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"content": "\u003cp>More than 100 Californians who traveled to Washington to storm the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, had their records wiped clean Monday after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump\u003c/a> issued pardons for insurrectionists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts in the Bay Area say the sweeping action, coupled with controversial \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023109/3-california-members-jan-6-committee-pardoned-biden-trump-takes-office\">last-minute pardons\u003c/a> by the Biden administration, indicates how the power reserved for the president has evolved politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not unusual, and it’s not wrong for there to be a political motive behind clemency,” Stanford law professor Robert Weisberg said. “But this has just been a wild eruption of politically or personally motivated pardoning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after being inaugurated, Trump followed through on a campaign promise and pardoned more than 1,500 people who took part in the insurrection. He also commuted the sentences of 14 members of far-right groups who were convicted for the riot and ordered the Justice Department to drop related pending indictments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine people from the Bay Area were among those cleared of charges, including two who had remained on the FBI’s most wanted list until Monday. Among them is Evan Neumann of Mill Valley, who fled to Belarus and was granted political asylum there in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neumann, who has two teenage children in California, faced several charges, including assaulting law enforcement officers. Video footage cited in his indictment shows him calling police “little b—s” who “kneel to antifa” inside the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January 2024, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/former-santa-rosa-resident-evan-neumann-fugitive-of-charges-from-the-jan/\">told \u003cem>The Press Democrat\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that he was not confident the charges would be dropped and was setting down roots in Belarus, where he planned to open a restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also pardoned was Daniel Goodwyn, a San Francisco resident and self-proclaimed Proud Boys member who entered the Capitol before being instructed by police to leave. In November, he was elected president of a new San Francisco chapter of the California Republican Assembly, a right-wing faction of the city’s Republican Party. After the local Republican County Central Committee elected a slate of 17 moderate GOP leaders, the group appears to have formed in an effort to push the local GOP farther right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goodwyn, who was charged with knowingly entering restricted grounds and disorderly conduct, attended Trump’s inauguration in Washington, D.C. He posted a photo on Instagram of himself wearing a “Make America Great Again” hat in the Capital One Arena, captioned, “I’m just praying for pardons for all J6ers — no man left behind!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860376\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11860376\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1230457865-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1230457865-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1230457865-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1230457865-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1230457865-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1230457865-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pro-Trump protesters gather in front of the U.S. Capitol Building on Jan. 6, 2021, in Washington, DC. A pro-Trump mob stormed the Capitol, breaking windows and clashing with police officers. \u003ccite>(Jon Cherry/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>David Dempsey, a Proud Boys member, and four men linked to a Southern California chapter of the Three Percenters, a far-right anti-government militia, were among the Californians pardoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weisberg said that the pardons send an emboldening message to members of militias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They could well read this as a signal, not necessarily that they will be pardoned for certain acts that could be called political violence, but that they won’t be prosecuted in the first place under this administration,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dempsey had previously received one of the longest prison sentences among Jan. 6 defendants — 20 years for assaulting multiple police officers and another rioter. Outside the Capitol, he called for the hanging of Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi and former President Barack Obama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the pardons are legal, Weisberg said they show a shift in the way the power reserved for the president is used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The concern is, of course, that pardoning has now become a kind of aider and abettor of political divisiveness,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University of San Francisco politics professor James Taylor compared Trump’s handling of the cases to how Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford treated the five men charged with attempted burglary and attempted interception of telephone communications after the Watergate scandal.[aside postID=news_12015449 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/20241119_BirthrightCitizenshipExplainer_GC-16_qed.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the past, this would never happen. It would be too embarrassing,” he said. “Nixon or Ford, for example, pardoning the weathermen who broke into the Watergate Hotel would be a shame for generations of Republican politicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor said that Biden’s preemptive pardons for members of the Jan. 6 Select Committee and other high-profile critics of Trump are also a reflection of the current president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s consistent with the general lawlessness of Donald Trump that Biden, his predecessor, has to protect people from him,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Weisberg doubts that the people Biden granted preemptive clemency to, including Dr. Anthony Fauci and former Gen. Mark Milley, would have become targets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they have in common, though, is that the pardoning process now has been entirely tied up in divisive politics,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 100 Californians who traveled to Washington to storm the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, had their records wiped clean Monday after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump\u003c/a> issued pardons for insurrectionists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts in the Bay Area say the sweeping action, coupled with controversial \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023109/3-california-members-jan-6-committee-pardoned-biden-trump-takes-office\">last-minute pardons\u003c/a> by the Biden administration, indicates how the power reserved for the president has evolved politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not unusual, and it’s not wrong for there to be a political motive behind clemency,” Stanford law professor Robert Weisberg said. “But this has just been a wild eruption of politically or personally motivated pardoning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after being inaugurated, Trump followed through on a campaign promise and pardoned more than 1,500 people who took part in the insurrection. He also commuted the sentences of 14 members of far-right groups who were convicted for the riot and ordered the Justice Department to drop related pending indictments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine people from the Bay Area were among those cleared of charges, including two who had remained on the FBI’s most wanted list until Monday. Among them is Evan Neumann of Mill Valley, who fled to Belarus and was granted political asylum there in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neumann, who has two teenage children in California, faced several charges, including assaulting law enforcement officers. Video footage cited in his indictment shows him calling police “little b—s” who “kneel to antifa” inside the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January 2024, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/former-santa-rosa-resident-evan-neumann-fugitive-of-charges-from-the-jan/\">told \u003cem>The Press Democrat\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that he was not confident the charges would be dropped and was setting down roots in Belarus, where he planned to open a restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also pardoned was Daniel Goodwyn, a San Francisco resident and self-proclaimed Proud Boys member who entered the Capitol before being instructed by police to leave. In November, he was elected president of a new San Francisco chapter of the California Republican Assembly, a right-wing faction of the city’s Republican Party. After the local Republican County Central Committee elected a slate of 17 moderate GOP leaders, the group appears to have formed in an effort to push the local GOP farther right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goodwyn, who was charged with knowingly entering restricted grounds and disorderly conduct, attended Trump’s inauguration in Washington, D.C. He posted a photo on Instagram of himself wearing a “Make America Great Again” hat in the Capital One Arena, captioned, “I’m just praying for pardons for all J6ers — no man left behind!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860376\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11860376\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1230457865-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1230457865-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1230457865-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1230457865-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1230457865-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1230457865-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pro-Trump protesters gather in front of the U.S. Capitol Building on Jan. 6, 2021, in Washington, DC. A pro-Trump mob stormed the Capitol, breaking windows and clashing with police officers. \u003ccite>(Jon Cherry/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>David Dempsey, a Proud Boys member, and four men linked to a Southern California chapter of the Three Percenters, a far-right anti-government militia, were among the Californians pardoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weisberg said that the pardons send an emboldening message to members of militias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They could well read this as a signal, not necessarily that they will be pardoned for certain acts that could be called political violence, but that they won’t be prosecuted in the first place under this administration,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dempsey had previously received one of the longest prison sentences among Jan. 6 defendants — 20 years for assaulting multiple police officers and another rioter. Outside the Capitol, he called for the hanging of Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi and former President Barack Obama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the pardons are legal, Weisberg said they show a shift in the way the power reserved for the president is used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The concern is, of course, that pardoning has now become a kind of aider and abettor of political divisiveness,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University of San Francisco politics professor James Taylor compared Trump’s handling of the cases to how Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford treated the five men charged with attempted burglary and attempted interception of telephone communications after the Watergate scandal.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the past, this would never happen. It would be too embarrassing,” he said. “Nixon or Ford, for example, pardoning the weathermen who broke into the Watergate Hotel would be a shame for generations of Republican politicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor said that Biden’s preemptive pardons for members of the Jan. 6 Select Committee and other high-profile critics of Trump are also a reflection of the current president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s consistent with the general lawlessness of Donald Trump that Biden, his predecessor, has to protect people from him,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Weisberg doubts that the people Biden granted preemptive clemency to, including Dr. Anthony Fauci and former Gen. Mark Milley, would have become targets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they have in common, though, is that the pardoning process now has been entirely tied up in divisive politics,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Why This Jan. 6 Is Expected to Be Boring and Bureaucratic, as It Was Intended",
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"content": "\u003cp>The biggest difference between Jan. 6, 2025, and Jan. 6, 2021, will be obvious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of falsely claiming he won the election in a speech two miles from the U.S. Capitol, stoking a mob of his supporters to violently disrupt the counting of electoral votes, Donald Trump will be certified the winner by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That change has radically impacted all aspects of the post-election period. Election officials say their offices \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/13/1212604201/politics-what-is-next-for-the-election-denial-movement\">aren’t getting the same nasty phone calls\u003c/a>. Surveys find that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/06/nx-s1-5217819/republican-election-confidence-trump-pew-poll\">majority of Americans trust the results\u003c/a>. But there may be no greater contrast this cycle than during the proceedings on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“January 6th is the date, if there is one date, at which we witness the peaceful transfer of power in the United States,” said Rick Pildes, an election law expert at New York University. “In many ways, it is the most important moment of democracy. … And of course, this Jan. 6, in the background, will be the resonances of what happened in [the wake of the] 2020 [election].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many ways, experts expect the certification at the Capitol to return to what it looked like before 2020: a simple bureaucratic step that makes a result that Americans have long known official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there will be subtle ways this year’s proceedings will be different, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the chaos four years ago, Congress \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/12/22/1139951463/electoral-count-act-reform-passes\">passed new rules\u003c/a> to govern and clarify the presidential certification process. After the last election, Trump’s legal team had attempted to exploit the previous framework, which legal experts had widely considered to be full of ambiguities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very badly drafted,” said Pildes, who was one of the \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/RickPildes/status/1869042594849976363\">key legal voices\u003c/a> advising a bipartisan group of lawmakers as they crafted the update, known as the Electoral Count Reform Act (ECRA). “The one thing you want in a legal framework for resolving a disputed election — and this is true of any election, but especially the presidential election — you want a clear legal framework that’s established in advance so that it can’t be manipulated for partisan purposes at the moment of crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the first presidential election to be certified under the new law, which also \u003ca href=\"https://campaignlegal.org/document/electoral-count-reform-act-implementation\">clarified\u003c/a> how states \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/17/nx-s1-5225588/trump-electoral-college-vote-nevada-fake-electors-michigan\">finalized their results\u003c/a> in December. Here are some of the key changes that will affect Monday’s proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Objections need merit — and more support\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Previously, it took just a single member of the House and one from the Senate to sign off on an electoral objection to send the issue to a potentially days-long debate period with no clear resolution if the two chambers then disagreed with each other on their respective votes on the objection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The previous law also wasn’t clear about what sort of questions could motivate a challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ECRA, however, significantly raises the bar on objections to election results (which have already been certified by each individual state). Now, an objection is only valid if it is signed by one-fifth of each chamber of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the law significantly narrows the reasons a lawmaker may object to results, essentially making clear that partisan differences over election policies in a certain state aren’t a valid reason to object to the state’s results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside tag='politics' label='More Politics Coverage']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before 2020, which saw \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/insurrection-at-the-capitol/2021/01/07/954380156/here-are-the-republicans-who-objected-to-the-electoral-college-count\">more than 100 Republican\u003c/a> members of the House and Senate object to the results in response to Trump’s false claims, objections had started to become \u003ca href=\"https://www.news-leader.com/story/news/politics/2021/01/05/past-objections-electoral-college-vote-counts-president-trump-josh-hawley/4129641001/\">more common\u003c/a> as the electoral processes in 2000, 2004 and 2016 all involved some element of controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress had started sort of sliding into this practice of having at least some members object to receiving votes from a state because of their disagreements with how the voting process had played out in those states,” Pildes said. “The [ECRA] is designed to put that genie back in the bottle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pildes added that he thinks the violence last election cycle will also make members of Congress more hesitant to object to results for purely political reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Rep. Jamie Raskin, a Trump foil who served on the Jan. 6 investigative select committee, told NPR he’s proud that Democrats have accepted the 2024 election results, even if certifying Trump as a victor after all his election lies has created “a very frustrating situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that we can feel proud of the fact that despite our profound disappointment and frustration about what happened in the 2024 presidential election, we’re standing by the results,” Raskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ECRA also clarified that for an objection to be sustained, it requires a majority vote in both the House and the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A clearer role for Harris\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, chants of “Hang Mike Pence!” \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/25/trump-expressed-support-hanging-pence-capitol-riot-jan-6-00035117\">rang out\u003c/a> in the Capitol, as then-President Trump told his supporters that the vice president had the power to overturn the will of the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, legal experts said that wasn’t true, that the vice president’s role in certification, even according to the original Electoral Count Act, was purely ministerial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the new ECRA clarified that point even further, saying explicitly that the vice president “shall be limited to performing solely ministerial duties” and that the VP has “no power to solely determine, accept, reject, or otherwise adjudicate or resolve disputes over the proper certificate of ascertainment of appointment of electors, the validity of electors, or the votes of electors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vice president’s role in the process will still present an extraordinary moment, as Kamala Harris will oversee the certification of the election in favor of her opponent in the race (as Al Gore did in 2001).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Special Security Event’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12020392\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/USCapital250106.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/USCapital250106.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/USCapital250106-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/USCapital250106-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/USCapital250106-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final change doesn’t have to do with the ECRA but will still be felt throughout the day at the Capitol: heightened security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/blog/our-work-january-6th-attack\">across the U.S. government\u003c/a> have admitted that security on the day of the Capitol riot was not commensurate with the risk of a mass violence event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That will not be the case this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, the Department of Homeland Security announced that the counting of electoral votes on Jan. 6 would be designated a “National Special Security Event,” putting it on par with a presidential inauguration and freeing up more federal resources for security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Capitol Police have been carrying out drills with officers from 16 different agencies ahead of Jan. 6, according to \u003ca href=\"https://wjla.com/news/local/january-6-election-certification-united-states-capitol-police-security-preparations-fencing-rapid-response-teams-capitol-riot-washington-dc-public-safety-road-closures-metro-dmv\">WJLA in Washington\u003c/a>, and temporary fencing has also gone up around the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Unlike Jan. 6, 2021, there are no expectations that people opposed to the outcome of the 2024 election will attempt to overthrow the results of a free and fair election. ",
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"title": "Why This Jan. 6 Is Expected to Be Boring and Bureaucratic, as It Was Intended | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The biggest difference between Jan. 6, 2025, and Jan. 6, 2021, will be obvious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of falsely claiming he won the election in a speech two miles from the U.S. Capitol, stoking a mob of his supporters to violently disrupt the counting of electoral votes, Donald Trump will be certified the winner by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That change has radically impacted all aspects of the post-election period. Election officials say their offices \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/13/1212604201/politics-what-is-next-for-the-election-denial-movement\">aren’t getting the same nasty phone calls\u003c/a>. Surveys find that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/06/nx-s1-5217819/republican-election-confidence-trump-pew-poll\">majority of Americans trust the results\u003c/a>. But there may be no greater contrast this cycle than during the proceedings on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“January 6th is the date, if there is one date, at which we witness the peaceful transfer of power in the United States,” said Rick Pildes, an election law expert at New York University. “In many ways, it is the most important moment of democracy. … And of course, this Jan. 6, in the background, will be the resonances of what happened in [the wake of the] 2020 [election].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many ways, experts expect the certification at the Capitol to return to what it looked like before 2020: a simple bureaucratic step that makes a result that Americans have long known official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there will be subtle ways this year’s proceedings will be different, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the chaos four years ago, Congress \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/12/22/1139951463/electoral-count-act-reform-passes\">passed new rules\u003c/a> to govern and clarify the presidential certification process. After the last election, Trump’s legal team had attempted to exploit the previous framework, which legal experts had widely considered to be full of ambiguities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very badly drafted,” said Pildes, who was one of the \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/RickPildes/status/1869042594849976363\">key legal voices\u003c/a> advising a bipartisan group of lawmakers as they crafted the update, known as the Electoral Count Reform Act (ECRA). “The one thing you want in a legal framework for resolving a disputed election — and this is true of any election, but especially the presidential election — you want a clear legal framework that’s established in advance so that it can’t be manipulated for partisan purposes at the moment of crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the first presidential election to be certified under the new law, which also \u003ca href=\"https://campaignlegal.org/document/electoral-count-reform-act-implementation\">clarified\u003c/a> how states \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/17/nx-s1-5225588/trump-electoral-college-vote-nevada-fake-electors-michigan\">finalized their results\u003c/a> in December. Here are some of the key changes that will affect Monday’s proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Objections need merit — and more support\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Previously, it took just a single member of the House and one from the Senate to sign off on an electoral objection to send the issue to a potentially days-long debate period with no clear resolution if the two chambers then disagreed with each other on their respective votes on the objection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The previous law also wasn’t clear about what sort of questions could motivate a challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ECRA, however, significantly raises the bar on objections to election results (which have already been certified by each individual state). Now, an objection is only valid if it is signed by one-fifth of each chamber of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the law significantly narrows the reasons a lawmaker may object to results, essentially making clear that partisan differences over election policies in a certain state aren’t a valid reason to object to the state’s results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before 2020, which saw \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/insurrection-at-the-capitol/2021/01/07/954380156/here-are-the-republicans-who-objected-to-the-electoral-college-count\">more than 100 Republican\u003c/a> members of the House and Senate object to the results in response to Trump’s false claims, objections had started to become \u003ca href=\"https://www.news-leader.com/story/news/politics/2021/01/05/past-objections-electoral-college-vote-counts-president-trump-josh-hawley/4129641001/\">more common\u003c/a> as the electoral processes in 2000, 2004 and 2016 all involved some element of controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress had started sort of sliding into this practice of having at least some members object to receiving votes from a state because of their disagreements with how the voting process had played out in those states,” Pildes said. “The [ECRA] is designed to put that genie back in the bottle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pildes added that he thinks the violence last election cycle will also make members of Congress more hesitant to object to results for purely political reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Rep. Jamie Raskin, a Trump foil who served on the Jan. 6 investigative select committee, told NPR he’s proud that Democrats have accepted the 2024 election results, even if certifying Trump as a victor after all his election lies has created “a very frustrating situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that we can feel proud of the fact that despite our profound disappointment and frustration about what happened in the 2024 presidential election, we’re standing by the results,” Raskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ECRA also clarified that for an objection to be sustained, it requires a majority vote in both the House and the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A clearer role for Harris\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, chants of “Hang Mike Pence!” \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/25/trump-expressed-support-hanging-pence-capitol-riot-jan-6-00035117\">rang out\u003c/a> in the Capitol, as then-President Trump told his supporters that the vice president had the power to overturn the will of the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, legal experts said that wasn’t true, that the vice president’s role in certification, even according to the original Electoral Count Act, was purely ministerial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the new ECRA clarified that point even further, saying explicitly that the vice president “shall be limited to performing solely ministerial duties” and that the VP has “no power to solely determine, accept, reject, or otherwise adjudicate or resolve disputes over the proper certificate of ascertainment of appointment of electors, the validity of electors, or the votes of electors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vice president’s role in the process will still present an extraordinary moment, as Kamala Harris will oversee the certification of the election in favor of her opponent in the race (as Al Gore did in 2001).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Special Security Event’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12020392\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/USCapital250106.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/USCapital250106.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/USCapital250106-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/USCapital250106-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/USCapital250106-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final change doesn’t have to do with the ECRA but will still be felt throughout the day at the Capitol: heightened security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/blog/our-work-january-6th-attack\">across the U.S. government\u003c/a> have admitted that security on the day of the Capitol riot was not commensurate with the risk of a mass violence event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That will not be the case this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, the Department of Homeland Security announced that the counting of electoral votes on Jan. 6 would be designated a “National Special Security Event,” putting it on par with a presidential inauguration and freeing up more federal resources for security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Capitol Police have been carrying out drills with officers from 16 different agencies ahead of Jan. 6, according to \u003ca href=\"https://wjla.com/news/local/january-6-election-certification-united-states-capitol-police-security-preparations-fencing-rapid-response-teams-capitol-riot-washington-dc-public-safety-road-closures-metro-dmv\">WJLA in Washington\u003c/a>, and temporary fencing has also gone up around the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "takeaways-from-trumps-supreme-court-win-he-stays-on-ballot-but-legal-peril-looms",
"title": "Takeaways From Trump's Supreme Court Win: He Stays on Ballot, but Legal Peril Looms",
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"headTitle": "Takeaways From Trump’s Supreme Court Win: He Stays on Ballot, but Legal Peril Looms | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former President \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Donald Trump gained\u003c/a> a clear win at the U.S. Supreme Court on Monday, which unanimously ruled that states don’t have the ability to bar him — or any other federal candidates — from the ballot under a rarely-used constitutional provision that prohibits those who “engaged in insurrection” from holding office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision shuts down a push in dozens of states to end Trump’s candidacy through a clause in the 14th Amendment, written to prevent former Confederates from serving in government after the Civil War.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it may open the door to further electoral uncertainty, exposing more state officials to disqualification under the provision and setting up a constitutional showdown should Trump win the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing four separate criminal trials, Trump’s legal peril may just be beginning. So is the Supreme Court’s role in that process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some takeaways:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A technical, but still big win\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most significant thing the court did Monday was to overturn a Colorado Supreme Court ruling from December that Trump was not eligible to be president because he violated the insurrection clause, Section 3, of the 14th Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11975149,news_11973899,news_11977488\" label=\"Related Stories\"]This will also stop efforts to kick him off the ballot in Illinois, Maine and other states. Had the Supreme Court let the Colorado ruling stand, it could have triggered a new wave of litigation that might have left Trump disqualified in many states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high court avoided addressing the politically contentious issue of whether Trump played a role in the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol that would have barred him from seeking office. The ruling is almost devoid of references to Jan. 6 or insurrection and doesn’t address whether Trump committed such an act by sparking the attack on the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, it focuses on the technical, procedural question of who gets to decide an election challenge under Section 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All nine justices agreed that is the purview of Congress. But a narrower majority of five went further, ruling it can only be done through legislation. That exposes significant splits underneath the unanimous majority and points toward the greatest uncertainty the ruling creates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A time bomb for Jan. 6, 2025?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One possible outcome that the case presented was the prospect of unelected judges disqualifying the man dominating who has already received hundreds of thousands of votes in the nominating process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another potential nightmare is that if Congress is the only entity that can determine whether a presidential hopeful is indeed disqualified for engaging in “insurrection,” it makes that determination on Jan. 6, 2025, when required to certify a possible Trump victory in the presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high court shut down the first possibility but may have left the door open to the second one. The five-justice majority — all from the court’s conservative wing — said Congress can implement Section 3 through legislation, “subject of course to judicial review.” (That means the court reserves for itself the right to have the final say.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That triggered a dissent from the court’s three liberals, who complained that that “shuts the door on other potential means of federal enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would appear to include a rejection of Trump’s electors should he win the election — but multiple legal experts said Monday that it wasn’t that clear, and the only way to know may be for Congress to try.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Feeling the heat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The 14th Amendment case is one of two, putting the high court squarely amid the ongoing presidential election. Last week, the court agreed to hear Trump’s appeal of a federal ruling that he’s not entitled to immunity from criminal charges for his attempt to overturn the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s trial on those charges was originally scheduled to begin Monday but has been postponed because of the battle over his immunity challenge. The high court taking up his appeal in late April raises the possibility that the trial won’t conclude until after the presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices’ discomfort over being put in the middle of the nation’s partisan divide came through in a brief but notable concurring opinion by Justice Amy Coney Barrett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though one of the court’s conservatives, she disagreed with the majority’s ruling that Congress can only enforce Section 3 through legislation. But she didn’t want to sign onto the liberals’ dissent, either; instead, she warned against focusing too much on partisan divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“… this is not the time to amplify disagreement with stridency,” Barrett wrote. “The Court has settled a politically charged issue in the volatile season of a Presidential election. Particularly in this circumstance, writings on the Court should turn the national temperature down, not up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For present purposes, our differences are far less important than our unanimity: All nine Justices agree on the outcome of this case,” she concluded. “That is the message Americans should take home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Action in the states\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The court’s ruling shuts off using Section 3 against federal officials absent action by Congress, but it leaves open the ability of states to use the provision against their own state officials, noting there’s a rich record after the Civil War of just those sorts of actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s already begun anew in the post-Jan. 6 era. The first disqualification under Section 3 in more than a century came in 2022, when a New Mexico court removed Couy Griffin, who was convicted of entering the Capitol grounds on Jan. 6 while leading a group called “Cowboys for Trump,” from his rural county commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group that brought that case, Citizens for Ethics and Responsibility in Washington, next filed the Colorado case against Trump. They said they were eager to continue filing Section 3 cases against lower-level Jan. 6 participants.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump’s legal travails ahead\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Few observers expected the Supreme Court to keep Trump off the ballot. But he’s facing a far more perilous legal road ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first of Trump’s criminal trials for allegedly falsifying business records to pay hush money to an adult film actress during the 2016 presidential campaign is scheduled to start in New York later this month. The former president is also appealing a New York judge’s ruling that he pay $355 million for fraud committed by his businesses and verdict that he pay a writer $83 million for defaming her after she sued him for sexual assault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on how and how quickly the high court rules on Trump’s immunity claim, he could still face charges for trying to overturn the 2020 election in Washington, D.C., before this November’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two more cases are more likely to come later — in Atlanta, where Trump faces state charges for his 2020 election plot, and in Florida, where he’s tentatively scheduled for a May trial on improper retention of classified documents after leaving the presidency, but the trial date is expected to be postponed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday was a win Trump needed to continue his campaign, but his days in court are far from over.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former President \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Donald Trump gained\u003c/a> a clear win at the U.S. Supreme Court on Monday, which unanimously ruled that states don’t have the ability to bar him — or any other federal candidates — from the ballot under a rarely-used constitutional provision that prohibits those who “engaged in insurrection” from holding office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision shuts down a push in dozens of states to end Trump’s candidacy through a clause in the 14th Amendment, written to prevent former Confederates from serving in government after the Civil War.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it may open the door to further electoral uncertainty, exposing more state officials to disqualification under the provision and setting up a constitutional showdown should Trump win the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing four separate criminal trials, Trump’s legal peril may just be beginning. So is the Supreme Court’s role in that process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some takeaways:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A technical, but still big win\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most significant thing the court did Monday was to overturn a Colorado Supreme Court ruling from December that Trump was not eligible to be president because he violated the insurrection clause, Section 3, of the 14th Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This will also stop efforts to kick him off the ballot in Illinois, Maine and other states. Had the Supreme Court let the Colorado ruling stand, it could have triggered a new wave of litigation that might have left Trump disqualified in many states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high court avoided addressing the politically contentious issue of whether Trump played a role in the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol that would have barred him from seeking office. The ruling is almost devoid of references to Jan. 6 or insurrection and doesn’t address whether Trump committed such an act by sparking the attack on the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, it focuses on the technical, procedural question of who gets to decide an election challenge under Section 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All nine justices agreed that is the purview of Congress. But a narrower majority of five went further, ruling it can only be done through legislation. That exposes significant splits underneath the unanimous majority and points toward the greatest uncertainty the ruling creates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A time bomb for Jan. 6, 2025?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One possible outcome that the case presented was the prospect of unelected judges disqualifying the man dominating who has already received hundreds of thousands of votes in the nominating process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another potential nightmare is that if Congress is the only entity that can determine whether a presidential hopeful is indeed disqualified for engaging in “insurrection,” it makes that determination on Jan. 6, 2025, when required to certify a possible Trump victory in the presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high court shut down the first possibility but may have left the door open to the second one. The five-justice majority — all from the court’s conservative wing — said Congress can implement Section 3 through legislation, “subject of course to judicial review.” (That means the court reserves for itself the right to have the final say.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That triggered a dissent from the court’s three liberals, who complained that that “shuts the door on other potential means of federal enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would appear to include a rejection of Trump’s electors should he win the election — but multiple legal experts said Monday that it wasn’t that clear, and the only way to know may be for Congress to try.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Feeling the heat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The 14th Amendment case is one of two, putting the high court squarely amid the ongoing presidential election. Last week, the court agreed to hear Trump’s appeal of a federal ruling that he’s not entitled to immunity from criminal charges for his attempt to overturn the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s trial on those charges was originally scheduled to begin Monday but has been postponed because of the battle over his immunity challenge. The high court taking up his appeal in late April raises the possibility that the trial won’t conclude until after the presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices’ discomfort over being put in the middle of the nation’s partisan divide came through in a brief but notable concurring opinion by Justice Amy Coney Barrett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though one of the court’s conservatives, she disagreed with the majority’s ruling that Congress can only enforce Section 3 through legislation. But she didn’t want to sign onto the liberals’ dissent, either; instead, she warned against focusing too much on partisan divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“… this is not the time to amplify disagreement with stridency,” Barrett wrote. “The Court has settled a politically charged issue in the volatile season of a Presidential election. Particularly in this circumstance, writings on the Court should turn the national temperature down, not up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For present purposes, our differences are far less important than our unanimity: All nine Justices agree on the outcome of this case,” she concluded. “That is the message Americans should take home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Action in the states\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The court’s ruling shuts off using Section 3 against federal officials absent action by Congress, but it leaves open the ability of states to use the provision against their own state officials, noting there’s a rich record after the Civil War of just those sorts of actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s already begun anew in the post-Jan. 6 era. The first disqualification under Section 3 in more than a century came in 2022, when a New Mexico court removed Couy Griffin, who was convicted of entering the Capitol grounds on Jan. 6 while leading a group called “Cowboys for Trump,” from his rural county commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group that brought that case, Citizens for Ethics and Responsibility in Washington, next filed the Colorado case against Trump. They said they were eager to continue filing Section 3 cases against lower-level Jan. 6 participants.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump’s legal travails ahead\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Few observers expected the Supreme Court to keep Trump off the ballot. But he’s facing a far more perilous legal road ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first of Trump’s criminal trials for allegedly falsifying business records to pay hush money to an adult film actress during the 2016 presidential campaign is scheduled to start in New York later this month. The former president is also appealing a New York judge’s ruling that he pay $355 million for fraud committed by his businesses and verdict that he pay a writer $83 million for defaming her after she sued him for sexual assault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on how and how quickly the high court rules on Trump’s immunity claim, he could still face charges for trying to overturn the 2020 election in Washington, D.C., before this November’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two more cases are more likely to come later — in Atlanta, where Trump faces state charges for his 2020 election plot, and in Florida, where he’s tentatively scheduled for a May trial on improper retention of classified documents after leaving the presidency, but the trial date is expected to be postponed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Judge Sets Trump Trial Date in Election Interference Case",
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"content": "\u003cp>The federal judge overseeing a criminal case against former President Donald Trump for interfering with the 2020 presidential election has set a trial date of March 4, 2024, brushing aside Trump’s arguments for a two-year delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Tanya Chutkan said she spoke “briefly” with a judge in New York who had been set to oversee a separate, hush-money case against Trump later in March 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg had previously said he would be flexible on that case, as long as the judges agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial in Washington, D.C., at a courthouse only steps from the U.S. Capitol where rioters ran amok on Jan. 6, 2021, falls deep into the 2024 election season — and just before Super Tuesday. It adds to a hectic legal schedule for Trump, who also faces charges in New York, Florida and Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has pleaded not guilty to charges that include conspiracy to defraud the U.S., conspiracy to obstruct Congress, and conspiracy against rights for allegedly trying to disenfranchise millions of American voters by attempting to overturn the 2020 election and disrupt the peaceful transfer of power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Setting a trial date does not depend and should not depend on a defendant’s personal obligations,” the judge said. She said setting a trial date while considering a professional athlete’s schedule would be “inappropriate” and the same would be true in a case involving a former president running to return to the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take seriously the defense’s request that Mr. Trump be treated like any other defendant appearing before this court, and I intend to do so,” said the judge, a longtime former public defender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Special counsel prosecutor Molly Gaston said the Justice Department had already turned over 12.8 million pages of discovery to the defense, including another group of materials overnight. She said the special counsel had created and shared a nearly 300-page annotated version of the four-count indictment, pointing out their evidentiary basis for each allegation in the charging document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this point, discovery is now substantially complete,” Gaston said.[aside postID=\"news_11957092,news_11951113,news_11918319\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]Much of that material consists of duplicate papers or pages the Trump legal team has already seen coming from his political action committee, the National Archives, the Secret Service and the work of the House Select Committee investigating the Jan. 6 riot, the judge pointed out. Many of the potential 250 witnesses in the case worked closely with Trump, who spent months trying without success to prevent some of his attorneys, top aides and former Vice President Mike Pence from providing grand jury testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an overwhelming task,” Trump attorney John Lauro said. “This man’s liberty and life is at stake. He deserves an adequate representation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauro said the trial date is “inconsistent” with Trump’s right to due process and the judge said she would note that objection for the record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauro, who was hired about six weeks ago, said he had a “solemn obligation” to protect Trump’s rights, raising his voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge twice cautioned him to “take the temperature down here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not easy when you have the entire government amassed against you,” Lauro replied. “President Trump stands before you as an innocent man right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauro argued the case would be a complex one as he foreshadowed a number of motions he will file in the coming weeks, including an argument that the former president should be immune from prosecution because he has been indicted for “being President Trump.” Lauro said he’s preparing a motion to dismiss the indictment based on selective prosecution, because “it provides an advantage to these prosecutors’ boss who’s running a campaign against President Trump.” He said they plan to assert Trump was exercising his First Amendment rights, not violating federal conspiracy laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutor Gaston said the trial should happen as soon as the defense can reasonably be ready, given Trump’s disparaging remarks about prosecutors, witnesses, the judge, and residents of Washington, D.C., which could taint the jury pool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier Monday, Trump called special counsel Jack Smith “deranged” and accused Biden White House officials of being “fascist thugs.” Smith attended the hearing in Washington on Monday morning, but he didn’t make any comments in or outside the courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2023 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The federal judge overseeing a criminal case against former President Donald Trump for interfering with the 2020 presidential election has set a trial date of March 4, 2024, brushing aside Trump’s arguments for a two-year delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Tanya Chutkan said she spoke “briefly” with a judge in New York who had been set to oversee a separate, hush-money case against Trump later in March 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg had previously said he would be flexible on that case, as long as the judges agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial in Washington, D.C., at a courthouse only steps from the U.S. Capitol where rioters ran amok on Jan. 6, 2021, falls deep into the 2024 election season — and just before Super Tuesday. It adds to a hectic legal schedule for Trump, who also faces charges in New York, Florida and Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has pleaded not guilty to charges that include conspiracy to defraud the U.S., conspiracy to obstruct Congress, and conspiracy against rights for allegedly trying to disenfranchise millions of American voters by attempting to overturn the 2020 election and disrupt the peaceful transfer of power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Setting a trial date does not depend and should not depend on a defendant’s personal obligations,” the judge said. She said setting a trial date while considering a professional athlete’s schedule would be “inappropriate” and the same would be true in a case involving a former president running to return to the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take seriously the defense’s request that Mr. Trump be treated like any other defendant appearing before this court, and I intend to do so,” said the judge, a longtime former public defender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Special counsel prosecutor Molly Gaston said the Justice Department had already turned over 12.8 million pages of discovery to the defense, including another group of materials overnight. She said the special counsel had created and shared a nearly 300-page annotated version of the four-count indictment, pointing out their evidentiary basis for each allegation in the charging document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this point, discovery is now substantially complete,” Gaston said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Much of that material consists of duplicate papers or pages the Trump legal team has already seen coming from his political action committee, the National Archives, the Secret Service and the work of the House Select Committee investigating the Jan. 6 riot, the judge pointed out. Many of the potential 250 witnesses in the case worked closely with Trump, who spent months trying without success to prevent some of his attorneys, top aides and former Vice President Mike Pence from providing grand jury testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an overwhelming task,” Trump attorney John Lauro said. “This man’s liberty and life is at stake. He deserves an adequate representation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauro said the trial date is “inconsistent” with Trump’s right to due process and the judge said she would note that objection for the record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauro, who was hired about six weeks ago, said he had a “solemn obligation” to protect Trump’s rights, raising his voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge twice cautioned him to “take the temperature down here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not easy when you have the entire government amassed against you,” Lauro replied. “President Trump stands before you as an innocent man right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauro argued the case would be a complex one as he foreshadowed a number of motions he will file in the coming weeks, including an argument that the former president should be immune from prosecution because he has been indicted for “being President Trump.” Lauro said he’s preparing a motion to dismiss the indictment based on selective prosecution, because “it provides an advantage to these prosecutors’ boss who’s running a campaign against President Trump.” He said they plan to assert Trump was exercising his First Amendment rights, not violating federal conspiracy laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutor Gaston said the trial should happen as soon as the defense can reasonably be ready, given Trump’s disparaging remarks about prosecutors, witnesses, the judge, and residents of Washington, D.C., which could taint the jury pool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier Monday, Trump called special counsel Jack Smith “deranged” and accused Biden White House officials of being “fascist thugs.” Smith attended the hearing in Washington on Monday morning, but he didn’t make any comments in or outside the courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2023 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "'Wow': South Bay Rep. Zoe Lofgren on Cassidy Hutchinson's Account of Jan. 6 Capitol Attack",
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"headTitle": "‘Wow’: South Bay Rep. Zoe Lofgren on Cassidy Hutchinson’s Account of Jan. 6 Capitol Attack | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. House committee investigating the Jan. 6, 2021, assault on the Capitol held a surprise hearing Tuesday featuring testimony from former White House staffer Cassidy Hutchinson, who detailed damning revelations about former President Donald Trump’s actions on the day of the attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hutchinson, who served as an aide to former White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows, described an angry, defiant president who rebuffed warnings from his own security detail and tried to let armed protesters avoid security screenings during a rally that morning protesting the outcome of the 2020 presidential election. And when the events that day spiraled toward violence, with the crowd chanting “Hang Mike Pence,” Trump declined to intervene, Hutchinson testified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump “doesn’t think they’re doing anything wrong,” Hutchinson recalled Meadows saying at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hutchinson’s explosive, moment-by-moment account of what was happening inside and outside the White House offered a vivid description of a Republican president so unwilling to concede his 2020 election defeat to Democrat Joe Biden that he lashed out in rage and refused to stop the siege at the Capitol. It painted a damning portrait of the chaos at the White House as those around the defeated president splintered into factions, one supporting his false claims of voter fraud and another trying unsuccessfully to prevent the violent attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point on Jan. 6, Hutchinson recalled, former White House counsel Pat Cipollone barreled down the hallway and confronted Meadows about rioters breaching the Capitol. Meadows, staring at his phone, told the White House lawyer that Trump didn’t want to do anything, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier, Cipollone had worried out loud that “we’re going to get charged with every crime imaginable” if Trump was to go to the Capitol after his speech at the rally, Hutchinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"january-6\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hutchinson also said Trump directed his staff, in profane terms, to take away the metal-detecting magnetometers that he thought would slow down supporters who were gathering for his speech on the Ellipse, behind the White House. In a clip of an earlier interview with the committee, she recalled the president saying words to the effect of: “I don’t f-in’ care that they have weapons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Rep. Zoe Lofgren, one of the committee members, spoke with KQED’s Natalia Navarro about her reaction to Hutchinson’s explosive testimony and what the public can expect in future hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>NATALIA NAVARRO: Why did the committee call this hearing?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>REP. ZOE LOFGREN:\u003c/strong> Ms. Hutchinson had some new information that we felt needed to get out. Obviously, we know from other instances that there is a lot of pressure that is placed on people. And we wanted to make sure that the story that she had to tell was able to be released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When did you know that Hutchinson would testify?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We were not positive until really late last week. I think it’s been widely reported that she sat for four interviews. Her lawyer for the first three was paid for by the Trump PAC, and when she switched lawyers, I think the testimony became ever more expansive. And it was at that point that we were able to arrange a live testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What was your overall reaction to what she had to say yesterday?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I admire her courage. She seemed very candid and courageous. Obviously, she was in a key position in the White House, steps away from the Oval Office. She’s a young person but had a very responsible job, and she was in a position to see and hear quite a bit, and she’s willing to talk about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obviously, not everything that she has told us has been reported out. There is more that will be included in upcoming hearings. Honestly, her testimony about [how] the president was told that they had discovered that people in the crowd had weapons, including AR-15s and Glocks and assault weapons, that they didn’t want to go through the magnetometers because they didn’t want their weapons taken away, that she overheard directly that he was ordering people to take the “f-ing mags away.” He didn’t care that they were armed because he didn’t think they were going to hurt him, and the telling point was that those armed people could then walk to the Capitol from the Ellipse. Wow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Do you plan to present evidence that members of Trump’s inner circle met with hate groups, including the Proud Boys, Oath Keepers, other rally organizers, and knew or even helped coordinate their plan of attack?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m going to leave that for future hearings. But as the chairman has said publicly, there certainly were connections between these extremist groups and the president’s inner circle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What role did Roger Stone play in all of this?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, we’re going to leave that to a future hearing. As you know, he refused to testify before the committee. He took the Fifth Amendment repeatedly, but it was pretty clear that he played an important role in putting together the plot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11918441\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A wide shot of the committee hearing facing all of the committee members\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A text from Fox News host Sean Hannity to former White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany is displayed as Cassidy Hutchinson, a former top aide to Trump White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows, testifies during the sixth hearing held by the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the US Capitol, on June 28, 2022, in the Cannon House Office Building in Washington, DC. \u003ccite>(Shawn Thew-Pool/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Who else would you like to hear from in future hearings?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’d like to hear from Pat Cipollone, the White House counsel. He came in for an informal interview. But I think especially given Hutchinson’s testimony yesterday, I think he owes it to us to come in and speak to the committee. I know from what our investigators have said, he’s acutely attentive to the role of the White House counsel moving forward. On the other hand, historically, there have been times when the White House counsel had to come forward and talk about misconduct in the White House. Although he’s relying on executive privilege, not attorney-client privilege, to the best of my knowledge there is an exception to the attorney-client privilege, and that is activity that is in furtherance of a crime or in furtherance of fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Do you think it’s likely the committee will get Cipollone to testify?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can’t say. And we were certainly asking him to do that. And based on the testimony of Ms. Hutchinson yesterday, I would hope that he is thinking about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The last time you spoke with KQED, you said it wasn’t the committee’s job to prosecute or to bring charges, and that was purely the role of the attorney general. Has any of the new information we got yesterday changed your opinion in any way?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Structurally, that’s just a fact. The legislative committees don’t have the legal authority to prosecute and no amount of evidence changes that structural fact. It’s part of the constitutional order. Whether we think criminal offenses have been committed, we might have a view. And we’ve yet to discuss whether we will share that opinion with the Department of Justice. We may or we may not. But in the end, under our system of laws, the Congress is not a prosecutor. The Congress is a legislative body.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What was new to you in yesterday’s hearing?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t new because I’d read the transcripts and knew of the information. But what was new, I think, to the public was Mr. Meadows’ knowledge of the violence and his passivity, his willingness to go along with the situation that was leading to more and greater threats. The president’s direct knowledge of the violent nature of some in the crowd and his interest in sending them down to the Capitol anyhow — that’s pretty profound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s next for the committee?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We will be having other hearings that will cover the topics that have not yet been covered. And honestly, new information is flowing in, I think, in response to these hearings. And so we’re scrambling to sort through information to see whether it’s relevant or not. But we will have additional hearings and lay out all the facts that we’re able to find. And ultimately, we will have recommendations on potential changes to law that might make the nation more secure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. House committee investigating the Jan. 6, 2021, assault on the Capitol held a surprise hearing Tuesday featuring testimony from former White House staffer Cassidy Hutchinson, who detailed damning revelations about former President Donald Trump’s actions on the day of the attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hutchinson, who served as an aide to former White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows, described an angry, defiant president who rebuffed warnings from his own security detail and tried to let armed protesters avoid security screenings during a rally that morning protesting the outcome of the 2020 presidential election. And when the events that day spiraled toward violence, with the crowd chanting “Hang Mike Pence,” Trump declined to intervene, Hutchinson testified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump “doesn’t think they’re doing anything wrong,” Hutchinson recalled Meadows saying at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hutchinson’s explosive, moment-by-moment account of what was happening inside and outside the White House offered a vivid description of a Republican president so unwilling to concede his 2020 election defeat to Democrat Joe Biden that he lashed out in rage and refused to stop the siege at the Capitol. It painted a damning portrait of the chaos at the White House as those around the defeated president splintered into factions, one supporting his false claims of voter fraud and another trying unsuccessfully to prevent the violent attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point on Jan. 6, Hutchinson recalled, former White House counsel Pat Cipollone barreled down the hallway and confronted Meadows about rioters breaching the Capitol. Meadows, staring at his phone, told the White House lawyer that Trump didn’t want to do anything, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hutchinson also said Trump directed his staff, in profane terms, to take away the metal-detecting magnetometers that he thought would slow down supporters who were gathering for his speech on the Ellipse, behind the White House. In a clip of an earlier interview with the committee, she recalled the president saying words to the effect of: “I don’t f-in’ care that they have weapons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Rep. Zoe Lofgren, one of the committee members, spoke with KQED’s Natalia Navarro about her reaction to Hutchinson’s explosive testimony and what the public can expect in future hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>NATALIA NAVARRO: Why did the committee call this hearing?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>REP. ZOE LOFGREN:\u003c/strong> Ms. Hutchinson had some new information that we felt needed to get out. Obviously, we know from other instances that there is a lot of pressure that is placed on people. And we wanted to make sure that the story that she had to tell was able to be released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When did you know that Hutchinson would testify?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We were not positive until really late last week. I think it’s been widely reported that she sat for four interviews. Her lawyer for the first three was paid for by the Trump PAC, and when she switched lawyers, I think the testimony became ever more expansive. And it was at that point that we were able to arrange a live testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What was your overall reaction to what she had to say yesterday?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I admire her courage. She seemed very candid and courageous. Obviously, she was in a key position in the White House, steps away from the Oval Office. She’s a young person but had a very responsible job, and she was in a position to see and hear quite a bit, and she’s willing to talk about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obviously, not everything that she has told us has been reported out. There is more that will be included in upcoming hearings. Honestly, her testimony about [how] the president was told that they had discovered that people in the crowd had weapons, including AR-15s and Glocks and assault weapons, that they didn’t want to go through the magnetometers because they didn’t want their weapons taken away, that she overheard directly that he was ordering people to take the “f-ing mags away.” He didn’t care that they were armed because he didn’t think they were going to hurt him, and the telling point was that those armed people could then walk to the Capitol from the Ellipse. Wow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Do you plan to present evidence that members of Trump’s inner circle met with hate groups, including the Proud Boys, Oath Keepers, other rally organizers, and knew or even helped coordinate their plan of attack?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m going to leave that for future hearings. But as the chairman has said publicly, there certainly were connections between these extremist groups and the president’s inner circle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What role did Roger Stone play in all of this?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, we’re going to leave that to a future hearing. As you know, he refused to testify before the committee. He took the Fifth Amendment repeatedly, but it was pretty clear that he played an important role in putting together the plot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11918441\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A wide shot of the committee hearing facing all of the committee members\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Hutchinson-GettyImages-12415934171.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A text from Fox News host Sean Hannity to former White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany is displayed as Cassidy Hutchinson, a former top aide to Trump White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows, testifies during the sixth hearing held by the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the US Capitol, on June 28, 2022, in the Cannon House Office Building in Washington, DC. \u003ccite>(Shawn Thew-Pool/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Who else would you like to hear from in future hearings?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’d like to hear from Pat Cipollone, the White House counsel. He came in for an informal interview. But I think especially given Hutchinson’s testimony yesterday, I think he owes it to us to come in and speak to the committee. I know from what our investigators have said, he’s acutely attentive to the role of the White House counsel moving forward. On the other hand, historically, there have been times when the White House counsel had to come forward and talk about misconduct in the White House. Although he’s relying on executive privilege, not attorney-client privilege, to the best of my knowledge there is an exception to the attorney-client privilege, and that is activity that is in furtherance of a crime or in furtherance of fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Do you think it’s likely the committee will get Cipollone to testify?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can’t say. And we were certainly asking him to do that. And based on the testimony of Ms. Hutchinson yesterday, I would hope that he is thinking about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The last time you spoke with KQED, you said it wasn’t the committee’s job to prosecute or to bring charges, and that was purely the role of the attorney general. Has any of the new information we got yesterday changed your opinion in any way?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Structurally, that’s just a fact. The legislative committees don’t have the legal authority to prosecute and no amount of evidence changes that structural fact. It’s part of the constitutional order. Whether we think criminal offenses have been committed, we might have a view. And we’ve yet to discuss whether we will share that opinion with the Department of Justice. We may or we may not. But in the end, under our system of laws, the Congress is not a prosecutor. The Congress is a legislative body.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What was new to you in yesterday’s hearing?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t new because I’d read the transcripts and knew of the information. But what was new, I think, to the public was Mr. Meadows’ knowledge of the violence and his passivity, his willingness to go along with the situation that was leading to more and greater threats. The president’s direct knowledge of the violent nature of some in the crowd and his interest in sending them down to the Capitol anyhow — that’s pretty profound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s next for the committee?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We will be having other hearings that will cover the topics that have not yet been covered. And honestly, new information is flowing in, I think, in response to these hearings. And so we’re scrambling to sort through information to see whether it’s relevant or not. But we will have additional hearings and lay out all the facts that we’re able to find. And ultimately, we will have recommendations on potential changes to law that might make the nation more secure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Elon Musk Says He'll Reverse Donald Trump Twitter Ban",
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"content": "\u003cp>Elon Musk says he would reverse former President Donald Trump’s permanent ban from Twitter if his deal to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/25/1094604406/twitter-elon-musk-deal\">buy the social network\u003c/a> goes through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Banning Trump “was a morally bad decision, to be clear, and foolish in the extreme,” the billionaire said at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VfyrQVhfGZc\">Financial Times conference\u003c/a> on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/08/954760928/twitter-bans-president-trump-citing-risk-of-further-incitement-of-violence\">kicked Trump off\u003c/a> after his supporters stormed the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. The social network said Trump had broken its rules against inciting violence and that it decided to remove him “due to the risk of further incitement of violence.” It was the first major platform to ban the then-president, a move quickly followed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/04/1003284948/trump-suspended-from-facebook-for-2-years\">Facebook\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/insurrection-at-the-capitol/2021/01/13/956317191/youtube-joins-twitter-facebook-in-taking-down-trumps-account-after-capitol-siege\">YouTube\u003c/a>.[aside label=\"More Stories on Elon Musk\" postID=\"forum_2010101888908,forum_2010101888933,news_11912155\"]“I do think that it was not correct to ban Donald Trump,” Musk said on Tuesday. “I think that was a mistake because it alienated a large part of the country and did not ultimately result in Donald Trump not having a voice,” he added, pointing out that the former president has said he will start posting on his own social media app, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/02/22/1082243094/trumps-social-media-app-launches-year-after-twitter-ban\">Truth Social\u003c/a>. (Trump has said he will not return to Twitter even if the ban is lifted.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk, who has said he wants to buy Twitter to encourage \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/25/1094671225/elon-musk-bought-twitter-plans\">more free speech\u003c/a>, said he thinks the platform should only ban accounts in rare cases to remove bots, spammers and scammers, “where there’s just no legitimacy to the account at all.” Otherwise, he said, permanent bans “undermine trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said Twitter co-founder and former chief executive \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/14/956664893/twitter-ceo-tweets-about-banning-trump-from-site\">Jack Dorsey\u003c/a> shares his opinion that Twitter should not have permanent bans. Twitter has said Dorsey made the call to ban Trump last year, and the former CEO previously said it was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/14/956664893/twitter-ceo-tweets-about-banning-trump-from-site\">“the right decision.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after Musk’s comments, Dorsey confirmed that he agrees. “Generally permanent bans are a failure of ours and don’t work,” he \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/jack/status/1524096528419274753\">tweeted\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk acknowledged that he does not yet own Twitter and so any plans to reinstate Trump’s account are still theoretical. “This is not like a thing that will definitely happen,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his comments answer a question that has been hanging over the company since Musk made his surprise offer to buy it last month, saying he wanted to “unlock” its potential by loosening what he sees as unfair restrictions on free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk has given few details on how he would overhaul Twitter beyond saying he believes it should be a town square where everyone can be heard, and that the company should only restrict speech when required by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reinstating Trump, who was one of Twitter’s most divisive and successful users, would add fuel to a heated discourse over the role of social networks in fostering open debate while not allowing their platforms to be abused by the loudest voices.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sumayyah Waheed of the civil rights group Muslim Advocates\"]‘Trump used that platform to encourage obviously false conspiracies about the election, all to undermine democracy and ensure that he could remain in office.’[/pullquote]“What Musk proposes to do with the platform would represent a severe backslide in favor of allowing hate and misinformation that would put our communities in even more danger,” said Sumayyah Waheed of the civil rights group Muslim Advocates. The group is a member of Twitter’s Trust and Safety Council, which advises the company on its policies and products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump used that platform to encourage obviously false conspiracies about the election, all to undermine democracy and ensure that he could remain in office,” Waheed said. “As part of that effort, he encouraged a violent mob to storm the U.S. Capitol, which resulted in multiple deaths. During and after the insurrection, he used his Twitter account to downplay the insurrectionists’ actions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued: “If this does not merit being banned from the platform, then I’m terrified of what else would be allowed under Musk’s watch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allowing Trump to return could also exacerbate concerns among some Twitter employees who worry that Musk will undo years of work to curb abuse and harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Musk first revealed he had become Twitter’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/04/1090789822/elon-musk-twitter-stock-largest-shareholder\">largest individual shareholder\u003c/a> in early April, he has been publicly critical of the company and its employees. He continued to lob criticism even after reaching an agreement to buy the company for $44 billion, and has amplified attacks on Twitter’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/05/09/twitter-lawyer-censor-musk/\">top lawyer\u003c/a> and head of policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Twitter needs to be much more even-handed. It currently has a strong left bias because it’s based in San Francisco,” Musk said on Tuesday. Conservatives have long accused tech companies of bias and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/07/07/1013760153/donald-trump-says-he-is-suing-facebook-google-and-twitter-for-alleged-censorship\">censorship\u003c/a>, even though there is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/07/19/1013793067/outrage-as-a-business-model-how-ben-shapiro-is-using-facebook-to-build-an-empire\">no evidence\u003c/a> for these allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Elon+Musk+says+he%27ll+reverse+Donald+Trump+Twitter+ban&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Elon Musk says he would reverse former President Donald Trump’s permanent ban from Twitter if his deal to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/25/1094604406/twitter-elon-musk-deal\">buy the social network\u003c/a> goes through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Banning Trump “was a morally bad decision, to be clear, and foolish in the extreme,” the billionaire said at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VfyrQVhfGZc\">Financial Times conference\u003c/a> on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/08/954760928/twitter-bans-president-trump-citing-risk-of-further-incitement-of-violence\">kicked Trump off\u003c/a> after his supporters stormed the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. The social network said Trump had broken its rules against inciting violence and that it decided to remove him “due to the risk of further incitement of violence.” It was the first major platform to ban the then-president, a move quickly followed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/04/1003284948/trump-suspended-from-facebook-for-2-years\">Facebook\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/insurrection-at-the-capitol/2021/01/13/956317191/youtube-joins-twitter-facebook-in-taking-down-trumps-account-after-capitol-siege\">YouTube\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I do think that it was not correct to ban Donald Trump,” Musk said on Tuesday. “I think that was a mistake because it alienated a large part of the country and did not ultimately result in Donald Trump not having a voice,” he added, pointing out that the former president has said he will start posting on his own social media app, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/02/22/1082243094/trumps-social-media-app-launches-year-after-twitter-ban\">Truth Social\u003c/a>. (Trump has said he will not return to Twitter even if the ban is lifted.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk, who has said he wants to buy Twitter to encourage \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/25/1094671225/elon-musk-bought-twitter-plans\">more free speech\u003c/a>, said he thinks the platform should only ban accounts in rare cases to remove bots, spammers and scammers, “where there’s just no legitimacy to the account at all.” Otherwise, he said, permanent bans “undermine trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said Twitter co-founder and former chief executive \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/14/956664893/twitter-ceo-tweets-about-banning-trump-from-site\">Jack Dorsey\u003c/a> shares his opinion that Twitter should not have permanent bans. Twitter has said Dorsey made the call to ban Trump last year, and the former CEO previously said it was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/14/956664893/twitter-ceo-tweets-about-banning-trump-from-site\">“the right decision.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after Musk’s comments, Dorsey confirmed that he agrees. “Generally permanent bans are a failure of ours and don’t work,” he \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/jack/status/1524096528419274753\">tweeted\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk acknowledged that he does not yet own Twitter and so any plans to reinstate Trump’s account are still theoretical. “This is not like a thing that will definitely happen,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his comments answer a question that has been hanging over the company since Musk made his surprise offer to buy it last month, saying he wanted to “unlock” its potential by loosening what he sees as unfair restrictions on free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk has given few details on how he would overhaul Twitter beyond saying he believes it should be a town square where everyone can be heard, and that the company should only restrict speech when required by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reinstating Trump, who was one of Twitter’s most divisive and successful users, would add fuel to a heated discourse over the role of social networks in fostering open debate while not allowing their platforms to be abused by the loudest voices.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“What Musk proposes to do with the platform would represent a severe backslide in favor of allowing hate and misinformation that would put our communities in even more danger,” said Sumayyah Waheed of the civil rights group Muslim Advocates. The group is a member of Twitter’s Trust and Safety Council, which advises the company on its policies and products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump used that platform to encourage obviously false conspiracies about the election, all to undermine democracy and ensure that he could remain in office,” Waheed said. “As part of that effort, he encouraged a violent mob to storm the U.S. Capitol, which resulted in multiple deaths. During and after the insurrection, he used his Twitter account to downplay the insurrectionists’ actions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued: “If this does not merit being banned from the platform, then I’m terrified of what else would be allowed under Musk’s watch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allowing Trump to return could also exacerbate concerns among some Twitter employees who worry that Musk will undo years of work to curb abuse and harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Musk first revealed he had become Twitter’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/04/1090789822/elon-musk-twitter-stock-largest-shareholder\">largest individual shareholder\u003c/a> in early April, he has been publicly critical of the company and its employees. He continued to lob criticism even after reaching an agreement to buy the company for $44 billion, and has amplified attacks on Twitter’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/05/09/twitter-lawyer-censor-musk/\">top lawyer\u003c/a> and head of policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Twitter needs to be much more even-handed. It currently has a strong left bias because it’s based in San Francisco,” Musk said on Tuesday. Conservatives have long accused tech companies of bias and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/07/07/1013760153/donald-trump-says-he-is-suing-facebook-google-and-twitter-for-alleged-censorship\">censorship\u003c/a>, even though there is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/07/19/1013793067/outrage-as-a-business-model-how-ben-shapiro-is-using-facebook-to-build-an-empire\">no evidence\u003c/a> for these allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Elon+Musk+says+he%27ll+reverse+Donald+Trump+Twitter+ban&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11900879\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final.png\" alt='Cartoon: a U.S. map titled, \"January 6, 2022.\" Arrows point at multiple states with labels saying, \"law restricts voting access,\" \"law expands voter purges,\" \" democracy weakened.\" Some smoke rises over the nation.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1329\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final-800x554.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final-1020x706.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final-160x111.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final-1536x1063.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the wake of last year’s January 6 insurrection, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21169281/democracy-crisis-in-the-making-report-update_12232021-year-end-numbers.pdf\">Republican-controlled legislatures across the country have moved to restrict access to voting\u003c/a> and politicize how elections are carried out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the nonpartisan, pro-democracy group Protect Democracy, 262 bills in 41 states would interfere with how elections are administered, and \u003ca href=\"https://protectdemocracy.org/project/democracy-crisis-in-the-making/#section-3\">32 of those bills have now been signed into law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Efforts to make participating in our democracy more difficult show no sign of abating and attempts to insert politics into our previously independent electoral system are gaining traction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just about \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/voting-laws-roundup-december-2021\">laws that are passed in state legislatures\u003c/a> — it’s about \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/01/04/1069232219/heres-where-election-deniers-and-doubters-are-running-to-control-voting\">super-partisan people who are beginning to infect county canvassing boards and voting precincts around the country\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Footage of restrictive laws being passed and partisan election officials might not be as dramatic as a violent mob in the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, but what we’re witnessing is every bit as dangerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11900879\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final.png\" alt='Cartoon: a U.S. map titled, \"January 6, 2022.\" Arrows point at multiple states with labels saying, \"law restricts voting access,\" \"law expands voter purges,\" \" democracy weakened.\" Some smoke rises over the nation.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1329\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final-800x554.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final-1020x706.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final-160x111.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/january6th_010522_final-1536x1063.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the wake of last year’s January 6 insurrection, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21169281/democracy-crisis-in-the-making-report-update_12232021-year-end-numbers.pdf\">Republican-controlled legislatures across the country have moved to restrict access to voting\u003c/a> and politicize how elections are carried out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the nonpartisan, pro-democracy group Protect Democracy, 262 bills in 41 states would interfere with how elections are administered, and \u003ca href=\"https://protectdemocracy.org/project/democracy-crisis-in-the-making/#section-3\">32 of those bills have now been signed into law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Efforts to make participating in our democracy more difficult show no sign of abating and attempts to insert politics into our previously independent electoral system are gaining traction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just about \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/voting-laws-roundup-december-2021\">laws that are passed in state legislatures\u003c/a> — it’s about \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/01/04/1069232219/heres-where-election-deniers-and-doubters-are-running-to-control-voting\">super-partisan people who are beginning to infect county canvassing boards and voting precincts around the country\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Footage of restrictive laws being passed and partisan election officials might not be as dramatic as a violent mob in the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, but what we’re witnessing is every bit as dangerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Top House Republican Kevin McCarthy Rejects Bipartisan Probe of Capitol Riot",
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"content": "\u003cp>House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy came out Tuesday against \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/14/996822835/house-lawmakers-reach-bipartisan-deal-on-panel-to-investigate-jan-6-attack\">a bipartisan proposal\u003c/a> to establish a 9/11-style commission to investigate the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol. The announcement comes a day before the House of Representatives is slated to vote on the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarthy tasked the top-ranking Republican on the House Homeland Security Committee, Rep. John Katko of New York, to broker a deal on the commission, and the GOP leader's opposition undercuts his own member's agreement with Chairman Bennie Thompson, D-Mississippi, and gives cover to other House Republicans to vote against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To explain his opposition, the California Republican pointed to other bipartisan efforts in the Senate to probe the riots, a security review underway by a top House official, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/02/09/965472049/the-capitol-siege-the-arrested-and-their-stories\">the Justice Department's arrests of hundreds\u003c/a> who breached the Capitol that day. He said the fact that the commission also isn't designed to study other instances of political violence was a problem for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Given the political misdirections that have marred this process, given the now duplicative and potentially counterproductive nature of this effort, and given the Speaker's shortsighted scope that does not examine interrelated forms of political violence in America, I cannot support this legislation,\" McCarthy said in a written statement Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bipartisan proposal calls for a 10-member panel, evenly split between the two parties: Five of them, including the chair, would be appointed by the House speaker and the Senate majority leader; the other five, including the vice chair, would be appointed by the minority leaders of the House and Senate. The commission is tasked with studying the \"facts and circumstances of the January 6\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> attack on the Capitol as well as the influencing factors that may have provoked the attack on our democracy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission would also have the power to issue subpoenas to carry out its investigation, but these would require \"agreement between the Chair and the Vice Chair or a vote by a majority of Commission members.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The panel is directed to produce a final report and recommendations by Dec. 31. That timeline is much more expedited than the 9/11 commission, which took more than a year for Congress to create and which issued a report almost three years after the terror attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four-month effort to get agreement on the structure of a commission was stalled as GOP lawmakers pushed back on House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's initial plan that included more Democrats than Republicans. They also wanted a broader focus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Liz Cheney, R- Wyoming, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/12/995072539/gop-poised-to-oust-cheney-from-leadership-over-her-criticism-of-trump\">ousted \u003c/a>last week from her No. 3 House GOP leadership post for her criticism of former President Donald Trump, \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/liz-cheney-regrets-voting-trump-2020/story?id=77695446\">told ABC News\u003c/a> she wouldn't be surprised if McCarthy were subpoenaed by a commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarthy spoke with Trump on Jan. 6 and has talked publicly about his appeals to the president that day to address those rioting at the Capitol and urge them to leave. During the second impeachment trial of Trump, Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler, R-Washington, revealed that McCarthy told her the president's response to him was, \" 'Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would hope he doesn't require a subpoena, but I wouldn't be surprised if he were subpoenaed,\" Cheney said about McCarthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='The Capitol Insurrection' tag='capitol-insurrection']In recent weeks some Republican lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/12/996162812/at-rancorous-hearing-on-jan-6-insurrection-partisan-divide-takes-center-stage\">have downplayed the threat \u003c/a>to the Capitol on Jan. 6 despite the fact that many of them were in the building when hundreds of violent protesters clashed with police. And while many on the right have tried to emphasize the threat of antifa, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/02/972539274/fbi-director-wray-testifies-before-congress-for-1st-time-since-capitol-attack\">the nation's top law enforcement officials\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/02/972564176/antifa-didnt-storm-the-capitol-just-ask-the-rioters\">the rioters themselves\u003c/a> confirm that right-wing extremists hold responsibility for the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarthy, who days after the attack said Trump deserved blame for the riots, has softened his stance. Last week after he met with President Biden, he maintained that no one is disputing the 2020 election results — hours after backing an effort to remove Cheney for calling out fellow Republicans who continue to raise questions about the certification in some states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelosi, asked about McCarthy's opposition, told reporters on Capitol Hill, \"I'm very pleased that we have a bipartisan bill to come to the floor and it's disappointing, but not surprising, that the cowardice on the part of some on the Republican side not to want to find the truth.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kentucky, has not weighed in on the proposal yet. The House is expected to approve the measure, but it would need 10 GOP senators to back it to get through the upper chamber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR congressional reporter Claudia Grisales contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Top+House+Republican+Opposes+Bipartisan+Commission+To+Probe+Capitol+Riot&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy came out Tuesday against \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/14/996822835/house-lawmakers-reach-bipartisan-deal-on-panel-to-investigate-jan-6-attack\">a bipartisan proposal\u003c/a> to establish a 9/11-style commission to investigate the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol. The announcement comes a day before the House of Representatives is slated to vote on the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarthy tasked the top-ranking Republican on the House Homeland Security Committee, Rep. John Katko of New York, to broker a deal on the commission, and the GOP leader's opposition undercuts his own member's agreement with Chairman Bennie Thompson, D-Mississippi, and gives cover to other House Republicans to vote against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To explain his opposition, the California Republican pointed to other bipartisan efforts in the Senate to probe the riots, a security review underway by a top House official, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/02/09/965472049/the-capitol-siege-the-arrested-and-their-stories\">the Justice Department's arrests of hundreds\u003c/a> who breached the Capitol that day. He said the fact that the commission also isn't designed to study other instances of political violence was a problem for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Given the political misdirections that have marred this process, given the now duplicative and potentially counterproductive nature of this effort, and given the Speaker's shortsighted scope that does not examine interrelated forms of political violence in America, I cannot support this legislation,\" McCarthy said in a written statement Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bipartisan proposal calls for a 10-member panel, evenly split between the two parties: Five of them, including the chair, would be appointed by the House speaker and the Senate majority leader; the other five, including the vice chair, would be appointed by the minority leaders of the House and Senate. The commission is tasked with studying the \"facts and circumstances of the January 6\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> attack on the Capitol as well as the influencing factors that may have provoked the attack on our democracy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission would also have the power to issue subpoenas to carry out its investigation, but these would require \"agreement between the Chair and the Vice Chair or a vote by a majority of Commission members.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The panel is directed to produce a final report and recommendations by Dec. 31. That timeline is much more expedited than the 9/11 commission, which took more than a year for Congress to create and which issued a report almost three years after the terror attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four-month effort to get agreement on the structure of a commission was stalled as GOP lawmakers pushed back on House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's initial plan that included more Democrats than Republicans. They also wanted a broader focus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Liz Cheney, R- Wyoming, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/12/995072539/gop-poised-to-oust-cheney-from-leadership-over-her-criticism-of-trump\">ousted \u003c/a>last week from her No. 3 House GOP leadership post for her criticism of former President Donald Trump, \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/liz-cheney-regrets-voting-trump-2020/story?id=77695446\">told ABC News\u003c/a> she wouldn't be surprised if McCarthy were subpoenaed by a commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarthy spoke with Trump on Jan. 6 and has talked publicly about his appeals to the president that day to address those rioting at the Capitol and urge them to leave. During the second impeachment trial of Trump, Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler, R-Washington, revealed that McCarthy told her the president's response to him was, \" 'Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would hope he doesn't require a subpoena, but I wouldn't be surprised if he were subpoenaed,\" Cheney said about McCarthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In recent weeks some Republican lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/12/996162812/at-rancorous-hearing-on-jan-6-insurrection-partisan-divide-takes-center-stage\">have downplayed the threat \u003c/a>to the Capitol on Jan. 6 despite the fact that many of them were in the building when hundreds of violent protesters clashed with police. And while many on the right have tried to emphasize the threat of antifa, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/02/972539274/fbi-director-wray-testifies-before-congress-for-1st-time-since-capitol-attack\">the nation's top law enforcement officials\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/02/972564176/antifa-didnt-storm-the-capitol-just-ask-the-rioters\">the rioters themselves\u003c/a> confirm that right-wing extremists hold responsibility for the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarthy, who days after the attack said Trump deserved blame for the riots, has softened his stance. Last week after he met with President Biden, he maintained that no one is disputing the 2020 election results — hours after backing an effort to remove Cheney for calling out fellow Republicans who continue to raise questions about the certification in some states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelosi, asked about McCarthy's opposition, told reporters on Capitol Hill, \"I'm very pleased that we have a bipartisan bill to come to the floor and it's disappointing, but not surprising, that the cowardice on the part of some on the Republican side not to want to find the truth.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kentucky, has not weighed in on the proposal yet. The House is expected to approve the measure, but it would need 10 GOP senators to back it to get through the upper chamber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR congressional reporter Claudia Grisales contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Top+House+Republican+Opposes+Bipartisan+Commission+To+Probe+Capitol+Riot&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Rep. Eric Swalwell, who served as a House manager in Donald Trump’s last impeachment trial, filed a lawsuit Friday against the former president, his son, lawyer and a Republican congressman whose actions he charges led to January’s insurrection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Democrat’s suit, filed in federal court in Washington, alleges a conspiracy to violate civil rights, along with negligence, inciting a riot and inflicting emotional distress. It follows a similar suit filed by Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Mississippi, last month in an attempt to hold the former president accountable in some way for his actions Jan. 6, following his Senate acquittal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell charges that Trump, his son Donald Jr., along with former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani and Republican Rep. Mo Brooks of Alabama, had made “false and incendiary allegations of fraud and theft, and in direct response to the Defendant’s express calls for violence at the rally, a violent mob attacked the U.S. Capitol.” [aside tag=\"politics,capitol-insurrection\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit spells out in detail how the Trumps, Giuliani and Brooks spread baseless claims of election fraud, both before and after the 2020 presidential election was declared, and charges that they helped to spin up the thousands of rioters before they stormed the Capitol. Five people died as a result of the violence on Jan. 6, including a U.S. Capitol Police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s spokesman, Jason Miller, called Swalwell a “low-life” with “no credibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, after failing miserably with two impeachment hoaxes,” Swalwell is attacking “our greatest President with yet another witch hunt,” Miller said in a statement. “It’s a disgrace that a compromised Member of Congress like Swalwell still sits on the House Intelligence Committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks said the lawsuit was frivolous and “a meritless ploy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I make no apologies whatsoever for fighting for accurate and honest elections,” he said, adding he wore the lawsuit “like a badge of courage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, through Trump’s own words, accuses the former president of inciting the riot, using much of the same playbook used by Swalwell and others during Trump’s impeachment trial — that his lies over the election results stirred supporters into the false belief the 2020 election had been stolen, that he egged the angry mob on through his rally speech and that he did nothing when faced with the images of throngs of his supporters smashing windows at the U.S. Capitol and sending lawmakers fleeing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those with knowledge claimed that during this moment of national horror, Trump was ‘delighted’ and was ‘confused about why other people on his team weren’t as excited as he was.’ Others described Trump as ‘borderline enthusiastic’ about the unfolding violence,” according to the suit. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike Thompson’s lawsuit — filed against Trump, Giuliani and some far-right extremist groups whose members are alleged to have participated in the insurrection — Swalwell’s did not specify whether he was filing in his personal or official capacity, which would require additional approvals from the House and involve House attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both lawsuits cite a federal civil rights law that was enacted to counter the Ku Klux Klan’s intimidation of officials. Swalwell’s attorney, Philip Andonian, praised Thompson’s lawsuit, filed under a Reconstruction-era law called the Ku Klux Klan Act, and said they were behind it 100%, but saw the need for this one, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see ourselves as having a different angle to this, holding Trump accountable for the incitement, the disinformation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Presidents are historically afforded broad immunity from lawsuits for actions they take in their role as commander in chief. But the lawsuit, like the one by Thompson, was brought against Trump in his personal, not official, capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell also describes in detail being trapped in the House chamber with many other members of Congress as plainclothes Capitol Police officers barricaded the doors and tried to fend off the mob at gunpoint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Attorney Philip Andonian']‘We see ourselves as having a different angle to this, holding Trump accountable for the incitement, the disinformation,’[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fearing for their lives, the Plaintiff and others masked their identities as members of Congress, texted loved ones in case the worst happened, and took shelter throughout the Capitol complex,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that Brooks “conspired with the other Defendants to undermine the election results by alleging, without evidence, that the election had been rigged and by pressuring elected officials, courts, and ultimately Congress to reject the results.” It notes that he spoke at a rally supporting Trump at the Ellipse, near the White House, shortly before thousands of pro-Trump rioters made their way to the Capitol and overwhelmed police officers to shove their way inside the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit seeks unspecified damages, and Swalwell also wants a court to order all of the defendants to provide written notice to him a week before they plan to have a rally in Washington that would draw more than 50 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/ericswalwell/status/1367866576641421314?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unable to accept defeat, Donald Trump waged an all out war on a peaceful transition of power,” Swalwell said in a statement. “He lied to his followers again and again claiming the election was stolen from them, filed a mountain of frivolous lawsuits — nearly all of which failed, tried to intimidate election officials, and finally called upon his supporters to descend on Washington D.C. to ‘stop the steal.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Lisa Mascaro contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Rep. Eric Swalwell, who served as a House manager in Donald Trump’s last impeachment trial, filed a lawsuit Friday against the former president, his son, lawyer and a Republican congressman whose actions he charges led to January’s insurrection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Democrat’s suit, filed in federal court in Washington, alleges a conspiracy to violate civil rights, along with negligence, inciting a riot and inflicting emotional distress. It follows a similar suit filed by Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Mississippi, last month in an attempt to hold the former president accountable in some way for his actions Jan. 6, following his Senate acquittal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell charges that Trump, his son Donald Jr., along with former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani and Republican Rep. Mo Brooks of Alabama, had made “false and incendiary allegations of fraud and theft, and in direct response to the Defendant’s express calls for violence at the rally, a violent mob attacked the U.S. Capitol.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit spells out in detail how the Trumps, Giuliani and Brooks spread baseless claims of election fraud, both before and after the 2020 presidential election was declared, and charges that they helped to spin up the thousands of rioters before they stormed the Capitol. Five people died as a result of the violence on Jan. 6, including a U.S. Capitol Police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s spokesman, Jason Miller, called Swalwell a “low-life” with “no credibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, after failing miserably with two impeachment hoaxes,” Swalwell is attacking “our greatest President with yet another witch hunt,” Miller said in a statement. “It’s a disgrace that a compromised Member of Congress like Swalwell still sits on the House Intelligence Committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks said the lawsuit was frivolous and “a meritless ploy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I make no apologies whatsoever for fighting for accurate and honest elections,” he said, adding he wore the lawsuit “like a badge of courage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, through Trump’s own words, accuses the former president of inciting the riot, using much of the same playbook used by Swalwell and others during Trump’s impeachment trial — that his lies over the election results stirred supporters into the false belief the 2020 election had been stolen, that he egged the angry mob on through his rally speech and that he did nothing when faced with the images of throngs of his supporters smashing windows at the U.S. Capitol and sending lawmakers fleeing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those with knowledge claimed that during this moment of national horror, Trump was ‘delighted’ and was ‘confused about why other people on his team weren’t as excited as he was.’ Others described Trump as ‘borderline enthusiastic’ about the unfolding violence,” according to the suit. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
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"source": "Possible"
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"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
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