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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For her series \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiafoodways\">California Foodways\u003c/a>, Lisa Morehouse is reporting a story about food and farming from each of California’s 58 counties.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riding the Amtrak’s California Zephyr \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">from the Bay Area\u003c/a> to Chicago had always been an item on passengers Jamie Thomas and Shreya Jalan’s bucket lists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always took trains with my dad,” Thomas told KQED. “My fondest memories are sitting with him, chatting or getting dinner together. It was a very good place to connect with people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This includes strangers. The dining car, where Thomas was seated next to fellow Bay Area resident Jalan, practices “community seating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The number of stories we get to hear and exchange, I think it’s really beautiful,” said Jalan, who didn’t know Thomas before the trip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in California, fourth graders learn about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910890/how-oaklands-16th-street-train-station-helped-build-west-oakland-and-the-modern-civil-rights-movement\">the transcontinental railroad\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/201507271000/stanford-project-unearths-personal-histories-of-chinese-railroad-workers-2\">the mostly Chinese laborers\u003c/a> who laid the track eastward from Sacramento, leveling, drilling and tunneling through the Sierra Nevada to connect with the westward tracks. The so-called “Big Four” railroad tycoons behind the construction — the Central Pacific Railroad — are also well-known. However, some of this history can get overlooked, like how the railroad – and its connection to food – shaped much of California’s story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018787\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018787\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Place settings in a dining car on display on Dec. 18, 2024, at the California State Railroad Museum. \u003ccite>(Kelly B. Huston/California State Railroad Museum)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trains would go on to make the Golden State a powerhouse. But innovation went hand in hand with exploitation of land and rail workers, whose resistance against discrimination led to breakthroughs in labor and civil rights. As author and archivist, Benjamin Jenkins put it, “The railroad really revolutionizes just about every part of California’s politics, society and economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Laying The Tracks\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the \u003ca href=\"https://dp.la/exhibitions/transcontinental-railroad/nation-transformed/connection-exclusion?item=967\">routes\u003c/a> of the Zephyr line parallels that of the first transcontinental railroad. One of the most beautiful train routes in the United States, Zephyr’s California path alone is stunning. Leaving Emeryville, near Oakland, it hugs the Bay before passing under the Carquinez Bridge and heading into the Delta, snaking by islands and waterways. After stopping in Sacramento, it climbs through California’s foothills, then into the Sierra Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On shorter routes, a lot of trains have cafe cars with drinks, snacks and pre-packaged food. But many of the longer Amtrak routes have dining cars like this one, with a full kitchen taking up the whole lower level. Diners mingle over white table cloths, flower vases and plastic plates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12029482 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/al-akbar-band-1020x686.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time the Central Pacific was completed in 1869, trains with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyhistory.org/blogs/dining-in-transit-the-introduction-of-the-railroad\">dining cars\u003c/a> were already running out of Chicago. It would take California a while to catch up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Big Four had big plans. They purchased a small railroad line, the Southern Pacific, and expanded it dramatically, stretching from the Bay Area down to Los Angeles and across hundreds of miles to Louisiana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early days of the Southern Pacific, the Big Four had a near-monopoly in California. Riding the train was prohibitively expensive, but when a competing company — known as the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway — later reached Los Angeles, it caused a rate war. Tickets from Chicago to LA dropped from $125 to $1. Los Angeles went from cowtown to boomtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, the train offered few amenities and people packed their own food to avoid terrible roadhouse meals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the people would make fried chicken and get on the train. They’d trade some of that fried chicken for pillows and [other goods],” said Lawrence Dale, who worked for the BNSF Railway Company for more than 42 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing at an exhibit at the \u003ca href=\"https://barstowrailmuseums.com/\">Western American Railroad Museum\u003c/a> in Barstow, Dale explained that the further the trains went, the less practical it was for passengers to bring all of their own food on a trip. And when there’s a business vacuum, someone will try to fill it. Enter Fred Harvey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018784\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018784\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lawrence Dale poses near an exhibit at the Western American Railroad Museum in Barstow on Dec. 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The museum takes up a section of what was once Barstow’s Harvey House, a restaurant designed for train passengers right off the railroad tracks. For a building that’s more than 110 years old, it’s beautiful with columns, decorative brick arches and shaded walkways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In partnership with the Santa Fe railroad, Harvey built Harvey Houses every 100 miles. They served fancy cheeses, oysters, fruit, sirloin and generous slices of pie. Another big attraction: waitresses known as “Harvey Girls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Girls were young, single and almost always white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I can tell you about Harvey Girls is they were young women out of the Midwest,” said Dale. “They were brought in here by Fred Harvey and weren’t allowed to date. They weren’t allowed to do nothing except serve the people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, plenty of Harvey Girls did marry and relocate to farms and ranches across the West. While they were Harvey Girls, they worked long hours, lived in dorms under the watchful eyes of house mothers and were expected to meet strict standards of decorum and image, down to their uniform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White gloves, white full-cover apron with a black garment underneath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018770\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018770\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1232\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-800x493.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-1020x628.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-1536x946.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-1920x1183.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fred Harvey manager Victor Patrosso poses in front of the El Tovar Hotel in Grand Canyon National Park with a group of 20 Harvey Girls dressed in their evening uniform in 1926. \u003ccite>(National Park Service)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Bow in the back of the hair,” Dale said, pointing to a display. “They were all supposed to be dressed alike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For passengers, eating at a Harvey House was an elevated dining experience, but it was more efficient than leisurely. Trains called in passengers’ orders ahead by telegraph.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Say a westbound train pulled into Needles, a city in San Bernardino County. The conductor would come through the cars, taking orders and contact the next Harvey House down the line in Barstow, letting staff know how many people planned to eat and what time they’d arrive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passengers disembarked, sat in the well-appointed dining room and had a limited time to eat before the train left the station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Houses were a precursor to fast food and chain restaurants and they helped change the intent of train travel from something that was just utilitarian to an experience, according to Ty Smith, director of the California State Railroad Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018769\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018769\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1190\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-800x476.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-1020x607.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-1536x914.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-1920x1142.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harvey girls and other employees pose in front of the Bright Angel Lodge in Grand Canyon National Park in 1915. \u003ccite>(T.L. Brown/National Park Service)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Dining was at the heart of the transition from conveyance to experience,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento, a city rich in railroad history, is the perfect home for the museum, where kids wearing conductor’s hats and blowing train whistles mingle with adult rail buffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re two blocks from mile marker zero, where the Central Pacific Railroad started building from west to east,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Gold Rush, trains transported picks and shovels and other goods from the city into the foothills to the miners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11910890 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/16thStreetStationOakland_02162022-qut.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foodways are embedded throughout the museum, too. Smith pointed out a display that holds artifacts of a Chinese workers camp: a ginger jar, a tea cup, a rice bowl, a glazed stoneware jar that stored vinegars and sauces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Chinese workers made up 90% of the labor force for the Central Pacific Railroad, they were in segregated camps, according to Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Chinese railroad workers didn’t get the same pay or food allowances that their Irish and other counterparts did,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even this small display illustrates the racism baked into the building of the railroads: the chasm between people who owned the railroads and the people who worked on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The museum also has a sleeper car on a rocker to simulate the feeling of being on a train. It’s set up to show how the car would look both during the day and in the evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During the day, the upper berths would be folded up. The lower berths serve as comfy seats,” said Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019268\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019268\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"842\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-800x263.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-1020x335.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-1536x505.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-2048x673.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-1920x631.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(right): Interior view of the Harvey House Hotel between 1909-1910 in Barstow, California. The decor includes ceiling lamps, a clock, a potted palm, deco stencils and wooden chairs. (left): View of the Harvey House Hotel from the railroad tracks. The building, also called Casa del Desierto, was designed by Francis Wilson and includes arcades, balconies, and corbeled brick. \u003ccite>(G. M. Hamilton/Denver Public Library Special Collections)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At night, porters would unfold the upper berths and convert the seats to beds. Smith pointed to a little button passengers could push to call a porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next to the sleeper car is a 1937 Cochiti dining car, which ran on Santa Fe’s Super Chief train between Chicago and Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That gives us a chance to talk about what it was like to dine on a train during the golden era of rail travel,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the narrow galley kitchen, it’s hard to imagine all the people needed to prepare three gourmet meals a day for 50 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The chef, people doing prep, mise-en-place,” Smith enumerated. “You’d have to find a cadence to work within the space. A lot of gleaming stainless steel-like surfaces — knives and graters and colanders and big soup pots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018775\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1626px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018775\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1626\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328.jpg 1626w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-800x984.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-1020x1255.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-160x197.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-1249x1536.jpg 1249w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1626px) 100vw, 1626px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Unnamed railroad chef carving turkey in the narrow kitchen galley of a Baltimore and Ohio train, undated. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Called to the dining room by chimes, passengers would sit among abundant flower arrangements and intricate Art Deco metalwork. They ate at tables with tablecloths and off of china with patterns that reflected the route: poppies in California and animal images inspired by Native American art in the Southwest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Docent Allen Blum shared a menu for the Super Chief, including “ripe California colossal olives, grapefruit, orange and raisin fruit, swordfish steak, and poached salmon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menus often reflected cuisines and ingredients along the route. Blum said the Super Chief carried politicians and stars from Walt Disney to Jack Benny to Marilyn Monroe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was definitely considered first class,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passengers on dining cars came to expect attentive service — one waiter per two tables. Smith explained that the businessman best known for railroad dining cars was George Pullman. He built and owned luxury train cars to appeal to passengers who wanted to travel in style, and he leased his cars to the railroads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith said Pullman was a master at branding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018772\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018772\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1620\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-800x648.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-1020x826.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-160x130.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-1536x1244.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-1920x1555.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Group photograph of the ‘Owl’ Dining Car Crew (back row, left-right): Bert Hackett, unidentified, unidentified, Henry Earl (front row, left-right): Joe C. Brown, Arthur Johnson, unidentified, steward, Charles Williams, dated 1927. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Pullman is creating the romance of train travel,” he added. “To ride on a Pullman car means something, and this feeds his ability to lease these cars to the railroads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Pullman built his business on the backs of the Black service workers he hired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a luxurious experience, but a completely racialized experience,” said Susan Anderson, history curator at the California African American Museum. “From the appointment of the sleeping area to the dining car to the cuisine and the meals, the way that you were waited on, all of that was just premium. And all of it, on the Pullman cars, was provided by Black labor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Engines of resistance\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>White men held positions like engineer and conductor. The servant-type jobs — porter, steward, cook, maid and waiter — were reserved for Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“George Pullman and the Pullman Company were explicit about this,” Anderson said. “They wanted white people to be waited on by Black people because, in our history, racism conflated being a slave or being a servant with being Black.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018776\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018776\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1186\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-800x474.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-1020x605.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-1536x911.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-1920x1139.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sunset Limited Pullman porters standing on train platform (left-right): George Kunnard, Eddie Hayes, Sam Dungey, S. Matthews, Albert Moore, McNally Ray, 1923, African American Museum & Library at Oakland Photograph collection, MS 189, African American Museum & Library at Oakland, Oakland Public Library. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Porters who did everything from turning down beds, carrying luggage and serving food were usually not addressed by their names. They were called “George” after Pullman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson said the subjugation of Black workers was a direct reflection of the way the U.S. economy was organized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, that’s U.S. history. But Black history is that they took these positions and they made the most out of them, and they used them to the advantage of their own people and their own families,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black people saw railroad jobs as opportunities to broaden their horizons, bring money back home or leave Southern states altogether and move their families elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who worked for the railroad got a lot of respect in the community,” said Anderson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her own family has a connection to railroad history. Anderson’s maternal great-grandfather was a chef on the railroad. His name was Edward Wilcox and his family was originally from Louisiana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018774\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018774\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1138\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-800x455.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-1020x580.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-1536x874.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-1920x1092.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Four Pullman porters standing on sidewalk in an undated photograph, identified on the image’s reverse as C.L. Jones, Richardson, J. Simms. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They came to West Oakland in the late 19th century,” Anderson said. “They actually established a church in West Oakland. It’s still there, Bethlehem Lutheran Church. And that enclave was partly like a labor reserve for the Southern Pacific Railroad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1926, the Pullman Company was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13931436/frances-albrier-black-red-cross-naacp-richmond-shipyard-berkeley-wwii-seniors\">the largest single employer of African American workers\u003c/a> in the country, with over 10,000 porters and 200 maids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Anderson, a lot of intellectuals worked as porters or waiters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were college men who had no other employment opportunities in a racist economy,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The railroad workers left a big legacy in American civic and cultural life. In his autobiography, Malcolm X wrote about selling sandwiches on trains. Renowned photographer \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/3134060\">Gordon Parks\u003c/a> waited tables in dining cars. \u003ca href=\"https://www.baltimoresun.com/2021/03/25/pullman-porters-once-the-backbone-of-passenger-rail-service-laid-the-groundwork-for-what-became-the-civil-rights-movement/\">Thurgood Marshall\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/1984/06/16/us/for-a-politician-power-and-riches-go-together.html\">Willie Brown\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/lifestyle/1984/07/27/tom-bradley-beating-the-odds/78bf47b4-d24e-42ea-be97-dec78cae9723/\">Tom Bradley\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/My-Life-as-I-See-It/Dionne-Warwick/9781439171356\">Dionne Warwick\u003c/a> had fathers who were porters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031165\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1597px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031165\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1597\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP.png 1597w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-800x541.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-1020x690.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-160x108.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-1536x1039.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1597px) 100vw, 1597px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Delegates, 1st Porters’ national convention. At top, C. L. Dellums of Oakland’s 16th St. Station, who became the powerful Vice President of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and later president. \u003ccite>(AAMLO Collection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Railroad workers networked with each other across the country, sharing copies of Black-owned newspapers and other literature, including \u003cem>The Messenger\u003c/em>, a political and literary magazine for Black people that was founded by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/garvey-philip-randolph/\">A. Phillip Randolph\u003c/a>, an influential civil rights activist and labor organizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And they began the effort to organize so that they could demand better wages, better working conditions for themselves, better hours,” Anderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an oral history archived at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13834135/oakland-library-wins-grant-to-digitize-unused-footage-of-the-black-panther-party\">African American Museum & Library at Oakland\u003c/a>, former Oakland-based Pullman porter Cottrell Laurence (C.L.) Dellums said, “There was no limit on the number of hours. The company unilaterally set up the operation of the runs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dellums, whose late nephew, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866505/remembering-former-oakland-mayor-congressman-ron-dellums\">Ron Dellums\u003c/a>, was a California congressman and former Oakland mayor, started working for Pullman in 1924. He said the salary at the time was $60 a month. Workloads for the porters was from 300 to over 400 hours a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018773\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1342px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018773\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1342\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320.jpg 1342w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-800x1192.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-1020x1520.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-160x238.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-1031x1536.jpg 1031w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1342px) 100vw, 1342px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Portrait of C.L. Dellums \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And they provided what we said was just enough rest between trips for the porter to be able to make one more trip,” Dellums said in the audio recording. “Anybody could take the porter’s job. Not only any kind of Pullman official — from the lowest to the highest — could take his job. Anybody traveling as a passenger, even though it might be the first trip they’ve ever been on a train, they could write him up and get him fired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kept out of the American Railway Union, Black workers founded the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters & Maids in 1925. Dellums began signing up workers for the union despite the risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never heard of a war that there weren’t battles. And never, never heard of a battle without casualties … But I will be heard from. And so I did. And sure enough, of course, they did discharge me,” Dellums said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He eventually became one of the union’s vice presidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took years, but the Brotherhood became the first Black union to be recognized by the American Federation of Labor. In 1937, they got a contract with Pullman, the first in history between a Black union and a large U.S. company. The union established an eight-hour work day, regulated work schedules and increased pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Brotherhood influenced much more than service work on railroads. They were on the ground for many efforts during the civil rights movement, including the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the March on Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How railroads changed what and how we eat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Along the California Zephyr’s route through the outskirts of Sacramento, intricate irrigation systems and crops in perfect rows reveal the railroad’s impact on agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019265\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"789\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-800x316.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-1020x402.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-160x63.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-1536x606.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-1920x757.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(right): Two men loading boxes of chopped spinach into PFE mechanical reefer. (left): Preco mechanical car icer in operation in LA. \u003ccite>(Preco/California State Railroad Museum)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Archivist Benjamin Jenkins has written about the railroad’s impact on what we eat in his book, \u003cem>Octopus’s Garden: How Railroads and Citrus Transformed Southern California\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first entire railroad car full of oranges left Los Angeles for the Midwest in 1877, Jenkins told KQED. The oranges traveled on a refrigerator car packed with ice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It had to be re-iced 10 times going across the desert and the Badlands to make sure that the fruit didn’t spoil,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s produce industry took off a decade later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But once it starts, it really never looks back,” Jenkins said. “So the explosion of new people, new crops as a result of the railroad bringing them in, and then shipping the goods out is just utterly transformative for California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Railroads built “spur lines” off the main lines to access huge parts of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027942 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image4-e1740093867875-1020x1015.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wherever the railroad goes, land values start to increase,” Jenkins said. “And so they are able to sell land at a premium.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins explained that in many states, the government had given the railroads loans and gifted them enormous tracts of land. The idea was that after the tracks were built, the railroads could sell off much of the land at a profit to farmers who would build packing houses right on the tracks. There were fewer land grants of this kind in California, but railroad companies still secured rights of way — sometimes over Native reservations — and became major landowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities tried to entice railroads to come their way as “citrus cities” began forming in the late 1800s along tracks, especially in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Railroads shipped out more than just produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Full-color advertising starts to appear in the late 19th and early 20th centuries selling a packaged California lifestyle,” Jenkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern Pacific Railroad launched Sunset Magazine as a part of this campaign to draw people out west.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wooden packing crates got loaded onto trains, sporting labels with illustrations of almost comically perfect produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these images show a perpetually sunny Golden State, the fruits of paradise being grown underneath these purple snow-capped mountains,” said Jenkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The railroad even circulated California postcards, advertising the state as what Jenkins called a “new Eden,” an image that endured well beyond the heyday of train travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced as part of California Foodways with support from the Food and Environment Reporting Network and California Humanities, a nonprofit partner of National Endowment for the Humanities. Big thanks also go to the African American Museum and Library at Oakland, the library and archives at the California State Railroad Museum and Rachel Reinhard.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For her series \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiafoodways\">California Foodways\u003c/a>, Lisa Morehouse is reporting a story about food and farming from each of California’s 58 counties.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riding the Amtrak’s California Zephyr \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">from the Bay Area\u003c/a> to Chicago had always been an item on passengers Jamie Thomas and Shreya Jalan’s bucket lists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always took trains with my dad,” Thomas told KQED. “My fondest memories are sitting with him, chatting or getting dinner together. It was a very good place to connect with people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This includes strangers. The dining car, where Thomas was seated next to fellow Bay Area resident Jalan, practices “community seating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The number of stories we get to hear and exchange, I think it’s really beautiful,” said Jalan, who didn’t know Thomas before the trip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in California, fourth graders learn about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910890/how-oaklands-16th-street-train-station-helped-build-west-oakland-and-the-modern-civil-rights-movement\">the transcontinental railroad\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/201507271000/stanford-project-unearths-personal-histories-of-chinese-railroad-workers-2\">the mostly Chinese laborers\u003c/a> who laid the track eastward from Sacramento, leveling, drilling and tunneling through the Sierra Nevada to connect with the westward tracks. The so-called “Big Four” railroad tycoons behind the construction — the Central Pacific Railroad — are also well-known. However, some of this history can get overlooked, like how the railroad – and its connection to food – shaped much of California’s story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018787\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018787\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Place settings in a dining car on display on Dec. 18, 2024, at the California State Railroad Museum. \u003ccite>(Kelly B. Huston/California State Railroad Museum)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trains would go on to make the Golden State a powerhouse. But innovation went hand in hand with exploitation of land and rail workers, whose resistance against discrimination led to breakthroughs in labor and civil rights. As author and archivist, Benjamin Jenkins put it, “The railroad really revolutionizes just about every part of California’s politics, society and economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Laying The Tracks\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the \u003ca href=\"https://dp.la/exhibitions/transcontinental-railroad/nation-transformed/connection-exclusion?item=967\">routes\u003c/a> of the Zephyr line parallels that of the first transcontinental railroad. One of the most beautiful train routes in the United States, Zephyr’s California path alone is stunning. Leaving Emeryville, near Oakland, it hugs the Bay before passing under the Carquinez Bridge and heading into the Delta, snaking by islands and waterways. After stopping in Sacramento, it climbs through California’s foothills, then into the Sierra Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On shorter routes, a lot of trains have cafe cars with drinks, snacks and pre-packaged food. But many of the longer Amtrak routes have dining cars like this one, with a full kitchen taking up the whole lower level. Diners mingle over white table cloths, flower vases and plastic plates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time the Central Pacific was completed in 1869, trains with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyhistory.org/blogs/dining-in-transit-the-introduction-of-the-railroad\">dining cars\u003c/a> were already running out of Chicago. It would take California a while to catch up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Big Four had big plans. They purchased a small railroad line, the Southern Pacific, and expanded it dramatically, stretching from the Bay Area down to Los Angeles and across hundreds of miles to Louisiana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early days of the Southern Pacific, the Big Four had a near-monopoly in California. Riding the train was prohibitively expensive, but when a competing company — known as the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway — later reached Los Angeles, it caused a rate war. Tickets from Chicago to LA dropped from $125 to $1. Los Angeles went from cowtown to boomtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, the train offered few amenities and people packed their own food to avoid terrible roadhouse meals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the people would make fried chicken and get on the train. They’d trade some of that fried chicken for pillows and [other goods],” said Lawrence Dale, who worked for the BNSF Railway Company for more than 42 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing at an exhibit at the \u003ca href=\"https://barstowrailmuseums.com/\">Western American Railroad Museum\u003c/a> in Barstow, Dale explained that the further the trains went, the less practical it was for passengers to bring all of their own food on a trip. And when there’s a business vacuum, someone will try to fill it. Enter Fred Harvey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018784\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018784\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lawrence Dale poses near an exhibit at the Western American Railroad Museum in Barstow on Dec. 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The museum takes up a section of what was once Barstow’s Harvey House, a restaurant designed for train passengers right off the railroad tracks. For a building that’s more than 110 years old, it’s beautiful with columns, decorative brick arches and shaded walkways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In partnership with the Santa Fe railroad, Harvey built Harvey Houses every 100 miles. They served fancy cheeses, oysters, fruit, sirloin and generous slices of pie. Another big attraction: waitresses known as “Harvey Girls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Girls were young, single and almost always white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I can tell you about Harvey Girls is they were young women out of the Midwest,” said Dale. “They were brought in here by Fred Harvey and weren’t allowed to date. They weren’t allowed to do nothing except serve the people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, plenty of Harvey Girls did marry and relocate to farms and ranches across the West. While they were Harvey Girls, they worked long hours, lived in dorms under the watchful eyes of house mothers and were expected to meet strict standards of decorum and image, down to their uniform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White gloves, white full-cover apron with a black garment underneath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018770\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018770\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1232\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-800x493.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-1020x628.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-1536x946.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-1920x1183.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fred Harvey manager Victor Patrosso poses in front of the El Tovar Hotel in Grand Canyon National Park with a group of 20 Harvey Girls dressed in their evening uniform in 1926. \u003ccite>(National Park Service)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Bow in the back of the hair,” Dale said, pointing to a display. “They were all supposed to be dressed alike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For passengers, eating at a Harvey House was an elevated dining experience, but it was more efficient than leisurely. Trains called in passengers’ orders ahead by telegraph.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Say a westbound train pulled into Needles, a city in San Bernardino County. The conductor would come through the cars, taking orders and contact the next Harvey House down the line in Barstow, letting staff know how many people planned to eat and what time they’d arrive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passengers disembarked, sat in the well-appointed dining room and had a limited time to eat before the train left the station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Houses were a precursor to fast food and chain restaurants and they helped change the intent of train travel from something that was just utilitarian to an experience, according to Ty Smith, director of the California State Railroad Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018769\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018769\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1190\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-800x476.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-1020x607.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-1536x914.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-1920x1142.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harvey girls and other employees pose in front of the Bright Angel Lodge in Grand Canyon National Park in 1915. \u003ccite>(T.L. Brown/National Park Service)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Dining was at the heart of the transition from conveyance to experience,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento, a city rich in railroad history, is the perfect home for the museum, where kids wearing conductor’s hats and blowing train whistles mingle with adult rail buffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re two blocks from mile marker zero, where the Central Pacific Railroad started building from west to east,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Gold Rush, trains transported picks and shovels and other goods from the city into the foothills to the miners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foodways are embedded throughout the museum, too. Smith pointed out a display that holds artifacts of a Chinese workers camp: a ginger jar, a tea cup, a rice bowl, a glazed stoneware jar that stored vinegars and sauces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Chinese workers made up 90% of the labor force for the Central Pacific Railroad, they were in segregated camps, according to Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Chinese railroad workers didn’t get the same pay or food allowances that their Irish and other counterparts did,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even this small display illustrates the racism baked into the building of the railroads: the chasm between people who owned the railroads and the people who worked on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The museum also has a sleeper car on a rocker to simulate the feeling of being on a train. It’s set up to show how the car would look both during the day and in the evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During the day, the upper berths would be folded up. The lower berths serve as comfy seats,” said Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019268\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019268\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"842\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-800x263.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-1020x335.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-1536x505.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-2048x673.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-1920x631.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(right): Interior view of the Harvey House Hotel between 1909-1910 in Barstow, California. The decor includes ceiling lamps, a clock, a potted palm, deco stencils and wooden chairs. (left): View of the Harvey House Hotel from the railroad tracks. The building, also called Casa del Desierto, was designed by Francis Wilson and includes arcades, balconies, and corbeled brick. \u003ccite>(G. M. Hamilton/Denver Public Library Special Collections)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At night, porters would unfold the upper berths and convert the seats to beds. Smith pointed to a little button passengers could push to call a porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next to the sleeper car is a 1937 Cochiti dining car, which ran on Santa Fe’s Super Chief train between Chicago and Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That gives us a chance to talk about what it was like to dine on a train during the golden era of rail travel,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the narrow galley kitchen, it’s hard to imagine all the people needed to prepare three gourmet meals a day for 50 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The chef, people doing prep, mise-en-place,” Smith enumerated. “You’d have to find a cadence to work within the space. A lot of gleaming stainless steel-like surfaces — knives and graters and colanders and big soup pots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018775\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1626px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018775\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1626\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328.jpg 1626w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-800x984.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-1020x1255.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-160x197.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-1249x1536.jpg 1249w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1626px) 100vw, 1626px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Unnamed railroad chef carving turkey in the narrow kitchen galley of a Baltimore and Ohio train, undated. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Called to the dining room by chimes, passengers would sit among abundant flower arrangements and intricate Art Deco metalwork. They ate at tables with tablecloths and off of china with patterns that reflected the route: poppies in California and animal images inspired by Native American art in the Southwest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Docent Allen Blum shared a menu for the Super Chief, including “ripe California colossal olives, grapefruit, orange and raisin fruit, swordfish steak, and poached salmon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menus often reflected cuisines and ingredients along the route. Blum said the Super Chief carried politicians and stars from Walt Disney to Jack Benny to Marilyn Monroe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was definitely considered first class,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passengers on dining cars came to expect attentive service — one waiter per two tables. Smith explained that the businessman best known for railroad dining cars was George Pullman. He built and owned luxury train cars to appeal to passengers who wanted to travel in style, and he leased his cars to the railroads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith said Pullman was a master at branding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018772\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018772\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1620\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-800x648.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-1020x826.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-160x130.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-1536x1244.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-1920x1555.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Group photograph of the ‘Owl’ Dining Car Crew (back row, left-right): Bert Hackett, unidentified, unidentified, Henry Earl (front row, left-right): Joe C. Brown, Arthur Johnson, unidentified, steward, Charles Williams, dated 1927. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Pullman is creating the romance of train travel,” he added. “To ride on a Pullman car means something, and this feeds his ability to lease these cars to the railroads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Pullman built his business on the backs of the Black service workers he hired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a luxurious experience, but a completely racialized experience,” said Susan Anderson, history curator at the California African American Museum. “From the appointment of the sleeping area to the dining car to the cuisine and the meals, the way that you were waited on, all of that was just premium. And all of it, on the Pullman cars, was provided by Black labor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Engines of resistance\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>White men held positions like engineer and conductor. The servant-type jobs — porter, steward, cook, maid and waiter — were reserved for Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“George Pullman and the Pullman Company were explicit about this,” Anderson said. “They wanted white people to be waited on by Black people because, in our history, racism conflated being a slave or being a servant with being Black.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018776\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018776\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1186\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-800x474.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-1020x605.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-1536x911.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-1920x1139.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sunset Limited Pullman porters standing on train platform (left-right): George Kunnard, Eddie Hayes, Sam Dungey, S. Matthews, Albert Moore, McNally Ray, 1923, African American Museum & Library at Oakland Photograph collection, MS 189, African American Museum & Library at Oakland, Oakland Public Library. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Porters who did everything from turning down beds, carrying luggage and serving food were usually not addressed by their names. They were called “George” after Pullman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson said the subjugation of Black workers was a direct reflection of the way the U.S. economy was organized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, that’s U.S. history. But Black history is that they took these positions and they made the most out of them, and they used them to the advantage of their own people and their own families,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black people saw railroad jobs as opportunities to broaden their horizons, bring money back home or leave Southern states altogether and move their families elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who worked for the railroad got a lot of respect in the community,” said Anderson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her own family has a connection to railroad history. Anderson’s maternal great-grandfather was a chef on the railroad. His name was Edward Wilcox and his family was originally from Louisiana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018774\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018774\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1138\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-800x455.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-1020x580.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-1536x874.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-1920x1092.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Four Pullman porters standing on sidewalk in an undated photograph, identified on the image’s reverse as C.L. Jones, Richardson, J. Simms. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They came to West Oakland in the late 19th century,” Anderson said. “They actually established a church in West Oakland. It’s still there, Bethlehem Lutheran Church. And that enclave was partly like a labor reserve for the Southern Pacific Railroad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1926, the Pullman Company was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13931436/frances-albrier-black-red-cross-naacp-richmond-shipyard-berkeley-wwii-seniors\">the largest single employer of African American workers\u003c/a> in the country, with over 10,000 porters and 200 maids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Anderson, a lot of intellectuals worked as porters or waiters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were college men who had no other employment opportunities in a racist economy,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The railroad workers left a big legacy in American civic and cultural life. In his autobiography, Malcolm X wrote about selling sandwiches on trains. Renowned photographer \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/3134060\">Gordon Parks\u003c/a> waited tables in dining cars. \u003ca href=\"https://www.baltimoresun.com/2021/03/25/pullman-porters-once-the-backbone-of-passenger-rail-service-laid-the-groundwork-for-what-became-the-civil-rights-movement/\">Thurgood Marshall\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/1984/06/16/us/for-a-politician-power-and-riches-go-together.html\">Willie Brown\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/lifestyle/1984/07/27/tom-bradley-beating-the-odds/78bf47b4-d24e-42ea-be97-dec78cae9723/\">Tom Bradley\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/My-Life-as-I-See-It/Dionne-Warwick/9781439171356\">Dionne Warwick\u003c/a> had fathers who were porters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031165\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1597px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031165\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1597\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP.png 1597w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-800x541.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-1020x690.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-160x108.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-1536x1039.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1597px) 100vw, 1597px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Delegates, 1st Porters’ national convention. At top, C. L. Dellums of Oakland’s 16th St. Station, who became the powerful Vice President of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and later president. \u003ccite>(AAMLO Collection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Railroad workers networked with each other across the country, sharing copies of Black-owned newspapers and other literature, including \u003cem>The Messenger\u003c/em>, a political and literary magazine for Black people that was founded by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/garvey-philip-randolph/\">A. Phillip Randolph\u003c/a>, an influential civil rights activist and labor organizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And they began the effort to organize so that they could demand better wages, better working conditions for themselves, better hours,” Anderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an oral history archived at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13834135/oakland-library-wins-grant-to-digitize-unused-footage-of-the-black-panther-party\">African American Museum & Library at Oakland\u003c/a>, former Oakland-based Pullman porter Cottrell Laurence (C.L.) Dellums said, “There was no limit on the number of hours. The company unilaterally set up the operation of the runs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dellums, whose late nephew, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866505/remembering-former-oakland-mayor-congressman-ron-dellums\">Ron Dellums\u003c/a>, was a California congressman and former Oakland mayor, started working for Pullman in 1924. He said the salary at the time was $60 a month. Workloads for the porters was from 300 to over 400 hours a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018773\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1342px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018773\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1342\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320.jpg 1342w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-800x1192.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-1020x1520.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-160x238.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-1031x1536.jpg 1031w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1342px) 100vw, 1342px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Portrait of C.L. Dellums \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And they provided what we said was just enough rest between trips for the porter to be able to make one more trip,” Dellums said in the audio recording. “Anybody could take the porter’s job. Not only any kind of Pullman official — from the lowest to the highest — could take his job. Anybody traveling as a passenger, even though it might be the first trip they’ve ever been on a train, they could write him up and get him fired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kept out of the American Railway Union, Black workers founded the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters & Maids in 1925. Dellums began signing up workers for the union despite the risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never heard of a war that there weren’t battles. And never, never heard of a battle without casualties … But I will be heard from. And so I did. And sure enough, of course, they did discharge me,” Dellums said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He eventually became one of the union’s vice presidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took years, but the Brotherhood became the first Black union to be recognized by the American Federation of Labor. In 1937, they got a contract with Pullman, the first in history between a Black union and a large U.S. company. The union established an eight-hour work day, regulated work schedules and increased pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Brotherhood influenced much more than service work on railroads. They were on the ground for many efforts during the civil rights movement, including the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the March on Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How railroads changed what and how we eat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Along the California Zephyr’s route through the outskirts of Sacramento, intricate irrigation systems and crops in perfect rows reveal the railroad’s impact on agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019265\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"789\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-800x316.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-1020x402.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-160x63.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-1536x606.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-1920x757.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(right): Two men loading boxes of chopped spinach into PFE mechanical reefer. (left): Preco mechanical car icer in operation in LA. \u003ccite>(Preco/California State Railroad Museum)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Archivist Benjamin Jenkins has written about the railroad’s impact on what we eat in his book, \u003cem>Octopus’s Garden: How Railroads and Citrus Transformed Southern California\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first entire railroad car full of oranges left Los Angeles for the Midwest in 1877, Jenkins told KQED. The oranges traveled on a refrigerator car packed with ice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It had to be re-iced 10 times going across the desert and the Badlands to make sure that the fruit didn’t spoil,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s produce industry took off a decade later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But once it starts, it really never looks back,” Jenkins said. “So the explosion of new people, new crops as a result of the railroad bringing them in, and then shipping the goods out is just utterly transformative for California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Railroads built “spur lines” off the main lines to access huge parts of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wherever the railroad goes, land values start to increase,” Jenkins said. “And so they are able to sell land at a premium.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins explained that in many states, the government had given the railroads loans and gifted them enormous tracts of land. The idea was that after the tracks were built, the railroads could sell off much of the land at a profit to farmers who would build packing houses right on the tracks. There were fewer land grants of this kind in California, but railroad companies still secured rights of way — sometimes over Native reservations — and became major landowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities tried to entice railroads to come their way as “citrus cities” began forming in the late 1800s along tracks, especially in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Railroads shipped out more than just produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Full-color advertising starts to appear in the late 19th and early 20th centuries selling a packaged California lifestyle,” Jenkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern Pacific Railroad launched Sunset Magazine as a part of this campaign to draw people out west.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wooden packing crates got loaded onto trains, sporting labels with illustrations of almost comically perfect produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these images show a perpetually sunny Golden State, the fruits of paradise being grown underneath these purple snow-capped mountains,” said Jenkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The railroad even circulated California postcards, advertising the state as what Jenkins called a “new Eden,” an image that endured well beyond the heyday of train travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced as part of California Foodways with support from the Food and Environment Reporting Network and California Humanities, a nonprofit partner of National Endowment for the Humanities. Big thanks also go to the African American Museum and Library at Oakland, the library and archives at the California State Railroad Museum and Rachel Reinhard.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California joined nearly two dozen other states in suing the U.S. Department of Education on Thursday over its move to almost halve its workforce, which Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> said would hamper funding for low-income students and anti-discrimination efforts in districts across the state and Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department announced Tuesday that it would place 1,350 employees on administrative leave next week. Combined with nearly 600 employees who have accepted voluntary buy-outs or resignations since President Trump took office, that constitutes a cut of almost 50% of the department’s workforce — what Education Secretary Linda McMahon \u003ca href=\"https://www.foxnews.com/video/6369901522112\">told Fox News\u003c/a> was the first step to shutting down the department entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This en masse firing exceeds any statutory authority granted by Congress,” Bonta said at a press conference announcing the suit, joined by 20 other Democratic attorneys general on Thursday morning. “Alongside numerous other actions the Trump administration has taken, this sweeping mass firing is, simply put, illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Created by Congress in 1979, the Department of Education administers federal education programs for K–12 schools and provides grants to local education agencies, including for special and early education services, among other duties. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/65178/what-does-the-us-department-of-education-do-some-facts-about-its-role-in-schools\">Unwinding it fully\u003c/a> would almost certainly require an act of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s lawsuit alleges that the mass firings will impede the department’s ability to carry out those statutory functions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reductions will also gut the department’s civil rights division, which enforces anti-discrimination laws in school districts. Seven of the division’s 12 offices, including the one in San Francisco, will be closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013319\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013319\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Capitol Building on Feb. 5, 2019, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Zach Gibson/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Office for Civil Rights protects students from race-based discrimination and sexual assault, and it supports students who have disabilities or are members of other protected classes — all obligations that Bonta said would be impossible for a diminished Department of Education to carry out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a congressionally required function of the Department of Education,” he said. “It must be fulfilled, and it is unlawful and unconstitutional for it to be dismantled the way that the Trump administration has sought to dismantle it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear to what extent Bay Area schools will feel the effects of the cuts, but McMahon said that the department will retain the “right people” to ensure its grants and appropriations from Congress are being met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s public school budget for 2024–25 included more than $45 million in federal funding — including millions for both early child development and care and nutrition programs. That’s just short of 4% of the district’s $1.3 billion budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12031166 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty-1020x664.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit follows another Bonta joined against the Department of Education last week, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030028/trump-cut-education-grants-over-dei-it-will-worsen-teacher-shortages-lawsuit-says\">aimed to reverse funding cuts\u003c/a> for teacher training programs at universities, including eight California State and University of California campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, U.S. District Judge Myong J. Joun granted a temporary two-week restraining order blocking the Trump administration from terminating $600 million worth of Teacher Quality Partnership (TQP) and Supporting Effective Educator Development (SEED) grants. That funding supports residency programs that train K–12 teachers in difficult-to-staff regions and specialties, such as special education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said Thursday he was prepared to take action if that order wasn’t followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorneys general who have signed onto the suit against the mass firings also said the move was somewhat anticipatory, as the Trump administration has signaled that it will issue an executive order calling for McMahon to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/05/nx-s1-5316227/trump-order-dismantling-education-department\">dismantle her agency\u003c/a> “to the maximum extent appropriate and permitted by law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In many ways, we’re getting ahead of what may come,” Massachusetts Attorney General Andrea Campbell said. “What we know to be true is that you have a president and an education secretary where their goal is to dismantle this agency in its entirety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Number one, we are pointing out to this court and to the public that they do not have the authority to dismantle any agency that was created by Congress. [And] second … [the employees] who were recently suspended or let go, they have critical functions that they serve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California joined nearly two dozen other states in suing the U.S. Department of Education on Thursday over its move to almost halve its workforce, which Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> said would hamper funding for low-income students and anti-discrimination efforts in districts across the state and Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department announced Tuesday that it would place 1,350 employees on administrative leave next week. Combined with nearly 600 employees who have accepted voluntary buy-outs or resignations since President Trump took office, that constitutes a cut of almost 50% of the department’s workforce — what Education Secretary Linda McMahon \u003ca href=\"https://www.foxnews.com/video/6369901522112\">told Fox News\u003c/a> was the first step to shutting down the department entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This en masse firing exceeds any statutory authority granted by Congress,” Bonta said at a press conference announcing the suit, joined by 20 other Democratic attorneys general on Thursday morning. “Alongside numerous other actions the Trump administration has taken, this sweeping mass firing is, simply put, illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Created by Congress in 1979, the Department of Education administers federal education programs for K–12 schools and provides grants to local education agencies, including for special and early education services, among other duties. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/65178/what-does-the-us-department-of-education-do-some-facts-about-its-role-in-schools\">Unwinding it fully\u003c/a> would almost certainly require an act of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s lawsuit alleges that the mass firings will impede the department’s ability to carry out those statutory functions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reductions will also gut the department’s civil rights division, which enforces anti-discrimination laws in school districts. Seven of the division’s 12 offices, including the one in San Francisco, will be closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013319\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013319\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02052019_capitol_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Capitol Building on Feb. 5, 2019, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Zach Gibson/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Office for Civil Rights protects students from race-based discrimination and sexual assault, and it supports students who have disabilities or are members of other protected classes — all obligations that Bonta said would be impossible for a diminished Department of Education to carry out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a congressionally required function of the Department of Education,” he said. “It must be fulfilled, and it is unlawful and unconstitutional for it to be dismantled the way that the Trump administration has sought to dismantle it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear to what extent Bay Area schools will feel the effects of the cuts, but McMahon said that the department will retain the “right people” to ensure its grants and appropriations from Congress are being met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s public school budget for 2024–25 included more than $45 million in federal funding — including millions for both early child development and care and nutrition programs. That’s just short of 4% of the district’s $1.3 billion budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit follows another Bonta joined against the Department of Education last week, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030028/trump-cut-education-grants-over-dei-it-will-worsen-teacher-shortages-lawsuit-says\">aimed to reverse funding cuts\u003c/a> for teacher training programs at universities, including eight California State and University of California campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, U.S. District Judge Myong J. Joun granted a temporary two-week restraining order blocking the Trump administration from terminating $600 million worth of Teacher Quality Partnership (TQP) and Supporting Effective Educator Development (SEED) grants. That funding supports residency programs that train K–12 teachers in difficult-to-staff regions and specialties, such as special education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said Thursday he was prepared to take action if that order wasn’t followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorneys general who have signed onto the suit against the mass firings also said the move was somewhat anticipatory, as the Trump administration has signaled that it will issue an executive order calling for McMahon to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/05/nx-s1-5316227/trump-order-dismantling-education-department\">dismantle her agency\u003c/a> “to the maximum extent appropriate and permitted by law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In many ways, we’re getting ahead of what may come,” Massachusetts Attorney General Andrea Campbell said. “What we know to be true is that you have a president and an education secretary where their goal is to dismantle this agency in its entirety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Number one, we are pointing out to this court and to the public that they do not have the authority to dismantle any agency that was created by Congress. [And] second … [the employees] who were recently suspended or let go, they have critical functions that they serve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you think of your car as a smartphone on wheels, it’s easy to grasp how the auto industry can sell and profit from personal data. Many newer vehicles constantly communicate with car makers, thanks to features like location sharing, smartphone integration, and cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians are legally entitled to opt out of the sale and sharing of their personal data, but Honda was making that too difficult, according to the California Privacy Protection Agency, which was established in 2020 when voters approved the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844163/proposition-24-californians-say-yes-to-expanding-on-nations-toughest-data-privacy-law\">California Privacy Rights Act\u003c/a>. It’s the nation’s first and, so far, only state agency charged with protecting consumer data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the agency issued a $632,500 fine against American Honda Motor Company as part of the agency’s \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/announcements/2023/20230731.html\">first investigation\u003c/a> since it gained enforcement powers in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether that information comes from the car, whether it comes from the website, whether it comes from elsewhere, it is protectable, but only if people assert their rights,” said Michael Macko, the CPPA’s head of enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency alleges that Honda violated Californians’ privacy rights, in part, by requiring Californians to provide “excessive” personal information in order to opt out of the sale or sharing of data; and by sharing consumers’ personal information with ad tech companies without producing contracts that contain the necessary terms to protect privacy.[aside postID=news_11771923 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS38899_Bugcrowd-Bug-Bash-1-qut-1020x680.jpg']In a statement, American Honda Motor Co., Inc. acknowledged it has agreed to pay the fine and simplify its opt-out process. “We have cooperated fully with the CPPA throughout their investigation and have already begun implementing the changes to our processes required by the order,” spokesman Chris Martin wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the size of the fine, Macko says the company’s promise to change its behavior is more important. “Businesses are usually more reluctant to change their practices than they are to write a check.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy advocates welcomed the CPPA ruling. “My hope is that enforcement actions like this generally incentivize companies to take consumer privacy more seriously across their products and services,” wrote Meghan Land, Executive Director of the Privacy Rights Clearinghouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/tech-and-telecom-law/general-motors-settles-with-ftc-over-sharing-private-driver-data\">Federal Trade Commission\u003c/a> and other states like \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/privacy-and-data-security/texas-ag-probing-connected-cars-data-and-privacy-practices\">Texas\u003c/a> have also investigated the sharing and sale of personal data from vehicles, including driving habits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you think of your car as a smartphone on wheels, it’s easy to grasp how the auto industry can sell and profit from personal data. Many newer vehicles constantly communicate with car makers, thanks to features like location sharing, smartphone integration, and cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians are legally entitled to opt out of the sale and sharing of their personal data, but Honda was making that too difficult, according to the California Privacy Protection Agency, which was established in 2020 when voters approved the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844163/proposition-24-californians-say-yes-to-expanding-on-nations-toughest-data-privacy-law\">California Privacy Rights Act\u003c/a>. It’s the nation’s first and, so far, only state agency charged with protecting consumer data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the agency issued a $632,500 fine against American Honda Motor Company as part of the agency’s \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/announcements/2023/20230731.html\">first investigation\u003c/a> since it gained enforcement powers in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a statement, American Honda Motor Co., Inc. acknowledged it has agreed to pay the fine and simplify its opt-out process. “We have cooperated fully with the CPPA throughout their investigation and have already begun implementing the changes to our processes required by the order,” spokesman Chris Martin wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the size of the fine, Macko says the company’s promise to change its behavior is more important. “Businesses are usually more reluctant to change their practices than they are to write a check.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy advocates welcomed the CPPA ruling. “My hope is that enforcement actions like this generally incentivize companies to take consumer privacy more seriously across their products and services,” wrote Meghan Land, Executive Director of the Privacy Rights Clearinghouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/tech-and-telecom-law/general-motors-settles-with-ftc-over-sharing-private-driver-data\">Federal Trade Commission\u003c/a> and other states like \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/privacy-and-data-security/texas-ag-probing-connected-cars-data-and-privacy-practices\">Texas\u003c/a> have also investigated the sharing and sale of personal data from vehicles, including driving habits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California’s Tough-on-Crime Shift Hits Roadblock: Who Will Pay for Proposition 36?",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We hate to say we told you so, but we did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition 36, I wrote a story \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012013/can-tough-on-crime-prop-36-solve-theft-drug-use-and-homelessness-despite-no-new-funding\">detailing the concerns of opponents\u003c/a> of the tough-on-crime measure who said its supporters were making a lot of promises — such as holding drug users accountable and providing them treatment — they didn’t have the money to back up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even three months after the initiative took effect, there’s evidence on the ground that more resources are needed. San Francisco sheriff’s officials said last month that they reopened two dormitories at one of the city’s jails to accommodate an 8% increase in inmates compared to the same time last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 1, Kunal Modi, San Francisco’s new chief of health, homelessness and family services, \u003ca href=\"http://x.com/kunalmodi/status/1895977354079715715\">wrote on X\u003c/a> that treatment capacity is one of the major challenges the city is facing as it rolls out a pilot program to improve conditions on Sixth Street in the South of Market neighborhood, one of the city’s most challenging areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What worked well: improved street conditions, cross-department collaboration, service placements and arrests,” Modi wrote. “What didn’t work as well: ran out of shelter/treatment bed capacity daily, struggled with journey home completions, displacement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a burgeoning debate in Sacramento about the best way to fund Proposition 36, which makes it easier for prosecutors to charge repeat drug users and alleged thieves with felonies while also offering the option of treatment.[aside postID=news_12012013 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg']The ballot measure is being \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article300956714.html\">implemented unevenly\u003c/a> in the state’s 58 counties, with some district attorneys filing dozens of felony cases in recent months while others have filed practically none at all. Still, at a recent hearing at the state Capitol, judicial officials told lawmakers that they expect tens of thousands of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/prop-36-funding-newsletter/\">new felony cases\u003c/a> this year — cases that will require not only jail beds or spots in treatment programs but also more court and probation resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s part of the reason Democratic Orange County state Sen. Tom Umberg \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB38\">authored legislation\u003c/a> that would open up existing state grant funding to the drug courts and probation programs envisioned under Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I know is that this must get funded. It’s something passed overwhelmingly by voters,” Umberg said, adding that the grant money is only “one part of the puzzle,” and lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom also need to identify other funding sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This does not fulfill the Legislature’s obligation to fund Prop. 36. This is a step in funding it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The irony is that the grant funds Umberg wants to tap come from Proposition 47 — the ballot measure Proposition 36 targeted — and that funding pool will likely shrink in the years ahead.[aside postID=news_11986380 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg']That’s because Proposition 47, which Proposition 36 amended, resulted in far fewer people going to prison and jail for drug and theft crimes. The measure redirected \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986380/prop-47-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded\">money saved from incarcerating fewer people\u003c/a> to fund community programs like drug treatment. Now, with more people facing felonies under Proposition 36, the savings are expected to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will Matthews, communications director for Californians for Safety and Justice, the nonprofit that wrote Proposition 47, said the funding battle highlights the central tension in the debate: People want less drug use and theft and for offenders to be held accountable, but the more the state spends on incarceration, the less money is available for treatment and rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It lays bare the truth, which is that the only way we are going to free up the necessary resources for treat-and-prevention infrastructure that this state has needed for generations is by reducing the size and scope of the prison system, by reducing the number of people flowing into the system,” he said. “We know what works, and we know what we need to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with Proposition 36, voters threw their support behind letting prosecutors lock more people up if they refuse to get help. Voters did not, however, give state leaders a roadmap, which means there are going to be some tough conversations ahead in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "No money, more problems: California's rollout of Proposition 36, which makes it easier for prosecutors to charge repeat drug users and alleged thieves with felonies, poses challenges for local governments. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We hate to say we told you so, but we did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition 36, I wrote a story \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012013/can-tough-on-crime-prop-36-solve-theft-drug-use-and-homelessness-despite-no-new-funding\">detailing the concerns of opponents\u003c/a> of the tough-on-crime measure who said its supporters were making a lot of promises — such as holding drug users accountable and providing them treatment — they didn’t have the money to back up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even three months after the initiative took effect, there’s evidence on the ground that more resources are needed. San Francisco sheriff’s officials said last month that they reopened two dormitories at one of the city’s jails to accommodate an 8% increase in inmates compared to the same time last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 1, Kunal Modi, San Francisco’s new chief of health, homelessness and family services, \u003ca href=\"http://x.com/kunalmodi/status/1895977354079715715\">wrote on X\u003c/a> that treatment capacity is one of the major challenges the city is facing as it rolls out a pilot program to improve conditions on Sixth Street in the South of Market neighborhood, one of the city’s most challenging areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What worked well: improved street conditions, cross-department collaboration, service placements and arrests,” Modi wrote. “What didn’t work as well: ran out of shelter/treatment bed capacity daily, struggled with journey home completions, displacement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a burgeoning debate in Sacramento about the best way to fund Proposition 36, which makes it easier for prosecutors to charge repeat drug users and alleged thieves with felonies while also offering the option of treatment.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The ballot measure is being \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article300956714.html\">implemented unevenly\u003c/a> in the state’s 58 counties, with some district attorneys filing dozens of felony cases in recent months while others have filed practically none at all. Still, at a recent hearing at the state Capitol, judicial officials told lawmakers that they expect tens of thousands of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/prop-36-funding-newsletter/\">new felony cases\u003c/a> this year — cases that will require not only jail beds or spots in treatment programs but also more court and probation resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s part of the reason Democratic Orange County state Sen. Tom Umberg \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB38\">authored legislation\u003c/a> that would open up existing state grant funding to the drug courts and probation programs envisioned under Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I know is that this must get funded. It’s something passed overwhelmingly by voters,” Umberg said, adding that the grant money is only “one part of the puzzle,” and lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom also need to identify other funding sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This does not fulfill the Legislature’s obligation to fund Prop. 36. This is a step in funding it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The irony is that the grant funds Umberg wants to tap come from Proposition 47 — the ballot measure Proposition 36 targeted — and that funding pool will likely shrink in the years ahead.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That’s because Proposition 47, which Proposition 36 amended, resulted in far fewer people going to prison and jail for drug and theft crimes. The measure redirected \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986380/prop-47-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded\">money saved from incarcerating fewer people\u003c/a> to fund community programs like drug treatment. Now, with more people facing felonies under Proposition 36, the savings are expected to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will Matthews, communications director for Californians for Safety and Justice, the nonprofit that wrote Proposition 47, said the funding battle highlights the central tension in the debate: People want less drug use and theft and for offenders to be held accountable, but the more the state spends on incarceration, the less money is available for treatment and rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It lays bare the truth, which is that the only way we are going to free up the necessary resources for treat-and-prevention infrastructure that this state has needed for generations is by reducing the size and scope of the prison system, by reducing the number of people flowing into the system,” he said. “We know what works, and we know what we need to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with Proposition 36, voters threw their support behind letting prosecutors lock more people up if they refuse to get help. Voters did not, however, give state leaders a roadmap, which means there are going to be some tough conversations ahead in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030325/dog-bites-foam-bullets-and-fear-victims-testify-to-ex-antioch-officers-excessive-force\">federal trial of a former Antioch police officer\u003c/a> wrapped up closing arguments on Wednesday, capping off six days of testimony that, along with hundreds of text messages, prosecutors say prove he conspired to deprive residents of their rights by using excessive force for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against Morteza Amiri stems from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958522/fbi-arrests-antioch-pittsburg-police-officers-following-indictments\">sweeping corruption scandal\u003c/a> implicating members of the Antioch and Pittsburg police departments that shook the Bay Area — and brought questions of police culture and complacency into the limelight — in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After closing arguments, the jury will now decide whether the evidence is enough to find that Amiri conspired to violate civil rights, used unreasonable force on three specific occasions, and falsified records on one of those occasions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw proof beyond a reasonable doubt,” Assistant U.S. Attorney Eric Cheng said as he began the prosecution’s closing statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He rested much of the case on the testimony of Amiri’s former colleague, Eric Rombough, who pleaded guilty to separate conspiracy charges earlier this year and became a key witness for the prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rombough told jurors that as he and Amiri became “the best of friends” on the job, their “proactive” policing style also took a “dark turn,” leading them to encourage each other’s use of excessive force — often aided by Amiri’s police K9, Purcy, and Rombough’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985781/antioch-police-targeted-black-people-with-dogs-and-40mm-launchers-suit-alleges\">40-millimeter impact round launcher\u003c/a>, which fires a hard foam projectile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This turn was in violation of the oaths that they swore as police officers and in violation of the law,” Cheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">from February 2019 to March 2022\u003c/a>, Rombough, Amiri and former officer Devon Christopher Wenger “encouraged each other to hurt people in the community,” even when it wasn’t necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You heard Mr. Rombough’s testimony about this agreement,” Cheng continued. “When he was asked, ‘What was your agreement with Mr. Amiri and Mr. Wenger?’ His response was, ‘We were all on the same page that we didn’t feel the correct punishment was being issued, and we could dish out our own.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng also highlighted texts sent between former officers, including Amiri, Rombough and Wenger, the latter of whom faced charges in an associated case that ended in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">a mistrial last week\u003c/a>. While Amiri’s defense has written off the vulgar messages as the “rough” way officers speak to each other in a stressful work environment, Rombough testified otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were serious. They were not a joke. They wanted to actually use force and hurt people, even if it wasn’t necessary,” Cheng said, summarizing Rombough’s statements on the stand. “They planned on it, they talked about it, and they even set it up.”[aside postID=news_12030325 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']The messages are part of a larger trove that the FBI uncovered in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974853/judge-finds-8-antioch-police-officers-tainted-by-racial-bias-reduces-criminal-charges\">a 2023 investigation\u003c/a> into the Antioch and Pittsburg police departments that included racist memes and notes shared among officers and directed at Antioch’s Black and Latino residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some texts that prosecutors have read into the record throughout the trial discuss the incidents involving three men Amiri is accused of having deprived of their rights through excessive force, including Daniel Romo, who testified last week that Purcy bit him in a tent in a homeless encampment that he ran into after being chased by police in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I walked out the tent and game planned how to f— him up,” a message from Amiri to Wenger said. “Went back and did justice. Wish you were there. Inside a tent with no cams [body-worn cameras], you would have loved it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri said the dog “was hungry for human lol,” to which Wenger responded, “f— yes, f— that nerd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what f—ing happens when you run, you acquire a tax. His tax was paid properly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng also reviewed similar message exchanges related to the other two people on whom Amiri is accused of using unreasonable force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The celebration of injuries and pain show the motivation and purpose behind these uses of force, not legitimate police purposes, but f—ing people up for the sake of inflicting injury,” Cheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the prosecution rested, the defense spent the afternoon painting a starkly different picture of the hundreds of messages shared between Antioch officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Paul Goyette said that prosecutors were putting “cherry-picked messages” — pulled from many more sent in group chats with entire shift crews and others between two officers spanning 2019 to 2022 — under a microscope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that the way the officers texted was a “coping mechanism” for dealing with seeing “the worst things humans can do to other humans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goyette suggested that the high crime, enormous stress and desensitization officers faced contributed to an “us versus them” mentality among the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly in law enforcement, especially in the city of Antioch, but it’s also in the military,” he said. “It could be firefighters and paramedics, surgeons and ER staff, construction and industrial workers, any stressful, dangerous job. … What you’re going to get is bravado, exaggeration, dark humor, gallows humor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029523\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029523\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicole Castronovo, defense attorney for former Antioch police officer Devon Christopher Wenger, gives her opening statement in the federal trial against Wenger and another former Antioch officer at the U.S. District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Goyette told the jury that the text messages sent were not accurate, factual or an admission of excessive force — they were personal communications sent “in the heat of the moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also took aim at the witnesses the prosecution leaned on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you decide that a witness has deliberately testified untruthfully about something important, you may choose not to believe anything that witness said,” Goyette told the jurors, targeting the testimony of Adrian Arroyo, who was bitten by Purcy in 2019 — a case that Amiri is accused of falsifying the police report about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arroyo, who Goyette said has a “long history of criminal activity … of drug use,” testified that federal investigators had given him puppy urine pads at one point ahead of the trial but that he had not asked for them specifically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s one of the probably many things he asked for that the government provided to him,” Goyette said. “He lied to you about something like that, which you might look at and go … ‘It really doesn’t matter.’ Yes, it does because it’s a reward. It’s an incentive to come in here and testify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goyette also emphasized the three dog bite victims’ history of drug use. He alleged that Romo’s testimony was riddled with lies and accused the third witness, Mason Zeigler, of “role-playing with FBI this week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s called telling the witness what to say,” Goyette said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regarding the text messages, Goyette argued that while they were “not politically correct, [and] they certainly can be viewed as unprofessional,” they didn’t violate the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe officers need to be counseled, disciplined, maybe need to be fired … but whether you laugh or are offended by it, [they] are not a crime,” Goyette said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After closing arguments, the jury in the federal trial of former Antioch police officer Morteza Amiri will decide whether the evidence is enough to find that Amiri conspired to violate civil rights, used unreasonable force on three specific occasions, and falsified records on one of those occasions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030325/dog-bites-foam-bullets-and-fear-victims-testify-to-ex-antioch-officers-excessive-force\">federal trial of a former Antioch police officer\u003c/a> wrapped up closing arguments on Wednesday, capping off six days of testimony that, along with hundreds of text messages, prosecutors say prove he conspired to deprive residents of their rights by using excessive force for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against Morteza Amiri stems from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958522/fbi-arrests-antioch-pittsburg-police-officers-following-indictments\">sweeping corruption scandal\u003c/a> implicating members of the Antioch and Pittsburg police departments that shook the Bay Area — and brought questions of police culture and complacency into the limelight — in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After closing arguments, the jury will now decide whether the evidence is enough to find that Amiri conspired to violate civil rights, used unreasonable force on three specific occasions, and falsified records on one of those occasions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw proof beyond a reasonable doubt,” Assistant U.S. Attorney Eric Cheng said as he began the prosecution’s closing statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He rested much of the case on the testimony of Amiri’s former colleague, Eric Rombough, who pleaded guilty to separate conspiracy charges earlier this year and became a key witness for the prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rombough told jurors that as he and Amiri became “the best of friends” on the job, their “proactive” policing style also took a “dark turn,” leading them to encourage each other’s use of excessive force — often aided by Amiri’s police K9, Purcy, and Rombough’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985781/antioch-police-targeted-black-people-with-dogs-and-40mm-launchers-suit-alleges\">40-millimeter impact round launcher\u003c/a>, which fires a hard foam projectile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This turn was in violation of the oaths that they swore as police officers and in violation of the law,” Cheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">from February 2019 to March 2022\u003c/a>, Rombough, Amiri and former officer Devon Christopher Wenger “encouraged each other to hurt people in the community,” even when it wasn’t necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You heard Mr. Rombough’s testimony about this agreement,” Cheng continued. “When he was asked, ‘What was your agreement with Mr. Amiri and Mr. Wenger?’ His response was, ‘We were all on the same page that we didn’t feel the correct punishment was being issued, and we could dish out our own.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng also highlighted texts sent between former officers, including Amiri, Rombough and Wenger, the latter of whom faced charges in an associated case that ended in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">a mistrial last week\u003c/a>. While Amiri’s defense has written off the vulgar messages as the “rough” way officers speak to each other in a stressful work environment, Rombough testified otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were serious. They were not a joke. They wanted to actually use force and hurt people, even if it wasn’t necessary,” Cheng said, summarizing Rombough’s statements on the stand. “They planned on it, they talked about it, and they even set it up.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The messages are part of a larger trove that the FBI uncovered in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974853/judge-finds-8-antioch-police-officers-tainted-by-racial-bias-reduces-criminal-charges\">a 2023 investigation\u003c/a> into the Antioch and Pittsburg police departments that included racist memes and notes shared among officers and directed at Antioch’s Black and Latino residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some texts that prosecutors have read into the record throughout the trial discuss the incidents involving three men Amiri is accused of having deprived of their rights through excessive force, including Daniel Romo, who testified last week that Purcy bit him in a tent in a homeless encampment that he ran into after being chased by police in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I walked out the tent and game planned how to f— him up,” a message from Amiri to Wenger said. “Went back and did justice. Wish you were there. Inside a tent with no cams [body-worn cameras], you would have loved it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri said the dog “was hungry for human lol,” to which Wenger responded, “f— yes, f— that nerd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what f—ing happens when you run, you acquire a tax. His tax was paid properly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng also reviewed similar message exchanges related to the other two people on whom Amiri is accused of using unreasonable force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The celebration of injuries and pain show the motivation and purpose behind these uses of force, not legitimate police purposes, but f—ing people up for the sake of inflicting injury,” Cheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the prosecution rested, the defense spent the afternoon painting a starkly different picture of the hundreds of messages shared between Antioch officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Paul Goyette said that prosecutors were putting “cherry-picked messages” — pulled from many more sent in group chats with entire shift crews and others between two officers spanning 2019 to 2022 — under a microscope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that the way the officers texted was a “coping mechanism” for dealing with seeing “the worst things humans can do to other humans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goyette suggested that the high crime, enormous stress and desensitization officers faced contributed to an “us versus them” mentality among the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly in law enforcement, especially in the city of Antioch, but it’s also in the military,” he said. “It could be firefighters and paramedics, surgeons and ER staff, construction and industrial workers, any stressful, dangerous job. … What you’re going to get is bravado, exaggeration, dark humor, gallows humor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029523\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029523\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicole Castronovo, defense attorney for former Antioch police officer Devon Christopher Wenger, gives her opening statement in the federal trial against Wenger and another former Antioch officer at the U.S. District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Goyette told the jury that the text messages sent were not accurate, factual or an admission of excessive force — they were personal communications sent “in the heat of the moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also took aim at the witnesses the prosecution leaned on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you decide that a witness has deliberately testified untruthfully about something important, you may choose not to believe anything that witness said,” Goyette told the jurors, targeting the testimony of Adrian Arroyo, who was bitten by Purcy in 2019 — a case that Amiri is accused of falsifying the police report about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arroyo, who Goyette said has a “long history of criminal activity … of drug use,” testified that federal investigators had given him puppy urine pads at one point ahead of the trial but that he had not asked for them specifically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s one of the probably many things he asked for that the government provided to him,” Goyette said. “He lied to you about something like that, which you might look at and go … ‘It really doesn’t matter.’ Yes, it does because it’s a reward. It’s an incentive to come in here and testify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goyette also emphasized the three dog bite victims’ history of drug use. He alleged that Romo’s testimony was riddled with lies and accused the third witness, Mason Zeigler, of “role-playing with FBI this week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s called telling the witness what to say,” Goyette said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regarding the text messages, Goyette argued that while they were “not politically correct, [and] they certainly can be viewed as unprofessional,” they didn’t violate the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe officers need to be counseled, disciplined, maybe need to be fired … but whether you laugh or are offended by it, [they] are not a crime,” Goyette said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "another-bay-area-city-steps-up-its-sanctuary-policies-in-the-face-of-trumps-threats",
"title": "Another Bay Area City Steps Up Its Sanctuary Policies in the Face of Trump’s Threats",
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"headTitle": "Another Bay Area City Steps Up Its Sanctuary Policies in the Face of Trump’s Threats | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The East Bay’s city of Richmond is strengthening its sanctuary city status after a unanimous City Council vote on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council approved a proposal that bars the use of city personnel and resources in assisting federal immigration enforcement officers or asking individuals about their citizenship status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, submitted by the City Attorney’s office, follows a string of the city’s immigrant protection laws that were deemed no longer sufficient to protect Richmond’s immigrant population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal also suggested banning city personnel from aiding federal immigration enforcement to “gather or disseminate information regarding [the] release status of individuals or any other such personal information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their meeting, the council raised the point that they were already closely following the practices outlined in the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Kimberly Chen, Senior Assistant at the City Attorney’s office, said codifying the practices was crucial to have better protections and precedent in the instance that the Trump administration took retaliatory action against the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City and County of San Francisco vs. Trump case did hold that the president exceeded his authority and violated the separation of powers when directing administrative agencies to withhold funding from jurisdictions that adopted sanctuary policies,” Chen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although supportive of the proposal, Councilmember Jamelia Brown raised concerns about the approximately $62.3 million in federal funding that the city of Richmond receives and the possibility of the Trump administration withholding them in retaliation.[aside postID=news_12028147 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240517-BrianJonesPB-21-BL-1020x680.jpg']“We are standing with the undocumented community, but if we are putting critical funding at risk, then we’re leaving out another group of individuals who we serve daily,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of citizens attended to voice their opinions, with the majority largely in favor of the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California pays more in taxes to the federal government than it receives from the federal government,” said Elsa Stevens, a citizen who took the stand. “So if we are to be punished for being kind to new people, then maybe we should withhold funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only one citizen was not in favor — he began to berate the council, the Richmond police chief, and those who showed up in support of the proposal until he was gently escorted out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the vote, the council moved to amend the ordinance with more data protection items, per their legal team’s review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fear is real,” Brown said, but I also want to acknowledge that fear can be exploited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Richmond joined several California cities in strengthening its sanctuary city ordinances to limit involvement with federal immigration enforcement.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The East Bay’s city of Richmond is strengthening its sanctuary city status after a unanimous City Council vote on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council approved a proposal that bars the use of city personnel and resources in assisting federal immigration enforcement officers or asking individuals about their citizenship status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, submitted by the City Attorney’s office, follows a string of the city’s immigrant protection laws that were deemed no longer sufficient to protect Richmond’s immigrant population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal also suggested banning city personnel from aiding federal immigration enforcement to “gather or disseminate information regarding [the] release status of individuals or any other such personal information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their meeting, the council raised the point that they were already closely following the practices outlined in the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Kimberly Chen, Senior Assistant at the City Attorney’s office, said codifying the practices was crucial to have better protections and precedent in the instance that the Trump administration took retaliatory action against the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City and County of San Francisco vs. Trump case did hold that the president exceeded his authority and violated the separation of powers when directing administrative agencies to withhold funding from jurisdictions that adopted sanctuary policies,” Chen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although supportive of the proposal, Councilmember Jamelia Brown raised concerns about the approximately $62.3 million in federal funding that the city of Richmond receives and the possibility of the Trump administration withholding them in retaliation.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We are standing with the undocumented community, but if we are putting critical funding at risk, then we’re leaving out another group of individuals who we serve daily,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of citizens attended to voice their opinions, with the majority largely in favor of the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California pays more in taxes to the federal government than it receives from the federal government,” said Elsa Stevens, a citizen who took the stand. “So if we are to be punished for being kind to new people, then maybe we should withhold funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only one citizen was not in favor — he began to berate the council, the Richmond police chief, and those who showed up in support of the proposal until he was gently escorted out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the vote, the council moved to amend the ordinance with more data protection items, per their legal team’s review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fear is real,” Brown said, but I also want to acknowledge that fear can be exploited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Mark Koerner just learned the tough lesson that questioning the term “toxic masculinity” in a liberal school district can spur a reaction that might come across as, well, a bit toxic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was pretty confrontational towards me. You can call it toxic. You can call it whatever you want,” said Koerner, vice president of the San Rafael City Schools’ Board of Education, a day after a throng of district parents vociferously panned his resolution during \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/Vxy9H6zhMxI\">a school board meeting\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Offensive,” “embarrassing,” ridiculous,” “tone deaf,” “insensitive at best.” Those were just some of the jabs in the nearly hourlong fusillade of admonishments, mostly from district moms, of Koerner and his ill-fated resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure in question, titled “Recognition of the Essential Role and Needs of Young Men in Society,” sought to officially “recognize and support the needs of young men, promoting their mental, emotional, and physical health” and recognize that “the current emotional, educational, and financial state of young men is in critical condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most controversially, it also criticized the use of the term “toxic masculinity,” arguing it “does not reflect the vast majority of men and can detract from constructive dialogues,” while also saying “language that implies young men need to be ‘fixed’ by women undermines mutual respect and equality and is not conducive to constructive discourse on gender dynamics in our society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koerner, a tech investor and father of two teenage boys, who was previously co-CEO of Dictionary.com, said he introduced the resolution to underscore “the need to recognize young men.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was was intended to highlight boys’ lower rates of academic achievement and higher rates of suicide and mental health issues, he said, noting that, on average, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/high-school-graduation-rate-boys-c7b8dff33221e0ded2d1369397d96455\">high school graduation rates for boys\u003c/a> are, on average, lower than they are for girls and that boys are \u003ca href=\"https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5848397/#:~:text=In%20early%20adolescence%2C%20the%20onset,are%20still%20not%20fully%20understood.\">less likely \u003c/a>to seek support for mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to ban any words. People should be able to say whatever they want,” Koerner told KQED on Tuesday. “I was suggesting that maybe [a term like toxic masculinity] is something that when young men hear that, it triggers them … even if they don’t associate with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “I thought it was worth bringing up so that we would start to think about the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suffice it to say, Koerner’s effort didn’t land well. The timing of its introduction — in the middle of Women’s History Month — also didn’t help his cause, prompting one commenter at the meeting to decry it as “a mockery” of the observance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s bad timing, obviously I could have been more thoughtful about that,” Koerner admitted. “I can’t say anything more than that I missed that. … Six months ago would have been better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well before the meeting, the cascade of condemnations came flooding in, so much so that Koerner pulled the resolution hours before the board’s scheduled vote — proposing instead to use the time to convey his intentions and hear people’s concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And hear from them he did, with some two dozen parents waiting in line to air their grievances at a meeting that typically has just a handful of attendees, but on Monday drew closer to 100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am so frustrated that this is how we’re spending our time at our school board meetings. This is embarrassing,” said Lindsey Holtaway, one of the many impassioned parents who spoke during the roughly 45-minute comment session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some parents hinted that Koerner should resign, while others suggested his resolution was another salvo in the culture wars fueled by the anti-woke rhetoric and policies of the Trump administration. One commenter specifically referenced recent remarks by \u003ca href=\"https://www.thedailybeast.com/jd-vance-offers-cringe-advice-to-young-men-suppressed-by-us-culture/\">Vice President J.D. Vance\u003c/a> encouraging young men to embrace their masculinity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just seemed more like a trickle-down Trumpism that’s probably infecting school boards all across the nation right now,” Olivia Vos, a mother with a second-grade student in the district and a 4-year-old son, told KRON4 before the meeting.[aside postID=forum_2010101907961 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2024/11/11-26-WPI-10am-1020x574.jpg']Koerner said he found that perceived connection “disappointing because I don’t see myself as that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sorry it upset them so much,” said Koerner, who joined the board last year. “My goals are not to be divisive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Superintendent Carmen Diaz Ghysels, who led Monday’s meeting, declined KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in Monday’s meeting, Morgan Agnew, president of the San Rafael Federation of Teachers, set the tone by lambasting Koerner for allegedly introducing the resolution without consulting the district’s educators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have told you about the important programs we already have to support our male students: the Boys Group at Madrone, Dudes and Donuts, the Champion Men’s Zone, just to name a few,” he said. “Supporting young men and recognizing systemic gender inequalities are not mutually exclusive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Koerner still thinks many people agree with the sentiment of his resolution, if not the language, and he said he would gladly hand off the issue to someone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would be actually happy to step aside and maybe let one of our other trustees manage that or let the educators themselves come up with something if they want to,” he said, adding that he’d even consider resigning from the board if there was a big push to “get rid of me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is not to interject myself into it,” he said. “I’m not here to put my personal footprint on this or to be the person solving it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mark Koerner just learned the tough lesson that questioning the term “toxic masculinity” in a liberal school district can spur a reaction that might come across as, well, a bit toxic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was pretty confrontational towards me. You can call it toxic. You can call it whatever you want,” said Koerner, vice president of the San Rafael City Schools’ Board of Education, a day after a throng of district parents vociferously panned his resolution during \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/Vxy9H6zhMxI\">a school board meeting\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Offensive,” “embarrassing,” ridiculous,” “tone deaf,” “insensitive at best.” Those were just some of the jabs in the nearly hourlong fusillade of admonishments, mostly from district moms, of Koerner and his ill-fated resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure in question, titled “Recognition of the Essential Role and Needs of Young Men in Society,” sought to officially “recognize and support the needs of young men, promoting their mental, emotional, and physical health” and recognize that “the current emotional, educational, and financial state of young men is in critical condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most controversially, it also criticized the use of the term “toxic masculinity,” arguing it “does not reflect the vast majority of men and can detract from constructive dialogues,” while also saying “language that implies young men need to be ‘fixed’ by women undermines mutual respect and equality and is not conducive to constructive discourse on gender dynamics in our society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koerner, a tech investor and father of two teenage boys, who was previously co-CEO of Dictionary.com, said he introduced the resolution to underscore “the need to recognize young men.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was was intended to highlight boys’ lower rates of academic achievement and higher rates of suicide and mental health issues, he said, noting that, on average, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/high-school-graduation-rate-boys-c7b8dff33221e0ded2d1369397d96455\">high school graduation rates for boys\u003c/a> are, on average, lower than they are for girls and that boys are \u003ca href=\"https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5848397/#:~:text=In%20early%20adolescence%2C%20the%20onset,are%20still%20not%20fully%20understood.\">less likely \u003c/a>to seek support for mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to ban any words. People should be able to say whatever they want,” Koerner told KQED on Tuesday. “I was suggesting that maybe [a term like toxic masculinity] is something that when young men hear that, it triggers them … even if they don’t associate with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “I thought it was worth bringing up so that we would start to think about the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suffice it to say, Koerner’s effort didn’t land well. The timing of its introduction — in the middle of Women’s History Month — also didn’t help his cause, prompting one commenter at the meeting to decry it as “a mockery” of the observance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s bad timing, obviously I could have been more thoughtful about that,” Koerner admitted. “I can’t say anything more than that I missed that. … Six months ago would have been better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well before the meeting, the cascade of condemnations came flooding in, so much so that Koerner pulled the resolution hours before the board’s scheduled vote — proposing instead to use the time to convey his intentions and hear people’s concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And hear from them he did, with some two dozen parents waiting in line to air their grievances at a meeting that typically has just a handful of attendees, but on Monday drew closer to 100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am so frustrated that this is how we’re spending our time at our school board meetings. This is embarrassing,” said Lindsey Holtaway, one of the many impassioned parents who spoke during the roughly 45-minute comment session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some parents hinted that Koerner should resign, while others suggested his resolution was another salvo in the culture wars fueled by the anti-woke rhetoric and policies of the Trump administration. One commenter specifically referenced recent remarks by \u003ca href=\"https://www.thedailybeast.com/jd-vance-offers-cringe-advice-to-young-men-suppressed-by-us-culture/\">Vice President J.D. Vance\u003c/a> encouraging young men to embrace their masculinity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just seemed more like a trickle-down Trumpism that’s probably infecting school boards all across the nation right now,” Olivia Vos, a mother with a second-grade student in the district and a 4-year-old son, told KRON4 before the meeting.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Koerner said he found that perceived connection “disappointing because I don’t see myself as that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sorry it upset them so much,” said Koerner, who joined the board last year. “My goals are not to be divisive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Superintendent Carmen Diaz Ghysels, who led Monday’s meeting, declined KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in Monday’s meeting, Morgan Agnew, president of the San Rafael Federation of Teachers, set the tone by lambasting Koerner for allegedly introducing the resolution without consulting the district’s educators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have told you about the important programs we already have to support our male students: the Boys Group at Madrone, Dudes and Donuts, the Champion Men’s Zone, just to name a few,” he said. “Supporting young men and recognizing systemic gender inequalities are not mutually exclusive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Koerner still thinks many people agree with the sentiment of his resolution, if not the language, and he said he would gladly hand off the issue to someone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would be actually happy to step aside and maybe let one of our other trustees manage that or let the educators themselves come up with something if they want to,” he said, adding that he’d even consider resigning from the board if there was a big push to “get rid of me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is not to interject myself into it,” he said. “I’m not here to put my personal footprint on this or to be the person solving it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter launched her bid for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> governor on Tuesday, hoping a promise of “fresh blood and new ideas” will help her overcome challenges that plagued her U.S. Senate campaign last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027239/as-kamala-harris-mulls-a-run-for-governor-trump-republicans-do-too\">2026 field is already crowded\u003c/a> with Democratic hopefuls, including former state Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins, Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis, state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and former State Controller Betty Yee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter carries clear advantages into the race. She has a defined image forged through a hard-fought win for the Orange County seat in 2018. In Congress, she \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11780944/katie-porter-on-congressional-hearings-class-with-elizabeth-warren-and-learning-to-surf\">exhibited a penchant\u003c/a> for grilling high-profile witnesses, such as JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon and former Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Director Robert Redfield, in hearings on Capitol Hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Porter has demonstrated the ability to raise the enormous sums needed for a statewide campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her Senate run, Porter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976805/katie-porter-on-israel-hamas-war-not-taking-pac-money-and-her-expert-quilter-mother\">faced challenges\u003c/a> from the state’s political establishment and a political climate that didn’t align with her campaign’s focus. Porter’s bid for governor could depend on whether former Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> decides to run for the state’s top job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement video, Porter argued the state is in need of “leaders with the backbone to fight for what is right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As governor, I won’t ever back down when Trump hurts Californians,” Porter said. “We don’t have to choose between defending our values and tackling our challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County, Porter’s political superpower was her ability to win a swing district as a progressive. She defeated incumbent Republican Rep. Mimi Walters in 2018 and fended off successive GOP challenges in the highly contested Irvine-area seat. Central to Porter’s appeal to independents and swing voters is her willingness to question sacred cows on both sides of the aisle, including her push to end earmarks and ban lawmakers from trading stocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has a political brand,” said Darry Sragow, who managed gubernatorial campaigns for Dianne Feinstein and John Garamendi.[aside postID=news_12027239 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2177538092-scaled.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s very smart, she’s very tough, she’s very strong, she’s outspoken and she’s authentic,” Sragow added. “She says what she means and she means what she says.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement, Porter pledged to “bring all voices to the table to hear good ideas, no matter who they come from or what else we may agree or disagree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll work with anybody, and I’ll say ‘no’ to anybody because I’ve never been for sale, and I never will be,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter’s independent streak and bomb-throwing style have also landed her in hot water with other Democrats at times. When she ran on a promise to “shake up the Senate,” former California Sen. Barbara Boxer said Porter was acting “\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-02-22/2024-california-senate-election-women-female-katie-porter-barbara-lee-dianne-feinstein\">holier-than-thou\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most elected Democrats and powerful labor groups endorsed fellow Reps. Adam Schiff and Barbara Lee. Schiff won the election easily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter had to walk back comments that a pro-cryptocurrency group that spent heavily against her campaign was “spending millions to rig this election.” She was widely denounced by Democrats, who said her comments echoed the election-denying language of the Republican Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent decades, California Democrats have coalesced around statewide candidates squarely within the party establishment, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, former Gov. Jerry Brown, Harris and Schiff. According to Sragow, the deep connections to the party “certainly helped Jerry Brown, it helped Gray Davis, it helped Gavin Newsom — they were all well-credentialed as people who had held office,” Sragow said.[aside postID=forum_2010101892849 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1440583508.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gil Duran, a former adviser to California Democrats such as Brown, Harris and Feinstein, said the response to Trump by elected Democrats has opened up an opportunity for a candidate like Porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think after seeing most of the Democratic establishment hide under a rock for the last several months, I think people will be in the mood for some strong, bold, fierce leadership,” Duran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To break through as California’s first female governor, Porter will also need better luck in whatever issues come to dominate the 2026 campaign. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974647/schiff-for-senate-tv-ad-has-democrats-and-republicans-crying-foul\">the Senate race\u003c/a>, Porter’s focus on fighting corruption and challenging the systems of Washington didn’t align with voters’ concerns about the re-emergence of Trump and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967845/california-democratic-senate-candidates-face-calls-for-cease-fire-at-party-convention\">Israel-Hamas war\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether Porter, who worked under Harris in the California Department of Justice, and other Democrats will remain in the race or seek other statewide offices if Harris jumped in. Duran said candidates who show that kind of deference “are not suited to be California governor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a tough job,” he said. “If Kamala Harris maybe getting in is enough for you to throw in the towel, then go be treasurer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter launched her bid for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> governor on Tuesday, hoping a promise of “fresh blood and new ideas” will help her overcome challenges that plagued her U.S. Senate campaign last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027239/as-kamala-harris-mulls-a-run-for-governor-trump-republicans-do-too\">2026 field is already crowded\u003c/a> with Democratic hopefuls, including former state Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins, Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis, state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and former State Controller Betty Yee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter carries clear advantages into the race. She has a defined image forged through a hard-fought win for the Orange County seat in 2018. In Congress, she \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11780944/katie-porter-on-congressional-hearings-class-with-elizabeth-warren-and-learning-to-surf\">exhibited a penchant\u003c/a> for grilling high-profile witnesses, such as JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon and former Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Director Robert Redfield, in hearings on Capitol Hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Porter has demonstrated the ability to raise the enormous sums needed for a statewide campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her Senate run, Porter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976805/katie-porter-on-israel-hamas-war-not-taking-pac-money-and-her-expert-quilter-mother\">faced challenges\u003c/a> from the state’s political establishment and a political climate that didn’t align with her campaign’s focus. Porter’s bid for governor could depend on whether former Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> decides to run for the state’s top job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement video, Porter argued the state is in need of “leaders with the backbone to fight for what is right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As governor, I won’t ever back down when Trump hurts Californians,” Porter said. “We don’t have to choose between defending our values and tackling our challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County, Porter’s political superpower was her ability to win a swing district as a progressive. She defeated incumbent Republican Rep. Mimi Walters in 2018 and fended off successive GOP challenges in the highly contested Irvine-area seat. Central to Porter’s appeal to independents and swing voters is her willingness to question sacred cows on both sides of the aisle, including her push to end earmarks and ban lawmakers from trading stocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has a political brand,” said Darry Sragow, who managed gubernatorial campaigns for Dianne Feinstein and John Garamendi.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s very smart, she’s very tough, she’s very strong, she’s outspoken and she’s authentic,” Sragow added. “She says what she means and she means what she says.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement, Porter pledged to “bring all voices to the table to hear good ideas, no matter who they come from or what else we may agree or disagree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll work with anybody, and I’ll say ‘no’ to anybody because I’ve never been for sale, and I never will be,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter’s independent streak and bomb-throwing style have also landed her in hot water with other Democrats at times. When she ran on a promise to “shake up the Senate,” former California Sen. Barbara Boxer said Porter was acting “\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-02-22/2024-california-senate-election-women-female-katie-porter-barbara-lee-dianne-feinstein\">holier-than-thou\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most elected Democrats and powerful labor groups endorsed fellow Reps. Adam Schiff and Barbara Lee. Schiff won the election easily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter had to walk back comments that a pro-cryptocurrency group that spent heavily against her campaign was “spending millions to rig this election.” She was widely denounced by Democrats, who said her comments echoed the election-denying language of the Republican Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent decades, California Democrats have coalesced around statewide candidates squarely within the party establishment, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, former Gov. Jerry Brown, Harris and Schiff. According to Sragow, the deep connections to the party “certainly helped Jerry Brown, it helped Gray Davis, it helped Gavin Newsom — they were all well-credentialed as people who had held office,” Sragow said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gil Duran, a former adviser to California Democrats such as Brown, Harris and Feinstein, said the response to Trump by elected Democrats has opened up an opportunity for a candidate like Porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think after seeing most of the Democratic establishment hide under a rock for the last several months, I think people will be in the mood for some strong, bold, fierce leadership,” Duran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To break through as California’s first female governor, Porter will also need better luck in whatever issues come to dominate the 2026 campaign. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974647/schiff-for-senate-tv-ad-has-democrats-and-republicans-crying-foul\">the Senate race\u003c/a>, Porter’s focus on fighting corruption and challenging the systems of Washington didn’t align with voters’ concerns about the re-emergence of Trump and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967845/california-democratic-senate-candidates-face-calls-for-cease-fire-at-party-convention\">Israel-Hamas war\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether Porter, who worked under Harris in the California Department of Justice, and other Democrats will remain in the race or seek other statewide offices if Harris jumped in. Duran said candidates who show that kind of deference “are not suited to be California governor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a tough job,” he said. “If Kamala Harris maybe getting in is enough for you to throw in the towel, then go be treasurer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "United Way Bay Area Raises Alarm Over Federal Funding Pause for Hunger, Homelessness",
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"content": "\u003cp>United Way Bay Area is warning that a federal funding pause could worsen hunger and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030088/why-californias-homeless-shelters-are-a-bridge-to-nowhere\">homelessness across the region\u003c/a>. Under a budget approved last April, California was set to receive $18.3 million in federal aid, with $2.5 million allocated for the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That funding is now indefinitely paused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the federal level, the Emergency Food and Shelter Program (FEMA) oversees the funds, which are then distributed to United Way. From there, United Way awards grants to local nonprofits, typically supporting 100 to 110 organizations each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Escobar, vice president of Safety Net Resources at United Way Bay Area, describes her role as a bridge between government funding and the communities that rely on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually, we get double the amount of requests than we have funding for. So we know the need is out there. We know the nonprofit sector needs these funds,” Escobar said. “We see the impact that these funds have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Way Bay Area distributes funds across seven Bay Area counties: Alameda, Contra Costa, Marin, Napa, San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Solano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a nonprofit receives a grant from United Way, it can allocate the funds to best serve its community’s specific needs. In each county, a local board made up of experts from various organizations, including city and county programs, helps determine how the money is most effectively used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12030273 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2202530063-1020x715.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, services vary, but in the Bay Area, they often focus on rent relief and financial assistance for groceries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Food is Free Bay Area is an organization that works to bridge food insecurity by providing free food distributions. Executive director Heather Pierini worries about the domino effects the federal funding pause could have on those who rely on these services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For something to be funded that long, through so many administrations, and become an integral piece of how we fund services for people in need, and then to be just similarly dismissed, is horrific,” Pierini said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pierini emphasizes the growing demand for Food is Free Bay Area’s services, noting that in 2024, more than 500 families sought assistance during a three-day distribution period. By February 2025, that need increased, extending distributions to five consecutive days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The need is growing immensely, and I’m terrified for what’s happening for our funding,” Pierini said. “How I’m going to be able to continue making food stretch for the people that we serve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funding from United Way allows Food is Free Bay Area to provide fresh groceries, which is not common as most of their usual supplies are near the end of their freshness cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community greatly appreciates fresh produce, Pierini said, but she remains uncertain how much longer they’ll be able to provide it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Executive director Ronda Kogler of Children’s Network of Solano County, an organization dedicated to bridging service gaps for families, shared that in 2024, they received $47,000 to directly assist 49 families, benefitting a total of 167 household members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have received this funding for several years and every dollar we receive goes directly to help low-income families with emergency rental or mortgage assistance,” Kogler said in a statement. “The pause in this funding will negatively impact our ability to help families in need in Solano County, at a time when the need is great and growing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Way Bay Area is urging people to contact their local representatives to advocate for this issue at the congressional level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>United Way Bay Area is warning that a federal funding pause could worsen hunger and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030088/why-californias-homeless-shelters-are-a-bridge-to-nowhere\">homelessness across the region\u003c/a>. Under a budget approved last April, California was set to receive $18.3 million in federal aid, with $2.5 million allocated for the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That funding is now indefinitely paused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the federal level, the Emergency Food and Shelter Program (FEMA) oversees the funds, which are then distributed to United Way. From there, United Way awards grants to local nonprofits, typically supporting 100 to 110 organizations each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Escobar, vice president of Safety Net Resources at United Way Bay Area, describes her role as a bridge between government funding and the communities that rely on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually, we get double the amount of requests than we have funding for. So we know the need is out there. We know the nonprofit sector needs these funds,” Escobar said. “We see the impact that these funds have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Way Bay Area distributes funds across seven Bay Area counties: Alameda, Contra Costa, Marin, Napa, San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Solano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a nonprofit receives a grant from United Way, it can allocate the funds to best serve its community’s specific needs. In each county, a local board made up of experts from various organizations, including city and county programs, helps determine how the money is most effectively used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, services vary, but in the Bay Area, they often focus on rent relief and financial assistance for groceries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Food is Free Bay Area is an organization that works to bridge food insecurity by providing free food distributions. Executive director Heather Pierini worries about the domino effects the federal funding pause could have on those who rely on these services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For something to be funded that long, through so many administrations, and become an integral piece of how we fund services for people in need, and then to be just similarly dismissed, is horrific,” Pierini said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pierini emphasizes the growing demand for Food is Free Bay Area’s services, noting that in 2024, more than 500 families sought assistance during a three-day distribution period. By February 2025, that need increased, extending distributions to five consecutive days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The need is growing immensely, and I’m terrified for what’s happening for our funding,” Pierini said. “How I’m going to be able to continue making food stretch for the people that we serve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funding from United Way allows Food is Free Bay Area to provide fresh groceries, which is not common as most of their usual supplies are near the end of their freshness cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community greatly appreciates fresh produce, Pierini said, but she remains uncertain how much longer they’ll be able to provide it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Executive director Ronda Kogler of Children’s Network of Solano County, an organization dedicated to bridging service gaps for families, shared that in 2024, they received $47,000 to directly assist 49 families, benefitting a total of 167 household members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have received this funding for several years and every dollar we receive goes directly to help low-income families with emergency rental or mortgage assistance,” Kogler said in a statement. “The pause in this funding will negatively impact our ability to help families in need in Solano County, at a time when the need is great and growing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Way Bay Area is urging people to contact their local representatives to advocate for this issue at the congressional level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As South Bay transit workers continue \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030584/santa-clara-county-transit-grinds-to-a-halt-as-vta-workers-strike\">a historic strike\u003c/a> for a second day over stalled contract talks, halting bus and train service in the region, the agency that employs them is suing to force them back to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara-valley-transportation-authority\">Santa Clara Valley Transportation Authority\u003c/a> filed a complaint late Monday night against the Amalgamated Transit Union Local 265, alleging the strike is a breach of contract and an act of bad faith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This abrupt disruption in service has created substantial uncertainty for VTA’s tens of thousands of daily riders and other members of the public who rely on VTA to transport their employees, students, and loved ones throughout the county and beyond,” reads the complaint filed in Santa Clara County Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 1,500 ATU workers have walked off their jobs as bus drivers, train operators, maintenance technicians, dispatchers and customer service agents. The VTA is asking a judge to issue a temporary restraining order to stop the strike, the first in the 30-year history of the transit agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This strike is having an overwhelming impact on the community, and we are working on all efforts to support our riders getting to work, school, medical appointments, and events,” VTA General Manager Carolyn Gonot said in a statement. “Getting our buses and trains rolling is imperative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency’s complaint alleges that the collective bargaining agreement with the ATU prohibits a strike or work stoppage not only during the life of the previous contract, which expired on March 3 but also during ongoing negotiations for a new contract.[aside postID=news_12029584 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240409-VTAfile-02-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']“VTA recognizes that ATU employees have the right to strike so long as they comply with the law and the collective bargaining agreement,” the agency said in a statement Tuesday. “However, ATU has failed to meet those requirements prior to initiating their strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raj Singh, the president of ATU Local 265, did not immediately respond to a request for comment about the lawsuit on Tuesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency and the union began new contract negotiations in August and even went through a round of mediation at the start of this year, but the two sides are still far apart on the critical issue of wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VTA’s latest offer, made on Feb. 28, includes a 9% raise spread over three years, with 4% offered in the first year, then 3% and 2%, respectively, in the latter years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the same day, the union requested an 18% raise over the same three-year period, with 6% raises each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials have also said they are seeking a fairer arbitration process for workers who file grievances with the VTA and other deal points, including long-term leave due to injury and illness, which the agency is seeking to cut from two years to one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of the strike, VTA Deputy General Manager Greg Richardson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030160/south-bay-transit-workers-call-strike-set-to-halt-vta-bus-and-rail-service\">characterized the union’s wage demands\u003c/a> as “unreasonable” and said the agency can’t afford that level of pay increases without reducing services and possibly cutting jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a developing story, and it will be updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As South Bay transit workers continue \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030584/santa-clara-county-transit-grinds-to-a-halt-as-vta-workers-strike\">a historic strike\u003c/a> for a second day over stalled contract talks, halting bus and train service in the region, the agency that employs them is suing to force them back to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara-valley-transportation-authority\">Santa Clara Valley Transportation Authority\u003c/a> filed a complaint late Monday night against the Amalgamated Transit Union Local 265, alleging the strike is a breach of contract and an act of bad faith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This abrupt disruption in service has created substantial uncertainty for VTA’s tens of thousands of daily riders and other members of the public who rely on VTA to transport their employees, students, and loved ones throughout the county and beyond,” reads the complaint filed in Santa Clara County Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 1,500 ATU workers have walked off their jobs as bus drivers, train operators, maintenance technicians, dispatchers and customer service agents. The VTA is asking a judge to issue a temporary restraining order to stop the strike, the first in the 30-year history of the transit agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This strike is having an overwhelming impact on the community, and we are working on all efforts to support our riders getting to work, school, medical appointments, and events,” VTA General Manager Carolyn Gonot said in a statement. “Getting our buses and trains rolling is imperative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency’s complaint alleges that the collective bargaining agreement with the ATU prohibits a strike or work stoppage not only during the life of the previous contract, which expired on March 3 but also during ongoing negotiations for a new contract.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“VTA recognizes that ATU employees have the right to strike so long as they comply with the law and the collective bargaining agreement,” the agency said in a statement Tuesday. “However, ATU has failed to meet those requirements prior to initiating their strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raj Singh, the president of ATU Local 265, did not immediately respond to a request for comment about the lawsuit on Tuesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency and the union began new contract negotiations in August and even went through a round of mediation at the start of this year, but the two sides are still far apart on the critical issue of wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VTA’s latest offer, made on Feb. 28, includes a 9% raise spread over three years, with 4% offered in the first year, then 3% and 2%, respectively, in the latter years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the same day, the union requested an 18% raise over the same three-year period, with 6% raises each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials have also said they are seeking a fairer arbitration process for workers who file grievances with the VTA and other deal points, including long-term leave due to injury and illness, which the agency is seeking to cut from two years to one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of the strike, VTA Deputy General Manager Greg Richardson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030160/south-bay-transit-workers-call-strike-set-to-halt-vta-bus-and-rail-service\">characterized the union’s wage demands\u003c/a> as “unreasonable” and said the agency can’t afford that level of pay increases without reducing services and possibly cutting jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a developing story, and it will be updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "family-run-napa-winery-gets-win-long-legal-battle-with-county-not-over",
"title": "Family-Run Napa Winery Gets a Win in Long Legal Battle With County, but It’s Not Over",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/napa-county\">Napa County\u003c/a>’s six-year legal battle with a family-run winery is far from over — even after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020585/napa-countys-legal-battle-with-family-run-winery-sparks-a-federal-court-challenge\">Hoopes Vineyard\u003c/a> was ordered to close its doors for tastings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the Napa County Superior Court ordered Hoopes Vineyard to suspend on-site wine and food service and some additional operations that had been at the center of a dispute over Hoopes’ small winery exemption. According to owner Lindsay Hoopes, the winery will be able to remain open for now, after the state’s 1st District Court of Appeal granted a temporary pause Friday on the trial court’s order while it determines whether that will cause “irreparable harm” to the business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes is appealing the preliminary injunction that she says would force its closure, alleging that the county acted outside its jurisdiction by suspending functions that she believes fall under the state’s purview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s our perspective, it’s an excess of the trial court’s jurisdiction in telling us that we can’t any longer do those activities,” like wine marketing and tastings, Hoopes says. “They’re taking away rights that the [Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control] already gave, and a trial court can’t do that in the state. Only the ABC [department] and the Supreme Court can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes has been fighting with Napa over the legality of Hoopes Vineyard since at least 2020, when she first received a notice from the county over an apparent violation of the small winery exemption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020596\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12020596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A giant welcome sign is seen in Napa Valley, California, on Oct. 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her property is zoned under that old county policy, which allows small wineries to continue to operate without going through an expensive, arduous permitting process that applies to land in Napa’s highly protected agricultural preserve. But it comes with restrictions: small wineries under the exemption can’t hold public tours, events or provide wine tastings, according to the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa County sued Hoopes and her winery in 2022, alleging that changes to the property’s use in recent years violated its limitations. Since 2017, Hoopes purchased the property, created “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hoopesvineyard.com/oasis-by-hoopes\">Oasis by Hoopes\u003c/a>,” which introduced wine-tasting “experiences,” and invited guests to visit an on-site animal sanctuary and lounge at two Airstream trailers brought onto the site. She also applied for, and was granted, an Alcoholic Beverage Control winery license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county says that the small winery exemption program was designed so that low-impact vineyards could continue operating small farms, grow grapes, and produce and sell wine in a retail fashion without having to jump through the same hoops as larger, commercial operations. But if those properties made changes that could have environmental consequences, like allowing more guests and expanding the footprint, it would require a use permit, says attorney Arthur Hartinger, who is representing Napa in the case.[aside postID=news_12025404 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1020x680.jpg']“They just can’t do these other kinds of things that bring more people onto the property and create impacts that have very serious potential consequences,” he told KQED in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa County Judge Mark Boessenecker agreed in November, saying that Hoopes gained an unfair advantage by expanding its business without a use permit. “Hoopes does not have to spend the money to upgrade its systems and comply with the law, while other, law-abiding wineries do,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the court’s decision isn’t final since Hoopes’ cross-complaint is still pending, last month’s preliminary injunction would have forced the winery to shut down some operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That “would functionally prohibit us from making wine and selling wine in any capacity,” Hoopes told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes appealed the injunction on Feb. 21, and last week, she asked the appellate court to pause the injunction while that appeal decision is pending. According to a filing on behalf of the winery, the injunction would force it to recall its products from the market, prevent anyone outside of the business’ employees from drinking its wines, require changing its label and branding, and cancel customer reservations and distributor meetings. It also says Hoopes would have to stop making wine altogether since the winemaker is an independent contractor who can no longer drink Hoopes’ wine — “an integral part” of the process, according to the writ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030695\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030695\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clusters of Pinot Noir grapes ready to be picked in Napa, California, on Aug. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Mina Kim/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s written so broadly that, like, our label would have been a violation of the court order,” Hoopes says. The winery’s label features the gold silhouette of a dog jumping through a hoop, and the injunction precludes the winery from using animals, like those in its on-site sanctuary, as “an attraction, enticement, or marketing activity” related to the winery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa County spokesperson Linda Weinreich said the injunction addresses activities on Hoopes’ property that the trial court determined violated Napa County code and state law and that the winery is seeking to “continue to violate the law” until the case is finalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case is about ensuring compliance with the same regulations that apply to all wineries in Napa County — regulations that protect the integrity of the Agricultural Preserve and maintain a level playing field for the industry,” Weinreich said via email. “The County remains committed to upholding these policies in accordance with the Court’s final ruling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes also says that the injunction makes a larger error because her winery’s sales operations fall under the jurisdiction of the state Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control, which issued her a winery license in 2019. In 2021, Hoopes applied to expand the ABC-licensed premise to include an outdoor consumption area and got approval that indicated it was “not in conflict with the local zoning ordinances,” according to the court filing asking for the pause on the preliminary injunction.[aside postID=news_12029675 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/NimanRanchGetty-1020x680.jpg']“Because those permits have been issued, ABC has sole authority to regulate the scope of permissions,” it reads. “A trial court does not have jurisdiction to review the decisions of the ABC. By enjoining lawful ABC activities, the trial court exceeded its authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It argues that the retail sale of wine to be drunk on and off the site — as well as wine tastings, samplings, and food service — are within the “exclusive authority” of the ABC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes says the injunction invades the ABC’s authority by limiting wine tasting to the defendants and employees of the winery and barring serving food or wine on the site — leaving her business in the “crosshairs” of what the state can license and the county can regulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really feel like the attorney general should intervene in helping resolve that,” she told KQED. “It shouldn’t really be the onus of a small business owner to kind of help clarify the boundaries of where land use meets liquor licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very difficult for small wineries to do that, but the impact is huge because it impacts all wineries throughout the state of California and definitely all the wineries in Napa.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new stay, Hoopes will be allowed to temporarily continue operating as it had before the injunction, while it waits for the appellate court to decide whether or not to grant a longer delay on the Superior Court order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinrich said that the county is prepared to defend the preliminary injunction and that some of the information in Hoopes’ petition to the appellate court was “completely inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The County is confident that once the appellate court reviews the correct factual record, it will dissolve the temporary stay of the injunction,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa can file an opposition before March 21, to which Hoopes can reply before March 28. After that, the court could issue a decision on the pause of the preliminary injunction without an oral argument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/napa-county\">Napa County\u003c/a>’s six-year legal battle with a family-run winery is far from over — even after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020585/napa-countys-legal-battle-with-family-run-winery-sparks-a-federal-court-challenge\">Hoopes Vineyard\u003c/a> was ordered to close its doors for tastings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the Napa County Superior Court ordered Hoopes Vineyard to suspend on-site wine and food service and some additional operations that had been at the center of a dispute over Hoopes’ small winery exemption. According to owner Lindsay Hoopes, the winery will be able to remain open for now, after the state’s 1st District Court of Appeal granted a temporary pause Friday on the trial court’s order while it determines whether that will cause “irreparable harm” to the business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes is appealing the preliminary injunction that she says would force its closure, alleging that the county acted outside its jurisdiction by suspending functions that she believes fall under the state’s purview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s our perspective, it’s an excess of the trial court’s jurisdiction in telling us that we can’t any longer do those activities,” like wine marketing and tastings, Hoopes says. “They’re taking away rights that the [Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control] already gave, and a trial court can’t do that in the state. Only the ABC [department] and the Supreme Court can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes has been fighting with Napa over the legality of Hoopes Vineyard since at least 2020, when she first received a notice from the county over an apparent violation of the small winery exemption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020596\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12020596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A giant welcome sign is seen in Napa Valley, California, on Oct. 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her property is zoned under that old county policy, which allows small wineries to continue to operate without going through an expensive, arduous permitting process that applies to land in Napa’s highly protected agricultural preserve. But it comes with restrictions: small wineries under the exemption can’t hold public tours, events or provide wine tastings, according to the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa County sued Hoopes and her winery in 2022, alleging that changes to the property’s use in recent years violated its limitations. Since 2017, Hoopes purchased the property, created “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hoopesvineyard.com/oasis-by-hoopes\">Oasis by Hoopes\u003c/a>,” which introduced wine-tasting “experiences,” and invited guests to visit an on-site animal sanctuary and lounge at two Airstream trailers brought onto the site. She also applied for, and was granted, an Alcoholic Beverage Control winery license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county says that the small winery exemption program was designed so that low-impact vineyards could continue operating small farms, grow grapes, and produce and sell wine in a retail fashion without having to jump through the same hoops as larger, commercial operations. But if those properties made changes that could have environmental consequences, like allowing more guests and expanding the footprint, it would require a use permit, says attorney Arthur Hartinger, who is representing Napa in the case.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“They just can’t do these other kinds of things that bring more people onto the property and create impacts that have very serious potential consequences,” he told KQED in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa County Judge Mark Boessenecker agreed in November, saying that Hoopes gained an unfair advantage by expanding its business without a use permit. “Hoopes does not have to spend the money to upgrade its systems and comply with the law, while other, law-abiding wineries do,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the court’s decision isn’t final since Hoopes’ cross-complaint is still pending, last month’s preliminary injunction would have forced the winery to shut down some operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That “would functionally prohibit us from making wine and selling wine in any capacity,” Hoopes told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes appealed the injunction on Feb. 21, and last week, she asked the appellate court to pause the injunction while that appeal decision is pending. According to a filing on behalf of the winery, the injunction would force it to recall its products from the market, prevent anyone outside of the business’ employees from drinking its wines, require changing its label and branding, and cancel customer reservations and distributor meetings. It also says Hoopes would have to stop making wine altogether since the winemaker is an independent contractor who can no longer drink Hoopes’ wine — “an integral part” of the process, according to the writ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030695\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030695\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clusters of Pinot Noir grapes ready to be picked in Napa, California, on Aug. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Mina Kim/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s written so broadly that, like, our label would have been a violation of the court order,” Hoopes says. The winery’s label features the gold silhouette of a dog jumping through a hoop, and the injunction precludes the winery from using animals, like those in its on-site sanctuary, as “an attraction, enticement, or marketing activity” related to the winery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa County spokesperson Linda Weinreich said the injunction addresses activities on Hoopes’ property that the trial court determined violated Napa County code and state law and that the winery is seeking to “continue to violate the law” until the case is finalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case is about ensuring compliance with the same regulations that apply to all wineries in Napa County — regulations that protect the integrity of the Agricultural Preserve and maintain a level playing field for the industry,” Weinreich said via email. “The County remains committed to upholding these policies in accordance with the Court’s final ruling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes also says that the injunction makes a larger error because her winery’s sales operations fall under the jurisdiction of the state Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control, which issued her a winery license in 2019. In 2021, Hoopes applied to expand the ABC-licensed premise to include an outdoor consumption area and got approval that indicated it was “not in conflict with the local zoning ordinances,” according to the court filing asking for the pause on the preliminary injunction.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Because those permits have been issued, ABC has sole authority to regulate the scope of permissions,” it reads. “A trial court does not have jurisdiction to review the decisions of the ABC. By enjoining lawful ABC activities, the trial court exceeded its authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It argues that the retail sale of wine to be drunk on and off the site — as well as wine tastings, samplings, and food service — are within the “exclusive authority” of the ABC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes says the injunction invades the ABC’s authority by limiting wine tasting to the defendants and employees of the winery and barring serving food or wine on the site — leaving her business in the “crosshairs” of what the state can license and the county can regulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really feel like the attorney general should intervene in helping resolve that,” she told KQED. “It shouldn’t really be the onus of a small business owner to kind of help clarify the boundaries of where land use meets liquor licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very difficult for small wineries to do that, but the impact is huge because it impacts all wineries throughout the state of California and definitely all the wineries in Napa.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new stay, Hoopes will be allowed to temporarily continue operating as it had before the injunction, while it waits for the appellate court to decide whether or not to grant a longer delay on the Superior Court order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinrich said that the county is prepared to defend the preliminary injunction and that some of the information in Hoopes’ petition to the appellate court was “completely inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The County is confident that once the appellate court reviews the correct factual record, it will dissolve the temporary stay of the injunction,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa can file an opposition before March 21, to which Hoopes can reply before March 28. After that, the court could issue a decision on the pause of the preliminary injunction without an oral argument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "carecen-sf-uses-arts-advocacy-empower-bay-area-immigrant-youth",
"title": "CARECEN SF Uses Arts and Advocacy to Empower Bay Area Immigrant Youth",
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"headTitle": "CARECEN SF Uses Arts and Advocacy to Empower Bay Area Immigrant Youth | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">\u003cem>Click here to subscribe.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursdays after school, a group of teenagers arrives at the Mid-Market headquarters of the Central American Resource Center of Northern California, or CARECEN SF, a social services organization for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885738/system-challenges-ever-present-for-central-american-asylum-seekers\">Bay Area’s Central American communities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They participate in a drum circle with instructor Victorino Cartagena, who leads them in learning a song inspired by Afro-Brazilian rhythms. Some are experienced drummers who have studied music for years, while others are picking it up for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One student described playing the drums as therapy. Others said it was an escape from daily life and a chance to connect with other musicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students typically share a meal, catch up on homework and socialize before they start playing. One student said he discovered CARECEN SF through the drum circle and now views it as a support system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lariza Dugan-Cuadra, CARECEN SF’s executive director, told me that supporting young people is at the heart of the organization. The mission is more important with an anti-immigrant \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030653\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030653\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CARECEN SF runs various arts programs for youth with the goal of affirming culture and identity. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of CARECEN SF)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re really, one, recognizing that there’s fear and there’s pain,” she said. “Second, I’m really trying to create spaces and activities and outlets for young people to harness their power and transform them to action. And so we do that through a lot of culture, and the arts are critical to resilience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants come to CARECEN SF seeking legal help to gain residency or citizenship. They come for the organization’s mental health, physical health and wellness programs. Many times, the organization’s clients are struggling with necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CARECEN SF takes an intergenerational approach, supporting everyone from recent arrivals to second- and third-generation Americans seeking guidance, community and cultural connection, Dugan-Cuadra said. The organization was founded in 1986 to assist waves of Central American migrants fleeing civil wars and dictatorships with their asylum cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101885738 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/43/2021/09/GettyImages-1235130060-RESIZED-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is that people who migrate from any corner of the globe have continuously faced barriers to access our legal system, our immigration legal system,” Dugan-Cuadra said. “So that has remained the same across different administrations, whether it was Democrats or Republicans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What feels very different now is this very overt xenophobic, criminalizing, dehumanizing narrative and speech that just strips people who migrate from their humanity, and it feels really like a psychological warfare,” she continued. “The way politicians talk about immigrants is void of any context other than strict hate. That’s been incredibly damaging to our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dugan-Cuadra said the organization provides youth mental health counseling, summer field trips around the Bay Area to learn about the region, a travel program to connect young with their ancestral homelands and a mentorship program for youth who have had experiences with the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I met with Dugan-Cuadra at CARECEN SF’s Market Street building, which is undergoing a major renovation to transform the 1908 office space into a modern, 20,000-square-foot community center spanning five floors and a basement. The center, near the Civic Center Station, will include meeting rooms, staff offices, event spaces and lounge areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dugan-Cuadra said supporting young people is crucial to creating a stronger community. She was born in Connecticut to an Irish father and a Nicaraguan mother who decided to raise her and her sister in Nicaragua. Her mother sent her back to San Francisco at 16, when the civil war made it too dangerous for her to stay in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030654\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12030654 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CARECEN SF’s executive director, Lariza Dugan-Cuadra, says supporting young people is at the heart of the organization. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of CARECEN SF)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She recalled not speaking English when she arrived in San Francisco, where she met other refugees from Latin America who had fled their countries and ended up in the Mission district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was just like a home, in the sense of people who were very social justice-minded and who had sacrificed a lot in their personal lifetimes for these visions of justice,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before coming to the United States, she thought of it as a place of abundance “where everybody’s happy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12026423 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250127_K-ONDA_DB_00057-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then I came to San Francisco and learned that there was poverty and that there was racism, and that there was social injustice and police brutality,” Dugan-Cuadra said. “And I was like, ‘OK, well, there’s work to be done here.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dugan-Cuadra came to CARECEN SF in 2012 after working for the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development managing programs. She also previously worked for KQED on media literacy programs and outreach to the Latino community. The throughline in her career has been a focus on strengthening community and giving people resources to better themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the drumming circle last week, students were concerned about Trump’s threats of mass deportations because, even if they were not directly affected, someone in their family or community might be. One student, who said he doesn’t follow political news, shared that he has seen reports on social media about federal agents \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028303/ice-arrest-left-bay-area-man-hospitalized-struggling-breathe-attorney-says\">arresting immigrants in the Bay Area\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though I’m here legally, my parents just got their citizenship,” said one 16-year-old girl whose parents are originally from El Salvador. “It’s still important to stand up for our community and for others, even if it’s not affecting us because one day something could be affecting us, and then there’s no one else standing up for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to stand up for each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CARECEN SF has focused on educating adults and young people on their legal rights to help subdue the fear, anger and confusion many of them are feeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to build community and bridges and create a space where all young people feel included. They feel seen, they feel welcome,” Dugan-Cuadra said. “We want to offer a place where they can safely explore the challenges that they face, connect to services and then really affirm their vision of what a healthy, thriving adulthood looks like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">\u003cem>Click here to subscribe.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursdays after school, a group of teenagers arrives at the Mid-Market headquarters of the Central American Resource Center of Northern California, or CARECEN SF, a social services organization for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885738/system-challenges-ever-present-for-central-american-asylum-seekers\">Bay Area’s Central American communities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They participate in a drum circle with instructor Victorino Cartagena, who leads them in learning a song inspired by Afro-Brazilian rhythms. Some are experienced drummers who have studied music for years, while others are picking it up for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One student described playing the drums as therapy. Others said it was an escape from daily life and a chance to connect with other musicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students typically share a meal, catch up on homework and socialize before they start playing. One student said he discovered CARECEN SF through the drum circle and now views it as a support system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lariza Dugan-Cuadra, CARECEN SF’s executive director, told me that supporting young people is at the heart of the organization. The mission is more important with an anti-immigrant \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030653\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030653\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CARECEN SF runs various arts programs for youth with the goal of affirming culture and identity. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of CARECEN SF)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re really, one, recognizing that there’s fear and there’s pain,” she said. “Second, I’m really trying to create spaces and activities and outlets for young people to harness their power and transform them to action. And so we do that through a lot of culture, and the arts are critical to resilience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants come to CARECEN SF seeking legal help to gain residency or citizenship. They come for the organization’s mental health, physical health and wellness programs. Many times, the organization’s clients are struggling with necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CARECEN SF takes an intergenerational approach, supporting everyone from recent arrivals to second- and third-generation Americans seeking guidance, community and cultural connection, Dugan-Cuadra said. The organization was founded in 1986 to assist waves of Central American migrants fleeing civil wars and dictatorships with their asylum cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is that people who migrate from any corner of the globe have continuously faced barriers to access our legal system, our immigration legal system,” Dugan-Cuadra said. “So that has remained the same across different administrations, whether it was Democrats or Republicans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What feels very different now is this very overt xenophobic, criminalizing, dehumanizing narrative and speech that just strips people who migrate from their humanity, and it feels really like a psychological warfare,” she continued. “The way politicians talk about immigrants is void of any context other than strict hate. That’s been incredibly damaging to our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dugan-Cuadra said the organization provides youth mental health counseling, summer field trips around the Bay Area to learn about the region, a travel program to connect young with their ancestral homelands and a mentorship program for youth who have had experiences with the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I met with Dugan-Cuadra at CARECEN SF’s Market Street building, which is undergoing a major renovation to transform the 1908 office space into a modern, 20,000-square-foot community center spanning five floors and a basement. The center, near the Civic Center Station, will include meeting rooms, staff offices, event spaces and lounge areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dugan-Cuadra said supporting young people is crucial to creating a stronger community. She was born in Connecticut to an Irish father and a Nicaraguan mother who decided to raise her and her sister in Nicaragua. Her mother sent her back to San Francisco at 16, when the civil war made it too dangerous for her to stay in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030654\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12030654 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/K-ONDA-CARECEN-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CARECEN SF’s executive director, Lariza Dugan-Cuadra, says supporting young people is at the heart of the organization. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of CARECEN SF)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She recalled not speaking English when she arrived in San Francisco, where she met other refugees from Latin America who had fled their countries and ended up in the Mission district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was just like a home, in the sense of people who were very social justice-minded and who had sacrificed a lot in their personal lifetimes for these visions of justice,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before coming to the United States, she thought of it as a place of abundance “where everybody’s happy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then I came to San Francisco and learned that there was poverty and that there was racism, and that there was social injustice and police brutality,” Dugan-Cuadra said. “And I was like, ‘OK, well, there’s work to be done here.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dugan-Cuadra came to CARECEN SF in 2012 after working for the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development managing programs. She also previously worked for KQED on media literacy programs and outreach to the Latino community. The throughline in her career has been a focus on strengthening community and giving people resources to better themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the drumming circle last week, students were concerned about Trump’s threats of mass deportations because, even if they were not directly affected, someone in their family or community might be. One student, who said he doesn’t follow political news, shared that he has seen reports on social media about federal agents \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028303/ice-arrest-left-bay-area-man-hospitalized-struggling-breathe-attorney-says\">arresting immigrants in the Bay Area\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though I’m here legally, my parents just got their citizenship,” said one 16-year-old girl whose parents are originally from El Salvador. “It’s still important to stand up for our community and for others, even if it’s not affecting us because one day something could be affecting us, and then there’s no one else standing up for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to stand up for each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CARECEN SF has focused on educating adults and young people on their legal rights to help subdue the fear, anger and confusion many of them are feeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to build community and bridges and create a space where all young people feel included. They feel seen, they feel welcome,” Dugan-Cuadra said. “We want to offer a place where they can safely explore the challenges that they face, connect to services and then really affirm their vision of what a healthy, thriving adulthood looks like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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