our communities so that our residents know that they can come to the county when they are in need,” Santa Clara County Counsel Tony LoPresti said. “That includes feeling safe, coming to local law enforcement to report crimes or to participate in investigations without fearing that they or their loved ones face deportation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">LoPresti and other local officials argue that immigration enforcement is the purview of the federal government and that state and local officials cannot be forced or coerced into doing that job. Chiu said the purpose of sanctuary laws is not to interfere with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024430\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024430\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of elected and public safety officials, labor leaders, and community members fill the steps in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, during a press conference to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“ICE agents can come to all of our cities and states and enforce immigration law lawfully,” Chiu said. “What we are saying is under the Constitution, under the law, immigration enforcement is squarely a responsibility of the federal government, not a responsibility of state and local government … and we have a right to use our scarce law enforcement resources to actually solve crimes and promote public safety, not to be forced to have our law enforcement officers commandeered as ICE agents.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Critics maintain sanctuary laws make people less safe.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The main objection that I have to sanctuary policies is that they undermine public safety because they inevitably result in criminal aliens that ICE is trying to take custody of for removal being released back into the community,” said Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, which advocates for less immigration into the U.S.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12030930 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250312-RICHMOND-CITY-HALL-MD-02-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vaughan was referring to the limits sanctuary policies place on prison and jail officials’ ability to communicate with ICE about people in their custody. While federal officials are automatically notified about every inmate booked into a jail or prison and sent their fingerprints, many sanctuary policies prohibit local and state officials from cooperating further, such as by providing a release date or holding someone in custody beyond that release date for ICE.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“ICE isn’t asking [local officials] to enforce immigration laws,” Vaughan said. “They’re asking them to give the kind of cooperation that these local agencies would give to any other — and every other — law enforcement agency.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vaughan rejects the argument that immigration communities will be scared to come forward and report crimes in the absence of sanctuary policies, saying federal surveys of victims show immigrants are actually \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://cis.org/Report/Are-Immigrants-Less-Willing-Report-Crime\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more likely than citizens\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to report crimes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, the legal cases do not focus on public safety; they largely center on how much power the federal government has to compel state and local governments to act — or to punish them for refusing to comply.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Liberal and conservative scholars agree that the Tenth Amendment of the Constitution, which divides power between the federal and state governments, offers sanctuary jurisdictions some legal protection.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12024757 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People wait in line to register and enter an informational session about immigration services at Willow Cove Elementary in Pittsburg, California, on Jan. 29, 2025. More than 300 people attended the event organized by Stand Together Contra Costa and the Pittsburg Unified School District, which offered free, private consultation with immigration attorneys, medical services and a resource fair. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The federal government can’t force the states to enforce immigration law,” said Josh Blackman, a constitutional law professor at the South Texas College of Law Houston. “That’s called commandeering.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Blackman, an adjunct scholar at the conservative Cato Institute, said that the constitutional principle — that the federal government cannot force state and local governments to use their resources for federal purposes — was the basis of court rulings in favor of sanctuary jurisdictions during Trump’s first term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Trump’s first administration tried to cut off law enforcement grant funding, but the courts found that cooperation with immigration enforcement was not a condition Congress had placed on the grants. Trump’s recent executive order goes even further, threatening to cut off all federal funding to sanctuary jurisdictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The broadness of the executive order is giving some sanctuary supporters hope that they will prevail again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024505\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1316\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-800x526.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-1020x671.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-1536x1011.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-1920x1263.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. President Donald Trump gestures as he delivers remarks on immigration at the Rose Garden of the White House in Washington, D.C. on May 16, 2019. \u003ccite>(Mandel Ngan/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Fred Tsao, senior policy counsel with the Illinois Coalition for Immigrants and Refugee Rights, said even if Congress were to pass a law similar to the executive order, “they’re still going to run afoul of the 10th Amendment issue.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tsao noted that the current Supreme Court precedent on federal overreach was established through a lawsuit brought by Republican-led states challenging the Affordable Care Act’s requirement to expand Medicaid or risk losing funding. The court ruled in favor of the states.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tsao helped write the Illinois and Chicago sanctuary laws, which the Trump administration is suing to overturn. He said the suit relies on another constitutional principle: the Supremacy Clause, which establishes that federal law takes precedence over state law if the two conflict. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But UCLA School of Law professor Hiroshi Motomura\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">said it’s not clear that sanctuary laws actually conflict with federal immigration laws because they’ve been narrowly crafted to specify only what local officials cannot do.[aside postID=news_12026179 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250128-SFImmigration-04-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Motomura, a scholar of immigration and citizenship, argued that the Trump administration’s goal in pursuing litigation likely goes beyond just winning the legal case: The suits are forcing sanctuary cities, counties and states to use their resources to mount costly legal battles.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">UC Berkeley’s Caitlin Patler agreed, noting that the lawsuits send a message to other local and state officials who may be considering enacting their own sanctuary laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think there is some element of the federal government right now trying to put pressure on local governments,” said Patler, an associate professor at the Goldman School of Public Policy. “Litigation is costly. Litigation is time-consuming. Litigation can be politically detrimental for, say, an elected sheriff. And so, it could have a chilling effect on other jurisdictions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s bullying.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vaughan said litigation and funding threats may be the only tools at the federal government’s disposal to push local officials to change policies she believes “cross a line and undermine public safety.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We didn’t get any real (legal) impact on the sanctuary cities in the last administration,” Blackman said. “I think to the extent you have a different story now, it might actually be political more than legal.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There have been several unsuccessful attempts in Chicago to repeal that city’s sanctuary laws. And in California, Republican lawmakers recently introduced legislation to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028147/republicans-seek-to-weaken-californias-sanctuary-law\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">weaken the state’s sanctuary law\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The bill has not yet received a hearing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">President Donald Trump\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> has made no secret of his disdain for sanctuary laws, but the first time he was president, his administration repeatedly ended up on the losing side of legal cases over whether states, cities and counties can be forced to participate in immigration enforcement.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2017, courts of appeals \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/11/21/565678707/enter-title\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">sided\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> with San Francisco and Santa Clara counties, as well as the city of Chicago, in two cases challenging Trump’s attempts to withhold federal law enforcement funds from sanctuary jurisdictions. An appeals court also \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/2020/06/court-turns-down-governments-sanctuary-state-petition/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ruled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that California’s statewide sanctuary law was legal in a suit brought by the Trump administration. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, none of the cases went to the U.S. Supreme Court. Eight years later, the legal battle is being reprised. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties, along with 14 other jurisdictions, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026179/san-francisco-leads-lawsuit-against-trumps-threats-to-punish-sanctuary-cities\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">are suing again\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> over Trump’s expanded order to strip sanctuary jurisdictions of all federal funding, not just law enforcement grants. The Trump administration has filed two lawsuits — one against the state of Illinois and one against the state of New York — over laws limiting cooperation with federal immigration enforcement officials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Trump and the Department of Justice are also threatening to investigate and prosecute state and local officials who impede or interfere with the enforcement of federal immigration laws. Defenders of sanctuary laws argue that they do not obstruct immigration enforcement but simply prevent local police from carrying out the federal government’s responsibilities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is the federal government coercing local officials to bend to their will or face defunding or prosecution and that is illegal,” San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu said as he introduced the latest San Francisco lawsuit last month. “Last I checked, we still live in a democracy under the rule of law.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At issue are decades-old policies that supporters say encourage immigrant communities to cooperate with police, as well as fundamental disagreements over the separation of powers between federal and state governments.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Backers of sanctuary laws say they exist to enhance public safety and they point to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.2014673117\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">studies\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> showing no negative effects on crime rates. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We are striving to create a culture of trust and security within our communities so that our residents know that they can come to the county when they are in need,” Santa Clara County Counsel Tony LoPresti said. “That includes feeling safe, coming to local law enforcement to report crimes or to participate in investigations without fearing that they or their loved ones face deportation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">LoPresti and other local officials argue that immigration enforcement is the purview of the federal government and that state and local officials cannot be forced or coerced into doing that job. Chiu said the purpose of sanctuary laws is not to interfere with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024430\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024430\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of elected and public safety officials, labor leaders, and community members fill the steps in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, during a press conference to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“ICE agents can come to all of our cities and states and enforce immigration law lawfully,” Chiu said. “What we are saying is under the Constitution, under the law, immigration enforcement is squarely a responsibility of the federal government, not a responsibility of state and local government … and we have a right to use our scarce law enforcement resources to actually solve crimes and promote public safety, not to be forced to have our law enforcement officers commandeered as ICE agents.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Critics maintain sanctuary laws make people less safe.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The main objection that I have to sanctuary policies is that they undermine public safety because they inevitably result in criminal aliens that ICE is trying to take custody of for removal being released back into the community,” said Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, which advocates for less immigration into the U.S.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vaughan was referring to the limits sanctuary policies place on prison and jail officials’ ability to communicate with ICE about people in their custody. While federal officials are automatically notified about every inmate booked into a jail or prison and sent their fingerprints, many sanctuary policies prohibit local and state officials from cooperating further, such as by providing a release date or holding someone in custody beyond that release date for ICE.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“ICE isn’t asking [local officials] to enforce immigration laws,” Vaughan said. “They’re asking them to give the kind of cooperation that these local agencies would give to any other — and every other — law enforcement agency.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vaughan rejects the argument that immigration communities will be scared to come forward and report crimes in the absence of sanctuary policies, saying federal surveys of victims show immigrants are actually \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://cis.org/Report/Are-Immigrants-Less-Willing-Report-Crime\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more likely than citizens\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to report crimes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, the legal cases do not focus on public safety; they largely center on how much power the federal government has to compel state and local governments to act — or to punish them for refusing to comply.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Liberal and conservative scholars agree that the Tenth Amendment of the Constitution, which divides power between the federal and state governments, offers sanctuary jurisdictions some legal protection.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12024757 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People wait in line to register and enter an informational session about immigration services at Willow Cove Elementary in Pittsburg, California, on Jan. 29, 2025. More than 300 people attended the event organized by Stand Together Contra Costa and the Pittsburg Unified School District, which offered free, private consultation with immigration attorneys, medical services and a resource fair. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The federal government can’t force the states to enforce immigration law,” said Josh Blackman, a constitutional law professor at the South Texas College of Law Houston. “That’s called commandeering.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Blackman, an adjunct scholar at the conservative Cato Institute, said that the constitutional principle — that the federal government cannot force state and local governments to use their resources for federal purposes — was the basis of court rulings in favor of sanctuary jurisdictions during Trump’s first term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Trump’s first administration tried to cut off law enforcement grant funding, but the courts found that cooperation with immigration enforcement was not a condition Congress had placed on the grants. Trump’s recent executive order goes even further, threatening to cut off all federal funding to sanctuary jurisdictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The broadness of the executive order is giving some sanctuary supporters hope that they will prevail again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024505\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1316\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-800x526.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-1020x671.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-1536x1011.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-1920x1263.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. President Donald Trump gestures as he delivers remarks on immigration at the Rose Garden of the White House in Washington, D.C. on May 16, 2019. \u003ccite>(Mandel Ngan/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Fred Tsao, senior policy counsel with the Illinois Coalition for Immigrants and Refugee Rights, said even if Congress were to pass a law similar to the executive order, “they’re still going to run afoul of the 10th Amendment issue.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tsao noted that the current Supreme Court precedent on federal overreach was established through a lawsuit brought by Republican-led states challenging the Affordable Care Act’s requirement to expand Medicaid or risk losing funding. The court ruled in favor of the states.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tsao helped write the Illinois and Chicago sanctuary laws, which the Trump administration is suing to overturn. He said the suit relies on another constitutional principle: the Supremacy Clause, which establishes that federal law takes precedence over state law if the two conflict. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But UCLA School of Law professor Hiroshi Motomura\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">said it’s not clear that sanctuary laws actually conflict with federal immigration laws because they’ve been narrowly crafted to specify only what local officials cannot do.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Motomura, a scholar of immigration and citizenship, argued that the Trump administration’s goal in pursuing litigation likely goes beyond just winning the legal case: The suits are forcing sanctuary cities, counties and states to use their resources to mount costly legal battles.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">UC Berkeley’s Caitlin Patler agreed, noting that the lawsuits send a message to other local and state officials who may be considering enacting their own sanctuary laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think there is some element of the federal government right now trying to put pressure on local governments,” said Patler, an associate professor at the Goldman School of Public Policy. “Litigation is costly. Litigation is time-consuming. Litigation can be politically detrimental for, say, an elected sheriff. And so, it could have a chilling effect on other jurisdictions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s bullying.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vaughan said litigation and funding threats may be the only tools at the federal government’s disposal to push local officials to change policies she believes “cross a line and undermine public safety.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We didn’t get any real (legal) impact on the sanctuary cities in the last administration,” Blackman said. “I think to the extent you have a different story now, it might actually be political more than legal.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There have been several unsuccessful attempts in Chicago to repeal that city’s sanctuary laws. And in California, Republican lawmakers recently introduced legislation to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028147/republicans-seek-to-weaken-californias-sanctuary-law\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">weaken the state’s sanctuary law\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The bill has not yet received a hearing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "californias-medi-cal-shortfall-hits-6-2-billion-with-unprecedented-cost-increases",
"title": "California’s Medi-Cal Shortfall Hits $6.2 billion With ‘Unprecedented’ Cost Increases",
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"headTitle": "California’s Medi-Cal Shortfall Hits $6.2 billion With ‘Unprecedented’ Cost Increases | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The hole in California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal/\">Medi-Cal\u003c/a> budget seems to be bigger than what state officials reported just last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California health care officials told the Legislature on Monday that the state will need another $2.8 billion to be able to pay Medi-Cal providers through the end of the fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of a $3.4 billion loan that the administration told lawmakers last week it needed to make \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2025/03/medi-cal-budget-shortfall/\">“critical” payments for Medi-Cal\u003c/a>, the state-federal health insurance program for people with low income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined, that’s $6.2 billion in spending above what was projected in the budget Gov. Gavin Newsom signed last summer. Almost 15 million Californians have health care coverage through Medi-Cal, also known as Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the loan and these additional funds, the administration anticipates being able to manage expenditures for the remainder of the current year,” said Michelle Bass, director of the Department of Health Care Services, which oversees Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bass told legislators in a budget hearing that several factors are contributing to the higher-than-anticipated spending, including an increase in pharmacy costs, but also more growth in enrollment than the state projected. For one, the state underestimated the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/12/undocumented-health-insurance-new-california-laws-2024/\">number of immigrants without legal status\u003c/a> who would sign up to the program in the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bass said the department had about one month of data regarding new policies before it had to make projections for the budget Newsom signed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These changes were unprecedented, and all happened at once,” Bass said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The developments include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>More immigrants without legal status enrolled in the program than expected. Over the last 10 years, California has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-health-care-coverage/\">expanded Medi-Cal coverage\u003c/a> to undocumented people in different age groups. The final group, adults ages 26 to 49, were allowed to apply for Medi-Cal starting Jan. 1, 2024. In January, Bass’ department estimated California would be spending \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/Budget-Highlights/DHCS-FY-2025-26-Governors-Budget-Highlights.pdf\">$2.7 billion beyond what it budgeted (PDF)\u003c/a> due to the cost of covering care and prescriptions for newly enrolled immigrants. According to updated estimates from the administration, it costs the state about $8.5 billion from the general fund to cover immigrants who are in the country without legal authorization.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Also starting on Jan. 1, 2024, more seniors were able to sign up for Medi-Cal after the state stopped counting certain assets, such as cars, homes and savings when considering someone’s eligibility. Now, like everyone else, seniors’ eligibility is based on their income.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The program has seen higher overall enrollment due to pandemic-related flexibilities. California’s overall Medi-Cal population ballooned during the COVID-19 pandemic when the federal government temporarily suspended income eligibility checks to keep people insured during the national emergency. The number of people who dropped off the program after the pandemic was smaller than the department assumed.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Bass said other states are also going over budget, noting health care spending in general is increasing across the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going over budget has vexed some state Republicans who say the governor and Democrats over-promised when they decided to expand Medi-Cal services to all immigrants with low income. Democrats have come out in defense of the expansion and the state’s efforts to keep people covered during the pandemic.[aside postID=news_12022068 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-536950177-1020x680.jpg']“The things that you’re talking about means that we have been successful,” Assemblymember Pilar Schiavo, a Santa Clarita Democrat, told Bass during Monday’s hearing. “We have been successful about keeping people covered, about making sure that they have access to health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiavo added that California’s current shortfall is solvable, but less so are the potential cuts to Medicaid that Congress is currently weighing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Republicans recently voted to advance a proposal that could result in cuts of\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2025/02/medicaid-medi-cal-trump-cuts/\"> $880 billion to a group of programs\u003c/a>, largely Medicaid, over the next 10 years. According to some estimates, that could translate into annual losses of \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-at-risk-proposed-federal-funding-cuts-jeopardize-key-services/\">$10 billion to $20 billion a year\u003c/a> for California, an amount that state officials have said the state would not be able to backfill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California is spending billions more than planned for Medi-Cal. Some of the cost drivers include higher enrollment among immigrants without legal status as well as pharmacy costs.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The hole in California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal/\">Medi-Cal\u003c/a> budget seems to be bigger than what state officials reported just last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California health care officials told the Legislature on Monday that the state will need another $2.8 billion to be able to pay Medi-Cal providers through the end of the fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of a $3.4 billion loan that the administration told lawmakers last week it needed to make \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2025/03/medi-cal-budget-shortfall/\">“critical” payments for Medi-Cal\u003c/a>, the state-federal health insurance program for people with low income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined, that’s $6.2 billion in spending above what was projected in the budget Gov. Gavin Newsom signed last summer. Almost 15 million Californians have health care coverage through Medi-Cal, also known as Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the loan and these additional funds, the administration anticipates being able to manage expenditures for the remainder of the current year,” said Michelle Bass, director of the Department of Health Care Services, which oversees Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bass told legislators in a budget hearing that several factors are contributing to the higher-than-anticipated spending, including an increase in pharmacy costs, but also more growth in enrollment than the state projected. For one, the state underestimated the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/12/undocumented-health-insurance-new-california-laws-2024/\">number of immigrants without legal status\u003c/a> who would sign up to the program in the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bass said the department had about one month of data regarding new policies before it had to make projections for the budget Newsom signed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These changes were unprecedented, and all happened at once,” Bass said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The developments include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>More immigrants without legal status enrolled in the program than expected. Over the last 10 years, California has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-health-care-coverage/\">expanded Medi-Cal coverage\u003c/a> to undocumented people in different age groups. The final group, adults ages 26 to 49, were allowed to apply for Medi-Cal starting Jan. 1, 2024. In January, Bass’ department estimated California would be spending \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/Budget-Highlights/DHCS-FY-2025-26-Governors-Budget-Highlights.pdf\">$2.7 billion beyond what it budgeted (PDF)\u003c/a> due to the cost of covering care and prescriptions for newly enrolled immigrants. According to updated estimates from the administration, it costs the state about $8.5 billion from the general fund to cover immigrants who are in the country without legal authorization.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Also starting on Jan. 1, 2024, more seniors were able to sign up for Medi-Cal after the state stopped counting certain assets, such as cars, homes and savings when considering someone’s eligibility. Now, like everyone else, seniors’ eligibility is based on their income.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The program has seen higher overall enrollment due to pandemic-related flexibilities. California’s overall Medi-Cal population ballooned during the COVID-19 pandemic when the federal government temporarily suspended income eligibility checks to keep people insured during the national emergency. The number of people who dropped off the program after the pandemic was smaller than the department assumed.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Bass said other states are also going over budget, noting health care spending in general is increasing across the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going over budget has vexed some state Republicans who say the governor and Democrats over-promised when they decided to expand Medi-Cal services to all immigrants with low income. Democrats have come out in defense of the expansion and the state’s efforts to keep people covered during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The things that you’re talking about means that we have been successful,” Assemblymember Pilar Schiavo, a Santa Clarita Democrat, told Bass during Monday’s hearing. “We have been successful about keeping people covered, about making sure that they have access to health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiavo added that California’s current shortfall is solvable, but less so are the potential cuts to Medicaid that Congress is currently weighing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Republicans recently voted to advance a proposal that could result in cuts of\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2025/02/medicaid-medi-cal-trump-cuts/\"> $880 billion to a group of programs\u003c/a>, largely Medicaid, over the next 10 years. According to some estimates, that could translate into annual losses of \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-at-risk-proposed-federal-funding-cuts-jeopardize-key-services/\">$10 billion to $20 billion a year\u003c/a> for California, an amount that state officials have said the state would not be able to backfill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Providing Health Care for Immigrants Is Costing California More Than Expected. Is Coverage at Risk?",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California health care program that covers almost 15 million people is costing more money than Gov. Gavin Newsom projected, creating a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/california-budget/\">new budget problem\u003c/a> in a lean year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now his administration is borrowing $3.4 billion from the state’s general fund to cover the unexpected cost increase. It’s unclear when the administration plans to restore the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration acknowledged that more people are enrolled in the program than the state anticipated, and that the state is spending $2.7 billion more than it planned on coverage expansions for immigrants without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 1.6 million immigrants without legal status are enrolled in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal/\">Medi-Cal\u003c/a>, according to state data. The program is a lifeline to people who traditionally have not had access to health insurance, and California is one of six states that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/racial-equity-and-health-policy/press-release/more-states-are-providing-fully-state-funded-health-coverage-to-some-individuals-regardless-of-immigration-status/\">offer coverage to immigrant adults \u003c/a>regardless of whether they are in the country legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Minority Leader Brian Jones said Newsom has overpromised and under-delivered on health care at a time when all Californians are struggling to afford the cost of living in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats and the governor are picking priorities, and they’re prioritizing people that have come into our country illegally over people who immigrated here legally, people that are citizens,” Jones said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Medi-Cal expansion for undocumented immigrants costs about $8.5 billion from the state general fund annually, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/hearings/258448\">a recent budget hearing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we weren’t spending eight-and-a-half billion dollars on illegal immigrants, we wouldn’t need to borrow $3.4 billion to cover the difference,” Jones said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the state’s finance department, acknowledged that the rise in spending is partially attributable to higher-than-projected costs associated with larger enrollment numbers for California’s undocumented population. In January,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/Budget-Highlights/DHCS-FY-2025-26-Governors-Budget-Highlights.pdf\">Department of Health Care Services (PDF)\u003c/a>, which oversees Medi-Cal, estimated California is spending $2.7 billion beyond what it budgeted due to the cost of covering care and prescriptions for newly enrolled immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigrants aren’t the only population that is using Medi-Cal more than the state expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Medi-Cal population in general ballooned during the COVID-19 pandemic when the federal government temporarily suspended income eligibility checks to keep people insured during the national emergency. Before the pandemic about 13 million people used Medi-Cal. That number peaked at 15.6 million in 2023 when \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/collection/medi-cal-end-public-health-emergency/#:~:text=The%20requirement%20ended%20on%20March,Californians%20may%20leave%20the%20program.\">eligibility checks resumed\u003c/a>. Today 14.9 million people are enrolled, according to \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/5010\">state data\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12022068 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-536950177-1020x680.jpg']The Legislative Analyst’s Office has also noted \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2025/5010/Understanding-Recent-Increases-Medi-Cal-Senior-Caseload-030525.pdf\">a 40% growth over the last four years (PDF)\u003c/a> in the number of seniors enrolled in Medi-Cal. While seniors make up only about 10% of the program’s enrollees, they account for a large part of the program’s spending because benefits such as long-term care are among the most expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal spends about $15,000 a year per senior. That compares to the $8,000 a year the program spends on average on other enrollees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office said these issues are neither new nor unique to California. Medi-Cal is California’s version of Medicaid, the federal-state program that provides health coverage nationwide to low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rising Medicaid costs are a national challenge, affecting both red and blue states alike,” Elana Ross, a spokesperson for the governor’s office, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Democrats pledge to protect immigrant health care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sen. Roger Niello, a long-time critic of the state’s closed-door budgeting process, which is typically hashed out between Democratic leaders and the governor, acknowledged that other factors like senior enrollment and high drug costs could be contributing to the high expenses. He said Republicans are worried about increasing spending on immigrant health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican from Roseville criticized the lack of transparency from Newsom’s finance department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The completely opaque nature of the request, which says nothing about any of that, is entirely inappropriate,” Niello said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031546\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031546\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/031327_Niello-MediCal_FG_CM_05-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/031327_Niello-MediCal_FG_CM_05-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/031327_Niello-MediCal_FG_CM_05-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/031327_Niello-MediCal_FG_CM_05-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/031327_Niello-MediCal_FG_CM_05-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/031327_Niello-MediCal_FG_CM_05-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Roger Niello holds a news conference in the rotunda of the state Capitol in Sacramento on March 13, 2025. Niello requested more transparency from Gov. Newsom as to why the state needs $3.5 billion to keep Medi-Cal solvent. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers said they need more information about what exactly is behind the unexpected spending increases, but pushed back on the idea that the state would need to roll back coverage for its undocumented population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigrant workers and families, who pay billions in taxes, deserve access to care, and I am proud to protect California’s progress expanding Medi-Cal,” Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas said in a statement. “There are tough choices ahead, and Assembly Democrats will closely examine any proposal from the governor. But let’s be clear: We will not roll over and leave our immigrants behind.”[aside postID=news_12029294 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/072820-Doctor-Pediatrician-Kid-GETTY-CM-01-copy-1020x680.jpg']Immigrants lacking permanent status contribute approximately \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/news/new-study-undocumented-immigrants-contribute-8-5-billion-in-california-taxes-a-year/\">$8.5 billion in state and local taxes a year\u003c/a>, according to an analysis by the California Budget and Policy Center, a nonprofit research group. That’s about the same amount it’s costing the state to give them Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers first allowed undocumented children to enroll in Medi-Cal in 2016 under Gov. Jerry Brown. Since then Newsom has approved adding young adults up to age 25 in 2020 and older adults and seniors in 2022. Adults ages 26–49 were the final group added in 2024. Throughout those years, even \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/01/undocumented-health-care-politics/\">some Republican lawmakers supported covering this population.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Republicans need to take a better and keen-eyed look at the timeline associated with those expansions,” said Assemblymember Mia Bonta, an Oakland Democrat who leads the Health Committee. “For them to just try to play the blame game and put it all at the feet of California values to ensure that we have universal health coverage for all with this particular age group being included is just specious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Billions more in potential Medicaid cuts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Dawn Addis, who chairs a budget subcommittee on health, said she will be questioning Newsom officials closely about the spending increase in an upcoming hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really need to understand the details of what the Department of Finance is saying, what the executive is seeing, and how they’re calculating this information,” Addis, a Democrat from San Luis Obispo, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addis emphasized that the biggest threat to Medi-Cal right now is coming from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Republicans recently voted to advance a proposal that could result in cuts of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2025/02/medicaid-medi-cal-trump-cuts/\">$880 billion to a group of programs\u003c/a>, largely Medicaid, over the next 10 years. The California Budget and Policy Center has estimated that the proposals currently at play in Congress could translate into annual losses of $10 billion to $20 billion a year for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason why it’s so important for us to fight back against cuts at the federal level to Medicaid is because there is no easy or painless solution to fill that budget hole,” said Amanda McAllister-Wallner, interim executive director of Health Access California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health Access California along with the California Immigrant Policy Center spearheaded the campaign nearly a decade ago to insure all immigrants in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAllister-Wallner said it was unfair and unreasonable to pin the state budget shortfall on the immigrant expansions. Over the same time period, the state has added benefits, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/MediCalExplainedNewServicesGlance20202023.pdf\">doula services and family therapy (PDF)\u003c/a>, and invested heavily in reforming the system through a multibillion-dollar initiative called CalAIM.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those changes that we’ve made in Medi-Cal made the program stronger (and) have made the state healthier,” McAllister-Wallner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters reporter Alexei Koseff contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California health care program that covers almost 15 million people is costing more money than Gov. Gavin Newsom projected, creating a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/california-budget/\">new budget problem\u003c/a> in a lean year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now his administration is borrowing $3.4 billion from the state’s general fund to cover the unexpected cost increase. It’s unclear when the administration plans to restore the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration acknowledged that more people are enrolled in the program than the state anticipated, and that the state is spending $2.7 billion more than it planned on coverage expansions for immigrants without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 1.6 million immigrants without legal status are enrolled in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal/\">Medi-Cal\u003c/a>, according to state data. The program is a lifeline to people who traditionally have not had access to health insurance, and California is one of six states that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/racial-equity-and-health-policy/press-release/more-states-are-providing-fully-state-funded-health-coverage-to-some-individuals-regardless-of-immigration-status/\">offer coverage to immigrant adults \u003c/a>regardless of whether they are in the country legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Minority Leader Brian Jones said Newsom has overpromised and under-delivered on health care at a time when all Californians are struggling to afford the cost of living in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats and the governor are picking priorities, and they’re prioritizing people that have come into our country illegally over people who immigrated here legally, people that are citizens,” Jones said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Medi-Cal expansion for undocumented immigrants costs about $8.5 billion from the state general fund annually, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/hearings/258448\">a recent budget hearing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we weren’t spending eight-and-a-half billion dollars on illegal immigrants, we wouldn’t need to borrow $3.4 billion to cover the difference,” Jones said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the state’s finance department, acknowledged that the rise in spending is partially attributable to higher-than-projected costs associated with larger enrollment numbers for California’s undocumented population. In January,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/Budget-Highlights/DHCS-FY-2025-26-Governors-Budget-Highlights.pdf\">Department of Health Care Services (PDF)\u003c/a>, which oversees Medi-Cal, estimated California is spending $2.7 billion beyond what it budgeted due to the cost of covering care and prescriptions for newly enrolled immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigrants aren’t the only population that is using Medi-Cal more than the state expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Medi-Cal population in general ballooned during the COVID-19 pandemic when the federal government temporarily suspended income eligibility checks to keep people insured during the national emergency. Before the pandemic about 13 million people used Medi-Cal. That number peaked at 15.6 million in 2023 when \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/collection/medi-cal-end-public-health-emergency/#:~:text=The%20requirement%20ended%20on%20March,Californians%20may%20leave%20the%20program.\">eligibility checks resumed\u003c/a>. Today 14.9 million people are enrolled, according to \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/5010\">state data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Legislative Analyst’s Office has also noted \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2025/5010/Understanding-Recent-Increases-Medi-Cal-Senior-Caseload-030525.pdf\">a 40% growth over the last four years (PDF)\u003c/a> in the number of seniors enrolled in Medi-Cal. While seniors make up only about 10% of the program’s enrollees, they account for a large part of the program’s spending because benefits such as long-term care are among the most expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal spends about $15,000 a year per senior. That compares to the $8,000 a year the program spends on average on other enrollees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office said these issues are neither new nor unique to California. Medi-Cal is California’s version of Medicaid, the federal-state program that provides health coverage nationwide to low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rising Medicaid costs are a national challenge, affecting both red and blue states alike,” Elana Ross, a spokesperson for the governor’s office, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Democrats pledge to protect immigrant health care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sen. Roger Niello, a long-time critic of the state’s closed-door budgeting process, which is typically hashed out between Democratic leaders and the governor, acknowledged that other factors like senior enrollment and high drug costs could be contributing to the high expenses. He said Republicans are worried about increasing spending on immigrant health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican from Roseville criticized the lack of transparency from Newsom’s finance department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The completely opaque nature of the request, which says nothing about any of that, is entirely inappropriate,” Niello said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031546\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031546\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/031327_Niello-MediCal_FG_CM_05-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/031327_Niello-MediCal_FG_CM_05-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/031327_Niello-MediCal_FG_CM_05-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/031327_Niello-MediCal_FG_CM_05-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/031327_Niello-MediCal_FG_CM_05-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/031327_Niello-MediCal_FG_CM_05-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Roger Niello holds a news conference in the rotunda of the state Capitol in Sacramento on March 13, 2025. Niello requested more transparency from Gov. Newsom as to why the state needs $3.5 billion to keep Medi-Cal solvent. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers said they need more information about what exactly is behind the unexpected spending increases, but pushed back on the idea that the state would need to roll back coverage for its undocumented population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigrant workers and families, who pay billions in taxes, deserve access to care, and I am proud to protect California’s progress expanding Medi-Cal,” Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas said in a statement. “There are tough choices ahead, and Assembly Democrats will closely examine any proposal from the governor. But let’s be clear: We will not roll over and leave our immigrants behind.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Immigrants lacking permanent status contribute approximately \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/news/new-study-undocumented-immigrants-contribute-8-5-billion-in-california-taxes-a-year/\">$8.5 billion in state and local taxes a year\u003c/a>, according to an analysis by the California Budget and Policy Center, a nonprofit research group. That’s about the same amount it’s costing the state to give them Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers first allowed undocumented children to enroll in Medi-Cal in 2016 under Gov. Jerry Brown. Since then Newsom has approved adding young adults up to age 25 in 2020 and older adults and seniors in 2022. Adults ages 26–49 were the final group added in 2024. Throughout those years, even \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/01/undocumented-health-care-politics/\">some Republican lawmakers supported covering this population.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Republicans need to take a better and keen-eyed look at the timeline associated with those expansions,” said Assemblymember Mia Bonta, an Oakland Democrat who leads the Health Committee. “For them to just try to play the blame game and put it all at the feet of California values to ensure that we have universal health coverage for all with this particular age group being included is just specious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Billions more in potential Medicaid cuts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Dawn Addis, who chairs a budget subcommittee on health, said she will be questioning Newsom officials closely about the spending increase in an upcoming hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really need to understand the details of what the Department of Finance is saying, what the executive is seeing, and how they’re calculating this information,” Addis, a Democrat from San Luis Obispo, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addis emphasized that the biggest threat to Medi-Cal right now is coming from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Republicans recently voted to advance a proposal that could result in cuts of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2025/02/medicaid-medi-cal-trump-cuts/\">$880 billion to a group of programs\u003c/a>, largely Medicaid, over the next 10 years. The California Budget and Policy Center has estimated that the proposals currently at play in Congress could translate into annual losses of $10 billion to $20 billion a year for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason why it’s so important for us to fight back against cuts at the federal level to Medicaid is because there is no easy or painless solution to fill that budget hole,” said Amanda McAllister-Wallner, interim executive director of Health Access California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health Access California along with the California Immigrant Policy Center spearheaded the campaign nearly a decade ago to insure all immigrants in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAllister-Wallner said it was unfair and unreasonable to pin the state budget shortfall on the immigrant expansions. Over the same time period, the state has added benefits, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/MediCalExplainedNewServicesGlance20202023.pdf\">doula services and family therapy (PDF)\u003c/a>, and invested heavily in reforming the system through a multibillion-dollar initiative called CalAIM.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those changes that we’ve made in Medi-Cal made the program stronger (and) have made the state healthier,” McAllister-Wallner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters reporter Alexei Koseff contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"reveal": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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