California Billionaire Tax Will Be on November’s Ballot, Along With These 13 Measures
3 Ways California Could Speed Up Vote Counting
Saikat Chakrabarti Launches Campaign to Support Connie Chan’s Bid for Congress
Democrat Eric Jones Advances to Runoff Battle Against Longtime Napa Valley Congressman
Why Is California Still Counting Votes? And Other Questions About How Our Elections Actually Work
How Did the Generational Change Movement Do in California’s Election?
Steve Hilton Edges Out Tom Steyer for Second Spot in California Governor Election
Oakland’s Measure E Tax Is Failing, Threatening a Push to Boost Ailing City Services
San Francisco’s Overpaid CEO Tax Fails to Pass
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">California voters\u003c/a> this fall will decide whether to levy a one-off wealth tax on billionaires, require identification to vote and expand the state’s rainy day fund — among the 14 measures on the November ballot, the secretary of state announced on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot is packed with showdowns between business and labor, requests for borrowing and changes to the state’s election laws. The result could be high-profile and expensive campaigns that are likely to overshadow the races for governor and many other statewide offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a first look at the measures on the ballot, according to the list finalized Thursday:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Billionaire wealth tax: \u003c/strong>It’s hard to remember a measure with this much buzz before it even \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088063/5-things-to-know-about-californias-new-billionaire-tax-measure\">qualified for the ballot\u003c/a>. This initiative, brought to the ballot by the healthcare workers union SEIU-UHW, would enact a one-time 5% tax on the wealth of California billionaires who were living in the state on Jan. 1, 2026. Proponents kept the measure on the ballot despite a flurry of last-minute negotiations with state leaders who oppose the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Billionaire wealth tax poison pill\u003c/strong>: Opponents of the billionaire tax, led by Google co-founder Sergey Brin, gathered the signatures for two measures written to invalidate the wealth tax. This initiative would ban taxes that target financial assets, personal property or that are enacted retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Another billionaire wealth tax poison pill\u003c/strong>: A second measure introduced to counter the billionaire tax would ban new taxes that exempt their revenue from California’s state spending limit, which the proposed wealth tax does. It would also require audits of state tax proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062365\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062365\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter is given a sticker after dropping his ballot at City Hall in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2025, ahead of the statewide special election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voter ID: \u003c/strong>This measure, backed by California Republicans, would require Californians to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081404/voter-id-initiative-qualifies-for-californias-november-election\">provide a government ID to vote \u003c/a>in person or provide the last four digits of a government-issued number if voting by mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Local taxes: \u003c/strong>In a deal struck late Thursday, the Legislature placed a measure on the ballot that would require two-thirds voter approval for any local tax that earmarks revenue for a specific purpose. Currently, local taxes can pass with a majority vote if they were placed on the ballot by citizens. In response, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association agreed to withdraw a measure from the ballot that would have also limited local real estate taxes — both retroactively and moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Recall rules: \u003c/strong>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888736/newsom-crushed-the-recall-now-democrats-want-to-change-the-system\">gubernatorial recall elections\u003c/a>, California voters are asked two questions: Should the governor be recalled? And, if the recall is successful, who should be the next governor? This measure, placed on the ballot by the Legislature, would eliminate that second question and instead replace a recalled governor with the lieutenant governor — or through a subsequent special election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Public campaign financing: \u003c/strong>Under this measure, more local governments in California would be allowed to establish systems of public campaign financing — in which candidates can receive taxpayer dollars for their campaigns if they demonstrate a certain level of viability. Currently, only charter cities (such as Los Angeles and San Francisco) can enact public financing for local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A home for sale on Hillside Road in San Carlos on May 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Homebuyer assistance: \u003c/strong>Backed by former Assembly Speaker Bob Hertzberg, this $25 billion bond measure would fund mortgages for middle-income Californians who are purchasing a newly constructed home worth less than $1.5 million. The loans would act as a second mortgage for the buyer, covering up to 17% of the purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing bond: \u003c/strong>The state Legislature passed this $11.2 billion bond measure on Thursday, and Gov. Gavin Newsom quickly signed it onto the ballot. If voters approve it, $10 billion will be spent on building, acquiring or preserving affordable housing, while $1.25 billion will go toward home loans for California veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Income tax: \u003c/strong>In 2012, California voters approved boosting income tax rates on high-income residents, and then they extended those rates in 2016. This measure, backed by unions representing California teachers, would make those higher income tax rates permanent.[aside postID=news_12088417 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSGetty.jpg']\u003cstrong>Healthcare spending\u003c/strong>: Another SEIU-UHW-backed measure would require health clinics, which traditionally serve low-income patients in areas with limited healthcare services, to spend 90% of their revenue on patient services, rather than administrative costs. Failure to adhere to the measure would force clinics to pay fines and penalties that eventually would be used for clinic workforce programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>CEQA overhaul: \u003c/strong>Under this proposal, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046558/california-lawmakers-approve-major-overhaul-of-landmark-environmental-law\">California Environmental Quality Act\u003c/a>, or CEQA, would be changed to speed up environmental reviews for certain projects and limit legal challenges under the law. The California Chamber of Commerce would spearhead the proposal and would apply to developments including housing, transportation, clean energy projects, hospitals, schools and water systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rainy day fund\u003c/strong>: The Legislature voted Thursday to place this measure on the ballot in order to boost the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083617/newsom-touts-dominance-of-california-in-final-budget-proposal\">ability to save money\u003c/a> during flush budget years. The constitutional amendment would increase the cap on rainy day fund deposits from 10% of general fund revenue to 20% and exempt those deposits from counting against the state spending limit. Higher deposits would also be triggered in years with higher capital gains tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Immunology bond: \u003c/strong>This $8.4 billion bond would fund research into immunology and immunotherapy — earmarking half of the money for work on cancer, heart disease and Alzheimer’s disease. The measure’s main sponsor is Dr. Gary Michelson, an investor and philanthropist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">California voters\u003c/a> this fall will decide whether to levy a one-off wealth tax on billionaires, require identification to vote and expand the state’s rainy day fund — among the 14 measures on the November ballot, the secretary of state announced on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot is packed with showdowns between business and labor, requests for borrowing and changes to the state’s election laws. The result could be high-profile and expensive campaigns that are likely to overshadow the races for governor and many other statewide offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a first look at the measures on the ballot, according to the list finalized Thursday:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Billionaire wealth tax: \u003c/strong>It’s hard to remember a measure with this much buzz before it even \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088063/5-things-to-know-about-californias-new-billionaire-tax-measure\">qualified for the ballot\u003c/a>. This initiative, brought to the ballot by the healthcare workers union SEIU-UHW, would enact a one-time 5% tax on the wealth of California billionaires who were living in the state on Jan. 1, 2026. Proponents kept the measure on the ballot despite a flurry of last-minute negotiations with state leaders who oppose the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Billionaire wealth tax poison pill\u003c/strong>: Opponents of the billionaire tax, led by Google co-founder Sergey Brin, gathered the signatures for two measures written to invalidate the wealth tax. This initiative would ban taxes that target financial assets, personal property or that are enacted retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Another billionaire wealth tax poison pill\u003c/strong>: A second measure introduced to counter the billionaire tax would ban new taxes that exempt their revenue from California’s state spending limit, which the proposed wealth tax does. It would also require audits of state tax proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062365\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062365\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter is given a sticker after dropping his ballot at City Hall in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2025, ahead of the statewide special election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voter ID: \u003c/strong>This measure, backed by California Republicans, would require Californians to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081404/voter-id-initiative-qualifies-for-californias-november-election\">provide a government ID to vote \u003c/a>in person or provide the last four digits of a government-issued number if voting by mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Local taxes: \u003c/strong>In a deal struck late Thursday, the Legislature placed a measure on the ballot that would require two-thirds voter approval for any local tax that earmarks revenue for a specific purpose. Currently, local taxes can pass with a majority vote if they were placed on the ballot by citizens. In response, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association agreed to withdraw a measure from the ballot that would have also limited local real estate taxes — both retroactively and moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Recall rules: \u003c/strong>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888736/newsom-crushed-the-recall-now-democrats-want-to-change-the-system\">gubernatorial recall elections\u003c/a>, California voters are asked two questions: Should the governor be recalled? And, if the recall is successful, who should be the next governor? This measure, placed on the ballot by the Legislature, would eliminate that second question and instead replace a recalled governor with the lieutenant governor — or through a subsequent special election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Public campaign financing: \u003c/strong>Under this measure, more local governments in California would be allowed to establish systems of public campaign financing — in which candidates can receive taxpayer dollars for their campaigns if they demonstrate a certain level of viability. Currently, only charter cities (such as Los Angeles and San Francisco) can enact public financing for local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A home for sale on Hillside Road in San Carlos on May 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Homebuyer assistance: \u003c/strong>Backed by former Assembly Speaker Bob Hertzberg, this $25 billion bond measure would fund mortgages for middle-income Californians who are purchasing a newly constructed home worth less than $1.5 million. The loans would act as a second mortgage for the buyer, covering up to 17% of the purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing bond: \u003c/strong>The state Legislature passed this $11.2 billion bond measure on Thursday, and Gov. Gavin Newsom quickly signed it onto the ballot. If voters approve it, $10 billion will be spent on building, acquiring or preserving affordable housing, while $1.25 billion will go toward home loans for California veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Income tax: \u003c/strong>In 2012, California voters approved boosting income tax rates on high-income residents, and then they extended those rates in 2016. This measure, backed by unions representing California teachers, would make those higher income tax rates permanent.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Healthcare spending\u003c/strong>: Another SEIU-UHW-backed measure would require health clinics, which traditionally serve low-income patients in areas with limited healthcare services, to spend 90% of their revenue on patient services, rather than administrative costs. Failure to adhere to the measure would force clinics to pay fines and penalties that eventually would be used for clinic workforce programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>CEQA overhaul: \u003c/strong>Under this proposal, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046558/california-lawmakers-approve-major-overhaul-of-landmark-environmental-law\">California Environmental Quality Act\u003c/a>, or CEQA, would be changed to speed up environmental reviews for certain projects and limit legal challenges under the law. The California Chamber of Commerce would spearhead the proposal and would apply to developments including housing, transportation, clean energy projects, hospitals, schools and water systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rainy day fund\u003c/strong>: The Legislature voted Thursday to place this measure on the ballot in order to boost the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083617/newsom-touts-dominance-of-california-in-final-budget-proposal\">ability to save money\u003c/a> during flush budget years. The constitutional amendment would increase the cap on rainy day fund deposits from 10% of general fund revenue to 20% and exempt those deposits from counting against the state spending limit. Higher deposits would also be triggered in years with higher capital gains tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Immunology bond: \u003c/strong>This $8.4 billion bond would fund research into immunology and immunotherapy — earmarking half of the money for work on cancer, heart disease and Alzheimer’s disease. The measure’s main sponsor is Dr. Gary Michelson, an investor and philanthropist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "three-ways-california-could-speed-up-vote-counting",
"title": "3 Ways California Could Speed Up Vote Counting",
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"headTitle": "3 Ways California Could Speed Up Vote Counting | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has become a ritual in recent California elections: Officials’ warnings that with millions of vote-by-mail ballots to count, the result of many races \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">will be unclear on election night\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A shift in results as more of said vote-by-mail ballots are counted in the following days. False claims from President Donald Trump that the slow count is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077491/california-vote-by-mail-faces-legal-political-challenges-from-trump-allies\">evidence of fraud\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/10/opinion/california-slow-vote-primary.html\">Media admonishments\u003c/a> of California’s system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Add in conspiracy theories from a certain former cast member of \u003cem>The Hills,\u003c/em> and this year’s primary election followed the script to a T.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what could California actually do to speed up its vote counting process?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Boost funding\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Compared with in-person voting, counting mail-in votes takes more time and resources \u003cem>after\u003c/em> the ballots are returned. Those ballots have to be reviewed for proper signatures, opened and prepared for the count — tasks that require more workers and machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County election officials have said that with greater resources, they could expedite their count, as Gov. Gavin Newsom urged last month. The California Voter Foundation, an election advocacy group, asked for $91.1 million for election offices in the upcoming state budget, including $55.5 million to hire additional staffers, purchase equipment and add office space, and $35 million to promote early ballot returns.[aside postID=news_12087807 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250312-MATT-MAHAN-ON-PB-MD-06-KQED.jpg?ver=1741907806']“The state has done a very good job of providing voters with lots of access and lots of opportunities to vote and protections to make sure their ballot gets counted,” said Kim Alexander, the foundation’s president. “But they haven’t done a good job of giving the counties the resources that they need to implement those protections and that accessibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander pointed to the 2020 general election as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847064/inside-californias-pandemic-election-how-covid-19-changes-could-shape-the-future-of-voting\">shining example\u003c/a> of getting what you pay for. That year, with a massive infusion of federal and state dollars, saw sky-high turnout, the fastest vote count this decade and record-low rates of rejected ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it remains to be seen whether the budget that Newsom and legislative leaders are negotiating will have any new funding for election administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spending plan approved by the state Legislature this week sets aside $5 million for voter outreach and education. But Alexander said she hasn’t heard a commitment for any extra election administration dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and legislators have the rest of the month to reach a budget deal before the next fiscal year begins July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Alter voter behavior\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California law allows mailed ballots that are postmarked on Election Day to be counted even if they arrive up to a week later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not necessarily those later-arriving ballots that are to blame for the state’s vote-counting logjam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bigger issue — and representing a much larger share of votes — is the crunch of ballots that voters return on Election Day and the days before. On June 5, the Friday after Election Day, California counties reported that over 2.5 million ballots received through Election Day remained uncounted — compared to just under 400,000 received after Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think in today’s world, we are wanting more expedited results, and the way we would get those are early mail-in ballots,” Assemblymember Natasha Johnson, R-Lake Elsinore, said. “That’s the story I think we need to start telling and sharing: Vote by mail and vote early.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But voter behavior can take time to change — and it can vary in response to the contours of a particular race. In this year’s competitive primary for governor, for example, many Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">held on to their ballots\u003c/a> longer than usual as they weighed the candidates’ chances in a fast-shifting field.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enact legislative changes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some state lawmakers are looking to change the rules around mail-in voting in hopes of speeding up the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 1420 from Sen. Laura Richardson, D-San Pedro, would make it easier for counties to adopt a system known as “sign, scan and go.” The program allows voters to fill out their ballot at home, bring it to a voting location and provide their signature on the spot — a hybrid of vote-by-mail and in-person voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richardson said the bill “could potentially avoid the delay of doing the verification on the back end when it’s a part of thousands and thousands of other ballots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Placer County used the system in November 2024 and reported saving 3 1/2 days of ballot counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Matt Moreles, registrar of voters in Santa Clara County, said the program might not be a good fit for large counties like his, which had more than three times as many votes cast as rural Placer County in November 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of handing off their ballot in a signed envelope to an election worker or dropping it in a box, voters would have to line up and provide their signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You really are just trading one problem for another,” Moreles said. “Yes, you might save a little bit of time in signature checking on the back end, but you’re going to have longer lines at vote centers or polling places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreles said not enough attention is paid to the fact that voters overwhelmingly prefer to fill out their ballot at home. The pandemic that spurred California’s adoption of universal vote-by-mail has passed, and Californians are now well aware of the lag in counting that comes with voting at home, yet less than a quarter of voters statewide have returned to casting their vote at a polling place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about it this way,” Moreles said. “If you have something where 95% of my voters are choosing this as the way that they want to cast their ballot, I think that’s a resounding success, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The state’s pace of ballot counting in the June primary once again drew national criticism. Here are three ideas that could make a difference.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has become a ritual in recent California elections: Officials’ warnings that with millions of vote-by-mail ballots to count, the result of many races \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">will be unclear on election night\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A shift in results as more of said vote-by-mail ballots are counted in the following days. False claims from President Donald Trump that the slow count is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077491/california-vote-by-mail-faces-legal-political-challenges-from-trump-allies\">evidence of fraud\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/10/opinion/california-slow-vote-primary.html\">Media admonishments\u003c/a> of California’s system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Add in conspiracy theories from a certain former cast member of \u003cem>The Hills,\u003c/em> and this year’s primary election followed the script to a T.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what could California actually do to speed up its vote counting process?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Boost funding\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Compared with in-person voting, counting mail-in votes takes more time and resources \u003cem>after\u003c/em> the ballots are returned. Those ballots have to be reviewed for proper signatures, opened and prepared for the count — tasks that require more workers and machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County election officials have said that with greater resources, they could expedite their count, as Gov. Gavin Newsom urged last month. The California Voter Foundation, an election advocacy group, asked for $91.1 million for election offices in the upcoming state budget, including $55.5 million to hire additional staffers, purchase equipment and add office space, and $35 million to promote early ballot returns.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The state has done a very good job of providing voters with lots of access and lots of opportunities to vote and protections to make sure their ballot gets counted,” said Kim Alexander, the foundation’s president. “But they haven’t done a good job of giving the counties the resources that they need to implement those protections and that accessibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander pointed to the 2020 general election as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847064/inside-californias-pandemic-election-how-covid-19-changes-could-shape-the-future-of-voting\">shining example\u003c/a> of getting what you pay for. That year, with a massive infusion of federal and state dollars, saw sky-high turnout, the fastest vote count this decade and record-low rates of rejected ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it remains to be seen whether the budget that Newsom and legislative leaders are negotiating will have any new funding for election administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spending plan approved by the state Legislature this week sets aside $5 million for voter outreach and education. But Alexander said she hasn’t heard a commitment for any extra election administration dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and legislators have the rest of the month to reach a budget deal before the next fiscal year begins July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Alter voter behavior\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California law allows mailed ballots that are postmarked on Election Day to be counted even if they arrive up to a week later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not necessarily those later-arriving ballots that are to blame for the state’s vote-counting logjam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bigger issue — and representing a much larger share of votes — is the crunch of ballots that voters return on Election Day and the days before. On June 5, the Friday after Election Day, California counties reported that over 2.5 million ballots received through Election Day remained uncounted — compared to just under 400,000 received after Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think in today’s world, we are wanting more expedited results, and the way we would get those are early mail-in ballots,” Assemblymember Natasha Johnson, R-Lake Elsinore, said. “That’s the story I think we need to start telling and sharing: Vote by mail and vote early.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But voter behavior can take time to change — and it can vary in response to the contours of a particular race. In this year’s competitive primary for governor, for example, many Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">held on to their ballots\u003c/a> longer than usual as they weighed the candidates’ chances in a fast-shifting field.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enact legislative changes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some state lawmakers are looking to change the rules around mail-in voting in hopes of speeding up the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 1420 from Sen. Laura Richardson, D-San Pedro, would make it easier for counties to adopt a system known as “sign, scan and go.” The program allows voters to fill out their ballot at home, bring it to a voting location and provide their signature on the spot — a hybrid of vote-by-mail and in-person voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richardson said the bill “could potentially avoid the delay of doing the verification on the back end when it’s a part of thousands and thousands of other ballots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Placer County used the system in November 2024 and reported saving 3 1/2 days of ballot counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Matt Moreles, registrar of voters in Santa Clara County, said the program might not be a good fit for large counties like his, which had more than three times as many votes cast as rural Placer County in November 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of handing off their ballot in a signed envelope to an election worker or dropping it in a box, voters would have to line up and provide their signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You really are just trading one problem for another,” Moreles said. “Yes, you might save a little bit of time in signature checking on the back end, but you’re going to have longer lines at vote centers or polling places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreles said not enough attention is paid to the fact that voters overwhelmingly prefer to fill out their ballot at home. The pandemic that spurred California’s adoption of universal vote-by-mail has passed, and Californians are now well aware of the lag in counting that comes with voting at home, yet less than a quarter of voters statewide have returned to casting their vote at a polling place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about it this way,” Moreles said. “If you have something where 95% of my voters are choosing this as the way that they want to cast their ballot, I think that’s a resounding success, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Saikat Chakrabarti Launches Campaign to Support Connie Chan’s Bid for Congress",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/saikat-chakrabarti\">Saikat Chakrabarti\u003c/a>, the former tech engineer who ran a failed campaign to replace Rep. Nancy Pelosi in Congress, is throwing his efforts behind his former opponent, Supervisor Connie Chan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti filed papers on Monday to launch an independent expenditure campaign and is turning his campaign into a political action committee, called Solidarity PAC,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084959/after-pelosi-young-sf-voters-want-change-two-progressives-are-competing-to-offer-it\"> to support Chan,\u003c/a> who defeated Chakrabarti in the June primary and will face off against Sen. Scott Wiener in November’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Chakrabarti and Chan differed on ways to accomplish change in Washington, he said that the two agree on “almost everything” when it comes to federal policy, like stopping the flow of weapons from the U.S. to Israel and increasing taxes on the rich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s extremely important that we have someone representing San Francisco who is for a tax on the ultra-rich, and Connie’s the only candidate right now that supports that,” Chakrabarti said. “And it’s really important that we have someone representing San Francisco who does not take corporate money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti said in addition to the independent expenditure campaign, he is directing the more than 200 paid staff members from his run to pivot their door knocking and other field efforts to support Chan as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told KQED that he plans to put money into the committee backing Chan “at the same pace” that he was funding his own campaign through at least July 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-DISTRICT11CONNIECHAN-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-DISTRICT11CONNIECHAN-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-DISTRICT11CONNIECHAN-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-DISTRICT11CONNIECHAN-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Connie Chan speaks to supporters during an election night party at El Rio in San Francisco on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti ran one of the most expensive self-funded campaigns, pouring $10 million of his own wealth from a former career as a tech engineer into the race. While Chan amassed wide support from labor unions, her campaign raised only a small fraction of the money compared to Chakrabarti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This campaign has always been about empowering working people — not cozying up to big corporations. I welcome Saikat’s endorsement and will work every day to earn the vote of every person in San Francisco,” Chan said in a statement about the endorsement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates are not allowed to directly coordinate with independent expenditures, and Chan did not comment on Chakrabarti’s fundraising.[aside postID=news_12087400 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GETTYIMAGES-2279541285-KQED.jpg']“Together, we can stand up to corporate power and bring the voices of working families to Washington.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti, who previously worked as chief of staff for New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, ran as a progressive Democrat focused on changing the Democratic Party and breaking ties with corporate donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as a political outsider, he had little footprint in San Francisco’s small but mighty political circles and was not shy to criticize Democratic leaders like Pelosi, who has held the seat representing San Francisco for nearly four decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, also a progressive Democrat who moved to San Francisco from Hong Kong in her youth, has worked for years in City Hall and received the coveted endorsement from Pelosi herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jason McDaniel, a political science professor at San Francisco State University, said Chakrabarti’s move to back Chan could help consolidate more left-leaning voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s sending a signal to a lot of the sort of progressive voters and leaders in the city that there is a sense of unity and solidarity. I do think that one important part of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti acknowledged that his campaign likely split some progressive voters and said he was happy to “consolidate the progressive movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260515-SF-YOUNG-PROGRESSIVES-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260515-SF-YOUNG-PROGRESSIVES-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260515-SF-YOUNG-PROGRESSIVES-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260515-SF-YOUNG-PROGRESSIVES-MD-01-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Supervisor and Congressional candidate Connie Chan pins a button on a supporter at a get out the vote rally at City Hall in San Francisco on May 15, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Chakrabarti’s endorsement isn’t guaranteed to be a big boost for Chan’s campaign, McDaniel said, noting that Chakrabarti did well among some demographics such as younger tech workers who might peel off and go for Wiener, the more moderate of the three.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people, maybe sort of younger tech type workers, saw Chakrabarti as a change agent,” he said. “Some similar voters see Scott Wiener as the one who also maybe represents change and who’s still relatively progressive and very liberal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener, a productive state lawmaker who also previously served as a local supervisor, received endorsements and hefty campaign contributions from various tech leaders as well as groups like San Francisco YIMBY, the moderate political organization GrowSF and the San Francisco Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Connie Chan has built a career on blocking housing and affordability for young people — the same voters Saikat claimed to speak for,” said Joe Arellano, campaign spokesperson for Wiener. “With this move, it’s clear that Saikat never cared about what’s best for San Francisco. He was only in the race to stroke his massive ego.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener was projected to be the frontrunner in June and came out with nearly 41% of the vote in the June primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069066\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069066\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates running for California’s 11th Congressional District, (from left) Saikat Chakrabarti, state Sen. Scott Wiener, and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, take part in a forum at UC Law San Francisco on Jan. 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chan came in second with roughly 30%, higher than recent polling had projected, and Chakrabarti came in third with 18% of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A week ago, Saikat was running Connie Chan attack ads, calling her ‘the establishment,’ and saying she’s a puppet of AIPAC. Now he’s endorsing her?” Arellano said. “This is the cynical politics that voters hate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti said his support for Chan comes down to wanting to reshape democratic politics in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never believed that it’s all about one race or one seat. I’ve always thought it has to be a movement of change,” Chakrabarti said. “Connie Chan is part of the movement in the right direction for the Democratic Party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/saikat-chakrabarti\">Saikat Chakrabarti\u003c/a>, the former tech engineer who ran a failed campaign to replace Rep. Nancy Pelosi in Congress, is throwing his efforts behind his former opponent, Supervisor Connie Chan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti filed papers on Monday to launch an independent expenditure campaign and is turning his campaign into a political action committee, called Solidarity PAC,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084959/after-pelosi-young-sf-voters-want-change-two-progressives-are-competing-to-offer-it\"> to support Chan,\u003c/a> who defeated Chakrabarti in the June primary and will face off against Sen. Scott Wiener in November’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Chakrabarti and Chan differed on ways to accomplish change in Washington, he said that the two agree on “almost everything” when it comes to federal policy, like stopping the flow of weapons from the U.S. to Israel and increasing taxes on the rich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s extremely important that we have someone representing San Francisco who is for a tax on the ultra-rich, and Connie’s the only candidate right now that supports that,” Chakrabarti said. “And it’s really important that we have someone representing San Francisco who does not take corporate money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti said in addition to the independent expenditure campaign, he is directing the more than 200 paid staff members from his run to pivot their door knocking and other field efforts to support Chan as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told KQED that he plans to put money into the committee backing Chan “at the same pace” that he was funding his own campaign through at least July 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-DISTRICT11CONNIECHAN-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-DISTRICT11CONNIECHAN-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-DISTRICT11CONNIECHAN-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-DISTRICT11CONNIECHAN-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Connie Chan speaks to supporters during an election night party at El Rio in San Francisco on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti ran one of the most expensive self-funded campaigns, pouring $10 million of his own wealth from a former career as a tech engineer into the race. While Chan amassed wide support from labor unions, her campaign raised only a small fraction of the money compared to Chakrabarti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This campaign has always been about empowering working people — not cozying up to big corporations. I welcome Saikat’s endorsement and will work every day to earn the vote of every person in San Francisco,” Chan said in a statement about the endorsement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates are not allowed to directly coordinate with independent expenditures, and Chan did not comment on Chakrabarti’s fundraising.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Together, we can stand up to corporate power and bring the voices of working families to Washington.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti, who previously worked as chief of staff for New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, ran as a progressive Democrat focused on changing the Democratic Party and breaking ties with corporate donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as a political outsider, he had little footprint in San Francisco’s small but mighty political circles and was not shy to criticize Democratic leaders like Pelosi, who has held the seat representing San Francisco for nearly four decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, also a progressive Democrat who moved to San Francisco from Hong Kong in her youth, has worked for years in City Hall and received the coveted endorsement from Pelosi herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jason McDaniel, a political science professor at San Francisco State University, said Chakrabarti’s move to back Chan could help consolidate more left-leaning voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s sending a signal to a lot of the sort of progressive voters and leaders in the city that there is a sense of unity and solidarity. I do think that one important part of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti acknowledged that his campaign likely split some progressive voters and said he was happy to “consolidate the progressive movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260515-SF-YOUNG-PROGRESSIVES-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260515-SF-YOUNG-PROGRESSIVES-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260515-SF-YOUNG-PROGRESSIVES-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260515-SF-YOUNG-PROGRESSIVES-MD-01-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Supervisor and Congressional candidate Connie Chan pins a button on a supporter at a get out the vote rally at City Hall in San Francisco on May 15, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Chakrabarti’s endorsement isn’t guaranteed to be a big boost for Chan’s campaign, McDaniel said, noting that Chakrabarti did well among some demographics such as younger tech workers who might peel off and go for Wiener, the more moderate of the three.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people, maybe sort of younger tech type workers, saw Chakrabarti as a change agent,” he said. “Some similar voters see Scott Wiener as the one who also maybe represents change and who’s still relatively progressive and very liberal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener, a productive state lawmaker who also previously served as a local supervisor, received endorsements and hefty campaign contributions from various tech leaders as well as groups like San Francisco YIMBY, the moderate political organization GrowSF and the San Francisco Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Connie Chan has built a career on blocking housing and affordability for young people — the same voters Saikat claimed to speak for,” said Joe Arellano, campaign spokesperson for Wiener. “With this move, it’s clear that Saikat never cared about what’s best for San Francisco. He was only in the race to stroke his massive ego.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener was projected to be the frontrunner in June and came out with nearly 41% of the vote in the June primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069066\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069066\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates running for California’s 11th Congressional District, (from left) Saikat Chakrabarti, state Sen. Scott Wiener, and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, take part in a forum at UC Law San Francisco on Jan. 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chan came in second with roughly 30%, higher than recent polling had projected, and Chakrabarti came in third with 18% of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A week ago, Saikat was running Connie Chan attack ads, calling her ‘the establishment,’ and saying she’s a puppet of AIPAC. Now he’s endorsing her?” Arellano said. “This is the cynical politics that voters hate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti said his support for Chan comes down to wanting to reshape democratic politics in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never believed that it’s all about one race or one seat. I’ve always thought it has to be a movement of change,” Chakrabarti said. “Connie Chan is part of the movement in the right direction for the Democratic Party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Democrat Eric Jones Advances to Runoff Battle Against Longtime Napa Valley Congressman",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democratic former venture capitalist Eric Jones is advancing to the November general election against incumbent Rep. Mike Thompson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/congress-4th-district\">in Congressional District 4\u003c/a>, setting up an intraparty battle for the seat representing Napa Valley, the Sacramento suburbs and the rural North State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After trailing Republican Ray Riehle for more than a week, Jones surged past him in Friday’s vote count update, and at 5:14 p.m., the Associated Press declared Jones the second-place finisher in the top-two primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are finishing in a very strong position,” Jones told KQED after the update.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the results show that voters want change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Americans are suffering, we’ve never seen so much inequality in our country,” he said. “And our government, whether it’s in Sacramento or Washington, D.C., just ain’t focused on the problems that are plaguing everyday Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His campaign remained optimistic the whole time, banking on later ballots skewing more progressive. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">voted by mail earlier\u003c/a> than Democrats, boosting Riehle in early vote counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All those late absentee votes typically are younger, much more Democratic and working-class people of color who fit our base much more,” said Brian Parvizshahi, Jones’ campaign manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones was part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086710/how-did-the-generational-change-movement-do-in-californias-election\">a wave of younger Democrats\u003c/a> taking on some of the party’s longest-serving members of Congress. For the most part, incumbents held their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086015\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abby Delanoy wears an Eric Jones shirt at the Democratic candidate’s watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic challengers to 81-year-old Rep. John Garamendi in Solano and Contra Costa counties, as well as 71-year-old Rep. Brad Sherman and 87-year-old Rep. Maxine Waters, both in the Los Angeles area, did not make it into the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang was the only generational change candidate to outperform the incumbent, Rep. Doris Matsui, in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones put up the most serious challenge that Thompson has faced in years, but he remains 19 percentage points behind the incumbent, \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">with 98% of ballots counted.\u003c/span> Still, his campaign sees a path to victory in November.[aside label=\"Live 2026 Election Results\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/napa,Napa County: Stay informed with the latest results for elected leaders and measures passed' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/05/Aside-Results-2026-Local-Elections-Napa-County-1200x1200@2x.png]“The general electorate is a completely different electorate. It’s much more diverse, it’s much younger, and it’s voters who live with the day-to-day realities of this country … and the hardships that are facing everyone,” Jones said. “That’s dramatically different from the primary voter base. So we feel very good about our message resonating with the general electorate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Thompson, Jones focused his campaign messaging on affordability, but he ran on a progressive platform, calling for universal childcare, a $10,000 working-class tax refund, Medicare for All and expanded coverage for in-home nursing, dental, vision and hearing care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our entire campaign from day one has been about change,” Jones said. “It’s been about fighting for a new order in politics in our country and getting money out of politics and fighting for something better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has also pledged not to accept any corporate PAC money and wants to ban members of Congress from trading stocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The core of my platform is forcing corporations to actually follow the tax code we have on the books, closing corporate loopholes, and using that money to fund a tax cut for the working class in this country,” said Jones, who has the endorsement of Our Revolution, a progressive organization founded by Sen. Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085544/in-redrawn-napa-valley-house-seat-voters-appear-to-stick-with-incumbent-they-know\">easily cinched the first-place spot\u003c/a> on election night. A Vietnam War veteran, Thompson is a moderate Democrat who has served 14 terms in Congress with broad establishment support, including endorsements from Rep. Nancy Pelosi, Gov. Gavin Newsom, Sen. Adam Schiff and the state Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson has countered the generational argument of his opponent, noting his endorsements from youth voter groups such as Sacramento County Young Democrats and UC Davis College Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11705041\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11705041\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi.jpg\" alt=\"Rep. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi, pictured in Dec., 2017.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1259\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-800x525.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-1020x669.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-1200x787.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi, pictured in Dec. 2017. \u003ccite>(Zach Gibson/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think every generation has something to offer, and there are younger people coming into Congress, but you can’t have an entire Congress of brand new people,” Thompson said. “It’s important to have people who can provide advice and share knowledge with the younger members who are coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Thompson’s signature issues is gun reform, and he chairs the House Gun Violence Prevention Task Force. He’s also championed the wine industry as a vineyard owner and co-chair of the Congressional Wine Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones’ campaign manager Parvizshahi previously ran Rep. Ro Khanna’s 2014 and 2016 campaigns against Rep. Mike Honda. In 2014, Khanna gained 17 points between the primary and general election. He lost, but returned to defeat Honda in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi believes Jones could follow a similar trajectory, arguing that in addition to an expanded general electorate, the longer runway to November also offers time to build name recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson usually wins close to two-thirds of the vote in the general election, but in this month’s primary he has received only 41% of votes so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never good for an incumbent to be under 50%,” Parvizshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Grose, a political science professor at the University of Southern California, agreed the results may be a sign of voter dissatisfaction with the incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eric Jones, Democratic candidate for California’s 4th Congressional District, center, speaks to a supporter at his watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Thompson’s not doing that great, right? If that many people have decided to vote against the incumbent. So that’s a weakness potentially,” Grose said. “But also you can’t assume Republicans will vote for the other Democrat if it’s a D versus D race. They might just sit it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redistricting could work in Jones’ favor. After voters approved Proposition 50 last year, redrawing the state’s congressional maps, 47% of District 4 is new territory — weakening the powerful role of incumbency name recognition for Thompson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new District 4 map brought in more conservative, rural regions of the state, including all of Colusa, Yuba and Sutter counties and parts of Placer and Sacramento counties, while dropping much of its more Democratic territory in Sonoma and Lake counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether those voters back a progressive like Jones over a moderate Democrat like Thompson is an open question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Jones, who moved into the No. 2 spot on Friday as more votes were counted, will bring a progressive generational challenge to incumbent Rep. Mike Thompson.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democratic former venture capitalist Eric Jones is advancing to the November general election against incumbent Rep. Mike Thompson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/congress-4th-district\">in Congressional District 4\u003c/a>, setting up an intraparty battle for the seat representing Napa Valley, the Sacramento suburbs and the rural North State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After trailing Republican Ray Riehle for more than a week, Jones surged past him in Friday’s vote count update, and at 5:14 p.m., the Associated Press declared Jones the second-place finisher in the top-two primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are finishing in a very strong position,” Jones told KQED after the update.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the results show that voters want change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Americans are suffering, we’ve never seen so much inequality in our country,” he said. “And our government, whether it’s in Sacramento or Washington, D.C., just ain’t focused on the problems that are plaguing everyday Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His campaign remained optimistic the whole time, banking on later ballots skewing more progressive. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">voted by mail earlier\u003c/a> than Democrats, boosting Riehle in early vote counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All those late absentee votes typically are younger, much more Democratic and working-class people of color who fit our base much more,” said Brian Parvizshahi, Jones’ campaign manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones was part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086710/how-did-the-generational-change-movement-do-in-californias-election\">a wave of younger Democrats\u003c/a> taking on some of the party’s longest-serving members of Congress. For the most part, incumbents held their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086015\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abby Delanoy wears an Eric Jones shirt at the Democratic candidate’s watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic challengers to 81-year-old Rep. John Garamendi in Solano and Contra Costa counties, as well as 71-year-old Rep. Brad Sherman and 87-year-old Rep. Maxine Waters, both in the Los Angeles area, did not make it into the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang was the only generational change candidate to outperform the incumbent, Rep. Doris Matsui, in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones put up the most serious challenge that Thompson has faced in years, but he remains 19 percentage points behind the incumbent, \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">with 98% of ballots counted.\u003c/span> Still, his campaign sees a path to victory in November.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The general electorate is a completely different electorate. It’s much more diverse, it’s much younger, and it’s voters who live with the day-to-day realities of this country … and the hardships that are facing everyone,” Jones said. “That’s dramatically different from the primary voter base. So we feel very good about our message resonating with the general electorate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Thompson, Jones focused his campaign messaging on affordability, but he ran on a progressive platform, calling for universal childcare, a $10,000 working-class tax refund, Medicare for All and expanded coverage for in-home nursing, dental, vision and hearing care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our entire campaign from day one has been about change,” Jones said. “It’s been about fighting for a new order in politics in our country and getting money out of politics and fighting for something better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has also pledged not to accept any corporate PAC money and wants to ban members of Congress from trading stocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The core of my platform is forcing corporations to actually follow the tax code we have on the books, closing corporate loopholes, and using that money to fund a tax cut for the working class in this country,” said Jones, who has the endorsement of Our Revolution, a progressive organization founded by Sen. Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085544/in-redrawn-napa-valley-house-seat-voters-appear-to-stick-with-incumbent-they-know\">easily cinched the first-place spot\u003c/a> on election night. A Vietnam War veteran, Thompson is a moderate Democrat who has served 14 terms in Congress with broad establishment support, including endorsements from Rep. Nancy Pelosi, Gov. Gavin Newsom, Sen. Adam Schiff and the state Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson has countered the generational argument of his opponent, noting his endorsements from youth voter groups such as Sacramento County Young Democrats and UC Davis College Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11705041\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11705041\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi.jpg\" alt=\"Rep. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi, pictured in Dec., 2017.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1259\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-800x525.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-1020x669.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-1200x787.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi, pictured in Dec. 2017. \u003ccite>(Zach Gibson/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think every generation has something to offer, and there are younger people coming into Congress, but you can’t have an entire Congress of brand new people,” Thompson said. “It’s important to have people who can provide advice and share knowledge with the younger members who are coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Thompson’s signature issues is gun reform, and he chairs the House Gun Violence Prevention Task Force. He’s also championed the wine industry as a vineyard owner and co-chair of the Congressional Wine Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones’ campaign manager Parvizshahi previously ran Rep. Ro Khanna’s 2014 and 2016 campaigns against Rep. Mike Honda. In 2014, Khanna gained 17 points between the primary and general election. He lost, but returned to defeat Honda in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi believes Jones could follow a similar trajectory, arguing that in addition to an expanded general electorate, the longer runway to November also offers time to build name recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson usually wins close to two-thirds of the vote in the general election, but in this month’s primary he has received only 41% of votes so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never good for an incumbent to be under 50%,” Parvizshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Grose, a political science professor at the University of Southern California, agreed the results may be a sign of voter dissatisfaction with the incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eric Jones, Democratic candidate for California’s 4th Congressional District, center, speaks to a supporter at his watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Thompson’s not doing that great, right? If that many people have decided to vote against the incumbent. So that’s a weakness potentially,” Grose said. “But also you can’t assume Republicans will vote for the other Democrat if it’s a D versus D race. They might just sit it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redistricting could work in Jones’ favor. After voters approved Proposition 50 last year, redrawing the state’s congressional maps, 47% of District 4 is new territory — weakening the powerful role of incumbency name recognition for Thompson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new District 4 map brought in more conservative, rural regions of the state, including all of Colusa, Yuba and Sutter counties and parts of Placer and Sacramento counties, while dropping much of its more Democratic territory in Sonoma and Lake counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether those voters back a progressive like Jones over a moderate Democrat like Thompson is an open question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "why-is-california-still-counting-votes-and-other-questions-about-how-our-elections-actually-work",
"title": "Why Is California Still Counting Votes? And Other Questions About How Our Elections Actually Work",
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"headTitle": "Why Is California Still Counting Votes? And Other Questions About How Our Elections Actually Work | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Eight days after its primary election, California officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">are still counting ballots\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That in itself isn’t a big deal — \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/election-certification-deadlines\">many states\u003c/a> give election officials more than a week to tally votes, and California’s sheer size makes a fast turnaround especially unlikely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the lag in calling some of the state’s most high-profile races has captured national attention. Social media has exploded with misleading or false posts claiming Democrats are cheating — that’s despite the primary success of a Republican at the top of the ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086501/california-governor-election-steve-hilton-advances\">gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton\u003c/a>. President Donald Trump and other national Republicans have also made unfounded allegations of fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lies — combined with Trump’s sustained attacks on election security and a number of moves or threats his administration has made to interfere with local election processes — have raised alarms about what could happen in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To set the record straight, KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086764/is-californias-election-system-crooked-an-election-integrity-expert-weighs-in\">Political Breakdown podcast sat down with election security expert David Becker\u003c/a> to discuss California’s voting process, the federal government’s role in elections and the likelihood that the Trump administration could interfere in the midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085478\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085478\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/ap26090784092005-scaled-e1781134932262.jpeg\" alt=\"President Trump holds his signed executive order that calls for restricting voting by mail in the White House’s Oval Office in March.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump holds his signed executive order that calls for restricting voting by mail in the White House’s Oval Office in March. \u003ccite>(Alex Brandon/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becker is executive director and founder of the nonpartisan, nonprofit Center for Election Innovation & Research, which works with election officials of both parties to ensure voting is secure, including providing pro bono legal assistance to election officials who are threatened with frivolous criminal prosecution, harassment, or physical violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was previously a senior trial attorney at the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division, overseeing voting rights enforcement in several states, including California and Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#Howcommonaproblemiselectionfraudanddopeoplegetawaywithit\">How common a problem is election fraud, and do people get away with it?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Why does it take so long to count ballots in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In short: Because California’s a giant state with 23 million registered voters that has enacted a slew of policies aimed at making voting as easy and accessible as possible. Most notably, the state automatically sends every registered voter a mail-in ballot — and allows those ballots to arrive up to seven days after Election Day, as long as they are postmarked by Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Becker said, when people mail in their ballots, it takes longer for county election officials to verify that legitimate voters cast those ballots and ensure that they aren’t fraudulent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And we want that to happen. We want every single one of those ballots to be assessed to make sure the person hasn’t voted in another way,” he said, “and to confirm that the right person is returning it. When you vote in person, that’s done at the polling place, before you ever get a ballot. When you do it by mail, it’s done afterwards, when the election officials get it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085720\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12085720 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Monica Holguin places her ballot at City Hall in San Francisco on May 15, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becker said that by the end of election night, some 5.1 million ballots were counted around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s more than most states see in a presidential general election,” he said, noting that many counties have been counting at a fast clip since. “Los Angeles County, for instance, is counting about 200,000 mail ballots every single day. That’s huge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Los Angeles County has 9.6 million residents — more than the population of 40 U.S. states.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to verifying mail-in ballots, election officials in California are working to review provisional ballots — those cast when a voter’s eligibility can’t be immediately confirmed — and ballots from members of the military deployed overseas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker said that this year, amid a competitive governor’s race, many Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">held onto their ballots\u003c/a> until the last minute, delaying the count even further.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are California’s election laws out of step with American tradition?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No, Becker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had mail voting since at least the Civil War, probably before that. We have extensive federal laws that actually accommodate late-arriving ballots for people like military and overseas voters, which is really important,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When we talk about a slow count, are we actually talking about counting ballots or calling races?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Calling races. Becker said that the public doesn’t really care when every single ballot is tallied — they care about knowing the outcome of important races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slow count only matters, he said, when there are close races that are difficult to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085889\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085889\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Voters cast their ballots at UC Davis in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“On election night in 2024, at 8:01 p.m. Pacific time, they called the presidential race. Is that because they finished counting the presidential ballots? Not even close. But the margins were so big, there was no question who won the presidential race. But in those congressional races that were really close, that were decided by a few-thousand-vote margin, they needed a lot more detail,” he said, adding that “every single state that ran a June 2 primary, not just California, is still counting some ballots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking with KQED on June 9, Becker said that a week after the election, “most of the major races are pretty clear and have been called by the media” in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What could California do to speed up its vote counts?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becker said individual voters could speed things along by turning in mail-in ballots earlier, or voting prior to Election Day at early vote centers. In other words: don’t wait until the last minute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties and the state could also give \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086735/why-california-takes-forever-to-count-ballots\">election offices more resources \u003c/a>to speed up the count, according to election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear whether barring ballots from arriving after Election Day — the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/article/what-could-the-supreme-courts-decision-in-watson-v-rnc-mean-for-mail-voting/\">a case\u003c/a> now before the U.S. Supreme Court — \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2026-06-09/californias-slow-vote-count-faces-changes-as-supreme-court-decision-on-late-ballots-looms\">would actually speed things up\u003c/a>, since many of the mail-in ballots counted later are the ones turned in on or just before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump has talked about nationalizing elections — why \u003cem>doesn’t \u003c/em>the federal government control elections?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“If you go back to the founders, they had just fought a war against a monarch,” Becker said. “And if you read the original Constitution, even before the Bill of Rights, there is one thread that is woven throughout the Constitution. And that is the limitations on executive power. They were really careful about this. They wanted power to be retained by the states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that the elections clause — giving states the power to decide the time, place and manner of elections — “is literally the fourth paragraph in the Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085822\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A polling place at SOMArts Cultural Center in San Francisco on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That dispersal of power is a “security feature,” Becker said, that makes it more difficult for anyone to carry out election fraud on a large scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t run a national election. We run 10,000 little elections all over the country. We run 58 little elections here in California,” he said, one for each of the state’s 58 counties. “If there were a bad actor, that bad actor could not overturn the will of the people nationally or in a state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Could President Trump put military troops or immigration agents at polling places?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No. That’s prohibited by \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/federal-and-state-election-laws-ban-federal-forces-polling-places\">law\u003c/a>, Becker said. But even the threat of it is troubling, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there are individuals in the government and in the United States that would like American voters to be scared,” he said. “They would like them to think that voting might be dangerous. Because that actually could depress turnout, but it’s a lot easier to get them to worry about that than it is to actually do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howcommonaproblemiselectionfraudanddopeoplegetawaywithit\">\u003c/a>How common a problem is election fraud, and do people get away with it?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“It’s extraordinarily rare,” Becker said. But he said that it does occur — among both \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-04-22/california-woman-registered-dog-to-vote-cast-ballots-for-pooch\">Republicans\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-edpa/pr/former-us-congressman-and-philadelphia-political-operative-pleads-guilty-election-fraud\">Democrats\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Becker said offenders are almost always caught.[aside postID=news_12086288 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2277856381.jpg']“It is one of the dumbest crimes someone can commit,” Becker said. He knows from experience: he investigated voter fraud cases as a DOJ attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is one of the easiest crimes to detect. … If you want to spend some time in lodging courtesy of your state or federal government, you should try to commit voter fraud, because you will be caught and you will go to prison. And if you’re a noncitizen, before you get sent to prison, you will be deported. And this is why we know it’s so rare. The incentive structure just isn’t there to cast one ballot in an election, which 150 million are gonna be cast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker also said that despite Trump’s obsession with voter fraud, “this administration has had nearly 18 months [and] the full power of the federal government and the Justice Department. And they’ve been spending a ton of resources looking for fraud. And what have they shown us so far? Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are the president’s attacks on elections working?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becker doesn’t think so. He said that despite the drumbeat of fraud allegations, turnout in the last two presidential elections was the highest in modern American history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it’s easier and more secure than it has ever been to vote — and that Americans largely report being happy with their voting experience and with how local officials are running elections. That’s how it should be, Becker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to remember how much elections are a celebration of our democracy, a celebration of our nation, of our citizenry and the joy of voting. We should recapture that,” he said, predicting that this fall will set a record for midterm election turnout nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Eight days after its primary election, California officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">are still counting ballots\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That in itself isn’t a big deal — \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/election-certification-deadlines\">many states\u003c/a> give election officials more than a week to tally votes, and California’s sheer size makes a fast turnaround especially unlikely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the lag in calling some of the state’s most high-profile races has captured national attention. Social media has exploded with misleading or false posts claiming Democrats are cheating — that’s despite the primary success of a Republican at the top of the ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086501/california-governor-election-steve-hilton-advances\">gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton\u003c/a>. President Donald Trump and other national Republicans have also made unfounded allegations of fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lies — combined with Trump’s sustained attacks on election security and a number of moves or threats his administration has made to interfere with local election processes — have raised alarms about what could happen in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To set the record straight, KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086764/is-californias-election-system-crooked-an-election-integrity-expert-weighs-in\">Political Breakdown podcast sat down with election security expert David Becker\u003c/a> to discuss California’s voting process, the federal government’s role in elections and the likelihood that the Trump administration could interfere in the midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085478\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085478\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/ap26090784092005-scaled-e1781134932262.jpeg\" alt=\"President Trump holds his signed executive order that calls for restricting voting by mail in the White House’s Oval Office in March.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump holds his signed executive order that calls for restricting voting by mail in the White House’s Oval Office in March. \u003ccite>(Alex Brandon/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becker is executive director and founder of the nonpartisan, nonprofit Center for Election Innovation & Research, which works with election officials of both parties to ensure voting is secure, including providing pro bono legal assistance to election officials who are threatened with frivolous criminal prosecution, harassment, or physical violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was previously a senior trial attorney at the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division, overseeing voting rights enforcement in several states, including California and Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#Howcommonaproblemiselectionfraudanddopeoplegetawaywithit\">How common a problem is election fraud, and do people get away with it?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Why does it take so long to count ballots in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In short: Because California’s a giant state with 23 million registered voters that has enacted a slew of policies aimed at making voting as easy and accessible as possible. Most notably, the state automatically sends every registered voter a mail-in ballot — and allows those ballots to arrive up to seven days after Election Day, as long as they are postmarked by Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Becker said, when people mail in their ballots, it takes longer for county election officials to verify that legitimate voters cast those ballots and ensure that they aren’t fraudulent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And we want that to happen. We want every single one of those ballots to be assessed to make sure the person hasn’t voted in another way,” he said, “and to confirm that the right person is returning it. When you vote in person, that’s done at the polling place, before you ever get a ballot. When you do it by mail, it’s done afterwards, when the election officials get it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085720\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12085720 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Monica Holguin places her ballot at City Hall in San Francisco on May 15, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becker said that by the end of election night, some 5.1 million ballots were counted around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s more than most states see in a presidential general election,” he said, noting that many counties have been counting at a fast clip since. “Los Angeles County, for instance, is counting about 200,000 mail ballots every single day. That’s huge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Los Angeles County has 9.6 million residents — more than the population of 40 U.S. states.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to verifying mail-in ballots, election officials in California are working to review provisional ballots — those cast when a voter’s eligibility can’t be immediately confirmed — and ballots from members of the military deployed overseas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker said that this year, amid a competitive governor’s race, many Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">held onto their ballots\u003c/a> until the last minute, delaying the count even further.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are California’s election laws out of step with American tradition?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No, Becker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had mail voting since at least the Civil War, probably before that. We have extensive federal laws that actually accommodate late-arriving ballots for people like military and overseas voters, which is really important,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When we talk about a slow count, are we actually talking about counting ballots or calling races?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Calling races. Becker said that the public doesn’t really care when every single ballot is tallied — they care about knowing the outcome of important races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slow count only matters, he said, when there are close races that are difficult to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085889\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085889\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Voters cast their ballots at UC Davis in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“On election night in 2024, at 8:01 p.m. Pacific time, they called the presidential race. Is that because they finished counting the presidential ballots? Not even close. But the margins were so big, there was no question who won the presidential race. But in those congressional races that were really close, that were decided by a few-thousand-vote margin, they needed a lot more detail,” he said, adding that “every single state that ran a June 2 primary, not just California, is still counting some ballots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking with KQED on June 9, Becker said that a week after the election, “most of the major races are pretty clear and have been called by the media” in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What could California do to speed up its vote counts?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becker said individual voters could speed things along by turning in mail-in ballots earlier, or voting prior to Election Day at early vote centers. In other words: don’t wait until the last minute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties and the state could also give \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086735/why-california-takes-forever-to-count-ballots\">election offices more resources \u003c/a>to speed up the count, according to election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear whether barring ballots from arriving after Election Day — the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/article/what-could-the-supreme-courts-decision-in-watson-v-rnc-mean-for-mail-voting/\">a case\u003c/a> now before the U.S. Supreme Court — \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2026-06-09/californias-slow-vote-count-faces-changes-as-supreme-court-decision-on-late-ballots-looms\">would actually speed things up\u003c/a>, since many of the mail-in ballots counted later are the ones turned in on or just before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump has talked about nationalizing elections — why \u003cem>doesn’t \u003c/em>the federal government control elections?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“If you go back to the founders, they had just fought a war against a monarch,” Becker said. “And if you read the original Constitution, even before the Bill of Rights, there is one thread that is woven throughout the Constitution. And that is the limitations on executive power. They were really careful about this. They wanted power to be retained by the states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that the elections clause — giving states the power to decide the time, place and manner of elections — “is literally the fourth paragraph in the Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085822\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A polling place at SOMArts Cultural Center in San Francisco on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That dispersal of power is a “security feature,” Becker said, that makes it more difficult for anyone to carry out election fraud on a large scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t run a national election. We run 10,000 little elections all over the country. We run 58 little elections here in California,” he said, one for each of the state’s 58 counties. “If there were a bad actor, that bad actor could not overturn the will of the people nationally or in a state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Could President Trump put military troops or immigration agents at polling places?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No. That’s prohibited by \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/federal-and-state-election-laws-ban-federal-forces-polling-places\">law\u003c/a>, Becker said. But even the threat of it is troubling, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there are individuals in the government and in the United States that would like American voters to be scared,” he said. “They would like them to think that voting might be dangerous. Because that actually could depress turnout, but it’s a lot easier to get them to worry about that than it is to actually do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howcommonaproblemiselectionfraudanddopeoplegetawaywithit\">\u003c/a>How common a problem is election fraud, and do people get away with it?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“It’s extraordinarily rare,” Becker said. But he said that it does occur — among both \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-04-22/california-woman-registered-dog-to-vote-cast-ballots-for-pooch\">Republicans\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-edpa/pr/former-us-congressman-and-philadelphia-political-operative-pleads-guilty-election-fraud\">Democrats\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Becker said offenders are almost always caught.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It is one of the dumbest crimes someone can commit,” Becker said. He knows from experience: he investigated voter fraud cases as a DOJ attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is one of the easiest crimes to detect. … If you want to spend some time in lodging courtesy of your state or federal government, you should try to commit voter fraud, because you will be caught and you will go to prison. And if you’re a noncitizen, before you get sent to prison, you will be deported. And this is why we know it’s so rare. The incentive structure just isn’t there to cast one ballot in an election, which 150 million are gonna be cast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker also said that despite Trump’s obsession with voter fraud, “this administration has had nearly 18 months [and] the full power of the federal government and the Justice Department. And they’ve been spending a ton of resources looking for fraud. And what have they shown us so far? Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are the president’s attacks on elections working?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becker doesn’t think so. He said that despite the drumbeat of fraud allegations, turnout in the last two presidential elections was the highest in modern American history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it’s easier and more secure than it has ever been to vote — and that Americans largely report being happy with their voting experience and with how local officials are running elections. That’s how it should be, Becker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to remember how much elections are a celebration of our democracy, a celebration of our nation, of our citizenry and the joy of voting. We should recapture that,” he said, predicting that this fall will set a record for midterm election turnout nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>One of the defining storylines of California’s congressional primaries this year was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085139/young-progressive-candidates-look-for-change-of-guard-in-ca-congressional-races\">a generational battle\u003c/a> within the Democratic Party driven by a wave of young, often progressive, challengers who took on their own party’s aging incumbents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This rebuke of the so-called gerontocracy targeted Congress members across the state: 75-year-old \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085544/in-redrawn-napa-valley-house-seat-voters-appear-to-stick-with-incumbent-they-know\">North Bay Rep. Mike Thompson\u003c/a>, 81-year-old Solano and Sacramento Valley Rep. John Garamendi, 81-year-old Sacramento Rep. Doris Matsui, 87-year-old South Los Angeles Rep. Maxine Waters and 71-year-old San Fernando Valley Rep. Brad Sherman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How did they do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Challengers to Sherman, Waters and Garamendi fell short of the second-place finish needed to advance under California’s top-two primary system. Each incumbent represents a safe blue district, setting them up for a smooth path to reelection in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang, 41, had the greatest success of any challenger, running a close race against Matsui. As of Tuesday afternoon, with 95% of votes counted, Vang is nearly 2 percentage points ahead of Matsui. In the North Bay, former venture capitalist Eric Jones, 35, is still sweating out the final results, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/congress-4th-district\">sitting less than 2 percentage points\u003c/a> behind Republican business owner Ray Riehle in a contest for second to face Thompson in the runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results hint at what it takes to mount a successful generational challenge. Age alone, it turns out, is not enough. Candidates and analysts point to name recognition, money and redistricting as key factors shaping the outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to have a reason other than ‘the person is old,’” said Christian Grose, a political science professor at the University of Southern California. “You have to have a case to make for why you would be better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang is running against incumbent Doris Matsui for the congressional District 7. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Mai Vang Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Challengers were generally more successful when they could articulate ideological differences, Grose said. For instance, Vang has criticized Matsui for accepting funding from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), not calling the war in Gaza a genocide and previously voting to fund Immigration and Customs Enforcement, though her position has changed in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Progressivism, I think, helps in a primary,” Grose said. “A left progressive can get people’s attention, especially with the crowd of [the] governor’s election too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang also attributes her strong showing to a clear progressive platform, running for something instead of against someone.[aside postID=news_12082765 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2274165052-scaled-e1778866234143.jpg']“Are you for working families? Are you for making their lives better?” Vang said. “It can’t just be that you’re anti-Trump. You’ve got to be for these bold issues for our working families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addisu Demissie, a veteran Democratic political consultant and former campaign manager for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s 2018 bid, \u003ca href=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/establishment-democrats-largely-prevail-in-primary-races\">told KQED\u003c/a> last week that results prove name recognition remains among the biggest obstacles for newcomers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s necessarily an indictment of those candidates or even that much of a celebration of incumbents and incumbency as much as voters tend to go with the name,” Demissie said. “And the name frankly has probably provided for you, in some way, constituent services or representation over the course of several years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matsui was first elected in a 2005 special election to fill her husband’s seat after he died of pneumonia; the Matsui name has represented the Sacramento area for a combined 47 years. Waters is also a nationally recognized figure who first took her seat in 1991, and Sherman has served in Congress since 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if voters want generational change broadly, they tend to be less likely to vote against their own representative, Grose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask somebody, ‘Do you want younger people in Congress? Do you want to say goodbye to 80-year-olds?’ People say yes,” Grose said. “But when you ask them about their own Congress member, they really like their own member.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086915\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Obama and Biden White House climate aide Jake Levine ran against incumbent Brad Sherman for the congressional District 32. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Jake Levin Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jake Levine, a 42-year-old former White House climate aide under Presidents Obama and Biden, said his loss to Sherman should not be interpreted as a rejection of the generational message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that that is less a reflection of whether people want a new generation and more a reflection of some of the structural aspects of this race,” Levine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine believes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064834/how-prop-50-just-rewrote-californias-2026-congressional-map\">California’s redistricting under Proposition 50\u003c/a>, whose new maps debuted in this month’s election, worked against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really supported Prop. 50, but at the same time, for my district, that made our district significantly more Republican in terms of its complexion,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, Grose said redistricting could work against incumbents like Matsui and Thompson by bringing in a swath of new voters who may be unfamiliar with them, weakening their name recognition advantage. Nearly half of Thompson’s District 4 is now new territory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eric Jones, Democratic candidate for California’s 4th Congressional District, center, speaks to a supporter at his watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Levine also argues the state Democratic Party “intentionally make[s] it very difficult for challengers,” noting that he was not allowed to speak at the California Democratic Party convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones, who challenged Thompson in the North Bay, agreed on this point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Democratic Party is a party built to protect incumbency,” Jones said. “You see that the way the party chooses to endorse, where the California Democratic Party has never once in its history endorsed against a congressional incumbent. And I think that is the biggest uphill battle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is rare for the state party to back a challenger, but not unprecedented. In 2018, the party endorsed former state Sen. Kevin de León for U.S. Senate over then-Sen. Dianne Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With California’s count still ongoing, Jones’ campaign manager Brian Parvizshahi said he remains confident Jones will advance to the general election, where he expects to make up ground.[aside postID=news_12086288 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2277856381.jpg']“When you expand the electorate [from the primary to the general election] … they typically become much more young and much more working class and more people of color. And that’s who makes up Eric Jones’ base,” Parvizshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi previously ran Rep. Ro Khanna’s 2014 and 2016 campaigns against Rep. Mike Honda. In 2014, Khanna gained 17 points between the primary and general election. He lost, but returned to defeat Honda in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi believes Jones could follow a similar trajectory, arguing that the longer runway to November offers time to build name recognition and that a younger, more diverse general election electorate could help him close the current 16-point gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never good for an incumbent to be under 50%,” Parvizshahi said. Thompson is currently sitting at 38% of the vote. “That’s pretty damning. That’s 62% of the electorate saying, ‘I do not want you as my congressman.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic strategist Orrin Evans said if Jones does squeak through to the general election, it would indicate voters have an appetite for the generational change message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If two out of five made it through, I would say that’s a pretty good night for the kids,” Evans said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money proved to be the biggest hurdle for Sacramento City Councilmember Vang. She raised roughly $800,000, significantly less than Matsui’s $1.5 million. Matsui also loaned her campaign an additional $1.4 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always knew we were going to be outspent,” Vang said. “The only way to beat money is to have organized people. And that’s what we did. We knocked on thousands of doors and spoke to thousands of voters. We did it because this region is ready for change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Congressional candidate Saikat Chakrabarti converses with his supporters during an election night event at The Chapel on June 3, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Money didn’t guarantee challengers would sail through to the general election. Compared to Thompson’s $3.4 million, Jones raised $3 million and poured in an additional $5.2 million of his own money and still found himself fighting for second place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Saikat Chakrabarti announced his intent to run for Rep. Nancy Pelosi’s seat before the 86-year-old said she would not run for reelection. Chakrabarti’s incredible $8.8 million in loans to his campaign also did not get him into the runoff, which has been called for state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the many hurdles these young challengers face, Grose said this cycle gave them their best shot at a congressional seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They would do really bad in a crowded field of 40-somethings in an open seat,” he said. “Trying to run against an old person who’s an incumbent is the better strategy for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One of the defining storylines of California’s congressional primaries this year was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085139/young-progressive-candidates-look-for-change-of-guard-in-ca-congressional-races\">a generational battle\u003c/a> within the Democratic Party driven by a wave of young, often progressive, challengers who took on their own party’s aging incumbents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This rebuke of the so-called gerontocracy targeted Congress members across the state: 75-year-old \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085544/in-redrawn-napa-valley-house-seat-voters-appear-to-stick-with-incumbent-they-know\">North Bay Rep. Mike Thompson\u003c/a>, 81-year-old Solano and Sacramento Valley Rep. John Garamendi, 81-year-old Sacramento Rep. Doris Matsui, 87-year-old South Los Angeles Rep. Maxine Waters and 71-year-old San Fernando Valley Rep. Brad Sherman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How did they do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Challengers to Sherman, Waters and Garamendi fell short of the second-place finish needed to advance under California’s top-two primary system. Each incumbent represents a safe blue district, setting them up for a smooth path to reelection in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang, 41, had the greatest success of any challenger, running a close race against Matsui. As of Tuesday afternoon, with 95% of votes counted, Vang is nearly 2 percentage points ahead of Matsui. In the North Bay, former venture capitalist Eric Jones, 35, is still sweating out the final results, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/congress-4th-district\">sitting less than 2 percentage points\u003c/a> behind Republican business owner Ray Riehle in a contest for second to face Thompson in the runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results hint at what it takes to mount a successful generational challenge. Age alone, it turns out, is not enough. Candidates and analysts point to name recognition, money and redistricting as key factors shaping the outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to have a reason other than ‘the person is old,’” said Christian Grose, a political science professor at the University of Southern California. “You have to have a case to make for why you would be better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang is running against incumbent Doris Matsui for the congressional District 7. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Mai Vang Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Challengers were generally more successful when they could articulate ideological differences, Grose said. For instance, Vang has criticized Matsui for accepting funding from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), not calling the war in Gaza a genocide and previously voting to fund Immigration and Customs Enforcement, though her position has changed in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Progressivism, I think, helps in a primary,” Grose said. “A left progressive can get people’s attention, especially with the crowd of [the] governor’s election too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang also attributes her strong showing to a clear progressive platform, running for something instead of against someone.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Are you for working families? Are you for making their lives better?” Vang said. “It can’t just be that you’re anti-Trump. You’ve got to be for these bold issues for our working families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addisu Demissie, a veteran Democratic political consultant and former campaign manager for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s 2018 bid, \u003ca href=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/establishment-democrats-largely-prevail-in-primary-races\">told KQED\u003c/a> last week that results prove name recognition remains among the biggest obstacles for newcomers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s necessarily an indictment of those candidates or even that much of a celebration of incumbents and incumbency as much as voters tend to go with the name,” Demissie said. “And the name frankly has probably provided for you, in some way, constituent services or representation over the course of several years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matsui was first elected in a 2005 special election to fill her husband’s seat after he died of pneumonia; the Matsui name has represented the Sacramento area for a combined 47 years. Waters is also a nationally recognized figure who first took her seat in 1991, and Sherman has served in Congress since 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if voters want generational change broadly, they tend to be less likely to vote against their own representative, Grose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask somebody, ‘Do you want younger people in Congress? Do you want to say goodbye to 80-year-olds?’ People say yes,” Grose said. “But when you ask them about their own Congress member, they really like their own member.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086915\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Obama and Biden White House climate aide Jake Levine ran against incumbent Brad Sherman for the congressional District 32. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Jake Levin Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jake Levine, a 42-year-old former White House climate aide under Presidents Obama and Biden, said his loss to Sherman should not be interpreted as a rejection of the generational message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that that is less a reflection of whether people want a new generation and more a reflection of some of the structural aspects of this race,” Levine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine believes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064834/how-prop-50-just-rewrote-californias-2026-congressional-map\">California’s redistricting under Proposition 50\u003c/a>, whose new maps debuted in this month’s election, worked against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really supported Prop. 50, but at the same time, for my district, that made our district significantly more Republican in terms of its complexion,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, Grose said redistricting could work against incumbents like Matsui and Thompson by bringing in a swath of new voters who may be unfamiliar with them, weakening their name recognition advantage. Nearly half of Thompson’s District 4 is now new territory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eric Jones, Democratic candidate for California’s 4th Congressional District, center, speaks to a supporter at his watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Levine also argues the state Democratic Party “intentionally make[s] it very difficult for challengers,” noting that he was not allowed to speak at the California Democratic Party convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones, who challenged Thompson in the North Bay, agreed on this point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Democratic Party is a party built to protect incumbency,” Jones said. “You see that the way the party chooses to endorse, where the California Democratic Party has never once in its history endorsed against a congressional incumbent. And I think that is the biggest uphill battle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is rare for the state party to back a challenger, but not unprecedented. In 2018, the party endorsed former state Sen. Kevin de León for U.S. Senate over then-Sen. Dianne Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With California’s count still ongoing, Jones’ campaign manager Brian Parvizshahi said he remains confident Jones will advance to the general election, where he expects to make up ground.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When you expand the electorate [from the primary to the general election] … they typically become much more young and much more working class and more people of color. And that’s who makes up Eric Jones’ base,” Parvizshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi previously ran Rep. Ro Khanna’s 2014 and 2016 campaigns against Rep. Mike Honda. In 2014, Khanna gained 17 points between the primary and general election. He lost, but returned to defeat Honda in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi believes Jones could follow a similar trajectory, arguing that the longer runway to November offers time to build name recognition and that a younger, more diverse general election electorate could help him close the current 16-point gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never good for an incumbent to be under 50%,” Parvizshahi said. Thompson is currently sitting at 38% of the vote. “That’s pretty damning. That’s 62% of the electorate saying, ‘I do not want you as my congressman.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic strategist Orrin Evans said if Jones does squeak through to the general election, it would indicate voters have an appetite for the generational change message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If two out of five made it through, I would say that’s a pretty good night for the kids,” Evans said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money proved to be the biggest hurdle for Sacramento City Councilmember Vang. She raised roughly $800,000, significantly less than Matsui’s $1.5 million. Matsui also loaned her campaign an additional $1.4 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always knew we were going to be outspent,” Vang said. “The only way to beat money is to have organized people. And that’s what we did. We knocked on thousands of doors and spoke to thousands of voters. We did it because this region is ready for change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Congressional candidate Saikat Chakrabarti converses with his supporters during an election night event at The Chapel on June 3, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Money didn’t guarantee challengers would sail through to the general election. Compared to Thompson’s $3.4 million, Jones raised $3 million and poured in an additional $5.2 million of his own money and still found himself fighting for second place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Saikat Chakrabarti announced his intent to run for Rep. Nancy Pelosi’s seat before the 86-year-old said she would not run for reelection. Chakrabarti’s incredible $8.8 million in loans to his campaign also did not get him into the runoff, which has been called for state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the many hurdles these young challengers face, Grose said this cycle gave them their best shot at a congressional seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They would do really bad in a crowded field of 40-somethings in an open seat,” he said. “Trying to run against an old person who’s an incumbent is the better strategy for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Steve Hilton Edges Out Tom Steyer for Second Spot in California Governor Election",
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"content": "\u003cp>Republican Steve Hilton claimed the second spot in California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/governor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">primary for governor\u003c/a> on Tuesday, edging out Democrat Tom Steyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton will face former U.S Health and Human Services Secretary \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086471/becerra-advances-in-california-governor-race-as-hilton-steyer-battle-for-second-spot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, a Democrat, in the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton, a former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071133/former-fox-news-host-steve-hilton-lays-out-vision-for-california-governorship\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">political adviser\u003c/a> in the United Kingdom and Fox News host, was able to consolidate Republican voters after winning an endorsement from President Donald Trump. But his path to victory in November promises to be an uphill climb: No Republican has been elected governor of California since 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What an incredible honor to be chosen by Californians to lead the movement for change in the greatest state in the greatest nation on earth,” Hilton said in a statement. “I can’t wait to get started on the most high-energy campaign this state has ever seen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Republicans voted early at higher rates than in the state’s last primary for governor in 2022. Many reliable Democratic voters cast their ballots \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">later than usual\u003c/a>, perhaps due to the tight contest for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the vote-by-mail ballots cast on Election Day trended more Democratic than early votes, increasing Becerra and Steyer’s vote share and decreasing Hilton’s share in recent counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with millions of ballots left to count, Steyer’s path remained narrow — he needed to lead Hilton by overwhelming margins in the updates coming from deep blue Los Angeles and the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> made its call on Tuesday when Steyer no longer had a path to victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12086054 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-21-BL-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic investor spent a record $216 million of his own fortune on the campaign. He racked up endorsements from progressive leaders and unions, including the powerful California Teachers Association, and laid out a platform that relied heavily on expanding state programs through new taxes on corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his career as a hedge fund manager, which included investments in fossil fuel companies and private prisons, may have turned off Democrats wary of billionaire power. These vulnerabilities were amplified by over $36 million in outside spending by business groups against Steyer, led by utility PG&E. Steyer had proposed to appoint regulators who would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083747/pge-spends-millions-against-tom-steyer-whats-behind-clash\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">lower utility\u003c/a> profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This campaign proved that business-as-usual depends on politics-as-usual, and there is no going back,” Steyer said in a statement. “We must continue to fight for a system where democracy serves Californians, not corporations — and where you do not have to be a billionaire to run on single-payer, or on breaking up monopolies, or on calling out a corrupt system when you see it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton began to separate from the other leading Republican in the race, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, after Trump’s endorsement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pre-election survey from the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies found 37% of likely Republican voters said the endorsement made them more likely to back Hilton, compared to just 6% who said it made them less likely to support him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Trump endorsement that was a propellant in the primary could prove to be an anchor for Hilton in the general election. That same Berkeley IGS survey found 57% of likely voters believe “fighting Trump administration policies” is a very important issue in considering who to support for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Republican Steve Hilton claimed the second spot in California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/governor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">primary for governor\u003c/a> on Tuesday, edging out Democrat Tom Steyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton will face former U.S Health and Human Services Secretary \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086471/becerra-advances-in-california-governor-race-as-hilton-steyer-battle-for-second-spot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, a Democrat, in the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton, a former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071133/former-fox-news-host-steve-hilton-lays-out-vision-for-california-governorship\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">political adviser\u003c/a> in the United Kingdom and Fox News host, was able to consolidate Republican voters after winning an endorsement from President Donald Trump. But his path to victory in November promises to be an uphill climb: No Republican has been elected governor of California since 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What an incredible honor to be chosen by Californians to lead the movement for change in the greatest state in the greatest nation on earth,” Hilton said in a statement. “I can’t wait to get started on the most high-energy campaign this state has ever seen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Republicans voted early at higher rates than in the state’s last primary for governor in 2022. Many reliable Democratic voters cast their ballots \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">later than usual\u003c/a>, perhaps due to the tight contest for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the vote-by-mail ballots cast on Election Day trended more Democratic than early votes, increasing Becerra and Steyer’s vote share and decreasing Hilton’s share in recent counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with millions of ballots left to count, Steyer’s path remained narrow — he needed to lead Hilton by overwhelming margins in the updates coming from deep blue Los Angeles and the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> made its call on Tuesday when Steyer no longer had a path to victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic investor spent a record $216 million of his own fortune on the campaign. He racked up endorsements from progressive leaders and unions, including the powerful California Teachers Association, and laid out a platform that relied heavily on expanding state programs through new taxes on corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his career as a hedge fund manager, which included investments in fossil fuel companies and private prisons, may have turned off Democrats wary of billionaire power. These vulnerabilities were amplified by over $36 million in outside spending by business groups against Steyer, led by utility PG&E. Steyer had proposed to appoint regulators who would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083747/pge-spends-millions-against-tom-steyer-whats-behind-clash\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">lower utility\u003c/a> profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This campaign proved that business-as-usual depends on politics-as-usual, and there is no going back,” Steyer said in a statement. “We must continue to fight for a system where democracy serves Californians, not corporations — and where you do not have to be a billionaire to run on single-payer, or on breaking up monopolies, or on calling out a corrupt system when you see it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton began to separate from the other leading Republican in the race, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, after Trump’s endorsement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pre-election survey from the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies found 37% of likely Republican voters said the endorsement made them more likely to back Hilton, compared to just 6% who said it made them less likely to support him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Trump endorsement that was a propellant in the primary could prove to be an anchor for Hilton in the general election. That same Berkeley IGS survey found 57% of likely voters believe “fighting Trump administration policies” is a very important issue in considering who to support for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "oaklands-measure-e-tax-in-trouble-threatening-a-push-to-boost-ailing-city-services",
"title": "Oakland’s Measure E Tax Is Failing, Threatening a Push to Boost Ailing City Services",
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"headTitle": "Oakland’s Measure E Tax Is Failing, Threatening a Push to Boost Ailing City Services | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A parcel tax that Mayor Barbara Lee hoped would bolster Oakland’s sparse budget and ailing city services will not pass, Lee and other city officials acknowledged after Alameda County election results showed it \u003ca href=\"https://alamedacountyca.gov/rovresults/259/\">trailing by over 8,500 votes Monday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The failure of Measure E, proposed by a coalition of city labor unions to bolster crime prevention, emergency response and homelessness resources, is likely to kill many of the mayor’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084482/oakland-mayor-barbara-lee-signals-shell-run-for-full-term-in-november\">budget aspirations\u003c/a> amid a significant shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Measure E will not move forward based on the results of the election, and we will not be able to implement what we proposed in the Measure E Spending Plan,” Lee said in a statement. “However, my administration submitted a balanced and responsible budget to the City Council — one built only on revenue we can reliably count on, with no staff layoffs and a clear commitment to core services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the run-up to the election, Lee had warned that if Measure E failed, Oakland’s city services could further deteriorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am less than one year in office, and it’s crystal clear to me that we as a city do lack the resources to provide the basic services that residents need and deserve,” Lee said during a press conference announcing her 2026 budget plan last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had pinned increases in fire and police funding, investments in preventing illegal dumping, and maintenance of state-funded homelessness services on an estimated $34 million in annual revenue that the tax would have generated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020359\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12020359 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Fire Department Station 28 on Jan. 5, 2025, located on Grass Valley Road in the East Oakland Hills. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure E, she told voters in May, is “the difference between maintaining the status quo and actually moving the needle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revenue from a $192 annual residential parcel tax would have been used to replace outdated equipment that the city said is significantly beyond its useful life and in danger of failing, including five fire engines, two ladder trucks and two ambulances. It also would have maintained 190 temporary emergency shelter beds that will be taken offline this summer due to state funding cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighter union president Seth Olyer said his crew’s engine is 30 years old and has triple the recommended amount of service time for a piece of front-line equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has more time in the Fire Department than I do, and I’m considered an old guy,” he said. The International Association of Firefighters Local 55, which represents Oakland, is one of the unions that funded and backed Measure E.[aside label=\"Live 2026 Election Results\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/alameda,Alameda County: Stay informed with the latest results for elected leaders and measures passed' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/05/Aside-Results-2026-Local-Elections-Alameda-County-1200x1200@2x.png]“The very real concern is that we’re unable to respond … because of aging equipment and aging fire apparatus,” Olyer told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push for Measure E came as Lee laid out her midcycle budget plan, meant to ensure the city stays on track with its biennial goals \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043553/alternative-oakland-budget-aims-to-halt-fire-station-closures-boost-police-staffing\">laid out in 2025\u003c/a>. Earlier this year, the city projected it would fall $40 million short of the funding needed to maintain its approved budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland has long maintained a structural budget deficit, spending more than it generates. And in recent years, it has lost at least $24 million in federal funding from the Trump administration and $5 million more in state homelessness funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said her team patched this year’s budget hole by freezing vacant positions and reducing contract services, but Measure E would have funded sorely needed cleanliness and public safety resources laid out in the mayor’s spending plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also projected to fund 52 full-time equivalent positions, including 10 violence interrupters; 19 staffers to address homeless encampments, illegal dumping and park maintenance; and 22 sworn police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua Rauh, a finance professor at Stanford University, said that without those police positions specifically, the city could also risk revenue from another parcel tax it passed in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://acvote.alamedacountyca.gov/acvote-assets/02_election_information/PDFs/20241105/en/Measures/32%20-%20Measure%20NN%20-%20City%20of%20Oakland%20-%20Citywide%20Violence%20Reduction%20Services.pdf\">Measure NN\u003c/a>, which generates approximately $47 million a year for public safety expenses, includes a provision that if the city doesn’t budget for a minimum of 700 sworn police officers, the collection of the tax would be suspended for that fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Councilmember Janani Ramachandran, who heads Oakland’s finance committee, said the council plans to vote on a \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=8057097&GUID=27F5385B-B445-4E76-9D0C-5203E69AD044&Options=&Search=\">declaration of fiscal necessity\u003c/a> that would allow it to collect the revenue without complying with the sworn officer minimum this year. She said the city won’t meet that target because of a “recruitment and retention issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Oakland Police Department squad car in downtown Oakland on April 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The budget currently includes 678 sworn officer positions, but the Police Department’s latest tally shows that 68 of those are vacant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure E also would have funded an additional police academy meant to boost recruitment. The biennial budget funded five, two of which have already occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was trailing in early returns throughout election night, and continued to lag after Alameda County’s latest batch of election results on Monday afternoon, with 54% of votes against it. It needed a simple majority to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional returns are expected Friday, but city officials are mostly considering the measure defeated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters of Oakland sent a clear message with the defeat of Measure E. It is abundantly clear that residents expect City Hall to do a more efficient and effective job of delivering services with the resources we already have,” City Council President Kevin Jenkins said in a statement Tuesday, as he and other members of the council’s budget team proposed a slate of amendments to Lee’s budget plan, counting out Measure E funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janani Ramachandran speaks with campaign organizers in Oakland on June 26, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rauh said the result mirrors tax propositions struggling or failing across the state — including San Francisco business tax \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085528/san-francisco-props-c-d-trailing\">Measures C and D\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he and Ramachandran also noted that Oaklanders, specifically, are discontent with how the city has managed some of the state’s highest local taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramachandran acknowledged the city’s record of financial mismanagement, including a 2024 fiasco that resulted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029499/oakland-halts-plan-close-4-fire-stations-amid-budget-crisis\">closed fire stations and staff layoffs\u003c/a> after $63 million in budgeted revenue from the sale of the Oakland Coliseum didn’t materialize. That sale still isn’t final.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s still the reputation of the city, that [it] wants to spend, spend, spend and put together a million programs that go shallow, not deep into solving these problems,” Ramachandran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the current council has taken steps to reprioritize spending more effectively, but “that’s a massive shift that not all voters see yet, understandably.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Mayor Barbara Lee acknowledged that the parcel tax she had hoped would bring in revenue to improve basic services like police, fire and street cleanliness will not pass.",
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"title": "Oakland’s Measure E Tax Is Failing, Threatening a Push to Boost Ailing City Services | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A parcel tax that Mayor Barbara Lee hoped would bolster Oakland’s sparse budget and ailing city services will not pass, Lee and other city officials acknowledged after Alameda County election results showed it \u003ca href=\"https://alamedacountyca.gov/rovresults/259/\">trailing by over 8,500 votes Monday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The failure of Measure E, proposed by a coalition of city labor unions to bolster crime prevention, emergency response and homelessness resources, is likely to kill many of the mayor’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084482/oakland-mayor-barbara-lee-signals-shell-run-for-full-term-in-november\">budget aspirations\u003c/a> amid a significant shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Measure E will not move forward based on the results of the election, and we will not be able to implement what we proposed in the Measure E Spending Plan,” Lee said in a statement. “However, my administration submitted a balanced and responsible budget to the City Council — one built only on revenue we can reliably count on, with no staff layoffs and a clear commitment to core services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the run-up to the election, Lee had warned that if Measure E failed, Oakland’s city services could further deteriorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am less than one year in office, and it’s crystal clear to me that we as a city do lack the resources to provide the basic services that residents need and deserve,” Lee said during a press conference announcing her 2026 budget plan last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had pinned increases in fire and police funding, investments in preventing illegal dumping, and maintenance of state-funded homelessness services on an estimated $34 million in annual revenue that the tax would have generated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020359\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12020359 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00091-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Fire Department Station 28 on Jan. 5, 2025, located on Grass Valley Road in the East Oakland Hills. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure E, she told voters in May, is “the difference between maintaining the status quo and actually moving the needle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revenue from a $192 annual residential parcel tax would have been used to replace outdated equipment that the city said is significantly beyond its useful life and in danger of failing, including five fire engines, two ladder trucks and two ambulances. It also would have maintained 190 temporary emergency shelter beds that will be taken offline this summer due to state funding cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighter union president Seth Olyer said his crew’s engine is 30 years old and has triple the recommended amount of service time for a piece of front-line equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has more time in the Fire Department than I do, and I’m considered an old guy,” he said. The International Association of Firefighters Local 55, which represents Oakland, is one of the unions that funded and backed Measure E.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The very real concern is that we’re unable to respond … because of aging equipment and aging fire apparatus,” Olyer told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push for Measure E came as Lee laid out her midcycle budget plan, meant to ensure the city stays on track with its biennial goals \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043553/alternative-oakland-budget-aims-to-halt-fire-station-closures-boost-police-staffing\">laid out in 2025\u003c/a>. Earlier this year, the city projected it would fall $40 million short of the funding needed to maintain its approved budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland has long maintained a structural budget deficit, spending more than it generates. And in recent years, it has lost at least $24 million in federal funding from the Trump administration and $5 million more in state homelessness funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said her team patched this year’s budget hole by freezing vacant positions and reducing contract services, but Measure E would have funded sorely needed cleanliness and public safety resources laid out in the mayor’s spending plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also projected to fund 52 full-time equivalent positions, including 10 violence interrupters; 19 staffers to address homeless encampments, illegal dumping and park maintenance; and 22 sworn police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua Rauh, a finance professor at Stanford University, said that without those police positions specifically, the city could also risk revenue from another parcel tax it passed in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://acvote.alamedacountyca.gov/acvote-assets/02_election_information/PDFs/20241105/en/Measures/32%20-%20Measure%20NN%20-%20City%20of%20Oakland%20-%20Citywide%20Violence%20Reduction%20Services.pdf\">Measure NN\u003c/a>, which generates approximately $47 million a year for public safety expenses, includes a provision that if the city doesn’t budget for a minimum of 700 sworn police officers, the collection of the tax would be suspended for that fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Councilmember Janani Ramachandran, who heads Oakland’s finance committee, said the council plans to vote on a \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=8057097&GUID=27F5385B-B445-4E76-9D0C-5203E69AD044&Options=&Search=\">declaration of fiscal necessity\u003c/a> that would allow it to collect the revenue without complying with the sworn officer minimum this year. She said the city won’t meet that target because of a “recruitment and retention issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Oakland Police Department squad car in downtown Oakland on April 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The budget currently includes 678 sworn officer positions, but the Police Department’s latest tally shows that 68 of those are vacant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure E also would have funded an additional police academy meant to boost recruitment. The biennial budget funded five, two of which have already occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was trailing in early returns throughout election night, and continued to lag after Alameda County’s latest batch of election results on Monday afternoon, with 54% of votes against it. It needed a simple majority to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional returns are expected Friday, but city officials are mostly considering the measure defeated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters of Oakland sent a clear message with the defeat of Measure E. It is abundantly clear that residents expect City Hall to do a more efficient and effective job of delivering services with the resources we already have,” City Council President Kevin Jenkins said in a statement Tuesday, as he and other members of the council’s budget team proposed a slate of amendments to Lee’s budget plan, counting out Measure E funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/001_Oakland_JananiRamachandran_06262021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janani Ramachandran speaks with campaign organizers in Oakland on June 26, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rauh said the result mirrors tax propositions struggling or failing across the state — including San Francisco business tax \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085528/san-francisco-props-c-d-trailing\">Measures C and D\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he and Ramachandran also noted that Oaklanders, specifically, are discontent with how the city has managed some of the state’s highest local taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramachandran acknowledged the city’s record of financial mismanagement, including a 2024 fiasco that resulted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029499/oakland-halts-plan-close-4-fire-stations-amid-budget-crisis\">closed fire stations and staff layoffs\u003c/a> after $63 million in budgeted revenue from the sale of the Oakland Coliseum didn’t materialize. That sale still isn’t final.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s still the reputation of the city, that [it] wants to spend, spend, spend and put together a million programs that go shallow, not deep into solving these problems,” Ramachandran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the current council has taken steps to reprioritize spending more effectively, but “that’s a massive shift that not all voters see yet, understandably.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "San Francisco’s Overpaid CEO Tax Fails to Pass",
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"headTitle": "San Francisco’s Overpaid CEO Tax Fails to Pass | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In San Francisco, both Propositions D and C — competing measures on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco\">June ballot\u003c/a> — failed to get the majority vote needed to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition D, known as the Overpaid CEO Act, would have changed the basis for the city’s existing Top Executive Pay Tax from the median pay of a business’s employees in San Francisco to all of its employees, regardless of location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure had widespread support from local labor unions and progressive groups, who said the funding generated by the increased tax measure, projected at around $300 million annually, was much needed as San Francisco faces millions of dollars in federal funding cuts and a $600 million budget shortfall over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics said it threatened to drive away big companies, whose tax revenue is critical to the city’s economic recovery in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic. It had 53.6% of voters saying “no” as of the latest vote count on Monday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C was created to defeat the Overpaid CEO Act by offering an alternative, and failed after receiving 65.9% “no” votes. Rather than increasing taxes on large corporations, Proposition C would have decreased taxes on small to mid-sized businesses by raising the threshold for a tax exemption from businesses with $5 million in gross receipts to $7.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This proposal would have also increased the scheduled Top Executive Pay Tax rate for the year 2027, but frozen any increase in the following years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085915\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor and congressional candidate Connie Chan speaks with the media at a Proposition D watch party at the Rustic in San Francisco on Tuesday, June 2, 2026. Proposition D, known as the Overpaid CEO Act, would change the base comparison for the city’s existing Top Executive Pay Tax from the median pay of a business’s employees in San Francisco to all of its employees. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition C, which included the Bay Area Council, GrowSF and the city’s Chamber of Commerce, said their measure would ease tax burdens on smaller businesses. They also pointed out that Proposition D would undo portions of Proposition M, which voters passed in November 2024. That measure lowered some taxes on large businesses after the pandemic, when several left San Francisco, to encourage more big corporations to stay in place or come to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial returns marked a victory for Mayor Daniel Lurie, who came out against both measures, saying they were designed to confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters recognize that our recovery depends on creating opportunity through jobs, thriving small businesses and attracting investment — not making it harder for employers to grow here. Everyone must pay their fair share, and we can uphold our values and invest in our future without standing in the way of opportunity,” Lurie said in a statement on Monday. “That’s the approach reflected in the budget I recently proposed: protecting healthcare, food assistance and other critical services while continuing to invest in housing, childcare and economic recovery. We can protect critical services and create opportunity at the same time. A stronger economy is what makes both possible.”[aside label=\"Live 2026 Election Results\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco,San Francisco: Stay informed with the latest results for elected leaders and measures passed' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/05/Aside-Results-2026-Local-Elections-San-Francisco-1200x1200@2x.png]In other races, San Franciscans overwhelmingly backed Proposition A, which would issue a $535 million bond to upgrade earthquake safety and emergency response facilities across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition B, which would change term limits in San Francisco so that no one may serve more than two four-year terms on the Board of Supervisors or as mayor, passed with about 53% of voters in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Current law limits individuals to two consecutive terms, allowing them to run again after leaving office for four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those supporting the measure said it would make elections more competitive, incentivize new ideas and promote different leaders from the community by requiring elected officials to step aside after eight years in office. The measure had widespread support on the current Board of Supervisors, with endorsements from Supervisors Bilal Mahmood, Alan Wong, Matt Dorsey, Jackie Fielder and Myrna Melgar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics of the idea stressed that experience matters, especially when it comes to government and politics. They also said elections already offer the opportunity for new candidates to run and voters have the power to reject an incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents included current Supervisors Rafael Mandelman and Chyanne Chen, as well as former San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown and former Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of whether elected officials should face term limits has percolated in Democratic circles since the death of Sen. Dianne Feinstein. An effort to explore term limits failed to make its way through the California Democratic Party earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In San Francisco, both Propositions D and C — competing measures on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco\">June ballot\u003c/a> — failed to get the majority vote needed to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition D, known as the Overpaid CEO Act, would have changed the basis for the city’s existing Top Executive Pay Tax from the median pay of a business’s employees in San Francisco to all of its employees, regardless of location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure had widespread support from local labor unions and progressive groups, who said the funding generated by the increased tax measure, projected at around $300 million annually, was much needed as San Francisco faces millions of dollars in federal funding cuts and a $600 million budget shortfall over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics said it threatened to drive away big companies, whose tax revenue is critical to the city’s economic recovery in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic. It had 53.6% of voters saying “no” as of the latest vote count on Monday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C was created to defeat the Overpaid CEO Act by offering an alternative, and failed after receiving 65.9% “no” votes. Rather than increasing taxes on large corporations, Proposition C would have decreased taxes on small to mid-sized businesses by raising the threshold for a tax exemption from businesses with $5 million in gross receipts to $7.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This proposal would have also increased the scheduled Top Executive Pay Tax rate for the year 2027, but frozen any increase in the following years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085915\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602-SFPROPOSITIONSPREWRITE-JY-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor and congressional candidate Connie Chan speaks with the media at a Proposition D watch party at the Rustic in San Francisco on Tuesday, June 2, 2026. Proposition D, known as the Overpaid CEO Act, would change the base comparison for the city’s existing Top Executive Pay Tax from the median pay of a business’s employees in San Francisco to all of its employees. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition C, which included the Bay Area Council, GrowSF and the city’s Chamber of Commerce, said their measure would ease tax burdens on smaller businesses. They also pointed out that Proposition D would undo portions of Proposition M, which voters passed in November 2024. That measure lowered some taxes on large businesses after the pandemic, when several left San Francisco, to encourage more big corporations to stay in place or come to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial returns marked a victory for Mayor Daniel Lurie, who came out against both measures, saying they were designed to confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters recognize that our recovery depends on creating opportunity through jobs, thriving small businesses and attracting investment — not making it harder for employers to grow here. Everyone must pay their fair share, and we can uphold our values and invest in our future without standing in the way of opportunity,” Lurie said in a statement on Monday. “That’s the approach reflected in the budget I recently proposed: protecting healthcare, food assistance and other critical services while continuing to invest in housing, childcare and economic recovery. We can protect critical services and create opportunity at the same time. A stronger economy is what makes both possible.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In other races, San Franciscans overwhelmingly backed Proposition A, which would issue a $535 million bond to upgrade earthquake safety and emergency response facilities across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition B, which would change term limits in San Francisco so that no one may serve more than two four-year terms on the Board of Supervisors or as mayor, passed with about 53% of voters in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Current law limits individuals to two consecutive terms, allowing them to run again after leaving office for four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those supporting the measure said it would make elections more competitive, incentivize new ideas and promote different leaders from the community by requiring elected officials to step aside after eight years in office. The measure had widespread support on the current Board of Supervisors, with endorsements from Supervisors Bilal Mahmood, Alan Wong, Matt Dorsey, Jackie Fielder and Myrna Melgar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics of the idea stressed that experience matters, especially when it comes to government and politics. They also said elections already offer the opportunity for new candidates to run and voters have the power to reject an incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents included current Supervisors Rafael Mandelman and Chyanne Chen, as well as former San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown and former Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of whether elected officials should face term limits has percolated in Democratic circles since the death of Sen. Dianne Feinstein. An effort to explore term limits failed to make its way through the California Democratic Party earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"order": 9
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"meta": {
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
"meta": {
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
"subscribe": {
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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