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"content": "\u003cp>Sunday night was the final deadline for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s to sign or veto bills from the current legislative session — and he kept some legislators waiting until the last moments to find out if their bills were going to live or die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the last day before the deadline, Newsom announced he had signed 870 bills into law. But Sunday’s flurry of action included more vetoes than signings, mostly for things Newsom said the state could not afford to implement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That included blocking a bill that would have required all schools to provide at least six weeks of pregnancy leave at full pay for staff. He also vetoed a bill requiring all elementary schools to have at least one full-day kindergarten program by 2022. Newsom did, though, sign into law a bill banning public high schools from starting class before 8:30 a.m. and middle schools from starting before 8 a.m. The governor’s office has \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/13/governor-newsom-takes-final-action-of-2019-legislative-season/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a full list of all the bills signed and vetoed on the last day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last week, Newsom signed landmark legislation that ran the gamut from a ban on selling fur to a mandate that state university health centers stock abortion medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a roundup of some of the standout bills signed in the lead up to the legislative deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Health and Aging\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 24:\u003c/strong> This bill, which is the first of it kind in the U.S., requires student health centers at all 34 UC and CSU campuses to provide medication abortions. The California Commission on the Status of Women and Girls will administer a Reproductive Health Fund to pay for the upfront costs of providing this option across campuses. But eventually universities may need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs — a funding avenue abortion opponents are against.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 824:\u003c/strong> By Assemblyman Jim Wood, D-Santa Rosa, and sponsored by Attorney General Xavier Becerra, this is another first-in-the-nation bill. It addresses pay-for-delay agreements, which saddle prescription drug users with debt. The new law tamps down on the practice of pharmaceutical drug companies paying their generic counterparts to delay the release of cheaper versions of drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 464:\u003c/strong> The California Dignity in Pregnancy and Childbirth Act requires implicit bias training for all perinatal health care providers and better tracking of maternal deaths by the coroner’s office. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760903/a-black-mother-told-not-to-scream-in-labor-asks-can-california-fix-racism-in-maternity-care\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mortality rates among black infants\u003c/a> in California are triple those of white infants, and black women are substantially more likely to suffer life-threatening complications during pregnancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 159:\u003c/strong> This bill by Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, provides the HIV-prevention drugs, pre- and post-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP and PEP), \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/08/768313666/california-to-make-hiv-prevention-drugs-available-without-a-prescription\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">without a prescription\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Education\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 265:\u003c/strong> This amends a previous bill, the Child Hunger Prevention and Fair Treatment Act of 2017, to ensure students who receive free or reduced school lunches are offered the same meal as their peers. Previously, low-income students received an alternative lunch, which student advocates said singled them out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No more lunch shaming in CA,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1183468717939683328\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Newsom\u003c/a> tweeted on Sunday. In August, Newsom met with Ryan Kyote, a 9-year-old from Napa, who used his lunch card to cover meals for other students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/CAgovernor/status/1159841764833988611\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 493:\u003c/strong> This directs the California Department of Education to train teachers on how to best support LGBTQ students in middle and high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 982:\u003c/strong> The goal of this bill is to help students during periods of suspension stay on track with their schoolwork. The law mandates that schools provide homework assignments upon request to students suspended for two or more school days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 328:\u003c/strong> California becomes the first state in the country to mandate later start times for public schools, with the hope of improving educational success with more sleep. The law will take effect over a phased-in period, ultimately requiring middle schools to start at or after 8 a.m. and high schools to start no earlier than 8:30 a.m. The law does not apply to optional early classes or to schools in some rural areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/12/governor-newsom-signs-legislation-to-create-more-inclusive-schools-and-expand-k-12-student-protections/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a list of most of the education bills\u003c/a> signed by the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Housing\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1482: \u003c/strong>Considered the biggest victory for California renter protections in decades, this bill creates a statewide limit on rent increases of 5% plus inflation. It also requires that landlords provide a “just cause” when evicting tenants who have been renting for a year or more. The limits on rent hikes don’t go nearly as far as local rent control laws in places like San Francisco and Oakland, but it would cover millions of Californians whose units didn’t already have such protections. The bill will sunset after 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 330\u003c/strong>: From Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, this law aims to cut down on red tape and to speed up construction projects by making it harder for local governments to kill affordable housing developments and homeless shelters. The provision sunsets after five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1738:\u003c/strong> On Sunday, Newsom also signed a streamlined process for creating more agricultural farmworker housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Environment\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 54:\u003c/strong> By Assemblyman Phil Ting, D-San Francisco, AB 54 brings temporary relief in the wake of the mass closures of recycling centers that came with the folding of RePlanet, the state’s largest recycling business. The bill provides $10 million for recycling centers and gives grocers a reprieve from paying some recycling fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 342:\u003c/strong> AB 342 rejects the Trump administration’s plans to use protected public lands for oil and gas production. It bars any state entity from entering into an agreement to authorize pipelines or other oil- or gas-related infrastructure built on state-owned land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1057:\u003c/strong> This renames the Division of Oil, Gas, and Geothermal Resources with the intent to also change the mission of the newly christened Geologic Energy Management Division. New leadership at the Department of Conservation, which oversees this division, and a new division supervisor underscore efforts to reroute the agency. The bill establishes protecting public health, safety and environmental quality as the agency’s new top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/12/governor-gavin-newsom-signs-six-bills-to-move-california-away-from-fossil-fuels/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the full list of bills\u003c/a> aimed at limiting and regulating fossil fuels, including requiring a process for cleaning up non-floating oil and conducting testing on abandoned wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Animal Welfare\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 44:\u003c/strong> Anti-fur advocates have long sought to end the use of animals for their fur, and California is the first state in the nation to ban the creation of new fur products. Republican critics said the law was disrespectful to Native Americans, but there are exceptions in the bill for fur used by Native American tribes for traditional purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 313:\u003c/strong> This bill would ban the use of wild animals in circus acts, including bears, elephants, tigers and monkeys. California is only the third state, after New Jersey and Hawaii to enact a ban like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 128\u003c/strong> protects California’s wild and domestic horses from slaughter and \u003cstrong>AB 1254\u003c/strong> bans bobcat hunting, trapping or killing until 2025. Notably, \u003cstrong>SB 395\u003c/strong>, signed Sunday night, would allow drivers to eat animals that they accidentally hit and kill with their car.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Other Bills Worth Noting\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In criminal justice reform, \u003cstrong>AB 1076\u003c/strong> will make it easier for people to clear their records of old criminal offenses, \u003cstrong>AB 484\u003c/strong> give judges more leeway when sentencing offenders for certain drug crimes and \u003cstrong>SB 22\u003c/strong> requires new rape kits be submitted for testing within 20 days and actually be tested within 120 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 32\u003c/strong> bans any new contracts or contract renewals with private prisons. By 2028, the bill will also require California to stop holding inmates in for-profit prison facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an election year just a few months away, \u003cstrong>SB 72\u003c/strong> mandates same-day voter registration starting in 2020, though voters who wait until Election Day to register won’t be counted until their registration is cleared by county officials\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Newsom signed a number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/10/governor-newsom-signs-worker-protection-bills-addressing-sexual-harassment-wages-and-health-protections/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sexual harassment protection-oriented bills\u003c/a> spurred by the #MeToo movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>reporting from the Associated Press was used in this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Sunday night was the final deadline for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s to sign or veto bills from the current legislative session — and he kept some legislators waiting until the last moments to find out if their bills were going to live or die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the last day before the deadline, Newsom announced he had signed 870 bills into law. But Sunday’s flurry of action included more vetoes than signings, mostly for things Newsom said the state could not afford to implement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That included blocking a bill that would have required all schools to provide at least six weeks of pregnancy leave at full pay for staff. He also vetoed a bill requiring all elementary schools to have at least one full-day kindergarten program by 2022. Newsom did, though, sign into law a bill banning public high schools from starting class before 8:30 a.m. and middle schools from starting before 8 a.m. The governor’s office has \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/13/governor-newsom-takes-final-action-of-2019-legislative-season/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a full list of all the bills signed and vetoed on the last day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last week, Newsom signed landmark legislation that ran the gamut from a ban on selling fur to a mandate that state university health centers stock abortion medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a roundup of some of the standout bills signed in the lead up to the legislative deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Health and Aging\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 24:\u003c/strong> This bill, which is the first of it kind in the U.S., requires student health centers at all 34 UC and CSU campuses to provide medication abortions. The California Commission on the Status of Women and Girls will administer a Reproductive Health Fund to pay for the upfront costs of providing this option across campuses. But eventually universities may need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs — a funding avenue abortion opponents are against.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 824:\u003c/strong> By Assemblyman Jim Wood, D-Santa Rosa, and sponsored by Attorney General Xavier Becerra, this is another first-in-the-nation bill. It addresses pay-for-delay agreements, which saddle prescription drug users with debt. The new law tamps down on the practice of pharmaceutical drug companies paying their generic counterparts to delay the release of cheaper versions of drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 464:\u003c/strong> The California Dignity in Pregnancy and Childbirth Act requires implicit bias training for all perinatal health care providers and better tracking of maternal deaths by the coroner’s office. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760903/a-black-mother-told-not-to-scream-in-labor-asks-can-california-fix-racism-in-maternity-care\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mortality rates among black infants\u003c/a> in California are triple those of white infants, and black women are substantially more likely to suffer life-threatening complications during pregnancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 159:\u003c/strong> This bill by Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, provides the HIV-prevention drugs, pre- and post-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP and PEP), \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/08/768313666/california-to-make-hiv-prevention-drugs-available-without-a-prescription\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">without a prescription\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Education\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 265:\u003c/strong> This amends a previous bill, the Child Hunger Prevention and Fair Treatment Act of 2017, to ensure students who receive free or reduced school lunches are offered the same meal as their peers. Previously, low-income students received an alternative lunch, which student advocates said singled them out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No more lunch shaming in CA,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1183468717939683328\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Newsom\u003c/a> tweeted on Sunday. In August, Newsom met with Ryan Kyote, a 9-year-old from Napa, who used his lunch card to cover meals for other students.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 493:\u003c/strong> This directs the California Department of Education to train teachers on how to best support LGBTQ students in middle and high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 982:\u003c/strong> The goal of this bill is to help students during periods of suspension stay on track with their schoolwork. The law mandates that schools provide homework assignments upon request to students suspended for two or more school days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 328:\u003c/strong> California becomes the first state in the country to mandate later start times for public schools, with the hope of improving educational success with more sleep. The law will take effect over a phased-in period, ultimately requiring middle schools to start at or after 8 a.m. and high schools to start no earlier than 8:30 a.m. The law does not apply to optional early classes or to schools in some rural areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/12/governor-newsom-signs-legislation-to-create-more-inclusive-schools-and-expand-k-12-student-protections/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a list of most of the education bills\u003c/a> signed by the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Housing\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1482: \u003c/strong>Considered the biggest victory for California renter protections in decades, this bill creates a statewide limit on rent increases of 5% plus inflation. It also requires that landlords provide a “just cause” when evicting tenants who have been renting for a year or more. The limits on rent hikes don’t go nearly as far as local rent control laws in places like San Francisco and Oakland, but it would cover millions of Californians whose units didn’t already have such protections. The bill will sunset after 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 330\u003c/strong>: From Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, this law aims to cut down on red tape and to speed up construction projects by making it harder for local governments to kill affordable housing developments and homeless shelters. The provision sunsets after five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1738:\u003c/strong> On Sunday, Newsom also signed a streamlined process for creating more agricultural farmworker housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Environment\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 54:\u003c/strong> By Assemblyman Phil Ting, D-San Francisco, AB 54 brings temporary relief in the wake of the mass closures of recycling centers that came with the folding of RePlanet, the state’s largest recycling business. The bill provides $10 million for recycling centers and gives grocers a reprieve from paying some recycling fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 342:\u003c/strong> AB 342 rejects the Trump administration’s plans to use protected public lands for oil and gas production. It bars any state entity from entering into an agreement to authorize pipelines or other oil- or gas-related infrastructure built on state-owned land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1057:\u003c/strong> This renames the Division of Oil, Gas, and Geothermal Resources with the intent to also change the mission of the newly christened Geologic Energy Management Division. New leadership at the Department of Conservation, which oversees this division, and a new division supervisor underscore efforts to reroute the agency. The bill establishes protecting public health, safety and environmental quality as the agency’s new top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/12/governor-gavin-newsom-signs-six-bills-to-move-california-away-from-fossil-fuels/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the full list of bills\u003c/a> aimed at limiting and regulating fossil fuels, including requiring a process for cleaning up non-floating oil and conducting testing on abandoned wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Animal Welfare\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 44:\u003c/strong> Anti-fur advocates have long sought to end the use of animals for their fur, and California is the first state in the nation to ban the creation of new fur products. Republican critics said the law was disrespectful to Native Americans, but there are exceptions in the bill for fur used by Native American tribes for traditional purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 313:\u003c/strong> This bill would ban the use of wild animals in circus acts, including bears, elephants, tigers and monkeys. California is only the third state, after New Jersey and Hawaii to enact a ban like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 128\u003c/strong> protects California’s wild and domestic horses from slaughter and \u003cstrong>AB 1254\u003c/strong> bans bobcat hunting, trapping or killing until 2025. Notably, \u003cstrong>SB 395\u003c/strong>, signed Sunday night, would allow drivers to eat animals that they accidentally hit and kill with their car.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Other Bills Worth Noting\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In criminal justice reform, \u003cstrong>AB 1076\u003c/strong> will make it easier for people to clear their records of old criminal offenses, \u003cstrong>AB 484\u003c/strong> give judges more leeway when sentencing offenders for certain drug crimes and \u003cstrong>SB 22\u003c/strong> requires new rape kits be submitted for testing within 20 days and actually be tested within 120 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 32\u003c/strong> bans any new contracts or contract renewals with private prisons. By 2028, the bill will also require California to stop holding inmates in for-profit prison facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an election year just a few months away, \u003cstrong>SB 72\u003c/strong> mandates same-day voter registration starting in 2020, though voters who wait until Election Day to register won’t be counted until their registration is cleared by county officials\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Newsom signed a number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/10/governor-newsom-signs-worker-protection-bills-addressing-sexual-harassment-wages-and-health-protections/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sexual harassment protection-oriented bills\u003c/a> spurred by the #MeToo movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>reporting from the Associated Press was used in this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "what-passed-or-is-in-limbo-catch-up-with-the-california-legislature-as-session-ends",
"title": "What Passed? What Didn't? Catch Up With the California Legislature as Session Ends",
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"headTitle": "What Passed? What Didn’t? Catch Up With the California Legislature as Session Ends | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The final day of session for the California State Legislature was disrupted late Friday afternoon when a woman in the Senate gallery \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/0ff009de977741e0abdd8568d9d80a29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tossed\u003c/a> what the California Highway Patrol said was a substance that “appeared to be blood” onto the Senate floor while yelling “That’s for the dead babies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>East Bay Sen. Steve Glazer (D-Orinda) said the liquid landed on his head and splashed onto five other senators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman, identified as 43-year-old Rebecca Dalelio of Santa Cruz County, is linked to some of the anti-vaccine protesters demonstrating in recent weeks over the passage of Senate Bills 276 and 714 aimed at tightening up medical exemptions for children’s vaccines. She was arrested and charged with assault, vandalism and disrupting the business at hand in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CHP cordoned off the Senate, forcing lawmakers, media and others to move into a committee room to finish its business hours later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below are some of the highlights from this legislative session, including bills that have already been signed into law, are awaiting signature or are in limbo until next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Children’s Issues\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 378:\u003c/strong> In-home child care providers would be allowed to unionize under this measure. Supporters said unionizing could give child care workers a voice and encourage them to stay in the industry. The bill has made it through the Legislature. Several similar bills have either died or been vetoed by governors in the past. But supporters are hoping this measure will be signed by Governor Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 337/AB 1092:\u003c/strong> Lawmakers sent Newsom two bills aimed at making sure more low-income kids in California benefit from child support payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, a quarter of a million California families only receive $50 a month in child support payments, even if the non-custodial parent is paying hundreds of dollars more each month in child support. This happens when a family is also receiving government assistance, like welfare or Medi-Cal. The government takes the rest of the money to repay the public for the cost of those safety net programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And parents that fail to pay their required child support on time see huge interest added to those debts — 10% a year. In addition to the crippling debt that racks up, parents can also lose their driver’s license, or go to jail if they fall too far behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two bills now on Newsom’s desk would change that: Oakland Sen. Nancy Skinner’s SB337 will increase the amount of child support paid to families on welfare assistance. Families with one child will get $100 a month under the bill; families with two or more kids will receive $200 a month. And AB 1092 will end the practice of adding interest to child support debt. Both bills, if signed by Newsom, will take effect in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Health\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 24:\u003c/strong> State lawmakers have passed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11772337/california-again-considers-making-abortion-pills-available-at-public-colleges\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bill\u003c/a> that would require student health centers at all 34 state campuses to provide medication abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure becomes law, it will be the first of its kind in the U.S. The bill’s supporters say they want to remove the obstacles women face accessing medical abortion off campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a consortium of women’s groups that support abortion rights has promised to pay for all the required ultrasound equipment and upfront training costs of providing the abortion pill on campus, eventually universities would likely need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs — which abortion opponents object to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 276/SB 714:\u003c/strong> California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11773308/anti-vaccine-protesters-swarm-capitol-as-lawmakers-pass-bill-limiting-medical-exemptions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pair of bills\u003c/a> into law earlier this week to crack down on doctors who write fraudulent medical exemptions for schoolchildren’s vaccinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news laws would create state oversight of medical exemptions for vaccines required by most schools and day care centers in California. Under them, the state would begin collecting medical exemptions electronically by Jan. 1, 2021. But health department officials would review them only when a school’s immunization rate falls below 95% or when a doctor writes more than five medical exemptions per year (beginning in 2020).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The laws would also allow officials to revoke any medical exemptions written by doctors who have faced disciplinary action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since being introduced last year, hundreds of parents have protested the legislation, insisting it would disrupt confidential doctor-patient relationships and scare doctors from writing new exemptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 343:\u003c/strong> Under legislation signed into law last week, Kaiser Permanente will have to share more information — like other insurers do — on revenue and expenses at each of its facilities, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/health-and-medicine/article234806097.html#storylink=cpy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Sacramento Bee\u003c/a> reported. The legislation was introduced on behalf of Kaiser’s largest union, the Service Employees International Union, which has been in contract negotiations for roughly a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1482\u003c/strong> marks the biggest victory for California renter protections in decades. It would create a statewide limit on rent increases of 5% plus inflation, and requires that landlords provide a “just cause” when evicting tenants who have been renting for a year. The limits on rent hikes don’t go nearly as far as local rent control laws in places like San Francisco and Oakland, but it would cover millions of Californians whose units don’t already have such protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure exempts units under 15 years old, but it was opposed by real estate agents who argued that the legislation would discourage construction of rental housing. Newsom has committed to signing the bill, which will sunset after 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1487\u003c/strong>, which has been sent to Newsom, would allow for a Bay Area regional ballot measure to raise money for affordable housing. Previous measures on ballots in the nine counties have raised taxes to pay for transportation and bay restoration. The executive board of the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG) and the Metropolitan Transportation Commission (MTC) would decide what form a potential revenue-raising measure would take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 330\u003c/strong>, which has been sent to Newsom, would prohibit local governments from downzoning by either placing a moratorium on development or lowering the number of housing units permitted. It also would speed up the permitting process for development. The provision sunsets after five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Law Enforcement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 22\u003c/strong> requires prompt testing of newly collected rape kits in Califonia. Under the bill, new rape kits must be submitted for testing within 20 days and actually tested with 120 days. The bill’s author, Senator Connie Leyva (D-Chino) says the measure would help solve crimes and prevent testing backlogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Survivors should never have to wait years or even decades for their rape kits to be tested and it is outrageous that collected evidence could ever sit on a shelf untested,” Leyva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 230 \u003c/strong>is meant to reduce the use of force among law enforcement agencies. Governor Newsom has signed it into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law requires agencies to maintain a policy providing guidelines on the use of force. That policy must also include de-escalation techniques and other alternatives to force, and specific guidelines for when deadly force can be used. In addition, the agencies’ policies must include a way to evaluate and review all use- of-force incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 230\u003c/strong> is meant to be used in conjunction with \u003cstrong>AB 392\u003c/strong>, which Newsom signed into law in August. It states law enforcement can use deadly force only when “necessary,” rather than just “reasonable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 61\u003c/strong> would expand the scope of people able to request a gun violence restraining order against a person they believe is a danger to themselves or others. Currently, only immediate family members and police are allowed to make a request. This measure would allow employers, co-workers, schoolteachers and employees to request a restraining order as well. The legislation has been sent to Newsom for his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1215\u003c/strong> places a three-year ban on the use of facial recognition technology on body cameras by the state and local law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was supported by the ACLU, which said the technology is not ready for prime time. To prove its point, the ACLU entered photos of all 120 state legislators into a database of mugshots. The software incorrectly identified 26 of the lawmakers as criminals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Oakland have already passed similar legislation. The bill has been sent to Newsom for his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prisons\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 32\u003c/strong> would ban the use of private for-profit prisons and detention centers in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bill author Rob Bonta (D-Oakland) said there’s no room for the facilities in the state. “California should not be home to companies that are profiteering from the tearing of innocent children from their families. This is inhumane and goes against who we are as Californians and Americans,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the measure would reduce the state’s options for dealing with prison overcrowding and put more pressure on local jails to hold dangerous inmates. The legislation has been sent to Newsom for his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 132,\u003c/strong> which would allow transgender prisoners in the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) to be housed according to their gender identity, and not their sex assigned at birth, will be carried over to the next session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California would be the third state in the nation to pass such legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s sponsor, Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco, said the coalition supporting the legislation had decided to make it a two-year bill so they could “come to a solution that works for” the community, CDCR and Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Transgender people in our prison system are among the most marginalized people in society, and we must protect them,” he said Friday in a statement. “Over the fall recess, I will join community leaders to visit several state prisons to meet with transgender people who are incarcerated there. This listening tour will help us craft the best legislation possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 136\u003c/strong> is part of a larger push in California to roll back tough on crime laws that helped pack prisons and jails to the brim and resulted in ballooning corrections spending in the Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would end the practice of automatically adding an extra year to a defendant’s sentence if they had previously served time for a felony. Wiener said 11,000 people currently in prison have this extra year tacked on at a cost of $80,000 a year. State officials estimate that the change would save taxpayers $80 million a year. The legislation has passed the Legislature and is heading to the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Environment\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 792\u003c/strong> would establish a minimum level of recycled content – 50% – in plastic bottles by 2035. On Monday, Assemblyman Phil Ting introduced another bill, \u003cstrong>AB 54\u003c/strong>, to bring temporary relief to cities feeling the bite from the sudden closure of recycling centers across the state. The bill provides $10 million for recycling centers and gives grocers a reprieve from paying some recycling fees. Both bills passed the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 1\u003c/strong> is aimed at blunting any weakening of federal environmental laws in California by the Trump Administration. It was sent to Gov. Newsom early Saturday morning with strong backing from environmental groups, despite vigorous objections from Sen. Dianne Feinstein and some water groups who warned against creating two sets of environmental standards. If signed by the governor (or allowed to take effect without his signature) it would replace any federal environmental regulation (Clean Power Plan, Endangered Species Act, etc.) with a state alternative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1080 and SB 54:\u003c/strong> The legislative session ended without passage of the bills, which would have enacted the strongest plastic pollution rules in the U.S. The bills are eligible to be considered next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan required plastics manufacturers to take responsibility for the fate of their products — from coffee cup lids to takeout boxes to plastic packaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Businesses would have had to ensure that plastic forks, for example, are recyclable or face a potential ban. If the bill had passed, all of the state’s single-use plastic utensils would need to be recyclable or compostable by 2030, and companies must reduce waste from plastic packaging by 75%.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Wildfires\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 160:\u003c/strong> This bill mandates that counties include “cultural competence” into emergency plans. It’s partially a response to elderly and non-English-speaking residents who missed emergency alerts during the state’s recent wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, which has been sent to Newsom for his signature, calls for local communities to hold public forums that represent residents of many backgrounds when counties plan their emergency protocols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 520\u003c/strong> would give utilities like PG&E the designation of “provider of last resort” in the areas they serve. Utilities already enjoy that privilege in practice, but the law sponsored by Sen. Robert Hertzberg would enshrine it in the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the bill could limit the options that cities and counties have to wrest control from utilities and run them municipally, and limit opportunities for community choice aggregation just as they are starting to thrive. The legislation has been sent to Newsom for his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Other Notable Bills\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 206:\u003c/strong> NBA icon LeBron James threw his weight behind SB 206, the “Fair Pay to Play” bill by East Bay Sen. Nancy Skinner that would allow student-athletes at all four-year colleges in California to sign endorsement deals and receive compensation for the use of their names, images or likenesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But NCAA President Mark Emmert wrote in a letter to Newsom that signing the legislation could make it “impossible to host fair national championships.” He also implied that if the bill became law, athletes at California schools could be barred from competing in NCAA national championships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, the Senate and the Assembly passed the bill without any opposition. Now — will LeBron be there for the bill signing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 44: \u003c/strong>Anti-fur advocates have long sought a ban on killing animals for their fur. And if Newsom signs this bill, which he said he will in a tweet, California will become the first state in the nation to ban the creation of new fur products. Republican critics said the state was once again telling Californians what they can and cannot do (the nanny state argument) and that it was disrespectful to Native Americans, whose cultures value fur. The mink, rabbit and coyote communities are no doubt pleased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1505\u003c/strong> seeks to more closely regulate California’s 1,300 charter schools. It would allow school districts to consider the impact to the community and the neighborhood schools when reviewing applications for new or expanded charter schools. It would require charter school teachers to be credentialed and establishes a two-year moratorium on non-classroom based charter schools. The legislation has been sent to Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 313:\u003c/strong> Another victory for furry citizens of California, this bill would ban the use of wild animals in circus acts, including bears, elephants, tigers and monkeys. If signed by Newsom, California will become the third state after New Jersey and Hawaii to enact such a ban.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "From crackdowns on fake medical exemptions for schoolchildren's vaccinations to reducing the use of force among law enforcement agencies, here is some of the notable legislation from lawmakers this year.",
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"title": "What Passed? What Didn't? Catch Up With the California Legislature as Session Ends | KQED",
"description": "From crackdowns on fake medical exemptions for schoolchildren's vaccinations to reducing the use of force among law enforcement agencies, here is some of the notable legislation from lawmakers this year.",
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"headline": "What Passed? What Didn't? Catch Up With the California Legislature as Session Ends",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The final day of session for the California State Legislature was disrupted late Friday afternoon when a woman in the Senate gallery \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/0ff009de977741e0abdd8568d9d80a29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tossed\u003c/a> what the California Highway Patrol said was a substance that “appeared to be blood” onto the Senate floor while yelling “That’s for the dead babies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>East Bay Sen. Steve Glazer (D-Orinda) said the liquid landed on his head and splashed onto five other senators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman, identified as 43-year-old Rebecca Dalelio of Santa Cruz County, is linked to some of the anti-vaccine protesters demonstrating in recent weeks over the passage of Senate Bills 276 and 714 aimed at tightening up medical exemptions for children’s vaccines. She was arrested and charged with assault, vandalism and disrupting the business at hand in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CHP cordoned off the Senate, forcing lawmakers, media and others to move into a committee room to finish its business hours later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below are some of the highlights from this legislative session, including bills that have already been signed into law, are awaiting signature or are in limbo until next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Children’s Issues\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 378:\u003c/strong> In-home child care providers would be allowed to unionize under this measure. Supporters said unionizing could give child care workers a voice and encourage them to stay in the industry. The bill has made it through the Legislature. Several similar bills have either died or been vetoed by governors in the past. But supporters are hoping this measure will be signed by Governor Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 337/AB 1092:\u003c/strong> Lawmakers sent Newsom two bills aimed at making sure more low-income kids in California benefit from child support payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, a quarter of a million California families only receive $50 a month in child support payments, even if the non-custodial parent is paying hundreds of dollars more each month in child support. This happens when a family is also receiving government assistance, like welfare or Medi-Cal. The government takes the rest of the money to repay the public for the cost of those safety net programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And parents that fail to pay their required child support on time see huge interest added to those debts — 10% a year. In addition to the crippling debt that racks up, parents can also lose their driver’s license, or go to jail if they fall too far behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two bills now on Newsom’s desk would change that: Oakland Sen. Nancy Skinner’s SB337 will increase the amount of child support paid to families on welfare assistance. Families with one child will get $100 a month under the bill; families with two or more kids will receive $200 a month. And AB 1092 will end the practice of adding interest to child support debt. Both bills, if signed by Newsom, will take effect in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Health\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 24:\u003c/strong> State lawmakers have passed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11772337/california-again-considers-making-abortion-pills-available-at-public-colleges\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bill\u003c/a> that would require student health centers at all 34 state campuses to provide medication abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure becomes law, it will be the first of its kind in the U.S. The bill’s supporters say they want to remove the obstacles women face accessing medical abortion off campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a consortium of women’s groups that support abortion rights has promised to pay for all the required ultrasound equipment and upfront training costs of providing the abortion pill on campus, eventually universities would likely need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs — which abortion opponents object to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 276/SB 714:\u003c/strong> California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11773308/anti-vaccine-protesters-swarm-capitol-as-lawmakers-pass-bill-limiting-medical-exemptions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pair of bills\u003c/a> into law earlier this week to crack down on doctors who write fraudulent medical exemptions for schoolchildren’s vaccinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news laws would create state oversight of medical exemptions for vaccines required by most schools and day care centers in California. Under them, the state would begin collecting medical exemptions electronically by Jan. 1, 2021. But health department officials would review them only when a school’s immunization rate falls below 95% or when a doctor writes more than five medical exemptions per year (beginning in 2020).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The laws would also allow officials to revoke any medical exemptions written by doctors who have faced disciplinary action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since being introduced last year, hundreds of parents have protested the legislation, insisting it would disrupt confidential doctor-patient relationships and scare doctors from writing new exemptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 343:\u003c/strong> Under legislation signed into law last week, Kaiser Permanente will have to share more information — like other insurers do — on revenue and expenses at each of its facilities, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/health-and-medicine/article234806097.html#storylink=cpy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Sacramento Bee\u003c/a> reported. The legislation was introduced on behalf of Kaiser’s largest union, the Service Employees International Union, which has been in contract negotiations for roughly a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1482\u003c/strong> marks the biggest victory for California renter protections in decades. It would create a statewide limit on rent increases of 5% plus inflation, and requires that landlords provide a “just cause” when evicting tenants who have been renting for a year. The limits on rent hikes don’t go nearly as far as local rent control laws in places like San Francisco and Oakland, but it would cover millions of Californians whose units don’t already have such protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure exempts units under 15 years old, but it was opposed by real estate agents who argued that the legislation would discourage construction of rental housing. Newsom has committed to signing the bill, which will sunset after 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1487\u003c/strong>, which has been sent to Newsom, would allow for a Bay Area regional ballot measure to raise money for affordable housing. Previous measures on ballots in the nine counties have raised taxes to pay for transportation and bay restoration. The executive board of the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG) and the Metropolitan Transportation Commission (MTC) would decide what form a potential revenue-raising measure would take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 330\u003c/strong>, which has been sent to Newsom, would prohibit local governments from downzoning by either placing a moratorium on development or lowering the number of housing units permitted. It also would speed up the permitting process for development. The provision sunsets after five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Law Enforcement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 22\u003c/strong> requires prompt testing of newly collected rape kits in Califonia. Under the bill, new rape kits must be submitted for testing within 20 days and actually tested with 120 days. The bill’s author, Senator Connie Leyva (D-Chino) says the measure would help solve crimes and prevent testing backlogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Survivors should never have to wait years or even decades for their rape kits to be tested and it is outrageous that collected evidence could ever sit on a shelf untested,” Leyva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 230 \u003c/strong>is meant to reduce the use of force among law enforcement agencies. Governor Newsom has signed it into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law requires agencies to maintain a policy providing guidelines on the use of force. That policy must also include de-escalation techniques and other alternatives to force, and specific guidelines for when deadly force can be used. In addition, the agencies’ policies must include a way to evaluate and review all use- of-force incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 230\u003c/strong> is meant to be used in conjunction with \u003cstrong>AB 392\u003c/strong>, which Newsom signed into law in August. It states law enforcement can use deadly force only when “necessary,” rather than just “reasonable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 61\u003c/strong> would expand the scope of people able to request a gun violence restraining order against a person they believe is a danger to themselves or others. Currently, only immediate family members and police are allowed to make a request. This measure would allow employers, co-workers, schoolteachers and employees to request a restraining order as well. The legislation has been sent to Newsom for his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1215\u003c/strong> places a three-year ban on the use of facial recognition technology on body cameras by the state and local law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was supported by the ACLU, which said the technology is not ready for prime time. To prove its point, the ACLU entered photos of all 120 state legislators into a database of mugshots. The software incorrectly identified 26 of the lawmakers as criminals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Oakland have already passed similar legislation. The bill has been sent to Newsom for his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prisons\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 32\u003c/strong> would ban the use of private for-profit prisons and detention centers in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bill author Rob Bonta (D-Oakland) said there’s no room for the facilities in the state. “California should not be home to companies that are profiteering from the tearing of innocent children from their families. This is inhumane and goes against who we are as Californians and Americans,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the measure would reduce the state’s options for dealing with prison overcrowding and put more pressure on local jails to hold dangerous inmates. The legislation has been sent to Newsom for his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 132,\u003c/strong> which would allow transgender prisoners in the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) to be housed according to their gender identity, and not their sex assigned at birth, will be carried over to the next session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California would be the third state in the nation to pass such legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s sponsor, Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco, said the coalition supporting the legislation had decided to make it a two-year bill so they could “come to a solution that works for” the community, CDCR and Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Transgender people in our prison system are among the most marginalized people in society, and we must protect them,” he said Friday in a statement. “Over the fall recess, I will join community leaders to visit several state prisons to meet with transgender people who are incarcerated there. This listening tour will help us craft the best legislation possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 136\u003c/strong> is part of a larger push in California to roll back tough on crime laws that helped pack prisons and jails to the brim and resulted in ballooning corrections spending in the Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would end the practice of automatically adding an extra year to a defendant’s sentence if they had previously served time for a felony. Wiener said 11,000 people currently in prison have this extra year tacked on at a cost of $80,000 a year. State officials estimate that the change would save taxpayers $80 million a year. The legislation has passed the Legislature and is heading to the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Environment\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 792\u003c/strong> would establish a minimum level of recycled content – 50% – in plastic bottles by 2035. On Monday, Assemblyman Phil Ting introduced another bill, \u003cstrong>AB 54\u003c/strong>, to bring temporary relief to cities feeling the bite from the sudden closure of recycling centers across the state. The bill provides $10 million for recycling centers and gives grocers a reprieve from paying some recycling fees. Both bills passed the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 1\u003c/strong> is aimed at blunting any weakening of federal environmental laws in California by the Trump Administration. It was sent to Gov. Newsom early Saturday morning with strong backing from environmental groups, despite vigorous objections from Sen. Dianne Feinstein and some water groups who warned against creating two sets of environmental standards. If signed by the governor (or allowed to take effect without his signature) it would replace any federal environmental regulation (Clean Power Plan, Endangered Species Act, etc.) with a state alternative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1080 and SB 54:\u003c/strong> The legislative session ended without passage of the bills, which would have enacted the strongest plastic pollution rules in the U.S. The bills are eligible to be considered next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan required plastics manufacturers to take responsibility for the fate of their products — from coffee cup lids to takeout boxes to plastic packaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Businesses would have had to ensure that plastic forks, for example, are recyclable or face a potential ban. If the bill had passed, all of the state’s single-use plastic utensils would need to be recyclable or compostable by 2030, and companies must reduce waste from plastic packaging by 75%.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Wildfires\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 160:\u003c/strong> This bill mandates that counties include “cultural competence” into emergency plans. It’s partially a response to elderly and non-English-speaking residents who missed emergency alerts during the state’s recent wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, which has been sent to Newsom for his signature, calls for local communities to hold public forums that represent residents of many backgrounds when counties plan their emergency protocols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 520\u003c/strong> would give utilities like PG&E the designation of “provider of last resort” in the areas they serve. Utilities already enjoy that privilege in practice, but the law sponsored by Sen. Robert Hertzberg would enshrine it in the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the bill could limit the options that cities and counties have to wrest control from utilities and run them municipally, and limit opportunities for community choice aggregation just as they are starting to thrive. The legislation has been sent to Newsom for his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Other Notable Bills\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 206:\u003c/strong> NBA icon LeBron James threw his weight behind SB 206, the “Fair Pay to Play” bill by East Bay Sen. Nancy Skinner that would allow student-athletes at all four-year colleges in California to sign endorsement deals and receive compensation for the use of their names, images or likenesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But NCAA President Mark Emmert wrote in a letter to Newsom that signing the legislation could make it “impossible to host fair national championships.” He also implied that if the bill became law, athletes at California schools could be barred from competing in NCAA national championships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, the Senate and the Assembly passed the bill without any opposition. Now — will LeBron be there for the bill signing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 44: \u003c/strong>Anti-fur advocates have long sought a ban on killing animals for their fur. And if Newsom signs this bill, which he said he will in a tweet, California will become the first state in the nation to ban the creation of new fur products. Republican critics said the state was once again telling Californians what they can and cannot do (the nanny state argument) and that it was disrespectful to Native Americans, whose cultures value fur. The mink, rabbit and coyote communities are no doubt pleased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AB 1505\u003c/strong> seeks to more closely regulate California’s 1,300 charter schools. It would allow school districts to consider the impact to the community and the neighborhood schools when reviewing applications for new or expanded charter schools. It would require charter school teachers to be credentialed and establishes a two-year moratorium on non-classroom based charter schools. The legislation has been sent to Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SB 313:\u003c/strong> Another victory for furry citizens of California, this bill would ban the use of wild animals in circus acts, including bears, elephants, tigers and monkeys. If signed by Newsom, California will become the third state after New Jersey and Hawaii to enact such a ban.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Again Considers Making Abortion Pills Available at Public Colleges",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Jessy Rosales was a sophomore at UC Riverside, she had a boyfriend and she was taking birth control pills. Then out of nowhere, she started feeling sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just thought it was the stomach flu,” she says. “It turns out I was pregnant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales was clear that she was not ready to have a baby. She wanted a medication abortion, where she would take one pill at the clinic and a second one at home a day or two later to induce a miscarriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wanted the intimacy of dealing with it on my own, in the privacy of my own home,” she says. “And being able to cry if I wanted to cry or just being able to curl up in my bed right away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public university health centers in California do not perform abortions. But state lawmakers are expected to pass\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB24\"> a bill\u003c/a> in the coming weeks that would require student health centers at all 34 state campuses to provide medication abortions. If the measure becomes law, it will be the first of its kind in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters say they want to remove the obstacles women face accessing medical abortion off campus. For example, Rosales was given three off-campus referrals for abortion providers by her student health center. But the first clinic she called didn’t perform abortions after all. The second didn’t take her insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time she could get an appointment at a third clinic, she was already into the second trimester of pregnancy — too late for a medication abortion, which can only be done up to 10 weeks. Rosales ended up having a surgical procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The doctor kept telling me to relax … and I couldn’t because it just hurt so bad,” she recalls. “I was just afraid and alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales graduated last year and is now advocating for the bill (SB 24) as a reproductive justice activist with the Women’s Foundation of California. She wants other students to have easier access to the abortion pill than she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772339\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"It took too long for Jessy Rosales to find a clinic near the University of California, Riverside, that would provide a medication abortion and accept her insurance. She's now advocating for a state bill to make the pills available at public university health centers in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11772339\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d.jpg 1944w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">It took too long for Jessy Rosales to find a clinic near UC Riverside, that would provide a medication abortion and accept her insurance. She’s now advocating for a state bill to make the pills available at public university health centers in California. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Planned Parenthood )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the bill have organized several rallies against it. In August, about 60 protesters in yellow T-shirts gathered outside a church in Sacramento, their heads bowed as a priest led them in prayer. Then they marched around the state’s Capitol, chanting, “Don’t kill babies! Don’t kill babies!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a consortium of women’s groups that support abortion rights has promised to pay for all the required ultrasound equipment and upfront training costs of providing the abortion pill on campus, eventually universities would likely need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion opponents such as Michele LaMonica object to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not on my dime, not on my dime,” LaMonica says. “Tax me to help the homeless. Tax me to help social services, but don’t tax me to pay for the disposal of human life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11719509\" label=\"Previous Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurers are already required to cover abortion under California law, and state tax dollars do go toward abortions provided through Medi-Cal, the state version of Medicaid for low-income patients. However, none of the UC campuses and only some of the CSU campuses get reimbursed for health services through Medi-Cal. University officials testified during legislative hearings on the bill last year that it could be an administrative or fiscal burden to establish billing systems to provide the abortion pill on campus. They predicted that some clinical costs, as well as security and liability costs, could fall directly to the universities and get passed on to students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up to 519 women at public universities seek a medication abortion every month in California, according to\u003ca href=\"https://www.jahonline.org/article/S1054-139X(18)30185-X/fulltext\"> a study\u003c/a> published last summer in the Journal of Adolescent Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same research found that off-campus abortion providers were an average of six miles away from public university campuses in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Gov. Jerry Brown cited this stat when \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\">he vetoed\u003c/a> a version of the same bill (\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\">SB 320\u003c/a>) last year, saying the legislation was not necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Six miles away — that’s like a $5 Uber ride,” said abortion opponent Nick Reynosa, the Northern California regional coordinator for Students for Life of America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the campaign is more about politics than need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last decade, many pro-choice activists feel that in red states, there’s been a lot of momentum toward more abortion restrictions. This is a way to say, ‘No. Here, in blue California, we’re going to affirm or expand [the right to an abortion],’ ” Reynosa says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters don’t deny it. Phoebe Abramowitz was part of the student team that launched the campus campaign for medication abortions at UC Berkeley four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that we’re doing statewide advocacy, we’re hoping to set a national precedent that we can, even in these really hostile times to women and queer people, move access to abortion forward,” she says. “It’s more important now than it even was a year ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Brown vetoed the bill last year, then-gubernatorial candidate Gavin Newsom said he\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Gavin-Newsom-splits-with-Jerry-Brown-on-SF-drug-13275997.php\"> would have supported\u003c/a> it. He won the election about a month later, and advocates are optimistic that he will side with them this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature has until mid-September to pass the bill, and the governor has a month after that to sign or veto it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of NPR’s reporting partnership with KQED and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/\">\u003cem>Kaiser Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "State lawmakers are expected to pass a bill requiring campus health centers to provide pills used for medication abortions. If the measure becomes law, it will be the first of its kind in the U.S.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Jessy Rosales was a sophomore at UC Riverside, she had a boyfriend and she was taking birth control pills. Then out of nowhere, she started feeling sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just thought it was the stomach flu,” she says. “It turns out I was pregnant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales was clear that she was not ready to have a baby. She wanted a medication abortion, where she would take one pill at the clinic and a second one at home a day or two later to induce a miscarriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wanted the intimacy of dealing with it on my own, in the privacy of my own home,” she says. “And being able to cry if I wanted to cry or just being able to curl up in my bed right away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public university health centers in California do not perform abortions. But state lawmakers are expected to pass\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB24\"> a bill\u003c/a> in the coming weeks that would require student health centers at all 34 state campuses to provide medication abortions. If the measure becomes law, it will be the first of its kind in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters say they want to remove the obstacles women face accessing medical abortion off campus. For example, Rosales was given three off-campus referrals for abortion providers by her student health center. But the first clinic she called didn’t perform abortions after all. The second didn’t take her insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time she could get an appointment at a third clinic, she was already into the second trimester of pregnancy — too late for a medication abortion, which can only be done up to 10 weeks. Rosales ended up having a surgical procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The doctor kept telling me to relax … and I couldn’t because it just hurt so bad,” she recalls. “I was just afraid and alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales graduated last year and is now advocating for the bill (SB 24) as a reproductive justice activist with the Women’s Foundation of California. She wants other students to have easier access to the abortion pill than she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11772339\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"It took too long for Jessy Rosales to find a clinic near the University of California, Riverside, that would provide a medication abortion and accept her insurance. She's now advocating for a state bill to make the pills available at public university health centers in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11772339\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/jessy-rosales_wide-a7286be2cdb043d9198d5277d39ca62e8fe74a3d.jpg 1944w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">It took too long for Jessy Rosales to find a clinic near UC Riverside, that would provide a medication abortion and accept her insurance. She’s now advocating for a state bill to make the pills available at public university health centers in California. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Planned Parenthood )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the bill have organized several rallies against it. In August, about 60 protesters in yellow T-shirts gathered outside a church in Sacramento, their heads bowed as a priest led them in prayer. Then they marched around the state’s Capitol, chanting, “Don’t kill babies! Don’t kill babies!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a consortium of women’s groups that support abortion rights has promised to pay for all the required ultrasound equipment and upfront training costs of providing the abortion pill on campus, eventually universities would likely need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion opponents such as Michele LaMonica object to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not on my dime, not on my dime,” LaMonica says. “Tax me to help the homeless. Tax me to help social services, but don’t tax me to pay for the disposal of human life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurers are already required to cover abortion under California law, and state tax dollars do go toward abortions provided through Medi-Cal, the state version of Medicaid for low-income patients. However, none of the UC campuses and only some of the CSU campuses get reimbursed for health services through Medi-Cal. University officials testified during legislative hearings on the bill last year that it could be an administrative or fiscal burden to establish billing systems to provide the abortion pill on campus. They predicted that some clinical costs, as well as security and liability costs, could fall directly to the universities and get passed on to students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up to 519 women at public universities seek a medication abortion every month in California, according to\u003ca href=\"https://www.jahonline.org/article/S1054-139X(18)30185-X/fulltext\"> a study\u003c/a> published last summer in the Journal of Adolescent Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same research found that off-campus abortion providers were an average of six miles away from public university campuses in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Gov. Jerry Brown cited this stat when \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\">he vetoed\u003c/a> a version of the same bill (\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\">SB 320\u003c/a>) last year, saying the legislation was not necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Six miles away — that’s like a $5 Uber ride,” said abortion opponent Nick Reynosa, the Northern California regional coordinator for Students for Life of America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the campaign is more about politics than need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last decade, many pro-choice activists feel that in red states, there’s been a lot of momentum toward more abortion restrictions. This is a way to say, ‘No. Here, in blue California, we’re going to affirm or expand [the right to an abortion],’ ” Reynosa says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters don’t deny it. Phoebe Abramowitz was part of the student team that launched the campus campaign for medication abortions at UC Berkeley four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that we’re doing statewide advocacy, we’re hoping to set a national precedent that we can, even in these really hostile times to women and queer people, move access to abortion forward,” she says. “It’s more important now than it even was a year ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Brown vetoed the bill last year, then-gubernatorial candidate Gavin Newsom said he\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Gavin-Newsom-splits-with-Jerry-Brown-on-SF-drug-13275997.php\"> would have supported\u003c/a> it. He won the election about a month later, and advocates are optimistic that he will side with them this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature has until mid-September to pass the bill, and the governor has a month after that to sign or veto it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of NPR’s reporting partnership with KQED and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/\">\u003cem>Kaiser Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Sues Trump Administration Over New Abortion Restrictions",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s attorney general filed a lawsuit on Monday challenging the Trump administration over its new rule setting up barriers for women seeking abortions, including prohibiting taxpayer-funded family planning clinics from performing or promoting the procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Xavier Becerra said the lawsuit seeks to block the U.S. Health and Human Services Department’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/about/news/2019/02/22/fact-sheet-final-title-x-rule-detailing-family-planning-grant-program.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">dramatic alterations\u003c/a>” to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/opa/title-x-family-planning/index.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Title X\u003c/a> program — the only federal program dedicated solely to family planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately, Oregon officials said they were helping to lead a coalition of 19 states plus the District of Columbia in filing a lawsuit challenging the rule, which takes effect in May —though some provisions come into force later. Their lawsuit \u003ca href=\"https://www.doj.state.or.us/media-home/news-media-releases/oregon-leads-national-lawsuit-challenging-new-title-x-gag-rule/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">will be filed\u003c/a> on Tuesday in U.S. District Court in Oregon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is home to the largest Title X program in the nation, serving more than 1 million women — or 25 percent of the nation’s recipients, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-files-lawsuit-challenging-trump-pence-administration%E2%80%99s\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Becerra’s office said\u003c/a>. The state’s lawsuit was filed in the Northern District Court of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The changes, proposed in May 2018, include removing “the requirement that Title X funded entities refer for abortion,” and barring Title X projects “from performing, promoting, referring for, or supporting abortion as a method of family planning,” according to the final rule published Monday in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/03/04/2019-03461/compliance-with-statutory-program-integrity-requirements\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Federal Register\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another change mandates “clear financial and physical separation” between a Title X program and any activities that fall outside its scope, ensuring compliance with the requirement that funding “not support programs where abortion is a method of family planning,” Health and Human Services said. That provision means federally funded family planning clinics would be prohibited from being housed in the same locations as abortion providers, Becerra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump-Pence Administration has doubled down on its attacks on women’s health,” Becerra said in a statement. “The Trump-Pence Administration’s sabotage of Title X services that millions of women across our nation rely on is not only irresponsible, it is dangerous to women’s health. President Trump treats women and their care as if this were 1920, not 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom said the rule was an “attack” on the more than 1 million low-income Californians “who rely on life-saving screenings and care from providers they trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Playing politics with that care is dangerous and grossly irresponsible,” he said in a statement. “Our mothers, wives, sisters and daughters deserve better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SenToniAtkins/status/1102654932484644865\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administration officials have told abortion opponents that they expected a number of legal challenges to the new rule. Health and Human Services didn’t respond to a KQED call and email seeking comment Monday about the lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the new rule are calling it a “gag rule” because it will place “unlawful and unethical restrictions” on health care professionals by prohibiting them from offering “unbiased information” about and referrals for abortion services — even if specifically requested by the patient, Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum \u003ca href=\"https://www.doj.state.or.us/media-home/news-media-releases/oregon-leads-national-lawsuit-challenging-new-title-x-gag-rule/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">said in a statement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/ORDOJ/status/1102649312805175296\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The new federal rule bars taxpayer-funded family planning clinics from making abortion referrals. California has filed dozens of lawsuits challenging a number of the Trump administration's actions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s attorney general filed a lawsuit on Monday challenging the Trump administration over its new rule setting up barriers for women seeking abortions, including prohibiting taxpayer-funded family planning clinics from performing or promoting the procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Xavier Becerra said the lawsuit seeks to block the U.S. Health and Human Services Department’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/about/news/2019/02/22/fact-sheet-final-title-x-rule-detailing-family-planning-grant-program.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">dramatic alterations\u003c/a>” to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/opa/title-x-family-planning/index.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Title X\u003c/a> program — the only federal program dedicated solely to family planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately, Oregon officials said they were helping to lead a coalition of 19 states plus the District of Columbia in filing a lawsuit challenging the rule, which takes effect in May —though some provisions come into force later. Their lawsuit \u003ca href=\"https://www.doj.state.or.us/media-home/news-media-releases/oregon-leads-national-lawsuit-challenging-new-title-x-gag-rule/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">will be filed\u003c/a> on Tuesday in U.S. District Court in Oregon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is home to the largest Title X program in the nation, serving more than 1 million women — or 25 percent of the nation’s recipients, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-files-lawsuit-challenging-trump-pence-administration%E2%80%99s\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Becerra’s office said\u003c/a>. The state’s lawsuit was filed in the Northern District Court of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The changes, proposed in May 2018, include removing “the requirement that Title X funded entities refer for abortion,” and barring Title X projects “from performing, promoting, referring for, or supporting abortion as a method of family planning,” according to the final rule published Monday in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/03/04/2019-03461/compliance-with-statutory-program-integrity-requirements\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Federal Register\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another change mandates “clear financial and physical separation” between a Title X program and any activities that fall outside its scope, ensuring compliance with the requirement that funding “not support programs where abortion is a method of family planning,” Health and Human Services said. That provision means federally funded family planning clinics would be prohibited from being housed in the same locations as abortion providers, Becerra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump-Pence Administration has doubled down on its attacks on women’s health,” Becerra said in a statement. “The Trump-Pence Administration’s sabotage of Title X services that millions of women across our nation rely on is not only irresponsible, it is dangerous to women’s health. President Trump treats women and their care as if this were 1920, not 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom said the rule was an “attack” on the more than 1 million low-income Californians “who rely on life-saving screenings and care from providers they trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Playing politics with that care is dangerous and grossly irresponsible,” he said in a statement. “Our mothers, wives, sisters and daughters deserve better.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Administration officials have told abortion opponents that they expected a number of legal challenges to the new rule. Health and Human Services didn’t respond to a KQED call and email seeking comment Monday about the lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the new rule are calling it a “gag rule” because it will place “unlawful and unethical restrictions” on health care professionals by prohibiting them from offering “unbiased information” about and referrals for abortion services — even if specifically requested by the patient, Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum \u003ca href=\"https://www.doj.state.or.us/media-home/news-media-releases/oregon-leads-national-lawsuit-challenging-new-title-x-gag-rule/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">said in a statement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The names of 14 Planned Parenthood workers and others will remain sealed during the trial of two anti-abortion activists who are charged with secretly recording them, a California judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/3cf03c9945eb4ff2bbcced1925f748da\">ruled\u003c/a> Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order by San Francisco Superior Court Judge Christopher Hite came in a preliminary hearing in the prosecution of David Daleiden and Sandra Merritt of the Center for Medical Progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hite said that he would punish anyone discovered to have published the names of the workers, which were already ordered to remain secret when Daleiden and Merritt were first charged in California in 2017. The judge's order came after an anti-abortion website published the names over the weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California prosecutor Johnette Jauron said it was necessary to keep the workers' names confidential because \"they are in fear of bodily harm.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors offered an affidavit by one Planned Parenthood worker who said that Daleiden sent a text to her phone number in 2016 and said, \"I know a lot has happened in the past year, and maybe I'm the last person you want to hear from. But if there's anything I can do to help you, please let me know.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daleiden and Merritt have pleaded not guilty and say that they are citizen journalists whose activities are protected by the First Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are accused of secretly recording videos in 2015 purporting to show that Planned Parenthood workers were agreeing to sell fetal tissue for profit, a practice the group denies. Planned Parenthood says the videos were deceptively edited and that it had only charged medical researchers for the costs of shipping, or other expenses, tied to donating the tissue. Planned Parenthood says it has since stopped asking for reimbursements for shipping costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Planned Parenthood has made the unusual legal demand to join California's prosecution of the anti-abortion activists. The organization says it is worried about the workers' safety and wants its lawyers to be able to object to defense lawyers' questions that might identify the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daleiden and Merritt each face 14 counts of invasion of privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Planned Parenthood filed a federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.plannedparenthood.org/about-us/newsroom/press-releases/planned-parenthood-files-federal-lawsuit-against-people-behind-fraudulent-smear-campaign\">lawsuit\u003c/a> against the Center for Medical Progress in 2016. Last year a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/injunction-against-release-of-abortion-groups-videos-stands/\">barred the release\u003c/a> of some of the videos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=California+Judge+Orders+Planned+Parenthood+Workers%27+Names+To+Remain+Sealed&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The names of 14 Planned Parenthood workers and others will remain sealed during the trial of two anti-abortion activists who are charged with secretly recording them, a California judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/3cf03c9945eb4ff2bbcced1925f748da\">ruled\u003c/a> Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order by San Francisco Superior Court Judge Christopher Hite came in a preliminary hearing in the prosecution of David Daleiden and Sandra Merritt of the Center for Medical Progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hite said that he would punish anyone discovered to have published the names of the workers, which were already ordered to remain secret when Daleiden and Merritt were first charged in California in 2017. The judge's order came after an anti-abortion website published the names over the weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California prosecutor Johnette Jauron said it was necessary to keep the workers' names confidential because \"they are in fear of bodily harm.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors offered an affidavit by one Planned Parenthood worker who said that Daleiden sent a text to her phone number in 2016 and said, \"I know a lot has happened in the past year, and maybe I'm the last person you want to hear from. But if there's anything I can do to help you, please let me know.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daleiden and Merritt have pleaded not guilty and say that they are citizen journalists whose activities are protected by the First Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are accused of secretly recording videos in 2015 purporting to show that Planned Parenthood workers were agreeing to sell fetal tissue for profit, a practice the group denies. Planned Parenthood says the videos were deceptively edited and that it had only charged medical researchers for the costs of shipping, or other expenses, tied to donating the tissue. Planned Parenthood says it has since stopped asking for reimbursements for shipping costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Planned Parenthood has made the unusual legal demand to join California's prosecution of the anti-abortion activists. The organization says it is worried about the workers' safety and wants its lawyers to be able to object to defense lawyers' questions that might identify the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daleiden and Merritt each face 14 counts of invasion of privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Planned Parenthood filed a federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.plannedparenthood.org/about-us/newsroom/press-releases/planned-parenthood-files-federal-lawsuit-against-people-behind-fraudulent-smear-campaign\">lawsuit\u003c/a> against the Center for Medical Progress in 2016. Last year a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/injunction-against-release-of-abortion-groups-videos-stands/\">barred the release\u003c/a> of some of the videos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=California+Judge+Orders+Planned+Parenthood+Workers%27+Names+To+Remain+Sealed&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Jessy Rosales was a sophomore at UC Riverside, she had a boyfriend and she was taking birth control pills. Still, she got pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales was clear that she was not ready to have a baby. She wanted a medication abortion, where she’d take one pill at the clinic and a second one at home a day or two later to induce a miscarriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wanted the intimacy of dealing with it on my own in the privacy of my own home,” she said. “And being able to cry if I wanted to cry or just being able to curl up in my bed right away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public university health centers in California do not perform abortions, but lawmakers will soon begin debate on a bill — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB24\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 24\u003c/a> — that would require health centers at all 34 University of California and California State University campuses to provide medication abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second attempt at this bill, after then-Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Abortion-pills-at-uc-california-state-SB320-brown-13270520.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vetoed\u003c/a> a previous version last fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s authors say they’re trying again because they want to remove the obstacles women face accessing medication abortion off campus. For example, Rosales was given three off-campus referrals for abortion providers by her student health center, but the first clinic she called didn’t do abortions after all, and the second didn’t take her insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time she could get an appointment at a third clinic, she was already into the second trimester of pregnancy — too late for a medication abortion, which can be done only up to 10 weeks. Rosales ended up having a surgical procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The doctor kept telling me to relax, to relax, and I couldn’t because it just hurt so bad,” she remembered. “I was just afraid and alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales graduated last year and is now advocating for the bill, working as a reproductive justice activist with the Women’s Foundation of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That group, along with a few other private donors, have agreed to pay for all the upfront equipment and training costs, namely, ultrasound equipment to determine how many weeks pregnant a woman is, and training on how to use the equipment and determine when it’s safe and effective to prescribe the pills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s unclear if universities would eventually need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs. Critics say that’s not fair to students who oppose abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just by attending school and paying student fees, they would be paying for abortion,” said Anna Bakh, Northern California coordinator for Students for Life of America, which has 90 student groups throughout California. “That goes completely against their conscience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University officials testified during legislative hearings last year that not all CSU campuses and none of the UC campuses are able to bill and get reimbursed for services through state health programs, like Medi-Cal. It could be too much of an administrative or fiscal burden to establish billing systems needed to do so, they added, meaning some clinical costs, as well as security or liability costs, could fall to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up to 519 women at public universities seek a medication abortion every month in California, according to estimates from \u003ca href=\"https://www.jahonline.org/article/S1054-139X(18)30185-X/fulltext\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a study\u003c/a> published in the Journal of Adolescent Health last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same research found that off-campus abortion providers were an average 6 miles away from public university campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s an easy Uber ride away, said abortion opponent Anna Bakh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re questioning our legislators as to why their solution was to bring abortion onto campus, rather than providing transportation,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the earlier version of the bill — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 320\u003c/a> — was approved by the Legislature, but Brown vetoed it, citing the study on average distances students had to travel for abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the services required by this bill are widely available off-campus, this bill is not necessary,” he wrote in his \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">veto message\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was about a month before the election, and then-candidate for governor, Gavin Newsom, said he would have supported the bill. Now that Newsom is in the governor’s office, he did not comment on the current bill.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Jessy Rosales was a sophomore at UC Riverside, she had a boyfriend and she was taking birth control pills. Still, she got pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales was clear that she was not ready to have a baby. She wanted a medication abortion, where she’d take one pill at the clinic and a second one at home a day or two later to induce a miscarriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wanted the intimacy of dealing with it on my own in the privacy of my own home,” she said. “And being able to cry if I wanted to cry or just being able to curl up in my bed right away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public university health centers in California do not perform abortions, but lawmakers will soon begin debate on a bill — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB24\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 24\u003c/a> — that would require health centers at all 34 University of California and California State University campuses to provide medication abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second attempt at this bill, after then-Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Abortion-pills-at-uc-california-state-SB320-brown-13270520.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vetoed\u003c/a> a previous version last fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s authors say they’re trying again because they want to remove the obstacles women face accessing medication abortion off campus. For example, Rosales was given three off-campus referrals for abortion providers by her student health center, but the first clinic she called didn’t do abortions after all, and the second didn’t take her insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time she could get an appointment at a third clinic, she was already into the second trimester of pregnancy — too late for a medication abortion, which can be done only up to 10 weeks. Rosales ended up having a surgical procedure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The doctor kept telling me to relax, to relax, and I couldn’t because it just hurt so bad,” she remembered. “I was just afraid and alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales graduated last year and is now advocating for the bill, working as a reproductive justice activist with the Women’s Foundation of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That group, along with a few other private donors, have agreed to pay for all the upfront equipment and training costs, namely, ultrasound equipment to determine how many weeks pregnant a woman is, and training on how to use the equipment and determine when it’s safe and effective to prescribe the pills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s unclear if universities would eventually need to dip into tax dollars or student fees for ongoing costs. Critics say that’s not fair to students who oppose abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just by attending school and paying student fees, they would be paying for abortion,” said Anna Bakh, Northern California coordinator for Students for Life of America, which has 90 student groups throughout California. “That goes completely against their conscience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University officials testified during legislative hearings last year that not all CSU campuses and none of the UC campuses are able to bill and get reimbursed for services through state health programs, like Medi-Cal. It could be too much of an administrative or fiscal burden to establish billing systems needed to do so, they added, meaning some clinical costs, as well as security or liability costs, could fall to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up to 519 women at public universities seek a medication abortion every month in California, according to estimates from \u003ca href=\"https://www.jahonline.org/article/S1054-139X(18)30185-X/fulltext\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a study\u003c/a> published in the Journal of Adolescent Health last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same research found that off-campus abortion providers were an average 6 miles away from public university campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s an easy Uber ride away, said abortion opponent Anna Bakh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re questioning our legislators as to why their solution was to bring abortion onto campus, rather than providing transportation,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the earlier version of the bill — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 320\u003c/a> — was approved by the Legislature, but Brown vetoed it, citing the study on average distances students had to travel for abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the services required by this bill are widely available off-campus, this bill is not necessary,” he wrote in his \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB320\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">veto message\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was about a month before the election, and then-candidate for governor, Gavin Newsom, said he would have supported the bill. Now that Newsom is in the governor’s office, he did not comment on the current bill.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 10:21 p.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh is presenting himself as an open-minded judge who is guided by the law but not indifferent to the effects of his decisions, during a marathon day of confirmation hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't live in a bubble,\" Kavanaugh told members of the Senate Judiciary Committee. \"I base my decisions on the law, but I do so with an awareness of the facts and an awareness of the real-world consequences.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee's ranking member, Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., pressed Kavanaugh on that, as she probed the judge's views on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/09/04/644105543/kavanaugh-confirmation-hearings-to-focus-on-6-hot-button-issues\">hot-button issues such as abortion and gun control\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh said he understands the importance that people attach to the Supreme Court's 1973 \u003cem>Roe v. Wade \u003c/em>decision legalizing abortion — a ruling that was reaffirmed two decades later in \u003cem>Planned Parenthood v. Casey\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's an important precedent of the Supreme Court,\" Kavanaugh said. But he stopped short of saying whether he believes \u003cem>Roe\u003c/em> or \u003cem>Casey\u003c/em> was correctly decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh was later asked about his dissenting opinion last year in a case involving a teenage immigrant who sought an abortion while in federal custody for crossing the border illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh said he would have allowed the Trump administration to require the young woman be placed with an \"immigration sponsor,\" though he added the administration could not use that as a ruse to block the abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Consider the circumstances,\" he said. \"She's a 17-year-old, by herself in a foreign country in a facility where she's detained and she has no one to talk to and she's pregnant. Now that is a difficult situation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh also defended his dissenting opinion in a case involving a ban on semi-automatic rifles. He argued the ban should have been found unconstitutional, citing a decision by the late Justice Antonin Scalia that only \"unusual\" weapons can be outlawed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Semi-automatic rifles are widely possessed in the United States. There are millions and millions and millions,\" Kavanaugh said. \"As a judge, my job was to follow the Second Amendment decision of the Supreme Court, whether I agreed with it or disagreed with it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh stressed that as a native of the Washington, D.C., area, he is well-aware of the danger posed by gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Of course, the violence in schools is something that we all detest and want to do something about,\" Kavanaugh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill., challenged Kavanaugh over a dissenting opinion in which he argued that slaughterhouse workers living in the country illegally were not entitled to form a union, despite the express language of the National Labor Relations Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You claim over and over again to be a textualist — to be carefully weighing every word of a statute,\" Durbin said. \"So why did you go out of your way to interpret the word 'employee' in a way that benefited this horrible business and disadvantaged these exploited workers?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh insisted he was simply following Supreme Court precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have no agenda in any direction,\" he said. \"I'm a judge.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh allowed that from time to time the Supreme Court reverses its own precedents. He pointed to once such reversal — \u003cem>Brown v. Board of Education\u003c/em>, which ended the \"separate but equal\" doctrine — as \"the single greatest moment in Supreme Court history.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690571\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/ap_18248513765908kavprotester_wide-8b86ce130be401935fd02eeec3d0f692b8b3b25f-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"A protester disrupts the proceedings as Supreme Court nominee Judge Brett Kavanaugh appears before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Wednesday on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690571\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A protester disrupts the proceedings as Supreme Court nominee Judge Brett Kavanaugh appears before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Wednesday on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>( J. Scott Applewhite/AP )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the second day in a row, the hearing was repeatedly interrupted by protesters. But questioning quickly resumed as demonstrators were hustled out of the hearing room by U.S. Capitol Police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barring a surprise, Senate Republicans have the votes to confirm Kavanaugh in time for him to take his place on the high court when it begins its fall term next month. Both supporters and opponents believe he would tilt the Supreme Court to the right, cementing a 5-4 conservative majority for years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, the committee's chairman, highlighted Kavanaugh's experience as an appeals court judge, then asked whether he would have any trouble ruling against the president who appointed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"No one is above the law in our constitutional system,\" Kavanaugh replied. \"Under our system of government, the executive branch is subject to the law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh pointed approvingly to several examples of Supreme Court justices who ruled against the presidents who appointed them. He also highlighted his own decision as an appeals court judge, rejecting a military tribunal for terrorism suspect Salim Hamdan, even though it was a \"signature prosecution\" of the George W. Bush administration in which Kavanaugh served before joining the federal bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You'll never have a nominee who's ruled for a more unpopular defendant,\" Kavanaugh said. \"You don't make decisions based on who people are or their policy preferences. You base decisions on the law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh is also facing questions about \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/08/18/639653174/brett-kavanaugh-investigated-a-president-then-voiced-concerns-about-doing-just-t\">his thoughts on presidential power and immunity\u003c/a>. Although he worked on Kenneth Starr's investigation into President Bill Clinton, \u003ca href=\"http://www.minnesotalawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/01/Kavanaugh_MLR.pdf\">he later wrote\u003c/a> that a sitting president should not have to face the distraction of civil or criminal investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What changed was Sept. 11,\" Kavanaugh said, explaining the evolution of his views. He stressed that his writing on presidential immunity was meant as a recommendation for lawmakers, not a preview of how he might rule as a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They were ideas for Congress to consider,\" Kavanaugh said. \"They were not my constitutional views.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like previous nominees, Kavanaugh avoided answering questions that might come before the Supreme Court, including whether he would uphold a statute requiring insurance companies to provide coverage for pre-existing medical conditions and whether a president can offer a pardon in exchange for someone's silence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also ducked questions about the president's tweets this week criticizing the prosecution of two GOP lawmakers, as well as his comments on the deadly white supremacists rally in Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't think we want judges commenting on the latest political controversy,\" Kavanaugh said. \"That would ultimately lead the people to doubt whether we're independent, whether we're politicians in robes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Mazie Hirono, D-Hawaii, grilled Kavanaugh over a legal brief he'd co-authored raising questions about whether native Hawaiians are entitled to protections similar to those granted Native Americans on the mainland. She suggested his reasoning might also affect the treatment of native tribes in Alaska. Kavanaugh noted that his argument was embraced by the Supreme Court on a 7-2 vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the question of regulation, Kavanaugh expressed reservations about how much latitude government agencies should be given, saying administrations sometimes try to do through rule-making what they're unable to do through legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm not a skeptic of regulation at all,\" Kavanaugh said. \"I'm a skeptic of unauthorized regulation — of illegal regulation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh also described his experience tutoring boys from low-income families and working at a soup kitchen as helping to ground his work on the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You're a better judge if you're aware,\" he said. \"Judging is important, but I wanted to be more directly involved in the community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've all been in courtrooms where the judge is acting a little too full of being a judge,\" Kavanaugh added. \"I try not to do that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Kavanaugh+Defends+Controversial+Abortion%2C+Gun-Control+Dissents&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's an important precedent of the Supreme Court,\" Kavanaugh said. But he stopped short of saying whether he believes \u003cem>Roe\u003c/em> or \u003cem>Casey\u003c/em> was correctly decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh was later asked about his dissenting opinion last year in a case involving a teenage immigrant who sought an abortion while in federal custody for crossing the border illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh said he would have allowed the Trump administration to require the young woman be placed with an \"immigration sponsor,\" though he added the administration could not use that as a ruse to block the abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Consider the circumstances,\" he said. \"She's a 17-year-old, by herself in a foreign country in a facility where she's detained and she has no one to talk to and she's pregnant. Now that is a difficult situation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh also defended his dissenting opinion in a case involving a ban on semi-automatic rifles. He argued the ban should have been found unconstitutional, citing a decision by the late Justice Antonin Scalia that only \"unusual\" weapons can be outlawed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Semi-automatic rifles are widely possessed in the United States. There are millions and millions and millions,\" Kavanaugh said. \"As a judge, my job was to follow the Second Amendment decision of the Supreme Court, whether I agreed with it or disagreed with it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh stressed that as a native of the Washington, D.C., area, he is well-aware of the danger posed by gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Of course, the violence in schools is something that we all detest and want to do something about,\" Kavanaugh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill., challenged Kavanaugh over a dissenting opinion in which he argued that slaughterhouse workers living in the country illegally were not entitled to form a union, despite the express language of the National Labor Relations Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You claim over and over again to be a textualist — to be carefully weighing every word of a statute,\" Durbin said. \"So why did you go out of your way to interpret the word 'employee' in a way that benefited this horrible business and disadvantaged these exploited workers?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh insisted he was simply following Supreme Court precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have no agenda in any direction,\" he said. \"I'm a judge.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh allowed that from time to time the Supreme Court reverses its own precedents. He pointed to once such reversal — \u003cem>Brown v. Board of Education\u003c/em>, which ended the \"separate but equal\" doctrine — as \"the single greatest moment in Supreme Court history.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690571\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/ap_18248513765908kavprotester_wide-8b86ce130be401935fd02eeec3d0f692b8b3b25f-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"A protester disrupts the proceedings as Supreme Court nominee Judge Brett Kavanaugh appears before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Wednesday on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690571\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A protester disrupts the proceedings as Supreme Court nominee Judge Brett Kavanaugh appears before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Wednesday on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>( J. Scott Applewhite/AP )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the second day in a row, the hearing was repeatedly interrupted by protesters. But questioning quickly resumed as demonstrators were hustled out of the hearing room by U.S. Capitol Police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barring a surprise, Senate Republicans have the votes to confirm Kavanaugh in time for him to take his place on the high court when it begins its fall term next month. Both supporters and opponents believe he would tilt the Supreme Court to the right, cementing a 5-4 conservative majority for years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, the committee's chairman, highlighted Kavanaugh's experience as an appeals court judge, then asked whether he would have any trouble ruling against the president who appointed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"No one is above the law in our constitutional system,\" Kavanaugh replied. \"Under our system of government, the executive branch is subject to the law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh pointed approvingly to several examples of Supreme Court justices who ruled against the presidents who appointed them. He also highlighted his own decision as an appeals court judge, rejecting a military tribunal for terrorism suspect Salim Hamdan, even though it was a \"signature prosecution\" of the George W. Bush administration in which Kavanaugh served before joining the federal bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You'll never have a nominee who's ruled for a more unpopular defendant,\" Kavanaugh said. \"You don't make decisions based on who people are or their policy preferences. You base decisions on the law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh is also facing questions about \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/08/18/639653174/brett-kavanaugh-investigated-a-president-then-voiced-concerns-about-doing-just-t\">his thoughts on presidential power and immunity\u003c/a>. Although he worked on Kenneth Starr's investigation into President Bill Clinton, \u003ca href=\"http://www.minnesotalawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/01/Kavanaugh_MLR.pdf\">he later wrote\u003c/a> that a sitting president should not have to face the distraction of civil or criminal investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What changed was Sept. 11,\" Kavanaugh said, explaining the evolution of his views. He stressed that his writing on presidential immunity was meant as a recommendation for lawmakers, not a preview of how he might rule as a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They were ideas for Congress to consider,\" Kavanaugh said. \"They were not my constitutional views.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like previous nominees, Kavanaugh avoided answering questions that might come before the Supreme Court, including whether he would uphold a statute requiring insurance companies to provide coverage for pre-existing medical conditions and whether a president can offer a pardon in exchange for someone's silence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also ducked questions about the president's tweets this week criticizing the prosecution of two GOP lawmakers, as well as his comments on the deadly white supremacists rally in Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't think we want judges commenting on the latest political controversy,\" Kavanaugh said. \"That would ultimately lead the people to doubt whether we're independent, whether we're politicians in robes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Mazie Hirono, D-Hawaii, grilled Kavanaugh over a legal brief he'd co-authored raising questions about whether native Hawaiians are entitled to protections similar to those granted Native Americans on the mainland. She suggested his reasoning might also affect the treatment of native tribes in Alaska. Kavanaugh noted that his argument was embraced by the Supreme Court on a 7-2 vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the question of regulation, Kavanaugh expressed reservations about how much latitude government agencies should be given, saying administrations sometimes try to do through rule-making what they're unable to do through legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm not a skeptic of regulation at all,\" Kavanaugh said. \"I'm a skeptic of unauthorized regulation — of illegal regulation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh also described his experience tutoring boys from low-income families and working at a soup kitchen as helping to ground his work on the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You're a better judge if you're aware,\" he said. \"Judging is important, but I wanted to be more directly involved in the community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've all been in courtrooms where the judge is acting a little too full of being a judge,\" Kavanaugh added. \"I try not to do that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Kavanaugh+Defends+Controversial+Abortion%2C+Gun-Control+Dissents&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "How Would a Supreme Court Reversal on Roe v. Wade Affect California?",
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"content": "\u003cp>How much could President Trump's U.S. Supreme Court nominee, Brett Kavanaugh, change health care in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of reproductive rights have been fearful -- and abortion opponents have been hopeful -- that any Trump nominee would work with the court's other conservative justices to overturn \u003cem>Roe v. Wade\u003c/em>. That landmark 1973 decision legalized abortion across the country. But in legal terms, a \u003cem>Roe\u003c/em> reversal would merely push the decision back to the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Analysts estimate \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2018/07/10/627666535/if-high-court-reverses-roe-v-wade-22-states-likely-to-ban-abortion\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">22 states\u003c/a> would immediately or quickly ban abortion if that occurred -- but California is not one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather, it's one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/state-policy/explore/abortion-policy-absence-roe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nine states\u003c/a> that have specifically put a law on the books codifying a woman's right to choose abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn't mean patient rights and the practice of health care wouldn't change in California, warns Crystal Strait, CEO of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California. There are many other ways Kavanaugh's confirmation could affect what doctors and patients can do, Strait says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is not an island. If something happens to women around the country, then that impacts California just as much. I think we have to be really cautious,\" Strait told KQED, just minutes after Trump announced his pick Monday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hypothetically, a Supreme Court decision could legally redefine the meaning and scope of abortion, which would have a trickle-down effect, even on states like California that want to keep abortion legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So they could put undue burden [on a woman], they could put new rules and regulations through a Supreme Court decision and then obviously someone in California would sue, and we'd re-litigate that up to the Supreme Court,\" Strait explained. \"But since the Supreme Court would have just decided that case, it's hard to imagine -- right? -- that they would undo themselves.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are other, more indirect ways that reproductive rights and medical practice could be restricted under a future Supreme Court, even in California, Strait explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Imagine you're going to talk to your doctor and you want to figure all your options and your doctor ... literally [isn't] allowed by law to tell you what your medical options are. And that is just, I think, a really frightening place to be.'\u003ccite>Crystal Strait, Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>One example would be “gag rules” on women’s health clinics, including Planned Parenthood. (These are not to be confused with a recent Supreme Court ruling, freeing \"pregnancy crisis centers\" from the strictures of a California state law).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather, what Strait calls a \"gag rule\" refers to a recent Trump proposal that would make all clinics that accept federal Title X funds -- which pay for STD tests, cancer screenings and contraception for low-income women -- obey new restrictions on how doctors can discuss abortion with their patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a future Supreme Court upheld such a rule, Strait said, that might in turn lead to other restrictions on what doctors can say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imagine you're going to talk to your doctor and you want to figure all your options and your doctor literally is gagged. They literally are not allowed by law to tell you what your medical options are. And that is just, I think, a really frightening place to be and to think about.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh's addition to the court could also affect the Affordable Care Act -- which has built-in protections for patients with pre-existing conditions -- and for insurance coverage of contraception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, Kavanaugh has sided with employers who don’t want to include birth control in their health plans. Strait said any change to provision of the law would affect millions of California women, and their wallets.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>How much could President Trump's U.S. Supreme Court nominee, Brett Kavanaugh, change health care in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of reproductive rights have been fearful -- and abortion opponents have been hopeful -- that any Trump nominee would work with the court's other conservative justices to overturn \u003cem>Roe v. Wade\u003c/em>. That landmark 1973 decision legalized abortion across the country. But in legal terms, a \u003cem>Roe\u003c/em> reversal would merely push the decision back to the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Analysts estimate \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2018/07/10/627666535/if-high-court-reverses-roe-v-wade-22-states-likely-to-ban-abortion\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">22 states\u003c/a> would immediately or quickly ban abortion if that occurred -- but California is not one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather, it's one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/state-policy/explore/abortion-policy-absence-roe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nine states\u003c/a> that have specifically put a law on the books codifying a woman's right to choose abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn't mean patient rights and the practice of health care wouldn't change in California, warns Crystal Strait, CEO of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California. There are many other ways Kavanaugh's confirmation could affect what doctors and patients can do, Strait says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is not an island. If something happens to women around the country, then that impacts California just as much. I think we have to be really cautious,\" Strait told KQED, just minutes after Trump announced his pick Monday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hypothetically, a Supreme Court decision could legally redefine the meaning and scope of abortion, which would have a trickle-down effect, even on states like California that want to keep abortion legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So they could put undue burden [on a woman], they could put new rules and regulations through a Supreme Court decision and then obviously someone in California would sue, and we'd re-litigate that up to the Supreme Court,\" Strait explained. \"But since the Supreme Court would have just decided that case, it's hard to imagine -- right? -- that they would undo themselves.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are other, more indirect ways that reproductive rights and medical practice could be restricted under a future Supreme Court, even in California, Strait explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Imagine you're going to talk to your doctor and you want to figure all your options and your doctor ... literally [isn't] allowed by law to tell you what your medical options are. And that is just, I think, a really frightening place to be.'\u003ccite>Crystal Strait, Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>One example would be “gag rules” on women’s health clinics, including Planned Parenthood. (These are not to be confused with a recent Supreme Court ruling, freeing \"pregnancy crisis centers\" from the strictures of a California state law).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather, what Strait calls a \"gag rule\" refers to a recent Trump proposal that would make all clinics that accept federal Title X funds -- which pay for STD tests, cancer screenings and contraception for low-income women -- obey new restrictions on how doctors can discuss abortion with their patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a future Supreme Court upheld such a rule, Strait said, that might in turn lead to other restrictions on what doctors can say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imagine you're going to talk to your doctor and you want to figure all your options and your doctor literally is gagged. They literally are not allowed by law to tell you what your medical options are. And that is just, I think, a really frightening place to be and to think about.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh's addition to the court could also affect the Affordable Care Act -- which has built-in protections for patients with pre-existing conditions -- and for insurance coverage of contraception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, Kavanaugh has sided with employers who don’t want to include birth control in their health plans. Strait said any change to provision of the law would affect millions of California women, and their wallets.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 11:26 a.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court has reversed a lower court decision upholding a California law requiring anti-abortion crisis pregnancy centers to more fully disclose what they are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656177/supreme-court-challenge-to-california-law-could-hand-abortion-foes-a-victory-or-backfire-on-them\">The case\u003c/a> pitted the right to know against the right of free speech. On one side, self-identified “crisis pregnancy centers” that seek to prevent abortions, and on the other side the state of California, which enacted a law to ensure that these centers do not intentionally or unintentionally mislead the women who walk through their doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 5-4 ruling, the court said the centers are likely to succeed in their claim that the law violates the First Amendment. That overturns an earlier decision by the 9th Circuit upholding the law and sends the case back for further consideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writing for the majority, Justice Clarence Thomas said the law “targets speakers, not speech, and imposes an unduly burdensome disclosure requirement that will chill their protected speech.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the California law called the state’s effort nothing more than seeking “truth in advertising.” But anti-abortion pregnancy centers saw the law as unconstitutional, compelling speech that turns them into mouthpieces for a government message they disagree with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passions run high when it comes to abortion. Add the fact that most anti-abortion pregnancy centers have a firm Christian perspective, and you have quite a volatile mix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion was a galvanizing issue for social conservatives in 2016. Many supported then-candidate Donald Trump, despite concerns about his character and temperament, in an effort to fill the court with conservative justices. Trump delivered on that goal with his appointment of Neil Gorsuch soon after taking office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reacting to the high court ruling, NARAL Pro-Choice America President Ilyse Hogue said in a statement that the court “turned its back on women,” and highlighted the high stakes for future decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One vote made all the difference today, and it could also be the only thing between upholding \u003cem>Roe\u003c/em> or outlawing legal abortion in America,” Hogue said. “Fake women’s health centers, with the rest of the well-funded and well-connected anti-choice movement, have been working towards this moment for decades. They have carefully put the pieces together — passing radical and unconstitutional abortion bans, stacking the lower courts — because they are counting on Trump’s Supreme Court to overturn \u003cem>Roe v Wade\u003c/em>. \u003cem>Roe\u003c/em> is at greater risk than ever before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights opponents praised the decision as a victory for free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Penny Nance, CEO of Concerned Women for America, said in a statement, “To be clear, this case was not about abortion. Malicious abortion politics definitely were the motivation behind it, but the case centered on the inappropriate mandate of the state compelling pro-life clinics to promote abortion in violation of their consciences. The case was about forced speech.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case began in 2015 when California passed a law known as the Reproductive FACT Act. (It stands for Freedom, Accountability, Comprehensive Care and Transparency.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impetus was twofold — first, allegations that pregnancy centers opposed to abortion were using deceptive practices; and second, concern that lower-income women in particular weren’t aware of the free pregnancy-related services California provides, from prenatal and delivery care to birth control and abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FACT Act requires unlicensed crisis pregnancy centers to post a sign or otherwise disclose to their clients in writing that the center is not a licensed medical facility and has no licensed medical provider who supervises the provision of services. The disclosure requirement extends to advertising, which anti-abortion pregnancy centers objected to as an attempt to “drown out” their message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second provision of the law, dealing with licensed centers, requires clinics that do not provide a full range of reproductive care, including services covered by Medicaid, to post a sign that says the state provides free or low-cost access to prenatal care, birth control and other reproductive care, including abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, the number of pregnancy centers that counsel against abortion has dramatically increased. There are about 2,700 of them across the country, more than three times the number of clinics that provide abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just as some states provide taxpayer funds for abortions, 14 states directly fund anti-abortion pregnancy centers. From 2001 to 2006, the centers received an estimated $30 million in federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no data on how many of the 2,700 anti-abortion pregnancy centers are unlicensed. But unlicensed clinics offer pregnancy tests and limited ultrasounds. To an unskeptical eye, they can look very much like a licensed medical facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The personnel wear surgical scrubs or white coats and ask clients to fill out medical history questionnaires. Indeed, many clinics are located next to or across the street from a full service women’s reproductive health center and some use similar-sounding names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 11:26 a.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court has reversed a lower court decision upholding a California law requiring anti-abortion crisis pregnancy centers to more fully disclose what they are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656177/supreme-court-challenge-to-california-law-could-hand-abortion-foes-a-victory-or-backfire-on-them\">The case\u003c/a> pitted the right to know against the right of free speech. On one side, self-identified “crisis pregnancy centers” that seek to prevent abortions, and on the other side the state of California, which enacted a law to ensure that these centers do not intentionally or unintentionally mislead the women who walk through their doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 5-4 ruling, the court said the centers are likely to succeed in their claim that the law violates the First Amendment. That overturns an earlier decision by the 9th Circuit upholding the law and sends the case back for further consideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writing for the majority, Justice Clarence Thomas said the law “targets speakers, not speech, and imposes an unduly burdensome disclosure requirement that will chill their protected speech.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the California law called the state’s effort nothing more than seeking “truth in advertising.” But anti-abortion pregnancy centers saw the law as unconstitutional, compelling speech that turns them into mouthpieces for a government message they disagree with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passions run high when it comes to abortion. Add the fact that most anti-abortion pregnancy centers have a firm Christian perspective, and you have quite a volatile mix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion was a galvanizing issue for social conservatives in 2016. Many supported then-candidate Donald Trump, despite concerns about his character and temperament, in an effort to fill the court with conservative justices. Trump delivered on that goal with his appointment of Neil Gorsuch soon after taking office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reacting to the high court ruling, NARAL Pro-Choice America President Ilyse Hogue said in a statement that the court “turned its back on women,” and highlighted the high stakes for future decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One vote made all the difference today, and it could also be the only thing between upholding \u003cem>Roe\u003c/em> or outlawing legal abortion in America,” Hogue said. “Fake women’s health centers, with the rest of the well-funded and well-connected anti-choice movement, have been working towards this moment for decades. They have carefully put the pieces together — passing radical and unconstitutional abortion bans, stacking the lower courts — because they are counting on Trump’s Supreme Court to overturn \u003cem>Roe v Wade\u003c/em>. \u003cem>Roe\u003c/em> is at greater risk than ever before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights opponents praised the decision as a victory for free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Penny Nance, CEO of Concerned Women for America, said in a statement, “To be clear, this case was not about abortion. Malicious abortion politics definitely were the motivation behind it, but the case centered on the inappropriate mandate of the state compelling pro-life clinics to promote abortion in violation of their consciences. The case was about forced speech.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case began in 2015 when California passed a law known as the Reproductive FACT Act. (It stands for Freedom, Accountability, Comprehensive Care and Transparency.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impetus was twofold — first, allegations that pregnancy centers opposed to abortion were using deceptive practices; and second, concern that lower-income women in particular weren’t aware of the free pregnancy-related services California provides, from prenatal and delivery care to birth control and abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FACT Act requires unlicensed crisis pregnancy centers to post a sign or otherwise disclose to their clients in writing that the center is not a licensed medical facility and has no licensed medical provider who supervises the provision of services. The disclosure requirement extends to advertising, which anti-abortion pregnancy centers objected to as an attempt to “drown out” their message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second provision of the law, dealing with licensed centers, requires clinics that do not provide a full range of reproductive care, including services covered by Medicaid, to post a sign that says the state provides free or low-cost access to prenatal care, birth control and other reproductive care, including abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, the number of pregnancy centers that counsel against abortion has dramatically increased. There are about 2,700 of them across the country, more than three times the number of clinics that provide abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just as some states provide taxpayer funds for abortions, 14 states directly fund anti-abortion pregnancy centers. From 2001 to 2006, the centers received an estimated $30 million in federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no data on how many of the 2,700 anti-abortion pregnancy centers are unlicensed. But unlicensed clinics offer pregnancy tests and limited ultrasounds. To an unskeptical eye, they can look very much like a licensed medical facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The personnel wear surgical scrubs or white coats and ask clients to fill out medical history questionnaires. Indeed, many clinics are located next to or across the street from a full service women’s reproductive health center and some use similar-sounding names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "She Performed 50,000 Abortions and Went Toe to Toe with Jerry Brown's Dad",
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"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Stay caught up with the best of KQED's reporting each week by subscribing to the \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/qed-up/id1197721799?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Q'ed Up podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are a few of the stories that caught my eye this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13828983/on-the-trail-of-the-woman-who-performed-50000-illegal-abortions\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Inez Burns: the woman who performed 50,000 illegal abortions in San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11662157\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ww2.kqed_.orgINEZ-AT-WEDDING-1976-800x-1753000d119ade3a2f402710d8c2cab50947b2cf.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ww2.kqed_.orgINEZ-AT-WEDDING-1976-800x-1753000d119ade3a2f402710d8c2cab50947b2cf-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Inez Burns at a family wedding, standing third to left, 1966. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11662157\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Inez Burns at a family wedding, standing third to left, 1966.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There aren't many things that can get people as riled up (or uncomfortable) as talking about abortion. Nearly 50 years after the Supreme Court legalized a woman's right to have an abortion in Roe v. Wade, the debate continues to rage in courts, state legislatures and the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this story is much older than today's pro-life vs. pro-choice discussion. KQED's Chloe Veltman takes us back to the early 20th century to meet \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13828983/on-the-trail-of-the-woman-who-performed-50000-illegal-abortions\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Inez Burns\u003c/a>, the woman who performed 50,000 illegal abortions in San Francisco and caught the attention of then-district attorney and future governor, Pat Brown. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11660958/protecting-your-privacy-beyond-facebook\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">It's not just Facebook you have to worry about\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11661394\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Facebook is being criticized over how it handles user data.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11661394\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Facebook is being criticized over how it handles user data. \u003ccite>(Joel Saget/AFP/GettyImages)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People have been in a tizzy for weeks about Facebook playing a bit fast and loose with its users' data. But here's the thing: everybody does it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facebook might be in the spotlight (and in front of Congress) for its privacy faux pas, but it's pretty much impossible to use the internet and not have your data spread around. But KQED's Lisa Pickoff-White does have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11660958/protecting-your-privacy-beyond-facebook\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a few suggestions\u003c/a> if you want to limit how much of your data is an open book. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11660990/hey-people-leave-those-seal-pups-alone\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Seal pup selfies are not OK\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11661397\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Horchata, a male northern elephant seal pup, was rescued this March near Half Moon Bay. Beachgoers with dogs crowded the animal and began pouring water on it, which is never recommended. Though the beachgoers were well-meaning, Horchata had to be rescued by trained responders and brought to The Marine Mammal Center for rehabilitation. Veterinarians diagnosed Horchata with malnutrition and maternal separation. Horchata is steadily gaining weight and beginning to learn how to eat fish.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11661397\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Horchata, a male northern elephant seal pup, was rescued this March near Half Moon Bay. Beachgoers with dogs crowded the animal and began pouring water on it, which is never recommended. Though the beachgoers were well-meaning, Horchata had to be rescued by trained responders and brought to The Marine Mammal Center for rehabilitation. Veterinarians diagnosed Horchata with malnutrition and maternal separation. Horchata is steadily gaining weight and beginning to learn how to eat fish. \u003ccite>(Bill Hunnewell/The Marine Mammal Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Seal pups are adorable. I mean, just look at them! But it's crucial you look from a distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turns out, if a mama seal sees a human or a dog getting too close to her seal pup, she'll just up and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11660990/hey-people-leave-those-seal-pups-alone\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">abandon the pup\u003c/a>. One vet's rule of thumb for seal pup photography: if you don't have to zoom, you're too close.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11661407/a-time-traveling-map-for-rapidly-changing-oakland\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Taking a trip to 'Long Lost Oakland'\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11662137\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-800x623.jpg\" alt=\"Liam O'Donoghue's Long Lost Oakland map highlights pieces of the city's history that no longer exist.\" width=\"800\" height=\"623\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11662137\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-800x623.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-160x125.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-1020x794.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-1200x934.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-1180x918.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-960x747.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-240x187.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-375x292.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-520x405.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liam O'Donoghue's Long Lost Oakland map highlights pieces of the city's history that no longer exist. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Liam O'Donoghue)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland, like the rest of the Bay Area, is changing fast. Buildings that are there one day can be gone the next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Over the many years I've lived there, I've watched buildings get torn down, I've watched new buildings go up. Part of this project is about sort of understanding the disorientation of living in a city where so much is changing so fast,\" says Liam O'Donoghue, the creator of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11661407/a-time-traveling-map-for-rapidly-changing-oakland\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Long Lost Oakland map\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The map shows buildings, plants and animals that used to exist in Oakland, but don't anymore. The map is beautiful, the history is fascinating and the lessons to be learned could be priceless.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>5. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11662092/s-f-scooter-battle-city-crews-seize-66-mini-vehicles-from-sidewalks\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">The great motorized scooter debate of 2018\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11661002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/40145956565_19355cd0c5_o-e1523324634441.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/40145956565_19355cd0c5_o-800x638.jpg\" alt=\"Two scooters from Southern California startup Bird on a sidewalk near Fifth and Brannan streets in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"638\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11661002\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two scooters from Southern California startup Bird on a sidewalk near Fifth and Brannan streets in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Dan Brekke/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I never thought I would live to see the day when electric razor scooters were the cause of so much discord and debate among grown adults. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric scooters distributed by dockless bike companies LimeBike, Spin and Bird, are seemingly everywhere. Some people love them, but a lot of people, including many who are on the city's payroll, aren't huge fans. It reached the point this week where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11662092/s-f-scooter-battle-city-crews-seize-66-mini-vehicles-from-sidewalks\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">the city impounded 66 of the scooters\u003c/a> off the streets. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want to hear more about these scooters and what people think of them, check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11661275/scoot-scoot\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">this episode of KQED's The Bay podcast\u003c/a> featuring our scooter expert, Dan Brekke.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Stay caught up with the best of KQED's reporting each week by subscribing to the \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/qed-up/id1197721799?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Q'ed Up podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are a few of the stories that caught my eye this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13828983/on-the-trail-of-the-woman-who-performed-50000-illegal-abortions\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Inez Burns: the woman who performed 50,000 illegal abortions in San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11662157\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ww2.kqed_.orgINEZ-AT-WEDDING-1976-800x-1753000d119ade3a2f402710d8c2cab50947b2cf.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ww2.kqed_.orgINEZ-AT-WEDDING-1976-800x-1753000d119ade3a2f402710d8c2cab50947b2cf-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Inez Burns at a family wedding, standing third to left, 1966. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11662157\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Inez Burns at a family wedding, standing third to left, 1966.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There aren't many things that can get people as riled up (or uncomfortable) as talking about abortion. Nearly 50 years after the Supreme Court legalized a woman's right to have an abortion in Roe v. Wade, the debate continues to rage in courts, state legislatures and the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this story is much older than today's pro-life vs. pro-choice discussion. KQED's Chloe Veltman takes us back to the early 20th century to meet \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13828983/on-the-trail-of-the-woman-who-performed-50000-illegal-abortions\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Inez Burns\u003c/a>, the woman who performed 50,000 illegal abortions in San Francisco and caught the attention of then-district attorney and future governor, Pat Brown. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11660958/protecting-your-privacy-beyond-facebook\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">It's not just Facebook you have to worry about\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11661394\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Facebook is being criticized over how it handles user data.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11661394\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS2408_facebook20120516-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Facebook is being criticized over how it handles user data. \u003ccite>(Joel Saget/AFP/GettyImages)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People have been in a tizzy for weeks about Facebook playing a bit fast and loose with its users' data. But here's the thing: everybody does it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facebook might be in the spotlight (and in front of Congress) for its privacy faux pas, but it's pretty much impossible to use the internet and not have your data spread around. But KQED's Lisa Pickoff-White does have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11660958/protecting-your-privacy-beyond-facebook\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a few suggestions\u003c/a> if you want to limit how much of your data is an open book. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11660990/hey-people-leave-those-seal-pups-alone\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Seal pup selfies are not OK\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11661397\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Horchata, a male northern elephant seal pup, was rescued this March near Half Moon Bay. Beachgoers with dogs crowded the animal and began pouring water on it, which is never recommended. Though the beachgoers were well-meaning, Horchata had to be rescued by trained responders and brought to The Marine Mammal Center for rehabilitation. Veterinarians diagnosed Horchata with malnutrition and maternal separation. Horchata is steadily gaining weight and beginning to learn how to eat fish.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11661397\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HorchataPup-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Horchata, a male northern elephant seal pup, was rescued this March near Half Moon Bay. Beachgoers with dogs crowded the animal and began pouring water on it, which is never recommended. Though the beachgoers were well-meaning, Horchata had to be rescued by trained responders and brought to The Marine Mammal Center for rehabilitation. Veterinarians diagnosed Horchata with malnutrition and maternal separation. Horchata is steadily gaining weight and beginning to learn how to eat fish. \u003ccite>(Bill Hunnewell/The Marine Mammal Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Seal pups are adorable. I mean, just look at them! But it's crucial you look from a distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turns out, if a mama seal sees a human or a dog getting too close to her seal pup, she'll just up and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11660990/hey-people-leave-those-seal-pups-alone\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">abandon the pup\u003c/a>. One vet's rule of thumb for seal pup photography: if you don't have to zoom, you're too close.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11661407/a-time-traveling-map-for-rapidly-changing-oakland\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Taking a trip to 'Long Lost Oakland'\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11662137\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-800x623.jpg\" alt=\"Liam O'Donoghue's Long Lost Oakland map highlights pieces of the city's history that no longer exist.\" width=\"800\" height=\"623\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11662137\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-800x623.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-160x125.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-1020x794.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-1200x934.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-1180x918.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-960x747.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-240x187.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-375x292.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30385_LLO_fullmap-qut-1-520x405.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liam O'Donoghue's Long Lost Oakland map highlights pieces of the city's history that no longer exist. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Liam O'Donoghue)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland, like the rest of the Bay Area, is changing fast. Buildings that are there one day can be gone the next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Over the many years I've lived there, I've watched buildings get torn down, I've watched new buildings go up. Part of this project is about sort of understanding the disorientation of living in a city where so much is changing so fast,\" says Liam O'Donoghue, the creator of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11661407/a-time-traveling-map-for-rapidly-changing-oakland\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Long Lost Oakland map\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The map shows buildings, plants and animals that used to exist in Oakland, but don't anymore. The map is beautiful, the history is fascinating and the lessons to be learned could be priceless.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>5. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11662092/s-f-scooter-battle-city-crews-seize-66-mini-vehicles-from-sidewalks\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">The great motorized scooter debate of 2018\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11661002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/40145956565_19355cd0c5_o-e1523324634441.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/40145956565_19355cd0c5_o-800x638.jpg\" alt=\"Two scooters from Southern California startup Bird on a sidewalk near Fifth and Brannan streets in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"638\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11661002\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two scooters from Southern California startup Bird on a sidewalk near Fifth and Brannan streets in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Dan Brekke/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I never thought I would live to see the day when electric razor scooters were the cause of so much discord and debate among grown adults. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric scooters distributed by dockless bike companies LimeBike, Spin and Bird, are seemingly everywhere. Some people love them, but a lot of people, including many who are on the city's payroll, aren't huge fans. It reached the point this week where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11662092/s-f-scooter-battle-city-crews-seize-66-mini-vehicles-from-sidewalks\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">the city impounded 66 of the scooters\u003c/a> off the streets. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want to hear more about these scooters and what people think of them, check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11661275/scoot-scoot\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">this episode of KQED's The Bay podcast\u003c/a> featuring our scooter expert, Dan Brekke.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Justices Appear Skeptical of California Law Challenged by Anti-Abortion Centers",
"title": "Justices Appear Skeptical of California Law Challenged by Anti-Abortion Centers",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Supreme Court justices on both sides of the ideological spectrum expressed skepticism Tuesday about California's \"truth-in-advertising\" law requiring anti-abortion clinics to more fully disclose what they are. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anti-abortion \"crisis pregnancy centers\" objected to the law on free-speech grounds. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some more liberal justices appeared receptive to the state's case initially at the court Tuesday, the arguments appeared to unwind during several instances. Problems repeatedly arose for those defending the statute. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Anthony Kennedy, the potential swing justice in this case, said the law in certain circumstances would seem to impose an undue burden. He cited a hypothetical example of a billboard in Los Angeles with the words \"Choose Life.\" He asked the lawyer for the state if it was paid for by an unlicensed facility if it would have to say so in large font and in multiple languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawyer for the state said that it would. For Kennedy, that seemed to be too much.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What this case is about\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The case Tuesday pitted the right to know against the right of free speech. On one side are self-identified \"crisis pregnancy centers\" that seek to prevent abortions, and on the other side is the state of California, which enacted a law to ensure that these centers do not intentionally or unintentionally mislead the women who walk through their doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the California law call the state's effort nothing more than seeking \"truth in advertising.\" But anti-abortion pregnancy centers see the law as unconstitutional, compelling speech that turns them into mouthpieces for a government message they disagree with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passions run high when it comes to abortion. Add the fact that most anti-abortion pregnancy centers have a firm Christian perspective, and you have quite a volatile mix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.npr.org/player/embed/593675135/595123613\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Notice requirements for unlicensed and licensed centers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The case before the Supreme Court began in 2015 when California passed a law known as the FACT Act. (It stands for Freedom, Accountability, Comprehensive Care and Transparency.) \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impetus was two-fold -- first, allegations that pregnancy centers opposed to abortion were using deceptive practices; and second, concern that lower-income women, in particular, weren't aware of the free pregnancy-related services California provides, from pre-natal and delivery care to birth control and abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FACT Act requires unlicensed crisis pregnancy centers to post a sign or otherwise disclose to their clients in writing that the center is not a licensed medical facility and has no licensed medical provider who supervises the provision of services. The disclosure requirement extends to advertising, which anti-abortion pregnancy centers object to as an attempt to \"drown out\" their message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even the aggressively anti-abortion Trump administration has sided with California in arguing that this provision is constitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration, however, opposes the second provision of the law dealing with \u003cem>licensed \u003c/em>centers. It requires clinics that do not provide a full range of reproductive care, including services covered by Medicaid, to post a sign that says the state provides free or low cost access to pre-natal and delivery care, birth control, and other reproductive care, including abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sign is to include the phone number of the county social services office for referrals. But licensed centers do not have to post the notice in their advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Protecting women from deception or trampling on the \"pro-life\" message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11656815\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/ap_17027732875712_custom-7aa30a80646d0ac85cb487b84824e832e410de28-800x533.jpg\" alt='Anti-abortion activists converge in front of the Supreme Court last year during the annual \"March for Life.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11656815\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anti-abortion activists converge in front of the Supreme Court last year during the annual \"March for Life.\" \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the state sees it, the provisions for licensed and unlicensed clinics are neutral public health measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're simply trying to make sure the recipient of health care information or advice understands exactly what he or she is entitled to in terms of services and that the information is accurate,\" said California Attorney General Xavier Becerra in defending the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is not how the anti-abortion centers see it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law \"is requiring a licensed center ... that is pro-life and wants to help women choose life, point the way to an abortion,\" said lawyer Kristen Waggoner, who represents the anti-abortion pregnancy centers that are challenging the California law. That, she adds, \"is not simply information.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for \u003cem>unlicensed\u003c/em> centers, she said, there is no need to disclose the lack of a medical license. \"They're not doing anything that requires a license,\" she said, \"so why would they need to say that?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are plenty of good reasons, replies Nancy Northup, president and CEO of the Center for Reproductive Rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There has been an explosion of these fake health clinics that mislead women in ways that are very troubling and in some cases dangerous to their health,\" Northup said. \"If these fake medical centers had on their front doors, 'We're pro-life centers. We're here to help you decide to continue your pregnancy,' there's nothing wrong with that, and that's fine. But what they're trying to do instead is lure women in on false pretenses.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, the number of pregnancy centers that counsel against abortion has dramatically increased. Today there are about 2,700 of them around the country, more than three times the number of clinics that provide abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just as some states provide taxpayer funds for abortions, 14 states directly fund anti-abortion pregnancy centers. From 2001 to 2006, the centers received an estimated $30 million in federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no data on how many of the 2,700 anti-abortion pregnancy centers are unlicensed. But unlicensed clinics offer pregnancy tests, limited ultrasounds, and, to an unskeptical eye, they can look very much like a licensed medical facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The personnel wear surgical scrubs or white coats and ask clients to fill out medical history questionnaires. Indeed, many clinics locate next to or across the street from a full service women's reproductive health center and some use similar sounding names.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Manipulating search engines\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Do these anti-abortion pregnancy centers\u003cem> deliberately\u003c/em> locate close to abortion clinics? \"I sure hope so,\" said anti-abortion advocate Waggoner, \"because women should have both options. And they shouldn't see only a provider that has a financial incentive to get them to abort a child.\" Waggoner is arguing in the Supreme Court on Tuesday on behalf of the National Institute of Family and Life Advocates, NIFLA, an umbrella group of anti-abortion pregnancy centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some anti-abortion pregnancy center personnel are even more blunt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Hall is director of services and client care at Care Net, an organization that supports crisis pregnancy centers. At a recent Care Net conference, he advised the centers on how to use search engines to identify key words for their marketing and websites, the object being to attract women searching online for an abortion clinic to an anti-abortion pregnancy center instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know 'abortion pill' is something people are searching,\" he said. \"'Abortion clinic,' 'abortion clinic near me,' 'abortion cost,'\" Hall said. \"Fantastic key words if those phrases are on your website. If they're not, easy, just add them. Just say, 'we're here to talk to you about abortion, including abortion pills and abortion surgery.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same conference, Jana Pinson, director of a crisis pregnancy center in Texas, said she had great success with the term, \"planning parenthood.\" Though her clinic opposes abortion, she changed her website tag to 'The Number One Source of Abortion Information in the Coastal Bend,' \"because we are,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Fisher, of Human Coalition, another group that helps anti-abortion clinics, has also advocated using these tactics to attract women seeking an abortion in hopes of derailing their plans. This sort of marketing is necessary, he argued last year, because \"the abortion-determined woman will not walk into a pregnancy center voluntarily.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several women NPR contacted were infuriated by these tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Annie Filkowski went to a clinic because it advertised free pregnancy tests. She spent hours there before learning she was not pregnant, and when she then asked a counselor to write her a birth control prescription or give her advice on which method to use, she said the counselor told her, \"Birth control causes infertility and can give you cancer\" and other \"crazy\" things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dartricia Walker said she went to a clinic for a pregnancy that she very much wanted. She mistakenly thought it was a medically licensed facility, and that the person who conducted the ultrasound was a nurse. Neither was true. She then had a miscarriage that a doctor later told her might have been avoided had she received adequate medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was really upset that I was given the wrong date,\" Walker said, \"because if I had known that I was due sooner, I would have gone sooner to an OB-GYN.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are excellent clinics that oppose abortion, too. For an example of those, NIFLA, which is challenging the California law, referred us to \"Informed Choices,\" a licensed clinic in Gilroy, California, that has a staff of five, including two nurses, plus a volunteer OB-GYN who supervises medical procedures, and 20 other volunteers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christine Vatuone, the executive director, said that while the clinic does oppose abortion, and will not refer patients to an abortion provider, all patients are clearly told that they have three options: abortion, adoption and parenting -- and that every room in the center has a sign with five promises: \"that we will treat them with respect, that we will protect their privacy, that we will not pressure them, that we will support them, and that we will not lie to them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still there is room for confusion about the clinic. Google \"pregnancy, Gilroy, CA,\" and the first three results are for Informed Choices, while the fourth is Planned Parenthood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google \"Abortion, Gilroy, CA\" and Informed Choices comes up, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And \"on advice of counsel,\" the clinic does not display the mandatory language in the California law advising patients that the state provides free access to a full range of care from pre-natal to abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many patients who seek out clinics that will support their pregnancy say they are thrilled with the counseling and material support clinics like Informed Choices provide, everything from food to baby clothes, diapers, car seats and emotional support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It just gave me that push to let me know that, you know, I can do this,\" said Laura Wu after visiting a crisis pregnancy center in New York. \"It is possible for me to do this alone.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The high court is hearing arguments on whether anti-abortion pregnancy centers, which can often appear to be abortion clinics, have to disclose more fully what they are, as required by California law.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Supreme Court justices on both sides of the ideological spectrum expressed skepticism Tuesday about California's \"truth-in-advertising\" law requiring anti-abortion clinics to more fully disclose what they are. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anti-abortion \"crisis pregnancy centers\" objected to the law on free-speech grounds. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some more liberal justices appeared receptive to the state's case initially at the court Tuesday, the arguments appeared to unwind during several instances. Problems repeatedly arose for those defending the statute. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Anthony Kennedy, the potential swing justice in this case, said the law in certain circumstances would seem to impose an undue burden. He cited a hypothetical example of a billboard in Los Angeles with the words \"Choose Life.\" He asked the lawyer for the state if it was paid for by an unlicensed facility if it would have to say so in large font and in multiple languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawyer for the state said that it would. For Kennedy, that seemed to be too much.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What this case is about\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The case Tuesday pitted the right to know against the right of free speech. On one side are self-identified \"crisis pregnancy centers\" that seek to prevent abortions, and on the other side is the state of California, which enacted a law to ensure that these centers do not intentionally or unintentionally mislead the women who walk through their doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the California law call the state's effort nothing more than seeking \"truth in advertising.\" But anti-abortion pregnancy centers see the law as unconstitutional, compelling speech that turns them into mouthpieces for a government message they disagree with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passions run high when it comes to abortion. Add the fact that most anti-abortion pregnancy centers have a firm Christian perspective, and you have quite a volatile mix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.npr.org/player/embed/593675135/595123613\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Notice requirements for unlicensed and licensed centers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The case before the Supreme Court began in 2015 when California passed a law known as the FACT Act. (It stands for Freedom, Accountability, Comprehensive Care and Transparency.) \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impetus was two-fold -- first, allegations that pregnancy centers opposed to abortion were using deceptive practices; and second, concern that lower-income women, in particular, weren't aware of the free pregnancy-related services California provides, from pre-natal and delivery care to birth control and abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FACT Act requires unlicensed crisis pregnancy centers to post a sign or otherwise disclose to their clients in writing that the center is not a licensed medical facility and has no licensed medical provider who supervises the provision of services. The disclosure requirement extends to advertising, which anti-abortion pregnancy centers object to as an attempt to \"drown out\" their message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even the aggressively anti-abortion Trump administration has sided with California in arguing that this provision is constitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration, however, opposes the second provision of the law dealing with \u003cem>licensed \u003c/em>centers. It requires clinics that do not provide a full range of reproductive care, including services covered by Medicaid, to post a sign that says the state provides free or low cost access to pre-natal and delivery care, birth control, and other reproductive care, including abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sign is to include the phone number of the county social services office for referrals. But licensed centers do not have to post the notice in their advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Protecting women from deception or trampling on the \"pro-life\" message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11656815\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/ap_17027732875712_custom-7aa30a80646d0ac85cb487b84824e832e410de28-800x533.jpg\" alt='Anti-abortion activists converge in front of the Supreme Court last year during the annual \"March for Life.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11656815\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anti-abortion activists converge in front of the Supreme Court last year during the annual \"March for Life.\" \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the state sees it, the provisions for licensed and unlicensed clinics are neutral public health measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're simply trying to make sure the recipient of health care information or advice understands exactly what he or she is entitled to in terms of services and that the information is accurate,\" said California Attorney General Xavier Becerra in defending the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is not how the anti-abortion centers see it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law \"is requiring a licensed center ... that is pro-life and wants to help women choose life, point the way to an abortion,\" said lawyer Kristen Waggoner, who represents the anti-abortion pregnancy centers that are challenging the California law. That, she adds, \"is not simply information.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for \u003cem>unlicensed\u003c/em> centers, she said, there is no need to disclose the lack of a medical license. \"They're not doing anything that requires a license,\" she said, \"so why would they need to say that?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are plenty of good reasons, replies Nancy Northup, president and CEO of the Center for Reproductive Rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There has been an explosion of these fake health clinics that mislead women in ways that are very troubling and in some cases dangerous to their health,\" Northup said. \"If these fake medical centers had on their front doors, 'We're pro-life centers. We're here to help you decide to continue your pregnancy,' there's nothing wrong with that, and that's fine. But what they're trying to do instead is lure women in on false pretenses.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, the number of pregnancy centers that counsel against abortion has dramatically increased. Today there are about 2,700 of them around the country, more than three times the number of clinics that provide abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just as some states provide taxpayer funds for abortions, 14 states directly fund anti-abortion pregnancy centers. From 2001 to 2006, the centers received an estimated $30 million in federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no data on how many of the 2,700 anti-abortion pregnancy centers are unlicensed. But unlicensed clinics offer pregnancy tests, limited ultrasounds, and, to an unskeptical eye, they can look very much like a licensed medical facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The personnel wear surgical scrubs or white coats and ask clients to fill out medical history questionnaires. Indeed, many clinics locate next to or across the street from a full service women's reproductive health center and some use similar sounding names.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Manipulating search engines\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Do these anti-abortion pregnancy centers\u003cem> deliberately\u003c/em> locate close to abortion clinics? \"I sure hope so,\" said anti-abortion advocate Waggoner, \"because women should have both options. And they shouldn't see only a provider that has a financial incentive to get them to abort a child.\" Waggoner is arguing in the Supreme Court on Tuesday on behalf of the National Institute of Family and Life Advocates, NIFLA, an umbrella group of anti-abortion pregnancy centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some anti-abortion pregnancy center personnel are even more blunt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Hall is director of services and client care at Care Net, an organization that supports crisis pregnancy centers. At a recent Care Net conference, he advised the centers on how to use search engines to identify key words for their marketing and websites, the object being to attract women searching online for an abortion clinic to an anti-abortion pregnancy center instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know 'abortion pill' is something people are searching,\" he said. \"'Abortion clinic,' 'abortion clinic near me,' 'abortion cost,'\" Hall said. \"Fantastic key words if those phrases are on your website. If they're not, easy, just add them. Just say, 'we're here to talk to you about abortion, including abortion pills and abortion surgery.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same conference, Jana Pinson, director of a crisis pregnancy center in Texas, said she had great success with the term, \"planning parenthood.\" Though her clinic opposes abortion, she changed her website tag to 'The Number One Source of Abortion Information in the Coastal Bend,' \"because we are,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Fisher, of Human Coalition, another group that helps anti-abortion clinics, has also advocated using these tactics to attract women seeking an abortion in hopes of derailing their plans. This sort of marketing is necessary, he argued last year, because \"the abortion-determined woman will not walk into a pregnancy center voluntarily.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several women NPR contacted were infuriated by these tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Annie Filkowski went to a clinic because it advertised free pregnancy tests. She spent hours there before learning she was not pregnant, and when she then asked a counselor to write her a birth control prescription or give her advice on which method to use, she said the counselor told her, \"Birth control causes infertility and can give you cancer\" and other \"crazy\" things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dartricia Walker said she went to a clinic for a pregnancy that she very much wanted. She mistakenly thought it was a medically licensed facility, and that the person who conducted the ultrasound was a nurse. Neither was true. She then had a miscarriage that a doctor later told her might have been avoided had she received adequate medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was really upset that I was given the wrong date,\" Walker said, \"because if I had known that I was due sooner, I would have gone sooner to an OB-GYN.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are excellent clinics that oppose abortion, too. For an example of those, NIFLA, which is challenging the California law, referred us to \"Informed Choices,\" a licensed clinic in Gilroy, California, that has a staff of five, including two nurses, plus a volunteer OB-GYN who supervises medical procedures, and 20 other volunteers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christine Vatuone, the executive director, said that while the clinic does oppose abortion, and will not refer patients to an abortion provider, all patients are clearly told that they have three options: abortion, adoption and parenting -- and that every room in the center has a sign with five promises: \"that we will treat them with respect, that we will protect their privacy, that we will not pressure them, that we will support them, and that we will not lie to them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still there is room for confusion about the clinic. Google \"pregnancy, Gilroy, CA,\" and the first three results are for Informed Choices, while the fourth is Planned Parenthood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google \"Abortion, Gilroy, CA\" and Informed Choices comes up, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And \"on advice of counsel,\" the clinic does not display the mandatory language in the California law advising patients that the state provides free access to a full range of care from pre-natal to abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many patients who seek out clinics that will support their pregnancy say they are thrilled with the counseling and material support clinics like Informed Choices provide, everything from food to baby clothes, diapers, car seats and emotional support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It just gave me that push to let me know that, you know, I can do this,\" said Laura Wu after visiting a crisis pregnancy center in New York. \"It is possible for me to do this alone.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "supreme-court-challenge-to-california-law-could-hand-abortion-foes-a-victory-or-backfire-on-them",
"title": "Supreme Court Challenge to California Law Could Hand Abortion Foes a Victory—or Backfire on Them",
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"headTitle": "Supreme Court Challenge to California Law Could Hand Abortion Foes a Victory—or Backfire on Them | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Should an organization that opposes abortion be required to tell women where they can seek an abortion? It’s a question the U.S. Supreme Court will face this month as it considers a challenge to a California state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB775\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The law in question\u003c/a>, known as the California Reproductive FACT Act, was signed by Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown in 2015. It requires licensed “crisis pregnancy centers”—many of which are run by Christian groups whose mission is to discourage pregnant women from getting abortions—to post signs or distribute notices informing clients that the state offers subsidized programs for family planning services, including abortion. The notice must include a phone number for the closest government social services office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Institute of Family and Life Advocates, which runs roughly 200 pregnancy centers in California, sued the state over the law. It argues the law infringes on its freedom of speech by compelling the centers “to speak a government message and to promote government programs contrary to their pro-life beliefs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The centers typically offer pregnancy tests and ultrasounds, and counsel women to carry their pregnancies to term by providing information on adoption and parenting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of their speech is designed to encourage childbirth. The Act purposely hampers this advocacy at the very beginning of a pregnancy center’s interaction with expectant mothers. While the centers exist to support childbirth, the Act forces them to point the way to ending unborn babies’ lives,” the institute says in a court filing. The group did not make anyone available for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state argues the law is necessary because some pregnancy centers were misleading women about what services they’re licensed to provide and making false claims about the risks of abortion. Its provisions also require unlicensed counseling centers to disclose in advertisements and client notices that they aren’t licensed to provide medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone is entitled to accurate information about their health care, and that’s simply what the FACT Act says,” said California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, a Democrat. “There is nothing coercive, nothing intrusive in the requirements of the law that infringe upon someone’s First Amendment rights. It’s about making sure women have accurate information about their health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11656183 alignright\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"723\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-160x210.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-240x315.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-375x493.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-520x684.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case, which the Supreme Court will hear on March 20, is the latest battleground in a long legal debate at the intersection of free speech and abortion access. It highlights how much a state’s approach to abortion is shaped by its politics—and could wind up as a pivot point in the national debate over the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In blue states like California and Hawaii, Democrats who support abortion rights have approved laws requiring pregnancy centers to notify women that abortions are available elsewhere. In red states, Republicans who oppose abortion have passed laws requiring doctors to tell women seeking them various specific statements: abortion ends “the life of a whole, separate, unique, living human being” (South Dakota); the father is liable for child support (Georgia); she can review a booklet prepared by the state that says the “unborn human individual” in her womb has a heartbeat (Arkansas). Both types of notifications have been challenged on grounds that they violate the First Amendment right to free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a fascinating legal twist, California is defending its Reproductive FACT Act in part based on a ruling that supports notifications in other states that abortions rights proponents have challenged. The state’s legal brief cites a 1992 case in which Planned Parenthood sued the state of Pennsylvania over a law that requires doctors tell women seeking abortion that the state offers brochures with information about fetal development, as well as the availability of adoption, paternal child support and other alternatives to abortion. The U.S. Supreme Court rejected Planned Parenthood’s First Amendment challenge and upheld the Pennsylvania law, saying speech by licensed professionals in the practice of their professions is “subject to reasonable licensing and regulation by the State.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the court rules that California’s law is unconstitutional, some legal scholars say it \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2017/11/abortion_foes_latest_supreme_court_challenge_could_turn_out_badly_for_them.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">could set the stage\u003c/a> for abortion rights groups to challenge a host of laws in conservative states that require doctors to make specific statements before performing abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If one decides this case based on the principle that the government cannot compel someone to say something they are opposed to, then I think all of those laws are challengeable,” said Wendy Mariner, a Boston University professor of health law. “That is a real issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other legal scholars say the situations are different and that striking down the California law wouldn’t impact states with anti-abortion notification laws. Richard Garnett, a professor at Notre Dame Law School, said the pregnancy centers shouldn’t be held to the same standard for required speech because they exist to offer “pro-life” counseling, not a medical service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is an important distinction between making sure someone about to have a procedure knows about it, as opposed to telling a nonprofit they have to tell someone about a procedure they are morally opposed to and don’t plan to provide,” Garnett said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California law was written with major input from NARAL Pro-Choice California and then-Attorney General Kamala Harris, after \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcityattorney.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/Unmasking-Fake-Clinics-The-Truth-About-Crisis-Pregnancy-Centers-in-California-.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a report\u003c/a> by the abortion rights group indicated that many pregnancy centers in California counseled women against abortion by incorrectly saying it would increase their risk of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/cancer/cancer-causes/medical-treatments/abortion-and-breast-cancer-risk.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">breast cancer\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mayoclinic.org/healthy-lifestyle/getting-pregnant/expert-answers/abortion/faq-20058551\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">infertility\u003c/a>. NARAL’s report also noted that many centers did not disclose their ideological affiliation upfront, misleading women into thinking they were mainstream health clinics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Auto shops and nail salons are required to post health-related notices, and so should pregnancy resource centers,” said Amy Everitt, director of NARAL Pro-Choice California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill fills a really important need for public health so that women know there are options that are supported by the state of California that they weren’t otherwise aware of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Supreme Court Challenge to California Law Could Hand Abortion Foes a Victory—or Backfire on Them | KQED",
"description": "The case, which the U.S. Supreme Court will hear on March 20, is the latest battleground in a long legal debate at the intersection of free speech and abortion access.",
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"headline": "Supreme Court Challenge to California Law Could Hand Abortion Foes a Victory—or Backfire on Them",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>Laurel Rosenhall\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Should an organization that opposes abortion be required to tell women where they can seek an abortion? It’s a question the U.S. Supreme Court will face this month as it considers a challenge to a California state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB775\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The law in question\u003c/a>, known as the California Reproductive FACT Act, was signed by Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown in 2015. It requires licensed “crisis pregnancy centers”—many of which are run by Christian groups whose mission is to discourage pregnant women from getting abortions—to post signs or distribute notices informing clients that the state offers subsidized programs for family planning services, including abortion. The notice must include a phone number for the closest government social services office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Institute of Family and Life Advocates, which runs roughly 200 pregnancy centers in California, sued the state over the law. It argues the law infringes on its freedom of speech by compelling the centers “to speak a government message and to promote government programs contrary to their pro-life beliefs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The centers typically offer pregnancy tests and ultrasounds, and counsel women to carry their pregnancies to term by providing information on adoption and parenting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of their speech is designed to encourage childbirth. The Act purposely hampers this advocacy at the very beginning of a pregnancy center’s interaction with expectant mothers. While the centers exist to support childbirth, the Act forces them to point the way to ending unborn babies’ lives,” the institute says in a court filing. The group did not make anyone available for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state argues the law is necessary because some pregnancy centers were misleading women about what services they’re licensed to provide and making false claims about the risks of abortion. Its provisions also require unlicensed counseling centers to disclose in advertisements and client notices that they aren’t licensed to provide medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone is entitled to accurate information about their health care, and that’s simply what the FACT Act says,” said California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, a Democrat. “There is nothing coercive, nothing intrusive in the requirements of the law that infringe upon someone’s First Amendment rights. It’s about making sure women have accurate information about their health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11656183 alignright\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"723\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-160x210.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-240x315.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-375x493.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-520x684.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case, which the Supreme Court will hear on March 20, is the latest battleground in a long legal debate at the intersection of free speech and abortion access. It highlights how much a state’s approach to abortion is shaped by its politics—and could wind up as a pivot point in the national debate over the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In blue states like California and Hawaii, Democrats who support abortion rights have approved laws requiring pregnancy centers to notify women that abortions are available elsewhere. In red states, Republicans who oppose abortion have passed laws requiring doctors to tell women seeking them various specific statements: abortion ends “the life of a whole, separate, unique, living human being” (South Dakota); the father is liable for child support (Georgia); she can review a booklet prepared by the state that says the “unborn human individual” in her womb has a heartbeat (Arkansas). Both types of notifications have been challenged on grounds that they violate the First Amendment right to free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a fascinating legal twist, California is defending its Reproductive FACT Act in part based on a ruling that supports notifications in other states that abortions rights proponents have challenged. The state’s legal brief cites a 1992 case in which Planned Parenthood sued the state of Pennsylvania over a law that requires doctors tell women seeking abortion that the state offers brochures with information about fetal development, as well as the availability of adoption, paternal child support and other alternatives to abortion. The U.S. Supreme Court rejected Planned Parenthood’s First Amendment challenge and upheld the Pennsylvania law, saying speech by licensed professionals in the practice of their professions is “subject to reasonable licensing and regulation by the State.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the court rules that California’s law is unconstitutional, some legal scholars say it \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2017/11/abortion_foes_latest_supreme_court_challenge_could_turn_out_badly_for_them.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">could set the stage\u003c/a> for abortion rights groups to challenge a host of laws in conservative states that require doctors to make specific statements before performing abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If one decides this case based on the principle that the government cannot compel someone to say something they are opposed to, then I think all of those laws are challengeable,” said Wendy Mariner, a Boston University professor of health law. “That is a real issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other legal scholars say the situations are different and that striking down the California law wouldn’t impact states with anti-abortion notification laws. Richard Garnett, a professor at Notre Dame Law School, said the pregnancy centers shouldn’t be held to the same standard for required speech because they exist to offer “pro-life” counseling, not a medical service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is an important distinction between making sure someone about to have a procedure knows about it, as opposed to telling a nonprofit they have to tell someone about a procedure they are morally opposed to and don’t plan to provide,” Garnett said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California law was written with major input from NARAL Pro-Choice California and then-Attorney General Kamala Harris, after \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcityattorney.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/Unmasking-Fake-Clinics-The-Truth-About-Crisis-Pregnancy-Centers-in-California-.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a report\u003c/a> by the abortion rights group indicated that many pregnancy centers in California counseled women against abortion by incorrectly saying it would increase their risk of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/cancer/cancer-causes/medical-treatments/abortion-and-breast-cancer-risk.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">breast cancer\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mayoclinic.org/healthy-lifestyle/getting-pregnant/expert-answers/abortion/faq-20058551\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">infertility\u003c/a>. NARAL’s report also noted that many centers did not disclose their ideological affiliation upfront, misleading women into thinking they were mainstream health clinics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Auto shops and nail salons are required to post health-related notices, and so should pregnancy resource centers,” said Amy Everitt, director of NARAL Pro-Choice California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill fills a really important need for public health so that women know there are options that are supported by the state of California that they weren’t otherwise aware of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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"link": "/radio/program/reveal",
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"rss": "http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
"link": "/podcasts/rightnowish",
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