Warden of California’s Largest Women’s Prison Reassigned Amid Scrutiny Over Sexual Abuse
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"content": "\n\u003cp>The warden of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100497/warden-at-central-california-womens-prison-ousted-amid-sexual-abuse-scandal\">Central California Women’s Facility\u003c/a> in Chowchilla has been demoted and reassigned, and multiple correctional officers are under investigation for alleged sexual misconduct, according to advocates and people inside the prison.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Anissa De La Cruz was removed as warden on Sept. 15 and will become a correctional administrator at nearby Valley State Prison next month, according to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. The agency declined to say why De La Cruz was reassigned, saying the agency cannot comment on personnel matters. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A wide-ranging investigation into allegations of sexual assault at the prison also appears to be underway, according to multiple sources who spoke to KQED, including two formerly incarcerated advocates, Elizabeth Nomura and Amika Mota, and former correctional Lt. Hector Bravo Ferrel, who runs a YouTube channel covering California prisons.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Antoinette Yancey, who is incarcerated at the prison and serves on the Inmate Advisory Council, told KQED she does not know the names of all the officers under investigation, but that multiple officers have been removed from prison grounds recently.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-75-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090743\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-75-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-75-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-75-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An officer walks through the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) prison in Chowchilla, California, on June 30, 2026, the largest women’s correctional facility in the state. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I’m really glad to hear that they have been removed, but [CDCR’s] narrative is still, ‘It was like a few bad apples,’” said Mota, who was formerly incarcerated at CCWF and is now the executive director of the Sister Warriors Freedom Coalition. “But these bad apples just keep popping up.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>CDCR said it can’t comment on an ongoing investigation. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>These developments come one month after a scathing U.S. Department of Justice report found an “unbroken pattern” of sexual abuse and retaliation by staff at California’s two women’s prisons, including CCWF. Federal investigators said state prison officials had failed for years to adequately prevent abuse, investigate allegations or protect incarcerated people who reported misconduct. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The DOJ declined to comment on these more recent developments. CDCR did not say whether the officer investigations or De La Cruz’s reassignment are connected to the Justice Department’s findings.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s more like a Band-Aid on a gaping wound,” said Nomura, who works with the California Coalition for Women Prisoners. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Warden De La Cruz being removed and demoted and going from institution to institution, that’s a common response to things like this, where action is expected [from CDCR].” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She said moving De La Cruz to another institution does not address the broader problems identified at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Justice Department also examined an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079668/i-thought-i-was-going-to-die-video-shows-mass-force-at-california-womens-prison\">August 2024 mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> conducted at CCWF under De La Cruz’s leadership that led to the largest disciplinary action against staff in state prison history. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>During the operation, officers removed 159 women from their housing units and held them for hours in a dining hall without food, water or medication before using chemical agents when tensions escalated. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Federal investigators concluded the operation was carried out in retaliation for rising reports of sexual abuse by prison staff. Two bills sitting on Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk seek to strengthen the protections for incarcerated survivors of sexual abuse. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB464/id/3192730\">464\u003c/a> would make it easier for people who were sexually assaulted while incarcerated to sue and strengthen protections against retaliation by staff. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090735\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Incarcerated women walk through a yard at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) prison in Chowchilla, California, on June 30, 2026, the largest women’s correctional facility in the state. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Senate Bill \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB337/id/3209236\">337\u003c/a> would require CDCR to establish rules governing when officers can turn off their body-worn cameras, as well as protocols for nonroutine searches and body scans.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“None of this is a magic pill. I wish it was,” state Sen. Caroline Menjivar, D-Van Nuys, who authored SB 337, said in a recent interview. “It’s hard to change human behavior, but we will limit the amount of gaps and excuses that some correctional officers utilize to perpetrate this kind of violence against incarcerated women.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Department of Justice has ordered the state to address gaps in camera coverage, create confidential ways for incarcerated people to report abuse and discipline employees who retaliate against those who speak out. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Federal officials warned they may file a lawsuit against California if the state fails to implement meaningful changes by Oct. 1, 2026. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>CDCR has said it looks forward to working with the Justice Department.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“It’s more like a Band-Aid on a gaping wound,” said Nomura, who works with the California Coalition for Women Prisoners. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Justice Department also examined an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079668/i-thought-i-was-going-to-die-video-shows-mass-force-at-california-womens-prison\">August 2024 mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> conducted at CCWF under De La Cruz’s leadership that led to the largest disciplinary action against staff in state prison history. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The Justice Department also examined an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079668/i-thought-i-was-going-to-die-video-shows-mass-force-at-california-womens-prison\">August 2024 mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> conducted at CCWF under De La Cruz’s leadership that led to the largest disciplinary action against staff in state prison history. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>During the operation, officers removed 159 women from their housing units and held them for hours in a dining hall without food, water or medication before using chemical agents when tensions escalated. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Federal investigators concluded the operation was carried out in retaliation for rising reports of sexual abuse by prison staff. Two bills sitting on Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk seek to strengthen the protections for incarcerated survivors of sexual abuse. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB464/id/3192730\">464\u003c/a> would make it easier for people who were sexually assaulted while incarcerated to sue and strengthen protections against retaliation by staff. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“None of this is a magic pill. I wish it was,” state Sen. Caroline Menjivar, D-Van Nuys, who authored SB 337, said in a recent interview. “It’s hard to change human behavior, but we will limit the amount of gaps and excuses that some correctional officers utilize to perpetrate this kind of violence against incarcerated women.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Warden of California’s Largest Women’s Prison Reassigned Amid Scrutiny Over Sexual Abuse | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The warden of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100497/warden-at-central-california-womens-prison-ousted-amid-sexual-abuse-scandal\">Central California Women’s Facility\u003c/a> in Chowchilla has been demoted and reassigned, and multiple correctional officers are under investigation for alleged sexual misconduct, according to advocates and people inside the prison.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Anissa De La Cruz was removed as warden on Sept. 15 and will become a correctional administrator at nearby Valley State Prison next month, according to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. The agency declined to say why De La Cruz was reassigned, saying the agency cannot comment on personnel matters. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A wide-ranging investigation into allegations of sexual assault at the prison also appears to be underway, according to multiple sources who spoke to KQED, including two formerly incarcerated advocates, Elizabeth Nomura and Amika Mota, and former correctional Lt. Hector Bravo Ferrel, who runs a YouTube channel covering California prisons.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Antoinette Yancey, who is incarcerated at the prison and serves on the Inmate Advisory Council, told KQED she does not know the names of all the officers under investigation, but that multiple officers have been removed from prison grounds recently.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-75-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090743\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-75-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-75-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-75-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An officer walks through the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) prison in Chowchilla, California, on June 30, 2026, the largest women’s correctional facility in the state. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I’m really glad to hear that they have been removed, but [CDCR’s] narrative is still, ‘It was like a few bad apples,’” said Mota, who was formerly incarcerated at CCWF and is now the executive director of the Sister Warriors Freedom Coalition. “But these bad apples just keep popping up.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>CDCR said it can’t comment on an ongoing investigation. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>These developments come one month after a scathing U.S. Department of Justice report found an “unbroken pattern” of sexual abuse and retaliation by staff at California’s two women’s prisons, including CCWF. Federal investigators said state prison officials had failed for years to adequately prevent abuse, investigate allegations or protect incarcerated people who reported misconduct. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The DOJ declined to comment on these more recent developments. CDCR did not say whether the officer investigations or De La Cruz’s reassignment are connected to the Justice Department’s findings.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s more like a Band-Aid on a gaping wound,” said Nomura, who works with the California Coalition for Women Prisoners. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Warden De La Cruz being removed and demoted and going from institution to institution, that’s a common response to things like this, where action is expected [from CDCR].” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She said moving De La Cruz to another institution does not address the broader problems identified at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Justice Department also examined an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079668/i-thought-i-was-going-to-die-video-shows-mass-force-at-california-womens-prison\">August 2024 mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> conducted at CCWF under De La Cruz’s leadership that led to the largest disciplinary action against staff in state prison history. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>During the operation, officers removed 159 women from their housing units and held them for hours in a dining hall without food, water or medication before using chemical agents when tensions escalated. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Federal investigators concluded the operation was carried out in retaliation for rising reports of sexual abuse by prison staff. Two bills sitting on Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk seek to strengthen the protections for incarcerated survivors of sexual abuse. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB464/id/3192730\">464\u003c/a> would make it easier for people who were sexually assaulted while incarcerated to sue and strengthen protections against retaliation by staff. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090735\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Incarcerated women walk through a yard at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) prison in Chowchilla, California, on June 30, 2026, the largest women’s correctional facility in the state. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Senate Bill \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB337/id/3209236\">337\u003c/a> would require CDCR to establish rules governing when officers can turn off their body-worn cameras, as well as protocols for nonroutine searches and body scans.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“None of this is a magic pill. I wish it was,” state Sen. Caroline Menjivar, D-Van Nuys, who authored SB 337, said in a recent interview. “It’s hard to change human behavior, but we will limit the amount of gaps and excuses that some correctional officers utilize to perpetrate this kind of violence against incarcerated women.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Department of Justice has ordered the state to address gaps in camera coverage, create confidential ways for incarcerated people to report abuse and discipline employees who retaliate against those who speak out. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Federal officials warned they may file a lawsuit against California if the state fails to implement meaningful changes by Oct. 1, 2026. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>CDCR has said it looks forward to working with the Justice Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "US DOJ Finds ‘Unbroken Pattern’ of Sexual Abuse by California Prison Staff",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079668/i-thought-i-was-going-to-die-video-shows-mass-force-at-california-womens-prison\">California prison officials\u003c/a> have failed to protect incarcerated women from sexual abuse and harassment by staff for years, the U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-finds-california-womens-prisons-violate-constitution-failing-protect\">said\u003c/a> in a new report.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Justice Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-civil-rights-investigation-correctional-staff-sexual-abuse-two\">began\u003c/a> investigating the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla and the California Institution for Women in Chino nearly two years ago after hundreds of incarcerated women \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003230/feds-investigate-california-prisons-where-women-say-culture-of-impunity-surrounded-abuse\">filed legal claims\u003c/a> alleging sexual exploitation by staff and an officer was \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/news/2022/12/28/cdcr-refers-internal-investigation-into-former-correctional-officer-to-district-attorney-for-charges-of-sexual-misconduct-of-incarcerated-women/\">arrested\u003c/a> for sexually abusing at least 22 women. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The department reviewed 350 allegations of sexual misconduct, interviewed prisoners and looked at body-worn camera footage. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090739\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Receiving and Release (R&R) yard at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026. The prison is the largest women’s correctional facility in California, and the R&R yard is used to process incarcerated people entering and leaving the facility. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/media/1457771/dl\">report\u003c/a> released Thursday, investigators said they found an “unbroken pattern” of staff sexual assault dating back over 20 years at California’s two women’s prisons. The department concluded that prison officials knew women faced a substantial risk of sexual abuse but failed to adequately protect them. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Investigators pointed to gaps in surveillance camera coverage, a lack of confidential reporting options, inadequate investigations and failures to hold staff accountable — systemic problems the DOJ said amount to “deliberate indifference” and violate incarcerated women’s constitutional rights.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of this should be surprising to CDCR [California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation], none of it should be surprising to the Legislature,” said Amika Mota, executive director of the prison advocacy organization Sister Warriors Freedom Coalition. Survivors have spent years speaking out at “hearings, in town halls, in reports,” she said, trying to get officials to address sexual abuse by prison staff.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>State prison officials say they have a zero-tolerance policy for sexual assault by staff, and that they have taken steps to improve reporting options and expand the use of cameras. But Assistant U.S. Attorney Alexandra Young said those reforms have not fixed the underlying problems. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Women were not being protected,” Young said in an interview with KQED. “It was the cycle that’s continuing to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>At the prison in Chowchilla, federal investigators found blind spots around its Plant Operations area and in prison kitchens. Women at both prisons told investigators that kitchen storage rooms without cameras are known as “sugar rooms,” because sugar is stored there and because sexual activity can occur there without detection. Investigators also found abandoned buildings where abuse had occurred.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090738\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Officers lead an incarcerated woman through a Receiving and Release (R&R) yard at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026. The prison is the largest women’s correctional facility in California, and the R&R yard is used to process incarcerated people entering and leaving the facility. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Things like that were extremely concerning,” Young said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The report also found correctional officers failed to properly use body-worn cameras, at times turning them off in violation of prison policy. The report pointed out that only correctional officers are required to wear body cameras, despite confirmed cases of sexual misconduct by other staff, including a cook, mental health counselor and work-program staff.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The report details several cases where the state confirmed allegations of sexual assault.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Former correctional officer Gregory Rodriguez was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022075/former-guard-california-womens-prison-found-guilty-59-counts-sexual-abuse\">accused of sexually abusing\u003c/a> dozens of women at CCWF over a decade. California’s corrections department substantiated allegations that he engaged in sexual acts with 21 incarcerated women. Federal investigators said they became aware of more than 65 alleged victims of Rodriguez.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Some women reported that Rodriguez assaulted them in a parole hearing room that did not have cameras. In 2023, the Madera County district attorney charged Rodriguez with 97 criminal counts involving 13 women. He was convicted last year on 64 counts and sentenced to 224 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>At the California Institution for Women, the report points to cases dating back more than a decade, including correctional officers who were convicted or disciplined for sexually abusing incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The hundreds of allegations reviewed by federal investigators likely capture only a portion of the abuse, according to Mota. While she said reporting increased in recent years as more survivors began speaking out, many cases still go unreported for fear of retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Officers escort an incarcerated woman through a yard at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) prison in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026, the largest women’s correctional facility in the state. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The report underscored those fears, finding that the system meant to allow incarcerated women to report sexual assault was not truly confidential. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Written grievances, known as 602s, are scanned into an online system accessible to staff at the prisons. In one case, CDCR found that an officer improperly accessed the files of 11 incarcerated women. Nine had accused him of sexual misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Women described officers issuing disciplinary violations, searching their cells, taking their property and restricting privileges after complaints were made. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Some women said they waited until they were released, transferred to another prison or retained an attorney before reporting alleged abuse. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The federal report also concluded that an August 2024 mass \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at CCWF was retaliation for women reporting staff sexual abuse. Young said DOJ investigators spent significant time interviewing women and reviewing files related to the incident, which resulted in injuries ranging from seizures to blindness. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>CDCR reached a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077737/california-agrees-to-1-9m-settlement-in-prison-use-of-force-case\">$1.9 million settlement \u003c/a>in April with 13 women injured during the incident. Its investigators imposed termination, retraining and other corrective actions after concluding that 41 employees violated department policy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Federal investigators found cases in which potential DNA evidence wasn’t tested, accused staff or witnesses weren’t interviewed, and investigations stretched on for months or even years. In one case, the investigation took so long that CDCR missed its one-year deadline to discipline the officer. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090737\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Receiving and Release (R&R) yard at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026. The prison is the largest women’s correctional facility in California, and the R&R yard is used to process incarcerated people entering and leaving the facility. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>And the state’s Office of the Inspector General of prisons found that 86% of CDCR disciplinary and criminal investigations reviewed during the first half of 2025 were either “inadequate” or “needs improvement,” according to the report. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Young said investigators found that, even when women made credible allegations of sexual abuse, investigations could stall for over a year and sometimes ended without substantiation of the allegations, even when parts of their accounts were corroborated.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In a written statement, CDCR said it takes “every allegation seriously” and “remains dedicated to ensuring accountability, strengthening protections, and maintaining institutions that ensure the personal safety of all individuals.” The department also cited audits under the federal Prison Rape Elimination Act, which found both prisons met all 45 standards evaluated.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Justice Department is requiring California to better protect prisoners from staff sexual abuse by expanding camera coverage, requiring broader use of body-worn cameras, establishing confidential reporting options independent of the agency, and strengthening investigations and protections against retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The state must confront the persistent failure of its own employees to prevent and address sexual abuse at these facilities and the systemic breakdowns that have permitted these conditions to persist,” First Assistant U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli for the Central District of California said in a statement. “This report should serve as a turning point.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-60-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090741\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-60-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-60-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-60-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An officer speaks with an incarcerated woman in a wheelchair at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) prison in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026, the largest women’s correctional facility in the state. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>CDCR said in a statement the agency looks forward to working with the DOJ “regarding their recommendations.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The DOJ also called for penalties, including possible termination, for staff who improperly share information about grievances, and meaningful consequences for staff found to have retaliated against people who report sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The department said the U.S. attorney general could sue the state in 49 days if California fails to act.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Antoinette Yancey, who is incarcerated at Central California Women’s Facility, said she hopes the federal findings lead to real accountability.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Some of us are in here for far less than what has been done to us, doing life sentences and decades’ worth of time, while we’re also being preyed upon,” Yancey said. “And it’s just not fair.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This reporting was possible in part by funding from the Poynter Institute.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Justice Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-civil-rights-investigation-correctional-staff-sexual-abuse-two\">began\u003c/a> investigating the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla and the California Institution for Women in Chino nearly two years ago after hundreds of incarcerated women \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003230/feds-investigate-california-prisons-where-women-say-culture-of-impunity-surrounded-abuse\">filed legal claims\u003c/a> alleging sexual exploitation by staff and an officer was \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/news/2022/12/28/cdcr-refers-internal-investigation-into-former-correctional-officer-to-district-attorney-for-charges-of-sexual-misconduct-of-incarcerated-women/\">arrested\u003c/a> for sexually abusing at least 22 women. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The department reviewed 350 allegations of sexual misconduct, interviewed prisoners and looked at body-worn camera footage. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090739\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Receiving and Release (R&R) yard at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026. The prison is the largest women’s correctional facility in California, and the R&R yard is used to process incarcerated people entering and leaving the facility.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090739\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Receiving and Release (R&R) yard at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026. The prison is the largest women’s correctional facility in California, and the R&R yard is used to process incarcerated people entering and leaving the facility.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/media/1457771/dl\">report\u003c/a> released Thursday, investigators said they found an “unbroken pattern” of staff sexual assault dating back over 20 years at California’s two women’s prisons. The department concluded that prison officials knew women faced a substantial risk of sexual abuse but failed to adequately protect them. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Investigators pointed to gaps in surveillance camera coverage, a lack of confidential reporting options, inadequate investigations and failures to hold staff accountable — systemic problems the DOJ said amount to “deliberate indifference” and violate incarcerated women’s constitutional rights.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“None of this should be surprising to CDCR [California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation], none of it should be surprising to the Legislature,” said Amika Mota, executive director of the prison advocacy organization Sister Warriors Freedom Coalition. Survivors have spent years speaking out at “hearings, in town halls, in reports,” she said, trying to get officials to address sexual abuse by prison staff.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“None of this should be surprising to CDCR [California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation], none of it should be surprising to the Legislature,” said Amika Mota, executive director of the prison advocacy organization Sister Warriors Freedom Coalition. Survivors have spent years speaking out at “hearings, in town halls, in reports,” she said, trying to get officials to address sexual abuse by prison staff.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>State prison officials say they have a zero-tolerance policy for sexual assault by staff, and that they have taken steps to improve reporting options and expand the use of cameras. But Assistant U.S. Attorney Alexandra Young said those reforms have not fixed the underlying problems. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>State prison officials say they have a zero-tolerance policy for sexual assault by staff, and that they have taken steps to improve reporting options and expand the use of cameras. But Assistant U.S. Attorney Alexandra Young said those reforms have not fixed the underlying problems. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Women were not being protected,” Young said in an interview with KQED. “It was the cycle that’s continuing to happen.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Women were not being protected,” Young said in an interview with KQED. “It was the cycle that’s continuing to happen.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>At the prison in Chowchilla, federal investigators found blind spots around its Plant Operations area and in prison kitchens. Women at both prisons told investigators that kitchen storage rooms without cameras are known as “sugar rooms,” because sugar is stored there and because sexual activity can occur there without detection. Investigators also found abandoned buildings where abuse had occurred.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>At the prison in Chowchilla, federal investigators found blind spots around its Plant Operations area and in prison kitchens. Women at both prisons told investigators that kitchen storage rooms without cameras are known as “sugar rooms,” because sugar is stored there and because sexual activity can occur there without detection. Investigators also found abandoned buildings where abuse had occurred.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090738\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Officers lead an incarcerated woman through a Receiving and Release (R&R) yard at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026. The prison is the largest women’s correctional facility in California, and the R&R yard is used to process incarcerated people entering and leaving the facility.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090738\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Officers lead an incarcerated woman through a Receiving and Release (R&R) yard at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026. The prison is the largest women’s correctional facility in California, and the R&R yard is used to process incarcerated people entering and leaving the facility.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Things like that were extremely concerning,” Young said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The report also found correctional officers failed to properly use body-worn cameras, at times turning them off in violation of prison policy. The report pointed out that only correctional officers are required to wear body cameras, despite confirmed cases of sexual misconduct by other staff, including a cook, mental health counselor and work-program staff.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The report also found correctional officers failed to properly use body-worn cameras, at times turning them off in violation of prison policy. The report pointed out that only correctional officers are required to wear body cameras, despite confirmed cases of sexual misconduct by other staff, including a cook, mental health counselor and work-program staff.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The report details several cases where the state confirmed allegations of sexual assault.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Former correctional officer Gregory Rodriguez was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022075/former-guard-california-womens-prison-found-guilty-59-counts-sexual-abuse\">accused of sexually abusing\u003c/a> dozens of women at CCWF over a decade. California’s corrections department substantiated allegations that he engaged in sexual acts with 21 incarcerated women. Federal investigators said they became aware of more than 65 alleged victims of Rodriguez.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Former correctional officer Gregory Rodriguez was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022075/former-guard-california-womens-prison-found-guilty-59-counts-sexual-abuse\">accused of sexually abusing\u003c/a> dozens of women at CCWF over a decade. California’s corrections department substantiated allegations that he engaged in sexual acts with 21 incarcerated women. Federal investigators said they became aware of more than 65 alleged victims of Rodriguez.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Some women reported that Rodriguez assaulted them in a parole hearing room that did not have cameras. In 2023, the Madera County district attorney charged Rodriguez with 97 criminal counts involving 13 women. He was convicted last year on 64 counts and sentenced to 224 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Some women reported that Rodriguez assaulted them in a parole hearing room that did not have cameras. In 2023, the Madera County district attorney charged Rodriguez with 97 criminal counts involving 13 women. He was convicted last year on 64 counts and sentenced to 224 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>At the California Institution for Women, the report points to cases dating back more than a decade, including correctional officers who were convicted or disciplined for sexually abusing incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The hundreds of allegations reviewed by federal investigators likely capture only a portion of the abuse, according to Mota. While she said reporting increased in recent years as more survivors began speaking out, many cases still go unreported for fear of retaliation.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Officers escort an incarcerated woman through a yard at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) prison in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026, the largest women’s correctional facility in the state.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090742\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Officers escort an incarcerated woman through a yard at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) prison in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026, the largest women’s correctional facility in the state.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The report underscored those fears, finding that the system meant to allow incarcerated women to report sexual assault was not truly confidential. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Written grievances, known as 602s, are scanned into an online system accessible to staff at the prisons. In one case, CDCR found that an officer improperly accessed the files of 11 incarcerated women. Nine had accused him of sexual misconduct.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Written grievances, known as 602s, are scanned into an online system accessible to staff at the prisons. In one case, CDCR found that an officer improperly accessed the files of 11 incarcerated women. Nine had accused him of sexual misconduct.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Women described officers issuing disciplinary violations, searching their cells, taking their property and restricting privileges after complaints were made. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Some women said they waited until they were released, transferred to another prison or retained an attorney before reporting alleged abuse. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The federal report also concluded that an August 2024 mass \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at CCWF was retaliation for women reporting staff sexual abuse. Young said DOJ investigators spent significant time interviewing women and reviewing files related to the incident, which resulted in injuries ranging from seizures to blindness. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The federal report also concluded that an August 2024 mass \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at CCWF was retaliation for women reporting staff sexual abuse. Young said DOJ investigators spent significant time interviewing women and reviewing files related to the incident, which resulted in injuries ranging from seizures to blindness. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>CDCR reached a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077737/california-agrees-to-1-9m-settlement-in-prison-use-of-force-case\">$1.9 million settlement \u003c/a>in April with 13 women injured during the incident. Its investigators imposed termination, retraining and other corrective actions after concluding that 41 employees violated department policy.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>CDCR reached a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077737/california-agrees-to-1-9m-settlement-in-prison-use-of-force-case\">$1.9 million settlement \u003c/a>in April with 13 women injured during the incident. Its investigators imposed termination, retraining and other corrective actions after concluding that 41 employees violated department policy.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Federal investigators found cases in which potential DNA evidence wasn’t tested, accused staff or witnesses weren’t interviewed, and investigations stretched on for months or even years. In one case, the investigation took so long that CDCR missed its one-year deadline to discipline the officer. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090737\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Receiving and Release (R&R) yard at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026. The prison is the largest women’s correctional facility in California, and the R&R yard is used to process incarcerated people entering and leaving the facility.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090737\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Receiving and Release (R&R) yard at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026. The prison is the largest women’s correctional facility in California, and the R&R yard is used to process incarcerated people entering and leaving the facility.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>And the state’s Office of the Inspector General of prisons found that 86% of CDCR disciplinary and criminal investigations reviewed during the first half of 2025 were either “inadequate” or “needs improvement,” according to the report. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Young said investigators found that, even when women made credible allegations of sexual abuse, investigations could stall for over a year and sometimes ended without substantiation of the allegations, even when parts of their accounts were corroborated.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Young said investigators found that, even when women made credible allegations of sexual abuse, investigations could stall for over a year and sometimes ended without substantiation of the allegations, even when parts of their accounts were corroborated.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In a written statement, CDCR said it takes “every allegation seriously” and “remains dedicated to ensuring accountability, strengthening protections, and maintaining institutions that ensure the personal safety of all individuals.” The department also cited audits under the federal Prison Rape Elimination Act, which found both prisons met all 45 standards evaluated.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Justice Department is requiring California to better protect prisoners from staff sexual abuse by expanding camera coverage, requiring broader use of body-worn cameras, establishing confidential reporting options independent of the agency, and strengthening investigations and protections against retaliation.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The Justice Department is requiring California to better protect prisoners from staff sexual abuse by expanding camera coverage, requiring broader use of body-worn cameras, establishing confidential reporting options independent of the agency, and strengthening investigations and protections against retaliation.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The state must confront the persistent failure of its own employees to prevent and address sexual abuse at these facilities and the systemic breakdowns that have permitted these conditions to persist,” First Assistant U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli for the Central District of California said in a statement. “This report should serve as a turning point.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>CDCR said in a statement the agency looks forward to working with the DOJ “regarding their recommendations.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The DOJ also called for penalties, including possible termination, for staff who improperly share information about grievances, and meaningful consequences for staff found to have retaliated against people who report sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The department said the U.S. attorney general could sue the state in 49 days if California fails to act.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Antoinette Yancey, who is incarcerated at Central California Women’s Facility, said she hopes the federal findings lead to real accountability.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Some of us are in here for far less than what has been done to us, doing life sentences and decades’ worth of time, while we’re also being preyed upon,” Yancey said. “And it’s just not fair.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Some of us are in here for far less than what has been done to us, doing life sentences and decades’ worth of time, while we’re also being preyed upon,” Yancey said. “And it’s just not fair.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This reporting was possible in part by funding from the Poynter Institute.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A two-year federal investigation found decades of staff sexual abuse against incarcerated women at the state’s correctional facilities.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079668/i-thought-i-was-going-to-die-video-shows-mass-force-at-california-womens-prison\">California prison officials\u003c/a> have failed to protect incarcerated women from sexual abuse and harassment by staff for years, the U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-finds-california-womens-prisons-violate-constitution-failing-protect\">said\u003c/a> in a new report.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Justice Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-civil-rights-investigation-correctional-staff-sexual-abuse-two\">began\u003c/a> investigating the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla and the California Institution for Women in Chino nearly two years ago after hundreds of incarcerated women \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003230/feds-investigate-california-prisons-where-women-say-culture-of-impunity-surrounded-abuse\">filed legal claims\u003c/a> alleging sexual exploitation by staff and an officer was \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/news/2022/12/28/cdcr-refers-internal-investigation-into-former-correctional-officer-to-district-attorney-for-charges-of-sexual-misconduct-of-incarcerated-women/\">arrested\u003c/a> for sexually abusing at least 22 women. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The department reviewed 350 allegations of sexual misconduct, interviewed prisoners and looked at body-worn camera footage. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090739\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-31-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Receiving and Release (R&R) yard at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026. The prison is the largest women’s correctional facility in California, and the R&R yard is used to process incarcerated people entering and leaving the facility. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/media/1457771/dl\">report\u003c/a> released Thursday, investigators said they found an “unbroken pattern” of staff sexual assault dating back over 20 years at California’s two women’s prisons. The department concluded that prison officials knew women faced a substantial risk of sexual abuse but failed to adequately protect them. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Investigators pointed to gaps in surveillance camera coverage, a lack of confidential reporting options, inadequate investigations and failures to hold staff accountable — systemic problems the DOJ said amount to “deliberate indifference” and violate incarcerated women’s constitutional rights.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of this should be surprising to CDCR [California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation], none of it should be surprising to the Legislature,” said Amika Mota, executive director of the prison advocacy organization Sister Warriors Freedom Coalition. Survivors have spent years speaking out at “hearings, in town halls, in reports,” she said, trying to get officials to address sexual abuse by prison staff.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>State prison officials say they have a zero-tolerance policy for sexual assault by staff, and that they have taken steps to improve reporting options and expand the use of cameras. But Assistant U.S. Attorney Alexandra Young said those reforms have not fixed the underlying problems. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Women were not being protected,” Young said in an interview with KQED. “It was the cycle that’s continuing to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>At the prison in Chowchilla, federal investigators found blind spots around its Plant Operations area and in prison kitchens. Women at both prisons told investigators that kitchen storage rooms without cameras are known as “sugar rooms,” because sugar is stored there and because sexual activity can occur there without detection. Investigators also found abandoned buildings where abuse had occurred.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090738\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Officers lead an incarcerated woman through a Receiving and Release (R&R) yard at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026. The prison is the largest women’s correctional facility in California, and the R&R yard is used to process incarcerated people entering and leaving the facility. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Things like that were extremely concerning,” Young said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The report also found correctional officers failed to properly use body-worn cameras, at times turning them off in violation of prison policy. The report pointed out that only correctional officers are required to wear body cameras, despite confirmed cases of sexual misconduct by other staff, including a cook, mental health counselor and work-program staff.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The report details several cases where the state confirmed allegations of sexual assault.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Former correctional officer Gregory Rodriguez was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022075/former-guard-california-womens-prison-found-guilty-59-counts-sexual-abuse\">accused of sexually abusing\u003c/a> dozens of women at CCWF over a decade. California’s corrections department substantiated allegations that he engaged in sexual acts with 21 incarcerated women. Federal investigators said they became aware of more than 65 alleged victims of Rodriguez.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Some women reported that Rodriguez assaulted them in a parole hearing room that did not have cameras. In 2023, the Madera County district attorney charged Rodriguez with 97 criminal counts involving 13 women. He was convicted last year on 64 counts and sentenced to 224 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>At the California Institution for Women, the report points to cases dating back more than a decade, including correctional officers who were convicted or disciplined for sexually abusing incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The hundreds of allegations reviewed by federal investigators likely capture only a portion of the abuse, according to Mota. While she said reporting increased in recent years as more survivors began speaking out, many cases still go unreported for fear of retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-73-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Officers escort an incarcerated woman through a yard at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) prison in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026, the largest women’s correctional facility in the state. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The report underscored those fears, finding that the system meant to allow incarcerated women to report sexual assault was not truly confidential. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Written grievances, known as 602s, are scanned into an online system accessible to staff at the prisons. In one case, CDCR found that an officer improperly accessed the files of 11 incarcerated women. Nine had accused him of sexual misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Women described officers issuing disciplinary violations, searching their cells, taking their property and restricting privileges after complaints were made. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Some women said they waited until they were released, transferred to another prison or retained an attorney before reporting alleged abuse. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The federal report also concluded that an August 2024 mass \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at CCWF was retaliation for women reporting staff sexual abuse. Young said DOJ investigators spent significant time interviewing women and reviewing files related to the incident, which resulted in injuries ranging from seizures to blindness. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>CDCR reached a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077737/california-agrees-to-1-9m-settlement-in-prison-use-of-force-case\">$1.9 million settlement \u003c/a>in April with 13 women injured during the incident. Its investigators imposed termination, retraining and other corrective actions after concluding that 41 employees violated department policy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Federal investigators found cases in which potential DNA evidence wasn’t tested, accused staff or witnesses weren’t interviewed, and investigations stretched on for months or even years. In one case, the investigation took so long that CDCR missed its one-year deadline to discipline the officer. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090737\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Receiving and Release (R&R) yard at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026. The prison is the largest women’s correctional facility in California, and the R&R yard is used to process incarcerated people entering and leaving the facility. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>And the state’s Office of the Inspector General of prisons found that 86% of CDCR disciplinary and criminal investigations reviewed during the first half of 2025 were either “inadequate” or “needs improvement,” according to the report. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Young said investigators found that, even when women made credible allegations of sexual abuse, investigations could stall for over a year and sometimes ended without substantiation of the allegations, even when parts of their accounts were corroborated.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In a written statement, CDCR said it takes “every allegation seriously” and “remains dedicated to ensuring accountability, strengthening protections, and maintaining institutions that ensure the personal safety of all individuals.” The department also cited audits under the federal Prison Rape Elimination Act, which found both prisons met all 45 standards evaluated.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Justice Department is requiring California to better protect prisoners from staff sexual abuse by expanding camera coverage, requiring broader use of body-worn cameras, establishing confidential reporting options independent of the agency, and strengthening investigations and protections against retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The state must confront the persistent failure of its own employees to prevent and address sexual abuse at these facilities and the systemic breakdowns that have permitted these conditions to persist,” First Assistant U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli for the Central District of California said in a statement. “This report should serve as a turning point.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-60-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12090741\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-60-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-60-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260630-CCWFTOUR-60-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An officer speaks with an incarcerated woman in a wheelchair at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) prison in Chowchilla, Calif., on June 30, 2026, the largest women’s correctional facility in the state. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>CDCR said in a statement the agency looks forward to working with the DOJ “regarding their recommendations.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The DOJ also called for penalties, including possible termination, for staff who improperly share information about grievances, and meaningful consequences for staff found to have retaliated against people who report sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The department said the U.S. attorney general could sue the state in 49 days if California fails to act.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Antoinette Yancey, who is incarcerated at Central California Women’s Facility, said she hopes the federal findings lead to real accountability.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Some of us are in here for far less than what has been done to us, doing life sentences and decades’ worth of time, while we’re also being preyed upon,” Yancey said. “And it’s just not fair.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This reporting was possible in part by funding from the Poynter Institute.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Following Newsom’s Veto, Lawmaker Returns With Drug-Free Homeless Housing Bill",
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"headTitle": "Following Newsom’s Veto, Lawmaker Returns With Drug-Free Homeless Housing Bill | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney is reviving a proposal to allow drug-free housing for people transitioning out of homelessness, months after Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney’s new proposal, AB 1556, would set rules for how “recovery residences” can operate within California’s Housing First framework, the \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB1556/id/3425398\">state’s policy\u003c/a> of offering permanent housing without first requiring people to meet conditions like sobriety, mental health treatment or employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should give people who are ready to take the steps to get to recovery and stability an opportunity to do so,” Haney said at a press conference in San Francisco on Monday. “People want to live in housing where they receive the support to be off of and away from drugs with people who will support them in that process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation comes after Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/AB-255-Veto.pdf\">rejected \u003c/a>Haney’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058779/newsoms-veto-of-sober-housing-bill-sparks-a-backlash-in-sf\">AB 255 last year\u003c/a>. That bill would have allowed some state homelessness dollars to support sober housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message, Newsom said recovery-focused housing is already allowed under state law and argued the bill “wrongly suggests incompatibility with Housing First.” He also raised concerns about creating a separate certification and oversight process that could cost taxpayers money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing First has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054270/trumps-tectonic-shift-on-homelessness-could-have-dire-impacts-in-california\">credited with reducing barriers\u003c/a> for people who might otherwise be denied housing because of substance use, mental health challenges or other issues. But some local officials and advocates argue the policy has also made it harder to fund housing where residents can live away from active drug use.[aside postID=news_12034006 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250327_SoberHousing_GC-9-1020x680.jpg']Supporters of sober housing have said those environments are especially important as cities like San Francisco continue to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034006/san-francisco-mans-housing-struggle-relapse-put-him-back-on-streets\">confront homelessness and addiction\u003c/a>, including its ongoing fentanyl crisis. But the proposal is likely to face pushback from some homelessness advocates, who have long warned that sobriety requirements can become a pathway to eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said the new bill is meant to provide clarity for housing providers, local governments and people in recovery who want a sober living environment. According to Haney’s office, AB 1556 would allow recovery residences to maintain sobriety standards, while requiring a “non-punitive” response when someone relapses, including connecting residents to alternative housing and services rather than kicking them out of the program and pushing them back into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing California, a statewide affordable housing advocacy group, has already listed its opposition to AB 1556, \u003ca href=\"https://housingca.org/policy/policy-priorities-2026/\">citing concerns\u003c/a> about residents being required to choose recovery housing and harm-reduction housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto last year did not dismiss recovery housing outright. Instead, he said the state should continue working on ways to support recovery-focused models without undermining Housing First.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney is reviving a proposal to allow drug-free housing for people transitioning out of homelessness, months after Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney’s new proposal, AB 1556, would set rules for how “recovery residences” can operate within California’s Housing First framework, the \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB1556/id/3425398\">state’s policy\u003c/a> of offering permanent housing without first requiring people to meet conditions like sobriety, mental health treatment or employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should give people who are ready to take the steps to get to recovery and stability an opportunity to do so,” Haney said at a press conference in San Francisco on Monday. “People want to live in housing where they receive the support to be off of and away from drugs with people who will support them in that process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation comes after Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/AB-255-Veto.pdf\">rejected \u003c/a>Haney’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058779/newsoms-veto-of-sober-housing-bill-sparks-a-backlash-in-sf\">AB 255 last year\u003c/a>. That bill would have allowed some state homelessness dollars to support sober housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message, Newsom said recovery-focused housing is already allowed under state law and argued the bill “wrongly suggests incompatibility with Housing First.” He also raised concerns about creating a separate certification and oversight process that could cost taxpayers money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing First has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054270/trumps-tectonic-shift-on-homelessness-could-have-dire-impacts-in-california\">credited with reducing barriers\u003c/a> for people who might otherwise be denied housing because of substance use, mental health challenges or other issues. But some local officials and advocates argue the policy has also made it harder to fund housing where residents can live away from active drug use.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Supporters of sober housing have said those environments are especially important as cities like San Francisco continue to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034006/san-francisco-mans-housing-struggle-relapse-put-him-back-on-streets\">confront homelessness and addiction\u003c/a>, including its ongoing fentanyl crisis. But the proposal is likely to face pushback from some homelessness advocates, who have long warned that sobriety requirements can become a pathway to eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said the new bill is meant to provide clarity for housing providers, local governments and people in recovery who want a sober living environment. According to Haney’s office, AB 1556 would allow recovery residences to maintain sobriety standards, while requiring a “non-punitive” response when someone relapses, including connecting residents to alternative housing and services rather than kicking them out of the program and pushing them back into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing California, a statewide affordable housing advocacy group, has already listed its opposition to AB 1556, \u003ca href=\"https://housingca.org/policy/policy-priorities-2026/\">citing concerns\u003c/a> about residents being required to choose recovery housing and harm-reduction housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto last year did not dismiss recovery housing outright. Instead, he said the state should continue working on ways to support recovery-focused models without undermining Housing First.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "theyre-bleeding-us-dry-seniors-struggle-with-rent-hikes-evictions-in-california-mobile-home-parks",
"title": "‘They’re Bleeding Us Dry’: Rent Hikes, Evictions in California Mobile Home Parks",
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"headTitle": "‘They’re Bleeding Us Dry’: Rent Hikes, Evictions in California Mobile Home Parks | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>How We Get By\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>full series here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Clara Faria read her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rent\">rent\u003c/a> statement, her heart stopped. Her monthly payment would more than triple, rising from $297 per month to $995. She had four days to make the payment or be charged a $50 late fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sank into the brown leather chair next to her formica-coated kitchen table, where she’d opened her mail for decades. She had heard neighbors were getting rent increases, but said she hadn’t received a notice herself. She had hoped she would be spared, but the reality was worse than she had imagined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought ‘I don’t have the money,’” Faria said of the statement, issued on Dec. 31, 2024, and due by Jan. 5, 2025. “I figured by the end of the year, I’m going to be homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria, 91, lives alone on a fixed income in a one-bedroom manufactured home at the Willow Mobile Home Park in the East Bay town of San Pablo. Old family photos, crucifixes and saints adorn her living room walls. An oversized photo of an American flag peaks out from the hallway, declaring, “The lord is my strength and my shield; my heart trusts him, and I am helped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria’s experience is part of a growing pattern across California, where mobile home residents — many of whom own their homes but rent the land beneath them — are increasingly vulnerable to steep and repeated rent hikes. Harmony Communities, which manages her park in San Pablo, has faced criticism from residents, advocates and local officials for aggressive rent increases and opaque ownership structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080893\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria, 91, gets help putting on her coat from a home health aid at her home in Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080847\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-2000x663.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-1536x509.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-2048x678.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Clara Faria’s kitchen at her home in Willow Mobile Home Park. Right: Photos of family fill the walls of Clara Faria’s home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a state where just \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/haitraditional\">18% \u003c/a>of people can afford to own their homes, mobile home parks offer a rare bastion of affordable ownership. But advocates say people living in these communities have become more exposed as investors seek higher returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria said she moved into her home in 1997 using an insurance payout after a previous mobile home burned down, drawn by the park’s affordability and its designation for seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed when the rent increase notice from Stockton-based Harmony Communities arrived. It was the first signal that more aggressive tactics were replacing the quiet stability of Willow Mobile Home Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED analysis of property records reveals Harmony Communities has grown into a major player in the industry. The property-management company has managed operations of around 100 parks since 2004, and as of 2025, was actively managing roughly 80 parks statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"900\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://arcg.is/vTef9\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the company claims its practices ensure “long-term viability,” interviews with nearly two dozen residents and lawyers point to a recurring pattern: Harmony assumes control, substantially raises rents, and in some cases, employs tactics residents and advocates describe as aggressive, leaving low-income tenants susceptible to displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a representative from Harmony said the company sent a notice of the rent increase to Faria in September 2024, Faria maintains she did not receive it until just a few days before the rent was due.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, about nine months later, in September 2025, Harmony sent a new notice informing residents their rent would again \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1vN9w8VJB3FWsQJavcTXiCqeBxPELlL68jzc4ME3Rsa4/edit?usp=sharing\">increase\u003c/a> in January 2026 — this time by an average of 30%, according to rent statements reviewed by KQED. Harmony said credits, in some cases, reduced the amount residents ultimately paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Faria, the repeated increases were crippling. For residents interviewed by KQED, it was a pattern.[aside postID=news_12058015 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00417_TV-KQED.jpg']The company disputes that these cases reflect a broader pattern and described Faria’s example as unique, adding that each case is fact-specific and shaped by complex local regulations. In an email response to KQED, company representative Nick Ubaldi said Harmony is “committed to providing safe, clean, and affordable housing that remains sustainable for the long term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Achieving this mission requires carefully balancing all relevant factors for success,” he said. “This includes respecting tenants’ strong preference for the lowest possible rents while also ensuring property owners receive a fair and reasonable return on their investment, allowing the business to succeed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When rent increases do come, the mobile home ownership structure makes relocating extremely expensive for residents and, in some cases, impossible, said Teri Williams, a mobile home resident in southern California who leads the nonprofit Mobile Home Resident Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These residents are captive,” Williams said. “We’re at the mercy of park owners, and they know it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Ubaldi said park operating costs are rising rapidly, with significant increases in insurance premiums and labor, while rental income is lagging behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is one of the most expensive states in which to live and operate a business,” he said. “While no one wants to see residents displaced from their homes, the financial burden of addressing affordability challenges should not fall solely on individual property owners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080859\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080859\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents of Willow Mobile Home Park and the neighboring Creekside Village Mobile Home Park to discuss rent increases at the parks. Residents are calling on the city to adopt rent protections as they face rising and unpredictable rent hikes. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in Sacramento, however, are considering several proposals this year to strengthen protections for mobile home residents, including \u003ca href=\"http://billtrack50.com/billdetail/1921239\">limits on rent increases\u003c/a>. Some cities have adopted local rent caps, while residents themselves have organized tenant associations to fight rent hikes and, in some cases, are negotiating to buy the parks Harmony manages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willow residents said the second rent increase in two years was distressing, and that anxiety was compounded by confusing and conflicting messaging from Harmony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the company announced the second increase, Willow residents received \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1DT336OGQUmqFT1TEAPWJDBd1by8ClUSn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new document\u003c/a> that appeared to contradict the first: “At the same time the rent increase becomes effective, the park will be issuing you a rent credit that is equal to the rent increase amount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria was baffled. She was initially told her rent would increase by $300. Now, it seemed her rent would stay the same. While Harmony said they had no plans to rescind the credit, it also described it as “discretionary” and said it could be “revoked or modified” with no apparent safeguards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080856\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080856\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria holds a note she wrote about rent increases for the lot where her mobile home sits. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an emailed response to questions from KQED, Harmony Communities said some rent increases cited in notices were offset by credits or arbitration processes, resulting in lower effective rents paid by residents. The company provided tenant ledgers, which it said reflect the reduced amounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi acknowledged the conflicting messages and said the first notice was sent in error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we identified the issue, we promptly sent a corrected letter that clearly outlined each resident’s credit amount and net increase,” he wrote in an email to KQED. “Any confusion was not intended, and the second letter was sent to resolve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Davies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/matthew-davies-stockton/\">co-founder\u003c/a> of Harmony Communities, said the company purchased Willow nearly a decade ago and agreed to provide “rent subsidies” to residents for five years and has since invested “hundreds of thousands of dollars” into improvements at the park.[aside postID=news_11977464 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2976-1020x765.jpg']Faria said that when she called Harmony about the first rent increase, she was told she’d have to pay or face eviction, an account the company did not directly address in its response to KQED’s questions. By the time the second notice arrived, followed by the mixed messaging, she felt helpless and afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those people are completely bleeding us,” she said. “And they don’t care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week later, she got a new letter in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This one told her that despite the credit, her rent would still increase by $100, bringing her total rent up from $995 to $1,095.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letterhead listed Creekside Village MHC LLC, while contact information directed residents to Harmony Communities, reflecting a centralized management structure. Madeline Bankson, a housing researcher with the Private Equity Stakeholder Project, said this type of ownership is part of a broader industry pattern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The LLC does three things,” Bankson said. “It reduces liability, adds tax benefits under the tax code; the sort of secret added bonus is obscuring ownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davies started investing in mobile home parks in 2004 with his father, Bruce Davies, according to Ubaldi and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PCYLvB6HxhQ\">2024 interview\u003c/a> Matthew Davies conducted with a YouTube vlogger. Davies said Harmony had amassed a nearly $700 million portfolio in its first 20 years of operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2021 interview with Multi-Housing News, Davies \u003ca href=\"https://www.multihousingnews.com/improving-manufactured-housing-communities-with-purpose/\">described \u003c/a>Harmony’s approach as improving communities while keeping housing attainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080872\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080872\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria puts on makeup in her bathroom. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We look for communities we think will have long-term stability in areas where there’s a strong need for affordable housing and where we believe the local jurisdictions will be supportive of our efforts,” Davies told the trade publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmony operates dozens of mobile home parks across California, but individual LLCs and family trusts own the parks themselves. Documents filed with the California Secretary of State show the managers and members controlling the LLCs are often family members, relatives and Harmony employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of November 2025, Harmony listed 29 mobile home parks it manages on its website. That list has since been removed. A broader search of property records identified about 100 parks associated with the company. Those include properties that had previously been listed on its website and where the owners’ principal address matched Harmony’s Stockton headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis of business filings with the California Secretary of State found employees and family members tied to Harmony have an ownership stake in at least 84 of those parks. That includes parks owned or co-owned by members of the Ubaldi family and the Ubaldi Living Trust, whose successor trustee is Harmony spokesperson Nick Ubaldi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria rearranges photos of family and friends on her refrigerator. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As an employee of Harmony Communities, and as a park owner myself, I manage the day-to-day operations of these parks,” Ubaldi said. “Our involvement in the industry dates back to the early 1980s, long before Harmony existed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Ubaldi, Harmony is responsible for day-to-day operations, including setting rents, managing leases, maintaining properties and handling tenant issues. For many residents, the company serves as the primary point of contact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records show at least 10 LLCs managed by Molly Thompson, Davies’ ex-wife. Bruce Davies shows up as the manager for 41 LLCs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bankson said that the lack of transparency can make it harder for residents like Faria to challenge decisions or for regulators to step in, especially when ownership and management are intertwined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080877\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080877\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Harmony said its ownership structure is standard and publicly disclosed. Willow reflects the same pattern. Creekside Village Mobile Home Park LLC owns the park. Business filings name Bruce Davies as the LLC’s manager and list the owner’s mailing address as Harmony’s headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Harmony grew its portfolio, it continued to raise rents on mobile home park residents — or facilitate the sale of their parks. Meanwhile, residents and local officials from Santa Barbara to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/2025/11/06/windsor-extends-rent-freeze-for-mobile-home-residents-facing-125-hike-as-park-owner-files-federal-lawsuit/\">Sonoma County\u003c/a> have pushed back against proposed rent increases and park closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi said these measures often have the opposite of their intended effect: By limiting rent increases, he said, the underlying land becomes more valuable as vacant property than it is as a park. He pointed to a property in Thousand Oaks, which he said has an estimated land value of $20 million if it were cleared for redevelopment, but only $4 million as an occupied mobile home park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This dramatic disparity illustrates how such policies can incentivize park closures, sales to developers, or conversions, ultimately reducing the stock of affordable housing rather than expanding it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080879\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080879\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 17, 2026. The park is a privately owned 55-and-older community owned by Harmony Communities. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials in several cities haven’t seen it that way. In San Luis Obispo County, supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.newtimesslo.com/slo-county-supervisors-reject-rent-increase-for-harmony-managed-mobile-home-parks/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">unanimously rejected\u003c/a> a hardship petition filed on behalf of two Harmony-managed parks, concluding the company did not meet the standard needed to justify higher rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José housing officials similarly \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/san-jose-says-mobile-home-park-owner-cant-raise-rent/\">denied a proposed rent increase\u003c/a> at the Golden Wheel Mobile Home Park — another park owned by the Ubaldi family and managed by Harmony Communities — saying the owner failed to justify raising rents by about 10% for some of the park’s lowest-income tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are a very well-known park owner, and these tactics, or this behavior, is pretty typical for them across the state,” Emily Hislop, rent stabilization and eviction prevention manager for the city, said at a \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=A&ID=1281814&GUID=AA407BB7-8FAE-4DD2-9A07-07D3A2CAEDC5\">Housing and Community Development Commission\u003c/a> meeting in February 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Willow, Ubaldi said the two increases were intended to “bring rents to market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080896\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12080896 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A spokesperson for Harmony Communities gives public comment at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, during a city council meeting about potential rent control measures. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We do our best to review all available data and metrics, including comparable properties, occupancy rates, local economic conditions, and recent leasing and sales activity, to arrive at a fair and competitive market rent for Willow,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria and her neighbors were fed up with the higher charges and confusing messaging. They began to organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linda Jackson, another senior at the park, was the spearhead. She learned that Creekside Mobile Home Park, another Harmony-managed property in San Pablo, was also facing increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson spread the word: “I said, ‘I need five people to stand with me so that we can get [Harmony] off our backs and make it so that we can live more comfortably.’ I swear to God, the next day, I had 35 people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Linda Jackson (right) helps Clara Faria, 91, get back to her seat after giving public comment at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, during a city council meeting about potential rent control measures. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080863\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080863\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-2000x661.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-1536x508.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-2048x677.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Linda Jackson (right) sits with Clara Faria and fellow residents of Willow Mobile Home Park and Creekside Village Mobile Home Park at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, for a city council meeting where they plan to give public comment about potential rent control measures. Right: Councilmember Arturo Cruz and San Pablo mayor Elizabeth Pabon-Alvarado listen to public comment from Clara Faria. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Faria was one of them. She quickly became a leading voice at San Pablo City Council meetings, where residents urged local leaders to adopt a measure that would limit rent increases for mobile home park tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never imagined at my age I would be choosing between paying rent, buying food and getting my medication,” Faria told council members on Dec. 1. “I cut back everything I can, but these rent hikes are more than I can bear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the following meeting on Dec. 15, the council approved a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanpabloca.gov/DocumentCenter/View/18565/Mobile-Home-Assistance-Guidelines\">Mobile Home Assistance Program,\u003c/a> offering a one-time, $1,000 grant to help offset rent hikes. But residents said the relief, while welcome, fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>This Band-Aid is giving us more stress,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With only short-term help on the horizon, Faria said it’s difficult to plan for the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080867\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080867\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria stands in her home at Willow Mobile Home Park. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I live on Social Security alone,” she said. “I just can’t pay that extra money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As disputes like the one at Willow unfold across California, it is drawing attention to the vulnerability of mobile home park residents and the patchwork of local protections. Some state lawmakers are working to bolster protections, even as industry groups challenge some efforts in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has shined an unfortunate light on the fact that the whole layer of rental opportunity has sort of gone without heightened scrutiny or a lot of targeted political action,” said Tyler Pullen with UC Berkeley’s Terner Labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most apartment renters who have a statewide rent cap and standard protections, mobile home park residents are only protected by \u003ca href=\"https://mhphoa.com/ca/rso/\">local ordinances\u003c/a> that vary widely from city to city. Some communities cap rent increases or require park owners to justify higher rents. Others have few protections, leaving residents subject to large increases.[aside postID=news_12078480 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/AffordabilitySeriesIntro_Lede.jpg']In January, state Assemblymember Sharon Quirk-Silva, D-Fullerton, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1543\">AB 1543\u003c/a>, a bill that would impose a statewide rent cap on all mobile home parks, limiting annual increases to the lower of 3% plus inflation or 5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It’s designed to help the owners of these mobile homes who make that initial investment and then their rents are increased substantially more than other renters across California,” Quirk-Silva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second time she’s tried to pass such legislation. The first was \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB978\">AB 978\u003c/a> in 2021, which got whittled down during committee hearings to narrowly apply to mobile home parks that straddle two jurisdictions. Only a handful exist across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi said rent caps are not the solution, maintaining that they discourage investment and reduce housing supply over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recognized that tenants might see things differently and argued it should be up to local governments to fill the gap between the rising costs that park owners face and the plight of low-income tenants who can’t afford rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many mobile home residents — including Faria and her neighbors — aren’t waiting for state legislation. Where local ordinances and state legislation fall short, they’re building tenant associations, challenging Harmony Communities in court, and, in at least one case, buying their park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Petaluma, residents at a mobile home park managed by Harmony faced proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/petaluma-mobile-home-park-residents-facing-300-rent-increase\">rent hikes\u003c/a> of up to 300% in a single year, prompting city-mandated arbitration and ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1O4xRTe48fFLb2-EmM7_fV6DvTpTgBhgd/view?usp=sharing\">legal disputes\u003c/a> involving the city, park owners and residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080892\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1570px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080892\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1570\" height=\"1047\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL.jpg 1570w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1570px) 100vw, 1570px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria, 91, looks through paperwork and notices documenting rent increases for the lot where her mobile home sits at Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the San Rafael RV park, owned by Harmony, residents organized a tenants union and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058015/in-san-rafael-residents-of-a-mobile-home-park-are-fighting-to-keep-their-homes\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> in late 2025 alleging unlawful rent increases, harassment and retaliatory behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a park in Fresno County, residents took a different approach. After five years of organizing and fighting rising rents, a group of mostly Oaxacan farmworkers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977464/to-fight-rising-rents-these-fresno-county-residents-bought-their-mobile-home-park\">purchased\u003c/a> the park from Harmony and converted it into a limited-equity housing cooperative. Harmony said the Fresno property had longstanding safety and infrastructure issues before its involvement, citing fires, code violations and government intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Pablo, residents at Willow and Creekside mobile home parks are weighing their own options, including forming a formal tenants’ association. Jackson said the group is also working with the local nonprofit Rising Juntos to place a measure limiting rent increases at mobile home parks on San Pablo’s November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1,095 Faria now pays for rent, along with other fees, including sewer, trash and drainage, amounts to about 55% of her Social Security income. She considered cutting her cable TV to save money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At her age, she thought she’d be settled. Instead, she said, she feels like she’s bracing for the worst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, she wrote a letter to Harmony: “I ask God to please let me die before you evict me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-April, Faria is still waiting for a response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A KQED investigation finds California mobile home park residents — including seniors in San Pablo — face steep rent hikes from Stockton-based Harmony Communities, which has consolidated dozens of parks, forcing residents to navigate a patchwork of legal protections amid statewide affordability challenges.",
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"title": "‘They’re Bleeding Us Dry’: Rent Hikes, Evictions in California Mobile Home Parks | KQED",
"description": "A KQED investigation finds California mobile home park residents — including seniors in San Pablo — face steep rent hikes from Stockton-based Harmony Communities, which has consolidated dozens of parks, forcing residents to navigate a patchwork of legal protections amid statewide affordability challenges.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>How We Get By\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>full series here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Clara Faria read her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rent\">rent\u003c/a> statement, her heart stopped. Her monthly payment would more than triple, rising from $297 per month to $995. She had four days to make the payment or be charged a $50 late fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sank into the brown leather chair next to her formica-coated kitchen table, where she’d opened her mail for decades. She had heard neighbors were getting rent increases, but said she hadn’t received a notice herself. She had hoped she would be spared, but the reality was worse than she had imagined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought ‘I don’t have the money,’” Faria said of the statement, issued on Dec. 31, 2024, and due by Jan. 5, 2025. “I figured by the end of the year, I’m going to be homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria, 91, lives alone on a fixed income in a one-bedroom manufactured home at the Willow Mobile Home Park in the East Bay town of San Pablo. Old family photos, crucifixes and saints adorn her living room walls. An oversized photo of an American flag peaks out from the hallway, declaring, “The lord is my strength and my shield; my heart trusts him, and I am helped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria’s experience is part of a growing pattern across California, where mobile home residents — many of whom own their homes but rent the land beneath them — are increasingly vulnerable to steep and repeated rent hikes. Harmony Communities, which manages her park in San Pablo, has faced criticism from residents, advocates and local officials for aggressive rent increases and opaque ownership structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080893\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria, 91, gets help putting on her coat from a home health aid at her home in Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080847\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-2000x663.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-1536x509.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-2048x678.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Clara Faria’s kitchen at her home in Willow Mobile Home Park. Right: Photos of family fill the walls of Clara Faria’s home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a state where just \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/haitraditional\">18% \u003c/a>of people can afford to own their homes, mobile home parks offer a rare bastion of affordable ownership. But advocates say people living in these communities have become more exposed as investors seek higher returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria said she moved into her home in 1997 using an insurance payout after a previous mobile home burned down, drawn by the park’s affordability and its designation for seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed when the rent increase notice from Stockton-based Harmony Communities arrived. It was the first signal that more aggressive tactics were replacing the quiet stability of Willow Mobile Home Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED analysis of property records reveals Harmony Communities has grown into a major player in the industry. The property-management company has managed operations of around 100 parks since 2004, and as of 2025, was actively managing roughly 80 parks statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"900\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://arcg.is/vTef9\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the company claims its practices ensure “long-term viability,” interviews with nearly two dozen residents and lawyers point to a recurring pattern: Harmony assumes control, substantially raises rents, and in some cases, employs tactics residents and advocates describe as aggressive, leaving low-income tenants susceptible to displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a representative from Harmony said the company sent a notice of the rent increase to Faria in September 2024, Faria maintains she did not receive it until just a few days before the rent was due.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, about nine months later, in September 2025, Harmony sent a new notice informing residents their rent would again \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1vN9w8VJB3FWsQJavcTXiCqeBxPELlL68jzc4ME3Rsa4/edit?usp=sharing\">increase\u003c/a> in January 2026 — this time by an average of 30%, according to rent statements reviewed by KQED. Harmony said credits, in some cases, reduced the amount residents ultimately paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Faria, the repeated increases were crippling. For residents interviewed by KQED, it was a pattern.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The company disputes that these cases reflect a broader pattern and described Faria’s example as unique, adding that each case is fact-specific and shaped by complex local regulations. In an email response to KQED, company representative Nick Ubaldi said Harmony is “committed to providing safe, clean, and affordable housing that remains sustainable for the long term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Achieving this mission requires carefully balancing all relevant factors for success,” he said. “This includes respecting tenants’ strong preference for the lowest possible rents while also ensuring property owners receive a fair and reasonable return on their investment, allowing the business to succeed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When rent increases do come, the mobile home ownership structure makes relocating extremely expensive for residents and, in some cases, impossible, said Teri Williams, a mobile home resident in southern California who leads the nonprofit Mobile Home Resident Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These residents are captive,” Williams said. “We’re at the mercy of park owners, and they know it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Ubaldi said park operating costs are rising rapidly, with significant increases in insurance premiums and labor, while rental income is lagging behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is one of the most expensive states in which to live and operate a business,” he said. “While no one wants to see residents displaced from their homes, the financial burden of addressing affordability challenges should not fall solely on individual property owners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080859\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080859\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents of Willow Mobile Home Park and the neighboring Creekside Village Mobile Home Park to discuss rent increases at the parks. Residents are calling on the city to adopt rent protections as they face rising and unpredictable rent hikes. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in Sacramento, however, are considering several proposals this year to strengthen protections for mobile home residents, including \u003ca href=\"http://billtrack50.com/billdetail/1921239\">limits on rent increases\u003c/a>. Some cities have adopted local rent caps, while residents themselves have organized tenant associations to fight rent hikes and, in some cases, are negotiating to buy the parks Harmony manages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willow residents said the second rent increase in two years was distressing, and that anxiety was compounded by confusing and conflicting messaging from Harmony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the company announced the second increase, Willow residents received \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1DT336OGQUmqFT1TEAPWJDBd1by8ClUSn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new document\u003c/a> that appeared to contradict the first: “At the same time the rent increase becomes effective, the park will be issuing you a rent credit that is equal to the rent increase amount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria was baffled. She was initially told her rent would increase by $300. Now, it seemed her rent would stay the same. While Harmony said they had no plans to rescind the credit, it also described it as “discretionary” and said it could be “revoked or modified” with no apparent safeguards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080856\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080856\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria holds a note she wrote about rent increases for the lot where her mobile home sits. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an emailed response to questions from KQED, Harmony Communities said some rent increases cited in notices were offset by credits or arbitration processes, resulting in lower effective rents paid by residents. The company provided tenant ledgers, which it said reflect the reduced amounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi acknowledged the conflicting messages and said the first notice was sent in error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we identified the issue, we promptly sent a corrected letter that clearly outlined each resident’s credit amount and net increase,” he wrote in an email to KQED. “Any confusion was not intended, and the second letter was sent to resolve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Davies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/matthew-davies-stockton/\">co-founder\u003c/a> of Harmony Communities, said the company purchased Willow nearly a decade ago and agreed to provide “rent subsidies” to residents for five years and has since invested “hundreds of thousands of dollars” into improvements at the park.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Faria said that when she called Harmony about the first rent increase, she was told she’d have to pay or face eviction, an account the company did not directly address in its response to KQED’s questions. By the time the second notice arrived, followed by the mixed messaging, she felt helpless and afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those people are completely bleeding us,” she said. “And they don’t care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week later, she got a new letter in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This one told her that despite the credit, her rent would still increase by $100, bringing her total rent up from $995 to $1,095.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letterhead listed Creekside Village MHC LLC, while contact information directed residents to Harmony Communities, reflecting a centralized management structure. Madeline Bankson, a housing researcher with the Private Equity Stakeholder Project, said this type of ownership is part of a broader industry pattern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The LLC does three things,” Bankson said. “It reduces liability, adds tax benefits under the tax code; the sort of secret added bonus is obscuring ownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davies started investing in mobile home parks in 2004 with his father, Bruce Davies, according to Ubaldi and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PCYLvB6HxhQ\">2024 interview\u003c/a> Matthew Davies conducted with a YouTube vlogger. Davies said Harmony had amassed a nearly $700 million portfolio in its first 20 years of operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2021 interview with Multi-Housing News, Davies \u003ca href=\"https://www.multihousingnews.com/improving-manufactured-housing-communities-with-purpose/\">described \u003c/a>Harmony’s approach as improving communities while keeping housing attainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080872\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080872\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria puts on makeup in her bathroom. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We look for communities we think will have long-term stability in areas where there’s a strong need for affordable housing and where we believe the local jurisdictions will be supportive of our efforts,” Davies told the trade publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmony operates dozens of mobile home parks across California, but individual LLCs and family trusts own the parks themselves. Documents filed with the California Secretary of State show the managers and members controlling the LLCs are often family members, relatives and Harmony employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of November 2025, Harmony listed 29 mobile home parks it manages on its website. That list has since been removed. A broader search of property records identified about 100 parks associated with the company. Those include properties that had previously been listed on its website and where the owners’ principal address matched Harmony’s Stockton headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis of business filings with the California Secretary of State found employees and family members tied to Harmony have an ownership stake in at least 84 of those parks. That includes parks owned or co-owned by members of the Ubaldi family and the Ubaldi Living Trust, whose successor trustee is Harmony spokesperson Nick Ubaldi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria rearranges photos of family and friends on her refrigerator. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As an employee of Harmony Communities, and as a park owner myself, I manage the day-to-day operations of these parks,” Ubaldi said. “Our involvement in the industry dates back to the early 1980s, long before Harmony existed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Ubaldi, Harmony is responsible for day-to-day operations, including setting rents, managing leases, maintaining properties and handling tenant issues. For many residents, the company serves as the primary point of contact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records show at least 10 LLCs managed by Molly Thompson, Davies’ ex-wife. Bruce Davies shows up as the manager for 41 LLCs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bankson said that the lack of transparency can make it harder for residents like Faria to challenge decisions or for regulators to step in, especially when ownership and management are intertwined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080877\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080877\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Harmony said its ownership structure is standard and publicly disclosed. Willow reflects the same pattern. Creekside Village Mobile Home Park LLC owns the park. Business filings name Bruce Davies as the LLC’s manager and list the owner’s mailing address as Harmony’s headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Harmony grew its portfolio, it continued to raise rents on mobile home park residents — or facilitate the sale of their parks. Meanwhile, residents and local officials from Santa Barbara to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/2025/11/06/windsor-extends-rent-freeze-for-mobile-home-residents-facing-125-hike-as-park-owner-files-federal-lawsuit/\">Sonoma County\u003c/a> have pushed back against proposed rent increases and park closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi said these measures often have the opposite of their intended effect: By limiting rent increases, he said, the underlying land becomes more valuable as vacant property than it is as a park. He pointed to a property in Thousand Oaks, which he said has an estimated land value of $20 million if it were cleared for redevelopment, but only $4 million as an occupied mobile home park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This dramatic disparity illustrates how such policies can incentivize park closures, sales to developers, or conversions, ultimately reducing the stock of affordable housing rather than expanding it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080879\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080879\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 17, 2026. The park is a privately owned 55-and-older community owned by Harmony Communities. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials in several cities haven’t seen it that way. In San Luis Obispo County, supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.newtimesslo.com/slo-county-supervisors-reject-rent-increase-for-harmony-managed-mobile-home-parks/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">unanimously rejected\u003c/a> a hardship petition filed on behalf of two Harmony-managed parks, concluding the company did not meet the standard needed to justify higher rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José housing officials similarly \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/san-jose-says-mobile-home-park-owner-cant-raise-rent/\">denied a proposed rent increase\u003c/a> at the Golden Wheel Mobile Home Park — another park owned by the Ubaldi family and managed by Harmony Communities — saying the owner failed to justify raising rents by about 10% for some of the park’s lowest-income tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are a very well-known park owner, and these tactics, or this behavior, is pretty typical for them across the state,” Emily Hislop, rent stabilization and eviction prevention manager for the city, said at a \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=A&ID=1281814&GUID=AA407BB7-8FAE-4DD2-9A07-07D3A2CAEDC5\">Housing and Community Development Commission\u003c/a> meeting in February 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Willow, Ubaldi said the two increases were intended to “bring rents to market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080896\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12080896 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A spokesperson for Harmony Communities gives public comment at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, during a city council meeting about potential rent control measures. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We do our best to review all available data and metrics, including comparable properties, occupancy rates, local economic conditions, and recent leasing and sales activity, to arrive at a fair and competitive market rent for Willow,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria and her neighbors were fed up with the higher charges and confusing messaging. They began to organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linda Jackson, another senior at the park, was the spearhead. She learned that Creekside Mobile Home Park, another Harmony-managed property in San Pablo, was also facing increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson spread the word: “I said, ‘I need five people to stand with me so that we can get [Harmony] off our backs and make it so that we can live more comfortably.’ I swear to God, the next day, I had 35 people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Linda Jackson (right) helps Clara Faria, 91, get back to her seat after giving public comment at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, during a city council meeting about potential rent control measures. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080863\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080863\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-2000x661.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-1536x508.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-2048x677.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Linda Jackson (right) sits with Clara Faria and fellow residents of Willow Mobile Home Park and Creekside Village Mobile Home Park at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, for a city council meeting where they plan to give public comment about potential rent control measures. Right: Councilmember Arturo Cruz and San Pablo mayor Elizabeth Pabon-Alvarado listen to public comment from Clara Faria. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Faria was one of them. She quickly became a leading voice at San Pablo City Council meetings, where residents urged local leaders to adopt a measure that would limit rent increases for mobile home park tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never imagined at my age I would be choosing between paying rent, buying food and getting my medication,” Faria told council members on Dec. 1. “I cut back everything I can, but these rent hikes are more than I can bear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the following meeting on Dec. 15, the council approved a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanpabloca.gov/DocumentCenter/View/18565/Mobile-Home-Assistance-Guidelines\">Mobile Home Assistance Program,\u003c/a> offering a one-time, $1,000 grant to help offset rent hikes. But residents said the relief, while welcome, fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>This Band-Aid is giving us more stress,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With only short-term help on the horizon, Faria said it’s difficult to plan for the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080867\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080867\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria stands in her home at Willow Mobile Home Park. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I live on Social Security alone,” she said. “I just can’t pay that extra money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As disputes like the one at Willow unfold across California, it is drawing attention to the vulnerability of mobile home park residents and the patchwork of local protections. Some state lawmakers are working to bolster protections, even as industry groups challenge some efforts in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has shined an unfortunate light on the fact that the whole layer of rental opportunity has sort of gone without heightened scrutiny or a lot of targeted political action,” said Tyler Pullen with UC Berkeley’s Terner Labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most apartment renters who have a statewide rent cap and standard protections, mobile home park residents are only protected by \u003ca href=\"https://mhphoa.com/ca/rso/\">local ordinances\u003c/a> that vary widely from city to city. Some communities cap rent increases or require park owners to justify higher rents. Others have few protections, leaving residents subject to large increases.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In January, state Assemblymember Sharon Quirk-Silva, D-Fullerton, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1543\">AB 1543\u003c/a>, a bill that would impose a statewide rent cap on all mobile home parks, limiting annual increases to the lower of 3% plus inflation or 5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It’s designed to help the owners of these mobile homes who make that initial investment and then their rents are increased substantially more than other renters across California,” Quirk-Silva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second time she’s tried to pass such legislation. The first was \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB978\">AB 978\u003c/a> in 2021, which got whittled down during committee hearings to narrowly apply to mobile home parks that straddle two jurisdictions. Only a handful exist across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi said rent caps are not the solution, maintaining that they discourage investment and reduce housing supply over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recognized that tenants might see things differently and argued it should be up to local governments to fill the gap between the rising costs that park owners face and the plight of low-income tenants who can’t afford rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many mobile home residents — including Faria and her neighbors — aren’t waiting for state legislation. Where local ordinances and state legislation fall short, they’re building tenant associations, challenging Harmony Communities in court, and, in at least one case, buying their park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Petaluma, residents at a mobile home park managed by Harmony faced proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/petaluma-mobile-home-park-residents-facing-300-rent-increase\">rent hikes\u003c/a> of up to 300% in a single year, prompting city-mandated arbitration and ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1O4xRTe48fFLb2-EmM7_fV6DvTpTgBhgd/view?usp=sharing\">legal disputes\u003c/a> involving the city, park owners and residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080892\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1570px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080892\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1570\" height=\"1047\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL.jpg 1570w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1570px) 100vw, 1570px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria, 91, looks through paperwork and notices documenting rent increases for the lot where her mobile home sits at Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the San Rafael RV park, owned by Harmony, residents organized a tenants union and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058015/in-san-rafael-residents-of-a-mobile-home-park-are-fighting-to-keep-their-homes\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> in late 2025 alleging unlawful rent increases, harassment and retaliatory behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a park in Fresno County, residents took a different approach. After five years of organizing and fighting rising rents, a group of mostly Oaxacan farmworkers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977464/to-fight-rising-rents-these-fresno-county-residents-bought-their-mobile-home-park\">purchased\u003c/a> the park from Harmony and converted it into a limited-equity housing cooperative. Harmony said the Fresno property had longstanding safety and infrastructure issues before its involvement, citing fires, code violations and government intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Pablo, residents at Willow and Creekside mobile home parks are weighing their own options, including forming a formal tenants’ association. Jackson said the group is also working with the local nonprofit Rising Juntos to place a measure limiting rent increases at mobile home parks on San Pablo’s November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1,095 Faria now pays for rent, along with other fees, including sewer, trash and drainage, amounts to about 55% of her Social Security income. She considered cutting her cable TV to save money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At her age, she thought she’d be settled. Instead, she said, she feels like she’s bracing for the worst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, she wrote a letter to Harmony: “I ask God to please let me die before you evict me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-April, Faria is still waiting for a response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "i-thought-i-was-going-to-die-video-shows-mass-force-at-california-womens-prison",
"title": "‘I Thought I Was Going to Die’: Video Shows Mass Force at California Women’s Prison",
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"headTitle": "‘I Thought I Was Going to Die’: Video Shows Mass Force at California Women’s Prison | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Surveillance footage newly obtained by KQED sheds light on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/ccwf/\">Central California Women’s Facility\u003c/a> in 2024. The incident resulted in discipline for more than 40 staff members, according to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, and $1.9 million in payouts to some of the women injured during the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the morning of Aug. 2, 2024, officers relocated more than 150 women to the dining hall in order to conduct a large-scale search of their cells. The women were held there for hours without access to food or medication, as tensions built and temperatures rose above 100 degrees, according to court filings. Officers deployed chemical agents, batons and physical force on dozens of incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surveillance footage, obtained through a public records request to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-department-of-corrections-and-rehabilitation\"> CDCR\u003c/a>, provides the first detailed view of how the incident unfolded. CDCR has not released officers’ body-camera video or disciplinary records requested by KQED. Previously leaked footage edited and made public by a \u003ca href=\"https://hectorbravoshow.com/\">former correctional lieutenant turned YouTuber\u003c/a> provided only limited insight into the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelina Hernandez, who was inside the dining hall at the time and has since been released, said watching the footage again was emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really thought I was going to die that day,” Hernandez said. “These officers are supposed to protect us, not attack us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of officers file into the chow hall around 12:30 p.m. and form what appears to be a skirmish line, many holding pepper spray canisters at the ready, the footage shows. Over several minutes, more officers join the formation, growing to what appears to be 40 to 50 officers positioned across the room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there is no audio captured on the surveillance footage, things appear tense with some of the incarcerated women gesticulating and shouting at the line of officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/-a8Fb2UwB1c\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An officer appears to yell and gesture for the women to step back. As they begin to move, multiple officers start deploying pepper spray and throwing grenades filled with mace, also known as OC (oleoresin capsicum). The women crouch down and run to the wall on the other side of the room as officers advance and continue to spray them repeatedly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kenneth Jimenez, a retired lieutenant who reviewed the footage, said officers must be facing an imminent threat in order to justify deploying force. Jimenez is familiar with use of force policy, which he taught to both peace officers and civilians across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see anybody approaching in a threatening manner,” he said as he watched the video. “I don’t see anything that’s imminent,” Jimenez added that instead of using force officers could have instead restrained a small number of individuals and removed them from the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR did not answer specific questions about whether the force used was excessive, but said policies were violated that day and that “corrective action” was taken.[aside postID=news_12004368 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-1020x816.jpg']About five minutes after officers began to deploy pepper spray and OC grenades, a woman appears to be struggling with some kind of physical impairment as another woman holds her up from behind. As they move forward, an officer sprays them at close range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That moment could be interpreted differently depending on what officers perceived, according to Jimenez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s articulated that they thought she was attacking them, then they wouldn’t be outside of policy because she was moving towards them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both incarcerated women are then taken to the ground and surrounded by multiple officers. It is a chaotic moment that is difficult to make out because CDCR has blurred the faces of the incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While several officers appear to be restraining the women on the ground, officers also punch and use batons on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez recalled her confusion as officers gave them loud and contradictory orders. And she said that, no matter what they did, the officers continued to spray them and throw OC grenades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They threw so many bombs at us that day,” she said. “It was even funny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the officers cornered the women against the wall, they zip-tied their hands behind their backs and walked them outside. Surveillance cameras overlooking the outdoor yard captured officers again using chemical agents around 12:40 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079991\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Screenshot-2026-04-14-at-4.13.17-PM-scaled-e1776274108111.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1120\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated women crouch while others run for safety after officers deployed pepper spray and OC grenades during a 2024 use-of-force incident at the Central California Women’s Facility. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The footage appears to show a woman starting to cough and another woman getting up to walk over to her. Officers throw multiple OC grenades toward the group, prompting the women to run in the opposite direction, where they get hit again by a different set of officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just didn’t see the necessity for a grenade,” Jimenez said. “Everyone just joined the party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several women are later seen being carried or transported on stretchers to medical staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077737/california-agrees-to-1-9m-settlement-in-prison-use-of-force-case\">CDCR settled a $1.9 million lawsuit in March\u003c/a> filed by 13 women who were hurt that day. Another class-action lawsuit tied to the incident alleges that officers denied incarcerated women medical treatment and used excessive force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR did not respond to a detailed list of questions about specific moments in the video. The agency said that the 41 staff members who were disciplined received punishments ranging from transfers to termination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, California Correctional Peace Officers Association President Neil Flood said large-scale responses are common in prison emergencies, which he described as “chaotic, fast-moving and dangerous.” He added that while the union supports accountability when policy violations are found, it also expects disciplinary actions to follow due process protections for officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least five officers have filed a legal action arguing that the agency unfairly disciplined and transferred them following the incident. They allege that CDCR reassigned them to other prisons without due process and without being given the opportunity to challenge those actions before the State Personnel Board. CDCR has denied their claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That petition is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This reporting was made possible in part by funding from the Poynter Institute.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "KQED obtained surveillance footage showing correctional officers using pepper spray, OC grenades and batons on incarcerated women during a 2024 incident at California’s Central California Women’s Facility. ",
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"title": "‘I Thought I Was Going to Die’: Video Shows Mass Force at California Women’s Prison | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Surveillance footage newly obtained by KQED sheds light on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/ccwf/\">Central California Women’s Facility\u003c/a> in 2024. The incident resulted in discipline for more than 40 staff members, according to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, and $1.9 million in payouts to some of the women injured during the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the morning of Aug. 2, 2024, officers relocated more than 150 women to the dining hall in order to conduct a large-scale search of their cells. The women were held there for hours without access to food or medication, as tensions built and temperatures rose above 100 degrees, according to court filings. Officers deployed chemical agents, batons and physical force on dozens of incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surveillance footage, obtained through a public records request to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-department-of-corrections-and-rehabilitation\"> CDCR\u003c/a>, provides the first detailed view of how the incident unfolded. CDCR has not released officers’ body-camera video or disciplinary records requested by KQED. Previously leaked footage edited and made public by a \u003ca href=\"https://hectorbravoshow.com/\">former correctional lieutenant turned YouTuber\u003c/a> provided only limited insight into the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelina Hernandez, who was inside the dining hall at the time and has since been released, said watching the footage again was emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really thought I was going to die that day,” Hernandez said. “These officers are supposed to protect us, not attack us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of officers file into the chow hall around 12:30 p.m. and form what appears to be a skirmish line, many holding pepper spray canisters at the ready, the footage shows. Over several minutes, more officers join the formation, growing to what appears to be 40 to 50 officers positioned across the room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there is no audio captured on the surveillance footage, things appear tense with some of the incarcerated women gesticulating and shouting at the line of officers.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/-a8Fb2UwB1c'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/-a8Fb2UwB1c'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>An officer appears to yell and gesture for the women to step back. As they begin to move, multiple officers start deploying pepper spray and throwing grenades filled with mace, also known as OC (oleoresin capsicum). The women crouch down and run to the wall on the other side of the room as officers advance and continue to spray them repeatedly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kenneth Jimenez, a retired lieutenant who reviewed the footage, said officers must be facing an imminent threat in order to justify deploying force. Jimenez is familiar with use of force policy, which he taught to both peace officers and civilians across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see anybody approaching in a threatening manner,” he said as he watched the video. “I don’t see anything that’s imminent,” Jimenez added that instead of using force officers could have instead restrained a small number of individuals and removed them from the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR did not answer specific questions about whether the force used was excessive, but said policies were violated that day and that “corrective action” was taken.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>About five minutes after officers began to deploy pepper spray and OC grenades, a woman appears to be struggling with some kind of physical impairment as another woman holds her up from behind. As they move forward, an officer sprays them at close range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That moment could be interpreted differently depending on what officers perceived, according to Jimenez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s articulated that they thought she was attacking them, then they wouldn’t be outside of policy because she was moving towards them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both incarcerated women are then taken to the ground and surrounded by multiple officers. It is a chaotic moment that is difficult to make out because CDCR has blurred the faces of the incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While several officers appear to be restraining the women on the ground, officers also punch and use batons on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez recalled her confusion as officers gave them loud and contradictory orders. And she said that, no matter what they did, the officers continued to spray them and throw OC grenades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They threw so many bombs at us that day,” she said. “It was even funny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the officers cornered the women against the wall, they zip-tied their hands behind their backs and walked them outside. Surveillance cameras overlooking the outdoor yard captured officers again using chemical agents around 12:40 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079991\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Screenshot-2026-04-14-at-4.13.17-PM-scaled-e1776274108111.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1120\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated women crouch while others run for safety after officers deployed pepper spray and OC grenades during a 2024 use-of-force incident at the Central California Women’s Facility. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The footage appears to show a woman starting to cough and another woman getting up to walk over to her. Officers throw multiple OC grenades toward the group, prompting the women to run in the opposite direction, where they get hit again by a different set of officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just didn’t see the necessity for a grenade,” Jimenez said. “Everyone just joined the party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several women are later seen being carried or transported on stretchers to medical staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077737/california-agrees-to-1-9m-settlement-in-prison-use-of-force-case\">CDCR settled a $1.9 million lawsuit in March\u003c/a> filed by 13 women who were hurt that day. Another class-action lawsuit tied to the incident alleges that officers denied incarcerated women medical treatment and used excessive force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR did not respond to a detailed list of questions about specific moments in the video. The agency said that the 41 staff members who were disciplined received punishments ranging from transfers to termination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, California Correctional Peace Officers Association President Neil Flood said large-scale responses are common in prison emergencies, which he described as “chaotic, fast-moving and dangerous.” He added that while the union supports accountability when policy violations are found, it also expects disciplinary actions to follow due process protections for officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least five officers have filed a legal action arguing that the agency unfairly disciplined and transferred them following the incident. They allege that CDCR reassigned them to other prisons without due process and without being given the opportunity to challenge those actions before the State Personnel Board. CDCR has denied their claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That petition is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This reporting was made possible in part by funding from the Poynter Institute.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Agrees to $1.9 Million Settlement in Prison Use-of-Force Case",
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"headTitle": "California Agrees to $1.9 Million Settlement in Prison Use-of-Force Case | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has agreed to pay $1.9 million to settle a lawsuit filed by 13 women who say correctional officers injured them during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at the Central California Women’s Facility in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs say they suffered seizures, respiratory distress and long-term vision problems after officers used batons, physical force and chemical agents on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t breathe. My lungs were on fire … I thought I was going to die,” plaintiff Wisdom Muhammad said in a recent interview at her home in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women received settlements ranging from $200,000 to $50,000 each, based on the severity of their injuries, according to their attorney Robert Chalfant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual abuse of inmates, excessive force, cruel and unusual punishment, retaliation, those things need to stop,” Chalfant said. “And the only way those things stop is through lawsuits and forcing the payment of large amounts of money so that people take notice of what’s happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, CDCR spokesperson Mary Xjimenez said the agency has reviewed the incident and has taken corrective action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 41 staff members were found to have violated policy, making it one of the largest disciplinary actions issued against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-department-of-corrections-and-rehabilitation\">CDCR\u003c/a> staff in a single incident, according to CDCR. Punishment ranged from transfers to termination, CDCR said, but the department has not yet responded to a public records request for disciplinary documents related to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1742px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993411\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1742\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed.jpg 1742w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-800x612.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-1020x781.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-1536x1175.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1742px) 100vw, 1742px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated people stand together in a yard at Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Madera County. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004477/incarcerated-women-say-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack\">Aug. 2, 2024\u003c/a>, incident began when officers removed more than 150 women from their cells and locked them in the dining hall while staff conducted a large-scale search of their cells. As temperatures in the Chowchilla facility climbed to more than 100 degrees and time wore on, the women began to ask for water, food and medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials have said that the incarcerated population “became disruptive.” Officers used physical force, batons and chemical agents to “stop the incident,” according to a review from the Office of the Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint claims the women were complying with the officers’ orders and that the force was excessive and unnecessary. It also alleges that some women were denied or delayed medical care after being injured, leaving them with lasting physical and psychological harm.[aside postID=news_12004368 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-1020x816.jpg']A total of 109 incarcerated persons were medically evaluated, CDCR said, and three were transported to an outside medical facility for a short time. In the wake of the incident, CDCR also said it made mental health staff and resources available to those affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff were also retrained after the incident on how to respond to alarms and on the appropriate use of force, according to CDCR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women involved in the suit have a broader claim about this incident as well, that it was retaliation for sexual assault complaints that they had filed against correctional staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women’s prison in Chowchilla has been plagued by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11786495/metoo-behind-bars-new-records-shed-light-on-sexual-abuse-inside-state-womens-prisons\">reports of sexual assault for years\u003c/a>. In one high-profile case, at least 22 women accused correctional officer Gregory Rodriguez of sexual abuse dating back to 2014. The state ultimately paid millions of dollars to settle those claims. Rodriguez was criminally charged and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022075/former-guard-california-womens-prison-found-guilty-59-counts-sexual-abuse\">sentenced to 224 years\u003c/a> in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Staff-Misconduct-Monitoring-Report-January-June-2025.pdf\">audit \u003c/a>by the Office of Inspector General found that at least 279 women had sued the department, accusing at least 83 prison employees of sexual misconduct. The audit describes “a wave” of lawsuits filed by currently and formerly incarcerated people alleging staff sexual assault, harassment and misconduct. In response to the lawsuits, the department approved 402 investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice is also investigating allegations of sexual abuse and staff misconduct at California women’s prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003275\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003275\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Department of Justice has launched a civil rights investigation into staff sexual abuse allegations at two women’s prisons in Chowchilla and Chino, following a series of lawsuits and similar abuses at federal facilities like FCI Dublin, which was closed due to widespread misconduct. \u003ccite>(J. David Ake/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the settlement reached this past week, CDCR did not agree to any policy changes or other non-monetary terms, and did not admit to wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department’s focus remains on the safety, security, and well-being of both the incarcerated population and staff,” Xjimenez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another class action lawsuit tied to the Aug. 2 incident is still pending. That case, known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/70350459/1/pc-hooper-v-de-la-cruz/\">Hooper v. State of California\u003c/a>, raises similar claims that medical care was delayed or denied and that the use of force was excessive and retaliatory. It is set to go to mediation in May, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR said it could not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chalfant said that many of his clients were scared to come forward. The incarcerated woman told him that correctional officers continued to reference the lawsuit and retaliate against them by writing them up for minor infractions and searching their belongings up to the day of the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If individuals’ rights are violated in state prisons, lawyers are going to take those cases,” Chalfant said. “[These women] don’t lose their constitutional rights when [they] go into a prison facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California will pay $1.9 million to settle a lawsuit alleging corrections officers used excessive force, batons and chemical agents on women at the Central California Women’s Facility, causing serious injuries, raising concerns about retaliation. ",
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"title": "California Agrees to $1.9 Million Settlement in Prison Use-of-Force Case | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has agreed to pay $1.9 million to settle a lawsuit filed by 13 women who say correctional officers injured them during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at the Central California Women’s Facility in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs say they suffered seizures, respiratory distress and long-term vision problems after officers used batons, physical force and chemical agents on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t breathe. My lungs were on fire … I thought I was going to die,” plaintiff Wisdom Muhammad said in a recent interview at her home in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women received settlements ranging from $200,000 to $50,000 each, based on the severity of their injuries, according to their attorney Robert Chalfant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual abuse of inmates, excessive force, cruel and unusual punishment, retaliation, those things need to stop,” Chalfant said. “And the only way those things stop is through lawsuits and forcing the payment of large amounts of money so that people take notice of what’s happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, CDCR spokesperson Mary Xjimenez said the agency has reviewed the incident and has taken corrective action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 41 staff members were found to have violated policy, making it one of the largest disciplinary actions issued against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-department-of-corrections-and-rehabilitation\">CDCR\u003c/a> staff in a single incident, according to CDCR. Punishment ranged from transfers to termination, CDCR said, but the department has not yet responded to a public records request for disciplinary documents related to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1742px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993411\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1742\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed.jpg 1742w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-800x612.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-1020x781.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-1536x1175.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1742px) 100vw, 1742px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated people stand together in a yard at Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Madera County. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004477/incarcerated-women-say-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack\">Aug. 2, 2024\u003c/a>, incident began when officers removed more than 150 women from their cells and locked them in the dining hall while staff conducted a large-scale search of their cells. As temperatures in the Chowchilla facility climbed to more than 100 degrees and time wore on, the women began to ask for water, food and medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials have said that the incarcerated population “became disruptive.” Officers used physical force, batons and chemical agents to “stop the incident,” according to a review from the Office of the Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint claims the women were complying with the officers’ orders and that the force was excessive and unnecessary. It also alleges that some women were denied or delayed medical care after being injured, leaving them with lasting physical and psychological harm.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A total of 109 incarcerated persons were medically evaluated, CDCR said, and three were transported to an outside medical facility for a short time. In the wake of the incident, CDCR also said it made mental health staff and resources available to those affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff were also retrained after the incident on how to respond to alarms and on the appropriate use of force, according to CDCR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women involved in the suit have a broader claim about this incident as well, that it was retaliation for sexual assault complaints that they had filed against correctional staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women’s prison in Chowchilla has been plagued by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11786495/metoo-behind-bars-new-records-shed-light-on-sexual-abuse-inside-state-womens-prisons\">reports of sexual assault for years\u003c/a>. In one high-profile case, at least 22 women accused correctional officer Gregory Rodriguez of sexual abuse dating back to 2014. The state ultimately paid millions of dollars to settle those claims. Rodriguez was criminally charged and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022075/former-guard-california-womens-prison-found-guilty-59-counts-sexual-abuse\">sentenced to 224 years\u003c/a> in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Staff-Misconduct-Monitoring-Report-January-June-2025.pdf\">audit \u003c/a>by the Office of Inspector General found that at least 279 women had sued the department, accusing at least 83 prison employees of sexual misconduct. The audit describes “a wave” of lawsuits filed by currently and formerly incarcerated people alleging staff sexual assault, harassment and misconduct. In response to the lawsuits, the department approved 402 investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice is also investigating allegations of sexual abuse and staff misconduct at California women’s prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003275\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003275\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Department of Justice has launched a civil rights investigation into staff sexual abuse allegations at two women’s prisons in Chowchilla and Chino, following a series of lawsuits and similar abuses at federal facilities like FCI Dublin, which was closed due to widespread misconduct. \u003ccite>(J. David Ake/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the settlement reached this past week, CDCR did not agree to any policy changes or other non-monetary terms, and did not admit to wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department’s focus remains on the safety, security, and well-being of both the incarcerated population and staff,” Xjimenez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another class action lawsuit tied to the Aug. 2 incident is still pending. That case, known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/70350459/1/pc-hooper-v-de-la-cruz/\">Hooper v. State of California\u003c/a>, raises similar claims that medical care was delayed or denied and that the use of force was excessive and retaliatory. It is set to go to mediation in May, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR said it could not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chalfant said that many of his clients were scared to come forward. The incarcerated woman told him that correctional officers continued to reference the lawsuit and retaliate against them by writing them up for minor infractions and searching their belongings up to the day of the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If individuals’ rights are violated in state prisons, lawyers are going to take those cases,” Chalfant said. “[These women] don’t lose their constitutional rights when [they] go into a prison facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "in-the-mission-a-bad-bunny-look-alike-contest-becomes-a-celebration-of-identity",
"title": "In the Mission, a Bad Bunny Look-Alike Contest Becomes a Celebration of Identity",
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"headTitle": "In the Mission, a Bad Bunny Look-Alike Contest Becomes a Celebration of Identity | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13986335/bad-bunny-super-bowl-halftime-show-conference-san-francisco\">Bad Bunny\u003c/a> fans and impersonators spilled out onto the sidewalk at Tacolicious in the San Francisco Mission District on Thursday night, in hopes of finding the Bay Area’s best Bad Bunny double. After all, the global superstar was once someone’s local grocery bagger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The look-alike contest came just days before Bad Bunny is set to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13986310/super-bowl-bad-bunny-celimar-rivera-cosme-lspr-puerto-rican-sign-language\">headline the Super Bowl halftime show\u003c/a>, one of the most-watched musical performances of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty-four contestants paraded through the restaurant, each offering their best Bad Bunny strut as the audience cheered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crowd ultimately crowned Abdul Arroyave, a Colombian man who’s been paying tribute to Bad Bunny through his impersonations for years, as the winner. Arroyave, a professional singer, wore a Puerto Rican \u003cem>pava\u003c/em> straw hat, crisp white pants and a red button-down shirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel amazing now,” Arroyave said after winning $600 — a prize that was boosted by a $500 donation from fintech company Ramp. “Me siento super cabrón.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12072573 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abdul Ramirez Arroyave, known as Abdul Bunny, a professional impersonator, competes in a Bad Bunny look-alike contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bad Bunny’s rise from a working-class upbringing to global superstardom has made him more than a chart-topping artist. For many fans, he represents possibility, authenticity and cultural pride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With everything happening in our country right now, he’s just been inspiring,” said contestant Benjamin Butrago, who is Puerto Rican. “He’s a good idol, a good person to have to look up to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Super Bowl week brings large NFL-affiliated events to the Bay Area, the look-alike contest, organized by Mission Lotería and the Bay Area Mexican restaurant chain Tacolicious, tried a more neighborhood-scale approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072583\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"1674\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-2000x1339.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-1536x1029.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-2048x1371.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors walk through the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Organizers promoted the contest with flyers posted around San Francisco and on social media, promising a cash prize, a Tacolicious gift card and, perhaps most importantly, bragging rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not that often that we get a global superstar that happens to be Latino that’s hosting the Super Bowl halftime show in our own area, so I felt like it was only appropriate,” said Mission Loteria founder Luis Angel Quiroz. Still, he said he was surprised by the turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event drew hundreds of fans, so packed that organizers expanded the party out onto the sidewalk, where a DJ played Bad Bunny’s most popular hits and the crowd danced along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072582\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"838\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-2000x670.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-160x54.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-1536x515.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-2048x686.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Josie Dominguez-Chand waits to enter a Bad Bunny look-alike contest organized by Mission Lotería at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026, ahead of Bad Bunny’s halftime show on Sunday; Right: Bad Bunny look-alike contestants wait to enter the competition at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It also unfolded against a more political backdrop. In recent days, Bad Bunny has drawn renewed attention for speaking out at the Grammys against Immigration and Customs Enforcement, using his platform to criticize the federal crackdown and express solidarity with immigrant communities. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13986280/bad-bunny-bay-area-imoact-sol-food-mural-pinatas-super-bowl-mission-district\">a neighborhood like the Mission\u003c/a>, that stance has only deepened his resonance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can’t take our joy away,” Quiroz said. “This is an example of a community coming together, being unafraid, and our joy is our resistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what makes a good Bad Bunny?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about having aura, personality and being able to embody the male and female gaze,” said contestant James Mavo, who wore Bad Bunny’s signature curly hair and tinted glasses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abdul Ramirez Arroyave, known as Abdul Bunny, a professional impersonator, competes in a Bad Bunny look-alike contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072578\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072578\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors walk through the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072579\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072579\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors walk through the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072569\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072569\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of fans line up for a Bad Bunny look-alike contest organized by Mission Lotería at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026, ahead of his halftime show on Sunday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072581\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors interact with the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In San Francisco’s Mission District, hundreds gathered for a Bad Bunny look-alike contest to celebrate the global superstar just days before his Super Bowl halftime show. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13986335/bad-bunny-super-bowl-halftime-show-conference-san-francisco\">Bad Bunny\u003c/a> fans and impersonators spilled out onto the sidewalk at Tacolicious in the San Francisco Mission District on Thursday night, in hopes of finding the Bay Area’s best Bad Bunny double. After all, the global superstar was once someone’s local grocery bagger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The look-alike contest came just days before Bad Bunny is set to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13986310/super-bowl-bad-bunny-celimar-rivera-cosme-lspr-puerto-rican-sign-language\">headline the Super Bowl halftime show\u003c/a>, one of the most-watched musical performances of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty-four contestants paraded through the restaurant, each offering their best Bad Bunny strut as the audience cheered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crowd ultimately crowned Abdul Arroyave, a Colombian man who’s been paying tribute to Bad Bunny through his impersonations for years, as the winner. Arroyave, a professional singer, wore a Puerto Rican \u003cem>pava\u003c/em> straw hat, crisp white pants and a red button-down shirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel amazing now,” Arroyave said after winning $600 — a prize that was boosted by a $500 donation from fintech company Ramp. “Me siento super cabrón.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12072573 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abdul Ramirez Arroyave, known as Abdul Bunny, a professional impersonator, competes in a Bad Bunny look-alike contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bad Bunny’s rise from a working-class upbringing to global superstardom has made him more than a chart-topping artist. For many fans, he represents possibility, authenticity and cultural pride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With everything happening in our country right now, he’s just been inspiring,” said contestant Benjamin Butrago, who is Puerto Rican. “He’s a good idol, a good person to have to look up to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Super Bowl week brings large NFL-affiliated events to the Bay Area, the look-alike contest, organized by Mission Lotería and the Bay Area Mexican restaurant chain Tacolicious, tried a more neighborhood-scale approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072583\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"1674\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-2000x1339.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-1536x1029.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-2048x1371.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors walk through the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Organizers promoted the contest with flyers posted around San Francisco and on social media, promising a cash prize, a Tacolicious gift card and, perhaps most importantly, bragging rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not that often that we get a global superstar that happens to be Latino that’s hosting the Super Bowl halftime show in our own area, so I felt like it was only appropriate,” said Mission Loteria founder Luis Angel Quiroz. Still, he said he was surprised by the turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event drew hundreds of fans, so packed that organizers expanded the party out onto the sidewalk, where a DJ played Bad Bunny’s most popular hits and the crowd danced along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072582\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"838\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-2000x670.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-160x54.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-1536x515.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-2048x686.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Josie Dominguez-Chand waits to enter a Bad Bunny look-alike contest organized by Mission Lotería at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026, ahead of Bad Bunny’s halftime show on Sunday; Right: Bad Bunny look-alike contestants wait to enter the competition at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It also unfolded against a more political backdrop. In recent days, Bad Bunny has drawn renewed attention for speaking out at the Grammys against Immigration and Customs Enforcement, using his platform to criticize the federal crackdown and express solidarity with immigrant communities. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13986280/bad-bunny-bay-area-imoact-sol-food-mural-pinatas-super-bowl-mission-district\">a neighborhood like the Mission\u003c/a>, that stance has only deepened his resonance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can’t take our joy away,” Quiroz said. “This is an example of a community coming together, being unafraid, and our joy is our resistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what makes a good Bad Bunny?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about having aura, personality and being able to embody the male and female gaze,” said contestant James Mavo, who wore Bad Bunny’s signature curly hair and tinted glasses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abdul Ramirez Arroyave, known as Abdul Bunny, a professional impersonator, competes in a Bad Bunny look-alike contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072578\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072578\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors walk through the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072579\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072579\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors walk through the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072569\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072569\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of fans line up for a Bad Bunny look-alike contest organized by Mission Lotería at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026, ahead of his halftime show on Sunday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072581\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors interact with the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tucked between Highway 101, a BevMo and a car dealership, about 45 RV parking spots line both sides of a one-lane road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homes at the RV Park of San Rafael are tiny, some decorated with potted plants, most sit behind short fences. On a recent evening, children ran in and out of the park’s laundromat as their parents threw piles of clothes into washing machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yessica Pérez was seven when her parents moved the family there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the beginning, I think we were the only children in the neighborhood because there were a lot of seniors living here,” she said. “Then, just little by little, there were a lot of Hispanic kids running around here, so it was really nice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was nearly two decades ago. Back then, rent was just $300 a month, she said. It was affordable enough that her parents could eventually buy a second home in the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057944\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057944\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the family RV homes that Yessica Pérez’s family owns stands on 742 Francisco Blvd. West in San Rafael on Sept. 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, Pérez lives there with her sister, surrounded by memories of the community she grew up in. Life at the park was peaceful until 2021, when Harmony Communities took over the park’s management, Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family was among several others to receive 60-day eviction notices for both properties for violations that included storing a broom outside and having a porch attached to their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would fix the violation,” she said. “Seven days later, we would receive another violation on top of another violation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pérez and her family fought back, challenging the eviction notices, along with other residents at the park. What followed has been a years-long battle that last month culminated in a lawsuit against Harmony Communities and the park’s owner, accusing them of harassment, illegal rent increases, and violating the terms of a past legal settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For residents, the lawsuit represents a turning point in their fight to defend one of Marin County’s few affordable housing options in a region where rents are among the \u003ca href=\"https://www.attomdata.com/news/most-recent/top-10-counties-with-the-highest-rental-rates-in-2024/\">highest in the nation\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12034694 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/F84AEA38-15C9-48B4-905A-8EA8C37A0B0F-SCALED-KQED-1020x765.jpg']“We’ve heard what they’ve done in other places. We know what they do in other parks,” said Herman Privette, who’s lived at the park since 1976, adding that he has little sympathy for the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Rural Legal Assistance Attorney Mariah Thompson, who is helping represent the park residents, said what’s happening in San Rafael mirrors patterns she’s seen at other parks Harmony owns or manages across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see the same tactics playing out over and over again, with slight variation,” she said. “The major themes are attempts to increase rent beyond what is permissible by rent control or deny that local rent control applies to specific parks, spaces, or homes based on what they see as perceived loopholes in the laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Harmony first took over management of the RV Park of San Rafael, residents say the company issued repeated violation notices for minor infractions, tried raising rents beyond legal limits, and filed eviction notices. In a statement to KQED, Harmony disputed those claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Ubaldi, a spokesperson for Harmony, said in an email that the eviction notices focused on health and safety issues and the company continues “to welcome low-income families into the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These notices address severe health and safety violations to prevent incidents,” Ubaldi wrote. “We would be negligent not to enforce compliance with serious health and safety codes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058543\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058543\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Herman Privette, poses for a portrait at RV home in San Rafael on Oct. 1, 2025. Privette, who has lived in this San Rafael RV park for over 30 years, is fighting a possible eviction from Harmony Housing Development, which has recently taken new ownership of the properties. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Legal Aid of Marin Attorney DeMarco García, who began helping families in July as co-counsel with California Rural Legal Assistance, said Harmony often singled out residents who were least likely to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They first started with the tenants that don’t speak a lick of English,” he said. “People were afraid, with everything going on with immigration, that they just stayed kind of hidden.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privette said he’d never seen the community shrink so much. Staring at the strip of road, he pointed to vacant spaces where families were either evicted or left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Starting with the one by the mail room, there’s an empty space there, and another where that truck is,” he said. “I’ve never seen it like this in all my years here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the community has been classified as a mobile home park. The designation means residents own their homes but rent the land underneath them, giving them protections under California’s Mobilehome Residency Law and the city’s rent control ordinance.[aside postID=news_11977464 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2976-1020x765.jpg']Back in 2004, a Marin County Superior Court judge ruled that despite its name, the “RV park” was in fact a mobile home park, subject to local rent control. The court noted the park had been built in the 1940s, long before modern regulations on lot size and setbacks, and said those older “legacy conditions,” like narrow spaces, small lots, and additions, were legally grandfathered in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the state’s housing department has also consistently treated the property as a mobile home park, and city zoning does not allow RV parks within San Rafael city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when Harmony raised rents beyond what the city’s ordinance allows, residents and city officials saw it as a direct violation of those long-standing protections. Ubaldi, of Harmony, disputes any violation occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did not impose the rent increase,” Ubaldi wrote. “We requested it and sought a city hearing to determine a fair outcome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city and Harmony went to court, kicking off a two-year legal battle. In 2023, the two sides reached a settlement that required Harmony to dismiss pending evictions and uphold rent-control protections. But by then, several families had already left the park, García said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Thompson said Harmony soon resumed the same practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>They start issuing these same notices,” she said. “For things that [the state’s Housing and Community Development Department] has come and done an inspection on and has said we’re all cleared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson said she hopes the new lawsuit will force Harmony to finally comply with the settlement and ensure the company follows through on its promises to the community. According to court documents, residents are suing to protect their property rights as homeowners and to put an end to Harmony’s “unlawful business practices and displacement campaign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057940\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057940\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yessica Pérez poses for a portrait in one of her family’s RV homes in San Rafael, on Sept. 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Without this court’s assistance, [the residents] will likely lose their protections under rent control, if not lose their homes and community entirely,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pérez, each new eviction notice from Harmony chips away at the stability her parents hoped for when they first came to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s difficult because they really thought this was gonna be a retirement home for them,” Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for neighbors like Privette, the lawsuit is about more than legal protections. It’s about preserving one of the few affordable places to live in Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To live in your own place and be able to live with an affordable rent is something I would like to see more people have,” Privette said. “I’d be happy for other people to be as lucky as I’ve been.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tucked between Highway 101, a BevMo and a car dealership, about 45 RV parking spots line both sides of a one-lane road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homes at the RV Park of San Rafael are tiny, some decorated with potted plants, most sit behind short fences. On a recent evening, children ran in and out of the park’s laundromat as their parents threw piles of clothes into washing machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yessica Pérez was seven when her parents moved the family there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the beginning, I think we were the only children in the neighborhood because there were a lot of seniors living here,” she said. “Then, just little by little, there were a lot of Hispanic kids running around here, so it was really nice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was nearly two decades ago. Back then, rent was just $300 a month, she said. It was affordable enough that her parents could eventually buy a second home in the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057944\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057944\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the family RV homes that Yessica Pérez’s family owns stands on 742 Francisco Blvd. West in San Rafael on Sept. 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, Pérez lives there with her sister, surrounded by memories of the community she grew up in. Life at the park was peaceful until 2021, when Harmony Communities took over the park’s management, Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family was among several others to receive 60-day eviction notices for both properties for violations that included storing a broom outside and having a porch attached to their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would fix the violation,” she said. “Seven days later, we would receive another violation on top of another violation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pérez and her family fought back, challenging the eviction notices, along with other residents at the park. What followed has been a years-long battle that last month culminated in a lawsuit against Harmony Communities and the park’s owner, accusing them of harassment, illegal rent increases, and violating the terms of a past legal settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For residents, the lawsuit represents a turning point in their fight to defend one of Marin County’s few affordable housing options in a region where rents are among the \u003ca href=\"https://www.attomdata.com/news/most-recent/top-10-counties-with-the-highest-rental-rates-in-2024/\">highest in the nation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’ve heard what they’ve done in other places. We know what they do in other parks,” said Herman Privette, who’s lived at the park since 1976, adding that he has little sympathy for the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Rural Legal Assistance Attorney Mariah Thompson, who is helping represent the park residents, said what’s happening in San Rafael mirrors patterns she’s seen at other parks Harmony owns or manages across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see the same tactics playing out over and over again, with slight variation,” she said. “The major themes are attempts to increase rent beyond what is permissible by rent control or deny that local rent control applies to specific parks, spaces, or homes based on what they see as perceived loopholes in the laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Harmony first took over management of the RV Park of San Rafael, residents say the company issued repeated violation notices for minor infractions, tried raising rents beyond legal limits, and filed eviction notices. In a statement to KQED, Harmony disputed those claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Ubaldi, a spokesperson for Harmony, said in an email that the eviction notices focused on health and safety issues and the company continues “to welcome low-income families into the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These notices address severe health and safety violations to prevent incidents,” Ubaldi wrote. “We would be negligent not to enforce compliance with serious health and safety codes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058543\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058543\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Herman Privette, poses for a portrait at RV home in San Rafael on Oct. 1, 2025. Privette, who has lived in this San Rafael RV park for over 30 years, is fighting a possible eviction from Harmony Housing Development, which has recently taken new ownership of the properties. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Legal Aid of Marin Attorney DeMarco García, who began helping families in July as co-counsel with California Rural Legal Assistance, said Harmony often singled out residents who were least likely to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They first started with the tenants that don’t speak a lick of English,” he said. “People were afraid, with everything going on with immigration, that they just stayed kind of hidden.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privette said he’d never seen the community shrink so much. Staring at the strip of road, he pointed to vacant spaces where families were either evicted or left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Starting with the one by the mail room, there’s an empty space there, and another where that truck is,” he said. “I’ve never seen it like this in all my years here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the community has been classified as a mobile home park. The designation means residents own their homes but rent the land underneath them, giving them protections under California’s Mobilehome Residency Law and the city’s rent control ordinance.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Back in 2004, a Marin County Superior Court judge ruled that despite its name, the “RV park” was in fact a mobile home park, subject to local rent control. The court noted the park had been built in the 1940s, long before modern regulations on lot size and setbacks, and said those older “legacy conditions,” like narrow spaces, small lots, and additions, were legally grandfathered in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the state’s housing department has also consistently treated the property as a mobile home park, and city zoning does not allow RV parks within San Rafael city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when Harmony raised rents beyond what the city’s ordinance allows, residents and city officials saw it as a direct violation of those long-standing protections. Ubaldi, of Harmony, disputes any violation occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did not impose the rent increase,” Ubaldi wrote. “We requested it and sought a city hearing to determine a fair outcome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city and Harmony went to court, kicking off a two-year legal battle. In 2023, the two sides reached a settlement that required Harmony to dismiss pending evictions and uphold rent-control protections. But by then, several families had already left the park, García said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Thompson said Harmony soon resumed the same practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>They start issuing these same notices,” she said. “For things that [the state’s Housing and Community Development Department] has come and done an inspection on and has said we’re all cleared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson said she hopes the new lawsuit will force Harmony to finally comply with the settlement and ensure the company follows through on its promises to the community. According to court documents, residents are suing to protect their property rights as homeowners and to put an end to Harmony’s “unlawful business practices and displacement campaign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057940\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057940\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yessica Pérez poses for a portrait in one of her family’s RV homes in San Rafael, on Sept. 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Without this court’s assistance, [the residents] will likely lose their protections under rent control, if not lose their homes and community entirely,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pérez, each new eviction notice from Harmony chips away at the stability her parents hoped for when they first came to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s difficult because they really thought this was gonna be a retirement home for them,” Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for neighbors like Privette, the lawsuit is about more than legal protections. It’s about preserving one of the few affordable places to live in Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To live in your own place and be able to live with an affordable rent is something I would like to see more people have,” Privette said. “I’d be happy for other people to be as lucky as I’ve been.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s a cool morning in the small farm town of Caruthers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/fresno\">Fresno\u003c/a> County. The sun hasn’t risen yet, but Carmen, a mayordoma, or crew supervisor, hops out of her truck and begins prepping the tools her workers will need to harvest grapes: knives, containers, sheets of parchment paper. She’s expecting at least six people to show up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s already a fraction of the crews she used to lead. After two decades in the fields herself, Carmen has spent the last four years as a supervisor. And lately, finding help is harder than ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people don’t want to work in the fields anymore,” she said in Spanish. “And those who used to work here don’t have the strength.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This morning, just three workers showed up — all of them over 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carmen, 35, knows the work is tough and the Central Valley heat can be unforgiving. Like many parents who work in the field, she’s brought her kids to the fields so they can gain an appreciation for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And as an example of the kind of future they’ll have if they don’t pursue their education,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054922\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054922\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carmen, a field supervisor, picks grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But there’s the contradiction. Even as she pushes her own children toward college, she knows that’s part of the reason her crews keep shrinking. What feels like a triumph for her family only deepens the challenge she faces each day as a supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her experience reflects a larger shift: California’s farm labor force is aging, and few younger workers are stepping in to replace them. Meanwhile, the workforce is also under strain from the Trump Administration’s immigration policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1979, the average California farmworker was 30 years old. Today it’s 40, with many still laboring well into their 60s and 70s, according to Edward Flores, faculty director of the UC Merced Community and Labor Center, who has studied these changes.[aside postID=news_12052452 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/20250725_OAKLANDDAYLABORERS_GC-3-KQED.jpg']Beginning in the 1970s, the U.S. experienced one of the largest migration waves in modern history: hundreds of thousands of young men and women came from Mexico to California, filling farm jobs that fueled the state’s agricultural boom. In 1969, the largest group of farmworkers was between 16 and 25. By the 1990s, it had shifted to 25 to 34, and the average age has only continued to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If their parents have chronic health issues, struggle to make ends meet, and tell their kids to get an education instead, many children listen,” Flores said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Merced Community and Labor Center documents this trend in its report\u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/g/files/ufvvjh626/f/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com\"> \u003cem>A Golden Age: California’s Aging Immigrant Workforce and its Implications for Safety Net Policy\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. The research shows that California’s noncitizen workforce, especially in agriculture, is aging rapidly while being largely excluded from Social Security and unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores, who co-authored the report, warns that this leaves many longtime farmworkers with no safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They harvest the food that we eat, but they cannot even afford to put food on their own table,” he said. “How do we care for those who have spent an entire lifetime in the fields and have no retirement?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054920\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers pick grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If California wants to attract new workers into agriculture, Flores argues, farm jobs need to pay enough to cover basic needs, come with stronger health and safety protections, and offer an economic safety net for workers as they age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But demographics aren’t the only factor shaping who shows up to work. Recently, immigration enforcement has also kept crews thin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has often sent mixed signals on immigration policy. Federal agents have carried out \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/more-than-300-arrested-immigration-raids-southern-california-farms-feds/\">raids on farms\u003c/a> in California, even as Trump has publicly \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/06/20/trump-immigration-raids-farms\">suggested\u003c/a> that farmworkers could be spared. Those contradictions have left growers scrambling and many crews living with uncertainty.[aside postID=science_1998136 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2025/07/250730-COMMUNITYFARM-08-KQED.jpg']Bryan Little of the California Farm Bureau said even the rumors of immigration enforcement have an impact on turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had scattered reports of people not showing up to complete harvesting operations,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That fear, layered on top of an already aging workforce, only deepens the shortage. And with fewer reliable hands, growers are already reshaping agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Little points to nut orchards, where once 20 workers harvested almonds with long poles, now a handful of people can run machines that shake trees and sweep nuts off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five people can do in half the time what 16 used to do all day,” Little said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some growers are experimenting with “assistive technologies,” like robotic carts that follow strawberry pickers down the rows. But Little cautions that without immigration reform and a more accessible guest worker program, those tools won’t be enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054919\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054919 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grapes hang on a vine in a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Farmers and advocates have been calling for that kind of change for decades, with little to show for it. The H2A program has long been criticized for being cumbersome and expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-03-12/california-farm-groups-look-to-stabilize-workforce-amid-crackdown-illegal-immigration\">reintroduced\u003c/a> the Farm Workforce Modernization Act, a bipartisan bill that would amend the guest worker program and create a path to legal status for longtime agricultural workers. But even after passing Congress in previous years, it remains stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleges are also stepping in to address the gap. At Coalinga College, Dean Bobby Mahfoud said students often come in with outdated views of farm work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a perception among young people that ag is just low-tech manual labor,” she said. “In reality, modern ag careers involve technology, sustainability, robotics, and data science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school offers programs in plant science, irrigation systems, and precision agriculture. Dual enrollment lets high school students sample the coursework early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054923\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A field of grapes in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to combat the perception,” Mahfoud said. “It looks a lot different than it used to look.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she admits that agriculture competes with other stable local employers, like state prisons and hospitals, which can offer clear benefits and retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the few young people embracing agriculture is 27-year-old Francisco Marin. His parents harvested table grapes in Bakersfield, and he joined them during his high school summers. It was grueling work, long days in 100-degree heat for $9 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of turning away, Francisco leaned in. He’s now training to become a licensed pest control advisor, a job that could pay upwards of $80,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom wanted me to hate the work so I’d stay in school,” he said. “But I fell in love with farming. Now she understands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Francisco said he’s often the youngest in the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I look around, and yeah, I’m one of the youngest guys there,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Carmen, stories like Francisco’s are rare. In her crew, she only sees workers her age or older. Recruiting anyone under 30 feels impossible. She worries about what that means for the future of agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without people, we are nothing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s a cool morning in the small farm town of Caruthers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/fresno\">Fresno\u003c/a> County. The sun hasn’t risen yet, but Carmen, a mayordoma, or crew supervisor, hops out of her truck and begins prepping the tools her workers will need to harvest grapes: knives, containers, sheets of parchment paper. She’s expecting at least six people to show up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s already a fraction of the crews she used to lead. After two decades in the fields herself, Carmen has spent the last four years as a supervisor. And lately, finding help is harder than ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people don’t want to work in the fields anymore,” she said in Spanish. “And those who used to work here don’t have the strength.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This morning, just three workers showed up — all of them over 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carmen, 35, knows the work is tough and the Central Valley heat can be unforgiving. Like many parents who work in the field, she’s brought her kids to the fields so they can gain an appreciation for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And as an example of the kind of future they’ll have if they don’t pursue their education,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054922\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054922\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carmen, a field supervisor, picks grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But there’s the contradiction. Even as she pushes her own children toward college, she knows that’s part of the reason her crews keep shrinking. What feels like a triumph for her family only deepens the challenge she faces each day as a supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her experience reflects a larger shift: California’s farm labor force is aging, and few younger workers are stepping in to replace them. Meanwhile, the workforce is also under strain from the Trump Administration’s immigration policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1979, the average California farmworker was 30 years old. Today it’s 40, with many still laboring well into their 60s and 70s, according to Edward Flores, faculty director of the UC Merced Community and Labor Center, who has studied these changes.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Beginning in the 1970s, the U.S. experienced one of the largest migration waves in modern history: hundreds of thousands of young men and women came from Mexico to California, filling farm jobs that fueled the state’s agricultural boom. In 1969, the largest group of farmworkers was between 16 and 25. By the 1990s, it had shifted to 25 to 34, and the average age has only continued to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If their parents have chronic health issues, struggle to make ends meet, and tell their kids to get an education instead, many children listen,” Flores said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Merced Community and Labor Center documents this trend in its report\u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/g/files/ufvvjh626/f/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com\"> \u003cem>A Golden Age: California’s Aging Immigrant Workforce and its Implications for Safety Net Policy\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. The research shows that California’s noncitizen workforce, especially in agriculture, is aging rapidly while being largely excluded from Social Security and unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores, who co-authored the report, warns that this leaves many longtime farmworkers with no safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They harvest the food that we eat, but they cannot even afford to put food on their own table,” he said. “How do we care for those who have spent an entire lifetime in the fields and have no retirement?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054920\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers pick grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If California wants to attract new workers into agriculture, Flores argues, farm jobs need to pay enough to cover basic needs, come with stronger health and safety protections, and offer an economic safety net for workers as they age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But demographics aren’t the only factor shaping who shows up to work. Recently, immigration enforcement has also kept crews thin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has often sent mixed signals on immigration policy. Federal agents have carried out \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/more-than-300-arrested-immigration-raids-southern-california-farms-feds/\">raids on farms\u003c/a> in California, even as Trump has publicly \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/06/20/trump-immigration-raids-farms\">suggested\u003c/a> that farmworkers could be spared. Those contradictions have left growers scrambling and many crews living with uncertainty.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Bryan Little of the California Farm Bureau said even the rumors of immigration enforcement have an impact on turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had scattered reports of people not showing up to complete harvesting operations,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That fear, layered on top of an already aging workforce, only deepens the shortage. And with fewer reliable hands, growers are already reshaping agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Little points to nut orchards, where once 20 workers harvested almonds with long poles, now a handful of people can run machines that shake trees and sweep nuts off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five people can do in half the time what 16 used to do all day,” Little said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some growers are experimenting with “assistive technologies,” like robotic carts that follow strawberry pickers down the rows. But Little cautions that without immigration reform and a more accessible guest worker program, those tools won’t be enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054919\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054919 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grapes hang on a vine in a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Farmers and advocates have been calling for that kind of change for decades, with little to show for it. The H2A program has long been criticized for being cumbersome and expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-03-12/california-farm-groups-look-to-stabilize-workforce-amid-crackdown-illegal-immigration\">reintroduced\u003c/a> the Farm Workforce Modernization Act, a bipartisan bill that would amend the guest worker program and create a path to legal status for longtime agricultural workers. But even after passing Congress in previous years, it remains stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleges are also stepping in to address the gap. At Coalinga College, Dean Bobby Mahfoud said students often come in with outdated views of farm work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a perception among young people that ag is just low-tech manual labor,” she said. “In reality, modern ag careers involve technology, sustainability, robotics, and data science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school offers programs in plant science, irrigation systems, and precision agriculture. Dual enrollment lets high school students sample the coursework early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054923\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A field of grapes in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to combat the perception,” Mahfoud said. “It looks a lot different than it used to look.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she admits that agriculture competes with other stable local employers, like state prisons and hospitals, which can offer clear benefits and retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the few young people embracing agriculture is 27-year-old Francisco Marin. His parents harvested table grapes in Bakersfield, and he joined them during his high school summers. It was grueling work, long days in 100-degree heat for $9 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of turning away, Francisco leaned in. He’s now training to become a licensed pest control advisor, a job that could pay upwards of $80,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom wanted me to hate the work so I’d stay in school,” he said. “But I fell in love with farming. Now she understands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Francisco said he’s often the youngest in the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I look around, and yeah, I’m one of the youngest guys there,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Carmen, stories like Francisco’s are rare. In her crew, she only sees workers her age or older. Recruiting anyone under 30 feels impossible. She worries about what that means for the future of agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without people, we are nothing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Raye Michelle Vang knows what it’s like to start over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/fresno\">Fresno\u003c/a> radio host and single mom of three said she wouldn’t be where she is today without the federal housing voucher she received nearly eight years ago. At the time, she was trying to leave an abusive relationship, raising two daughters, and pregnant with a third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just thought, you know, what am I going to do? Am I going to go homeless with three kids?” Vang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She applied for a voucher on a whim, expecting to wait years. Instead, she was approved in a year. It changed everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The voucher, which pays 30% of her rent, allowed her to focus on providing for her daughters’ needs: diapers, new clothes and being present. She started taking communications classes at Clovis City College, where she landed the radio hosting job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang now hosts a two-hour daily show on Hmong Radio where she speaks “Hmonglish.” She covers everything from parenting to voting in local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-8.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1080\" height=\"504\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-8.png 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-8-160x75.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Raye Michelle Vang (right) with her daughters at the Fresno Hmong New Year celebration in December 2024. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Raye Michelle Vang)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I would have never even thought about trying this [radio show], because I would be working two to three jobs,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, Vang fears she and thousands of others could lose their safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under pressure from the Trump administration, Congress is proposing sweeping cuts to the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s budget and programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 900,000 Californians rely on federal housing assistance, and only 1 in 4 eligible residents currently receive help, according to the California Budget & Policy Center.[aside postID=news_12049612 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-SHELTERFAMILIES-05-BL-KQED.jpg']“If Congress doesn’t act, we could see tens of thousands of people, including seniors, people with disabilities, and working parents, pushed out of their homes,” said Monica Davalos, a housing policy analyst with the California Budget & Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration’s proposal aims to cap assistance at two years for able-bodied adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If implemented, that time cap could strip rental assistance from an estimated 306,800 people across the state, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/7_F_ClYpANik10XLs1t3izBJNg?domain=cbpp.org\">Center on Budget and Policy Priorities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a heinous proposal that ignores the realities of California’s housing market and what it actually takes for people to get back on their feet,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither the House nor Senate budget bills currently include that proposal, but Davalos warns that it reflects the kind of policy direction that could still shape final negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress is expected to finalize a federal budget by Oct. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If federal cuts go through, the Fresno Housing Authority said up to 15,000 people across Fresno County could lose their homes. Other programs that help people transition off assistance, like Family Self-Sufficiency or Jobs Plus, are also on the chopping block.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051136\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051136\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing advocates protest in Fresno on Dec. 11, 2021. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khoka/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It would totally restructure housing rental assistance across the state,” said Tyrone Williams, CEO of the Fresno Housing Authority. “Once they decide to cut this funding, we won’t be able to rein it back in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of the federal threats, Fresno is also facing the consequences of state-level setbacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, California’s Housing and Community Development department revoked the city’s pro-housing designation, a label that helped Fresno competitively apply for state housing grants. The city lost that status after falling behind on several key housing obligations.[aside postID=news_12049734 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/241203-FresnoCampingBan-25-BL_qed.jpg']“This doesn’t just limit funding,” said Marisa Moraza of \u003ca href=\"https://powercalifornia.org/history\">Power California\u003c/a>. “It reflects the city’s ongoing failure to meet the moment and to take bold action in a housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say Fresno’s housing strategy often focuses too much on new development and not enough on protecting the people already here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over 50% of Fresno residents are renters,” Moraza said. “If we want to keep people housed, we have to protect them. That means rent caps, eviction defense, and deeply affordable units.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups like Power CA Action and the Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability are pushing for stronger tenant protections, more community input, and investment in alternative housing models like land trusts or co-ops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang is worried for herself and the neighbors she sees struggling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like you finally catch your breath, and then you fall again,” she said. “We’re trying to get assistance. But you can’t get back on your feet in two years when you barely get a raise. You just can’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the voucher system is gutted, Vang would likely have to move her kids back into her parents’ house, which she called going back to “ground zero.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She applied for a voucher on a whim, expecting to wait years. Instead, she was approved in a year. It changed everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The voucher, which pays 30% of her rent, allowed her to focus on providing for her daughters’ needs: diapers, new clothes and being present. She started taking communications classes at Clovis City College, where she landed the radio hosting job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang now hosts a two-hour daily show on Hmong Radio where she speaks “Hmonglish.” She covers everything from parenting to voting in local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-8.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1080\" height=\"504\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-8.png 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-8-160x75.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Raye Michelle Vang (right) with her daughters at the Fresno Hmong New Year celebration in December 2024. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Raye Michelle Vang)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I would have never even thought about trying this [radio show], because I would be working two to three jobs,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, Vang fears she and thousands of others could lose their safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under pressure from the Trump administration, Congress is proposing sweeping cuts to the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s budget and programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 900,000 Californians rely on federal housing assistance, and only 1 in 4 eligible residents currently receive help, according to the California Budget & Policy Center.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If Congress doesn’t act, we could see tens of thousands of people, including seniors, people with disabilities, and working parents, pushed out of their homes,” said Monica Davalos, a housing policy analyst with the California Budget & Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration’s proposal aims to cap assistance at two years for able-bodied adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If implemented, that time cap could strip rental assistance from an estimated 306,800 people across the state, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/7_F_ClYpANik10XLs1t3izBJNg?domain=cbpp.org\">Center on Budget and Policy Priorities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a heinous proposal that ignores the realities of California’s housing market and what it actually takes for people to get back on their feet,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither the House nor Senate budget bills currently include that proposal, but Davalos warns that it reflects the kind of policy direction that could still shape final negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress is expected to finalize a federal budget by Oct. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If federal cuts go through, the Fresno Housing Authority said up to 15,000 people across Fresno County could lose their homes. Other programs that help people transition off assistance, like Family Self-Sufficiency or Jobs Plus, are also on the chopping block.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051136\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051136\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing advocates protest in Fresno on Dec. 11, 2021. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khoka/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It would totally restructure housing rental assistance across the state,” said Tyrone Williams, CEO of the Fresno Housing Authority. “Once they decide to cut this funding, we won’t be able to rein it back in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of the federal threats, Fresno is also facing the consequences of state-level setbacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, California’s Housing and Community Development department revoked the city’s pro-housing designation, a label that helped Fresno competitively apply for state housing grants. The city lost that status after falling behind on several key housing obligations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This doesn’t just limit funding,” said Marisa Moraza of \u003ca href=\"https://powercalifornia.org/history\">Power California\u003c/a>. “It reflects the city’s ongoing failure to meet the moment and to take bold action in a housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say Fresno’s housing strategy often focuses too much on new development and not enough on protecting the people already here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over 50% of Fresno residents are renters,” Moraza said. “If we want to keep people housed, we have to protect them. That means rent caps, eviction defense, and deeply affordable units.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups like Power CA Action and the Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability are pushing for stronger tenant protections, more community input, and investment in alternative housing models like land trusts or co-ops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang is worried for herself and the neighbors she sees struggling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like you finally catch your breath, and then you fall again,” she said. “We’re trying to get assistance. But you can’t get back on your feet in two years when you barely get a raise. You just can’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the voucher system is gutted, Vang would likely have to move her kids back into her parents’ house, which she called going back to “ground zero.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Palm Springs Payment Lag Reveals Hurdles in California’s Racial Justice Efforts",
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"content": "\u003cp>Palm Springs is one step closer to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">paying reparations to Black and Latino families\u003c/a> who were forcibly removed from their homes more than 60 years ago. But more than six months after the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">approved a historic $5.9 million settlement\u003c/a>, survivors are still waiting for the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials say they’re ready to release the funds, but they’re still waiting on a final, verified list of eligible recipients from civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group Section 14 Survivors. Martin says the vetting process has taken time and that’s intentional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re more interested in fairness and making sure everyone that wants to participate is given an opportunity to do so than driven by any deadlines,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the late 1950s through the early 1960s, the city of Palm Springs bulldozed and burned homes in Section 14, a 1-square-mile neighborhood that was home to mostly Black and Latino families with low income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With city approval, fire crews torched homes, and residents were pushed out to make way for commercial development. In recent years, survivors and descendants have come forward to demand recognition and repair.[aside postID=news_12044638 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/12m-Reparations-1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of advocacy, the Palm Springs City Council unanimously approved the cash settlement last November, along with a broader reparations package that includes $21 million for housing and small business investment over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for the cash settlement, survivors and their descendants had to submit three documents proving they lived in Section 14 during the years the city cleared the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s proved challenging for many applicants in their late 70s and 80s who don’t use email or online platforms. Martin’s team received about 350 claims, relying on records like phone books, school documents and marriage certificates to verify eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re using Docusign — something very common for people in the workplace, but not for 75- and 80-year-old people,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988779\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, a former Section 14 resident, in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Each application is now being reviewed by a retired California Supreme Court justice working pro bono. Martin says the process should be completed in 60 to 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This effort is part of a growing push across California to address racial harms. A year after the failure of key reparations bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">drew backlash from activists\u003c/a>, the California Legislative Black Caucus introduced several new measures this session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One is SB 518, introduced by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D-San Diego). The bill would establish a state framework to support local reparations programs, like the one in Palm Springs, by helping cities identify eligible recipients, develop cultural restoration projects and distribute funds fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For centuries, systemic discrimination has created barriers for opportunity for economic security, housing, education, health and so much more,” Weber Pierson said. “The effects of these injustices are still felt today and action is long overdue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond cash payouts, Palm Springs also committed to cultural and community investments, including plans for a healing center, a public monument, and a permanent day of remembrance for Section 14. So far, the programs haven’t been launched. The city says more details will be released later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pearl Devers, one of the former Section 14 residents, the journey has been emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suppressed a lot of what happened in my family all these years until the floodgates opened,” she said. “Then I was able to shed my first tear.”[aside postID=news_12027903 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/CMReparations01.jpg']In digging into her family’s history, Devers discovered that her father had been a member of the NAACP. She says being part of the reparations process feels like continuing his work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a full life-circle moment for me, to complete something I know my father’s passion and hard work was a part of,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 14 survivors and supporters celebrated the progress with a gala last weekend in Palm Springs, but for many, the true milestone will come when the first check is delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin says the momentum from Palm Springs is already rippling out. Tulsa’s new reparative justice plan, she says, mirrors aspects of the Section 14 settlement, and more cities are reaching out for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Repair is possible,” Martin said. “Communities across the country are watching this, seeing it can be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Palm Springs is one step closer to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">paying reparations to Black and Latino families\u003c/a> who were forcibly removed from their homes more than 60 years ago. But more than six months after the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">approved a historic $5.9 million settlement\u003c/a>, survivors are still waiting for the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials say they’re ready to release the funds, but they’re still waiting on a final, verified list of eligible recipients from civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group Section 14 Survivors. Martin says the vetting process has taken time and that’s intentional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re more interested in fairness and making sure everyone that wants to participate is given an opportunity to do so than driven by any deadlines,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the late 1950s through the early 1960s, the city of Palm Springs bulldozed and burned homes in Section 14, a 1-square-mile neighborhood that was home to mostly Black and Latino families with low income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With city approval, fire crews torched homes, and residents were pushed out to make way for commercial development. In recent years, survivors and descendants have come forward to demand recognition and repair.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of advocacy, the Palm Springs City Council unanimously approved the cash settlement last November, along with a broader reparations package that includes $21 million for housing and small business investment over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for the cash settlement, survivors and their descendants had to submit three documents proving they lived in Section 14 during the years the city cleared the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s proved challenging for many applicants in their late 70s and 80s who don’t use email or online platforms. Martin’s team received about 350 claims, relying on records like phone books, school documents and marriage certificates to verify eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re using Docusign — something very common for people in the workplace, but not for 75- and 80-year-old people,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988779\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, a former Section 14 resident, in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Each application is now being reviewed by a retired California Supreme Court justice working pro bono. Martin says the process should be completed in 60 to 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This effort is part of a growing push across California to address racial harms. A year after the failure of key reparations bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">drew backlash from activists\u003c/a>, the California Legislative Black Caucus introduced several new measures this session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One is SB 518, introduced by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D-San Diego). The bill would establish a state framework to support local reparations programs, like the one in Palm Springs, by helping cities identify eligible recipients, develop cultural restoration projects and distribute funds fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For centuries, systemic discrimination has created barriers for opportunity for economic security, housing, education, health and so much more,” Weber Pierson said. “The effects of these injustices are still felt today and action is long overdue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond cash payouts, Palm Springs also committed to cultural and community investments, including plans for a healing center, a public monument, and a permanent day of remembrance for Section 14. So far, the programs haven’t been launched. The city says more details will be released later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pearl Devers, one of the former Section 14 residents, the journey has been emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suppressed a lot of what happened in my family all these years until the floodgates opened,” she said. “Then I was able to shed my first tear.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In digging into her family’s history, Devers discovered that her father had been a member of the NAACP. She says being part of the reparations process feels like continuing his work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a full life-circle moment for me, to complete something I know my father’s passion and hard work was a part of,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 14 survivors and supporters celebrated the progress with a gala last weekend in Palm Springs, but for many, the true milestone will come when the first check is delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin says the momentum from Palm Springs is already rippling out. Tulsa’s new reparative justice plan, she says, mirrors aspects of the Section 14 settlement, and more cities are reaching out for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Repair is possible,” Martin said. “Communities across the country are watching this, seeing it can be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Palm Springs OKs $5.9 Million in Reparations for Black and Latino Families Whose Homes the City Burned",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a historic move, the Palm Springs City Council voted unanimously Thursday night to approve a settlement offer for the surviving former residents and descendants of a Black and Latino neighborhood that the city burned to the ground 60 years ago to make way for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement includes $5.9 million in direct cash payments to an estimated 1,200 people. It also includes a commitment from the city to explore naming a community park and to establish a cultural healing center and a public monument to honor the legacy of the former residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council also added a resolution to the settlement, creating a day of remembrance to honor the Section 14 survivors and descendants, a call that was made by several public commenters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot fix things that happened in the past. But what you do going forward is, as or more important,” Mayor Jeffrey Bernstein said at the meeting on Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991101\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991101\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A vacant lot.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Apartment buildings surround the vacant lot of what was Section 14 in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The former residents and descendants of the neighborhood, known as Section 14, near the city’s downtown, accepted the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This agreement demonstrates that it’s never too late to acknowledge past wrongs and take meaningful steps toward justice,” said Areva Martin, lead counsel for the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council also approved $21 million in housing and economic development programs to address the city’s past discrimination against its Black and Latino residents. That includes $10 million for a first-time homebuyer assistance program and $10 million to establish a community land trust. Both programs will prioritize doing outreach to families that formerly lived in the Section 14 community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city will also fund a $1 million small business program aimed at “empowering local business initiatives for marginalized communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This agreement comes years after the Palm Springs Section 14 Survivors group, created by former resident Pearl Devers, began demanding the city pay for the loss of their homes, personal property and the racial trauma they experienced from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">burning\u003c/a> of their neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like I can breathe finally, for my community, for my parents, for everybody. It’s been a long journey. It’s been a hard-fought journey. And I’m just happy that we have prevailed,” Devers said after the vote on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991103\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11991103 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\" alt=\"An older Latina woman stands in an empty field.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Margaret Godinez-Genera, who grew up in Section 14, surveys the vacant Palm Springs lot where her community once stood on May 30, 2024. ‘When I am on these grounds, my mind immediately recalls my mother’s house,’ she said. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014598\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12014598 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed.jpg\" alt=\"An older Black man points his cane up, as he holds a poster with old pictures on it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wendell Crawford holds a poster with images of his family who once lived in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. ‘I used to walk through these grounds, he said, pointing to where his family’s house once stood. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the group filed a claim against the city, saying that the evictions amounted to a racially motivated attack. The city formally apologized for its role in the widespread displacement of the city’s working-class Black and Latino residents, most of whom worked in the service industry as construction workers and housekeepers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the city vowed to make things right, but negotiations quickly stalled, and little progress was made until this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the city offered $4.2 million to survivors and descendants in restitution to pay for 145 destroyed homes and damaged belongings. But the group declined the offer. Martin, the group’s attorney, said that amount was only a fraction of what the families are owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The newly agreed-upon settlement is based on a \u003ca href=\"https://engagepalmsprings.com/section-14\">historical context study\u003c/a> released by the city in November. The study found an estimated 197 homes were demolished, up from 145 homes identified in previous city records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991120\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1186px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991120\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\" alt=\"An old black-and-white photograph of a bulldozing destroying a small church.\" width=\"1186\" height=\"942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg 1186w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-800x635.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-160x127.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1186px) 100vw, 1186px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burned house (top) and a church being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs that was destroyed during a controlled-burn abatement in the 1960s, displacing as many as 1,000 people. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the city of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The reparations agreement in Palm Springs follows similar recent efforts in a handful of California cities. In 2021, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936889/the-black-family-who-won-the-return-of-bruces-beach-will-sell-it-back-to-la-county\">voted to return Bruce’s Beach \u003c/a>back to the Bruce family 100 years after it was taken from them because they were Black. Residents in Russell City — in Hayward — and the city of Los Angeles have since launched their own efforts, seeking reparations for properties they believe were taken through racially motivated eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More on reparations\" postID=\"news_11991098,news_11999415,news_11990928\"]Earlier this year, the California Legislative Black Caucus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974445/california-reparations-backers-applaud-bills-even-without-big-cash-payouts\">introduced a package of reparation bills\u003c/a> aimed at addressing the state’s legacy of racism and discrimination against Black Californians. The bills ranged from issuing a formal apology for the state’s role in enslaving Black residents to prohibiting discrimination against hair color or texture, but they stopped short of direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992846/california-sets-aside-up-to-12-million-for-reparations-bills-to-make-amends-for-racist-legacy\">set aside $12 million\u003c/a> for the package of bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them was SB 1050, a bill that would have created a state process for reviewing claims from people who believe their families lost property through the racially motivated use of eminent domain. But in September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed the bill\u003c/a> on the grounds that it “tasks a nonexistent state agency to carry out its various provisions and requirements, making it impossible to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 14 is a 1-square mile land located next to downtown Palm Springs, owned by the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. In the 1940s, the neighborhood was one of few places where Black and Latino residents could live because of racial covenants in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, federal laws allowed tribes to lease their land for up to five years, making the land less desirable for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11991111 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A billboard on the side of a highway about the destruction of the Section 14 neighborhood.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A billboard about the fate of Section 14, off of freeway I-10 near Palm Springs. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That lasted until 1959, when the federal government opened up leasing agreements for certain tribes, including the Agua Caliente Band, for up to 99 years, garnering the interest of commercial real estate developers. Soon after, the city gained control of the land from the tribe through a conservatorship and directed the fire department to demolish and burn down the homes in the neighborhood to make way for luxury tourism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://thinkpunkgirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Section-14_Palm-Springs.pdf\">1968 report\u003c/a> from the state’s attorney general described it as a “city-engineered holocaust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, grew up in the Section 14 neighborhood and lived there with her husband and two boys before ultimately fleeing after seeing her neighbor’s house burn to the ground. She said she’s happy to see some justice for former residents and their descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know my mom and dad are happy that I was involved and told their story. I’m happy that we got it resolved,” Godinez-Genera said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The City Council unanimously approved the deal to directly pay an estimated 1,200 surviving former residents and descendants of a Black and Latino neighborhood that the city burned down 60 years ago to make way for commercial development.",
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"title": "Palm Springs OKs $5.9 Million in Reparations for Black and Latino Families Whose Homes the City Burned | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a historic move, the Palm Springs City Council voted unanimously Thursday night to approve a settlement offer for the surviving former residents and descendants of a Black and Latino neighborhood that the city burned to the ground 60 years ago to make way for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement includes $5.9 million in direct cash payments to an estimated 1,200 people. It also includes a commitment from the city to explore naming a community park and to establish a cultural healing center and a public monument to honor the legacy of the former residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council also added a resolution to the settlement, creating a day of remembrance to honor the Section 14 survivors and descendants, a call that was made by several public commenters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot fix things that happened in the past. But what you do going forward is, as or more important,” Mayor Jeffrey Bernstein said at the meeting on Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991101\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991101\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A vacant lot.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Apartment buildings surround the vacant lot of what was Section 14 in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The former residents and descendants of the neighborhood, known as Section 14, near the city’s downtown, accepted the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This agreement demonstrates that it’s never too late to acknowledge past wrongs and take meaningful steps toward justice,” said Areva Martin, lead counsel for the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council also approved $21 million in housing and economic development programs to address the city’s past discrimination against its Black and Latino residents. That includes $10 million for a first-time homebuyer assistance program and $10 million to establish a community land trust. Both programs will prioritize doing outreach to families that formerly lived in the Section 14 community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city will also fund a $1 million small business program aimed at “empowering local business initiatives for marginalized communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This agreement comes years after the Palm Springs Section 14 Survivors group, created by former resident Pearl Devers, began demanding the city pay for the loss of their homes, personal property and the racial trauma they experienced from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">burning\u003c/a> of their neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like I can breathe finally, for my community, for my parents, for everybody. It’s been a long journey. It’s been a hard-fought journey. And I’m just happy that we have prevailed,” Devers said after the vote on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991103\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11991103 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\" alt=\"An older Latina woman stands in an empty field.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Margaret Godinez-Genera, who grew up in Section 14, surveys the vacant Palm Springs lot where her community once stood on May 30, 2024. ‘When I am on these grounds, my mind immediately recalls my mother’s house,’ she said. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014598\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12014598 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed.jpg\" alt=\"An older Black man points his cane up, as he holds a poster with old pictures on it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wendell Crawford holds a poster with images of his family who once lived in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. ‘I used to walk through these grounds, he said, pointing to where his family’s house once stood. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the group filed a claim against the city, saying that the evictions amounted to a racially motivated attack. The city formally apologized for its role in the widespread displacement of the city’s working-class Black and Latino residents, most of whom worked in the service industry as construction workers and housekeepers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the city vowed to make things right, but negotiations quickly stalled, and little progress was made until this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the city offered $4.2 million to survivors and descendants in restitution to pay for 145 destroyed homes and damaged belongings. But the group declined the offer. Martin, the group’s attorney, said that amount was only a fraction of what the families are owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The newly agreed-upon settlement is based on a \u003ca href=\"https://engagepalmsprings.com/section-14\">historical context study\u003c/a> released by the city in November. The study found an estimated 197 homes were demolished, up from 145 homes identified in previous city records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991120\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1186px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991120\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\" alt=\"An old black-and-white photograph of a bulldozing destroying a small church.\" width=\"1186\" height=\"942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg 1186w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-800x635.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-160x127.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1186px) 100vw, 1186px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burned house (top) and a church being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs that was destroyed during a controlled-burn abatement in the 1960s, displacing as many as 1,000 people. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the city of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The reparations agreement in Palm Springs follows similar recent efforts in a handful of California cities. In 2021, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936889/the-black-family-who-won-the-return-of-bruces-beach-will-sell-it-back-to-la-county\">voted to return Bruce’s Beach \u003c/a>back to the Bruce family 100 years after it was taken from them because they were Black. Residents in Russell City — in Hayward — and the city of Los Angeles have since launched their own efforts, seeking reparations for properties they believe were taken through racially motivated eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Earlier this year, the California Legislative Black Caucus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974445/california-reparations-backers-applaud-bills-even-without-big-cash-payouts\">introduced a package of reparation bills\u003c/a> aimed at addressing the state’s legacy of racism and discrimination against Black Californians. The bills ranged from issuing a formal apology for the state’s role in enslaving Black residents to prohibiting discrimination against hair color or texture, but they stopped short of direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992846/california-sets-aside-up-to-12-million-for-reparations-bills-to-make-amends-for-racist-legacy\">set aside $12 million\u003c/a> for the package of bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them was SB 1050, a bill that would have created a state process for reviewing claims from people who believe their families lost property through the racially motivated use of eminent domain. But in September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed the bill\u003c/a> on the grounds that it “tasks a nonexistent state agency to carry out its various provisions and requirements, making it impossible to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 14 is a 1-square mile land located next to downtown Palm Springs, owned by the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. In the 1940s, the neighborhood was one of few places where Black and Latino residents could live because of racial covenants in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, federal laws allowed tribes to lease their land for up to five years, making the land less desirable for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11991111 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A billboard on the side of a highway about the destruction of the Section 14 neighborhood.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A billboard about the fate of Section 14, off of freeway I-10 near Palm Springs. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That lasted until 1959, when the federal government opened up leasing agreements for certain tribes, including the Agua Caliente Band, for up to 99 years, garnering the interest of commercial real estate developers. Soon after, the city gained control of the land from the tribe through a conservatorship and directed the fire department to demolish and burn down the homes in the neighborhood to make way for luxury tourism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://thinkpunkgirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Section-14_Palm-Springs.pdf\">1968 report\u003c/a> from the state’s attorney general described it as a “city-engineered holocaust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, grew up in the Section 14 neighborhood and lived there with her husband and two boys before ultimately fleeing after seeing her neighbor’s house burn to the ground. She said she’s happy to see some justice for former residents and their descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know my mom and dad are happy that I was involved and told their story. I’m happy that we got it resolved,” Godinez-Genera said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"on-the-media": {
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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