Following Newsom’s Veto, Lawmaker Returns With Drug-Free Homeless Housing Bill
‘They’re Bleeding Us Dry’: Rent Hikes, Evictions in California Mobile Home Parks
‘I Thought I Was Going to Die’: Video Shows Mass Force at California Women’s Prison
California Agrees to $1.9 Million Settlement in Prison Use-of-Force Case
In the Mission, a Bad Bunny Look-Alike Contest Becomes a Celebration of Identity
In San Rafael, Residents of a Mobile Home Park Are Fighting to Keep Their Homes
‘Without People, We Are Nothing’: California’s Farm Workforce Is Growing Older
Thousands of Californians Could Lose Rental Assistance Amid Federal Housing Cuts
Palm Springs Payment Lag Reveals Hurdles in California’s Racial Justice Efforts
Palm Springs OKs $5.9 Million in Reparations for Black and Latino Families Whose Homes the City Burned
'Like a War Zone': Prison Officers Used Unprecedented Force in August Attack, Incarcerated Women Say
Burned, Displaced and Fighting Back: A Battle for Reparations in Palm Springs
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"title": "Following Newsom’s Veto, Lawmaker Returns With Drug-Free Homeless Housing Bill",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney is reviving a proposal to allow drug-free housing for people transitioning out of homelessness, months after Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney’s new proposal, AB 1556, would set rules for how “recovery residences” can operate within California’s Housing First framework, the \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB1556/id/3425398\">state’s policy\u003c/a> of offering permanent housing without first requiring people to meet conditions like sobriety, mental health treatment or employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should give people who are ready to take the steps to get to recovery and stability an opportunity to do so,” Haney said at a press conference in San Francisco on Monday. “People want to live in housing where they receive the support to be off of and away from drugs with people who will support them in that process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation comes after Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/AB-255-Veto.pdf\">rejected \u003c/a>Haney’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058779/newsoms-veto-of-sober-housing-bill-sparks-a-backlash-in-sf\">AB 255 last year\u003c/a>. That bill would have allowed some state homelessness dollars to support sober housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message, Newsom said recovery-focused housing is already allowed under state law and argued the bill “wrongly suggests incompatibility with Housing First.” He also raised concerns about creating a separate certification and oversight process that could cost taxpayers money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing First has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054270/trumps-tectonic-shift-on-homelessness-could-have-dire-impacts-in-california\">credited with reducing barriers\u003c/a> for people who might otherwise be denied housing because of substance use, mental health challenges or other issues. But some local officials and advocates argue the policy has also made it harder to fund housing where residents can live away from active drug use.[aside postID=news_12034006 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250327_SoberHousing_GC-9-1020x680.jpg']Supporters of sober housing have said those environments are especially important as cities like San Francisco continue to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034006/san-francisco-mans-housing-struggle-relapse-put-him-back-on-streets\">confront homelessness and addiction\u003c/a>, including its ongoing fentanyl crisis. But the proposal is likely to face pushback from some homelessness advocates, who have long warned that sobriety requirements can become a pathway to eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said the new bill is meant to provide clarity for housing providers, local governments and people in recovery who want a sober living environment. According to Haney’s office, AB 1556 would allow recovery residences to maintain sobriety standards, while requiring a “non-punitive” response when someone relapses, including connecting residents to alternative housing and services rather than kicking them out of the program and pushing them back into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing California, a statewide affordable housing advocacy group, has already listed its opposition to AB 1556, \u003ca href=\"https://housingca.org/policy/policy-priorities-2026/\">citing concerns\u003c/a> about residents being required to choose recovery housing and harm-reduction housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto last year did not dismiss recovery housing outright. Instead, he said the state should continue working on ways to support recovery-focused models without undermining Housing First.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "AB 1556 would set rules for how “recovery residences” can operate within California’s Housing First framework, the state’s policy of offering permanent housing without first requiring people to meet sobriety and other conditions.",
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"title": "Following Newsom’s Veto, Lawmaker Returns With Drug-Free Homeless Housing Bill | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney is reviving a proposal to allow drug-free housing for people transitioning out of homelessness, months after Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney’s new proposal, AB 1556, would set rules for how “recovery residences” can operate within California’s Housing First framework, the \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB1556/id/3425398\">state’s policy\u003c/a> of offering permanent housing without first requiring people to meet conditions like sobriety, mental health treatment or employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should give people who are ready to take the steps to get to recovery and stability an opportunity to do so,” Haney said at a press conference in San Francisco on Monday. “People want to live in housing where they receive the support to be off of and away from drugs with people who will support them in that process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation comes after Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/AB-255-Veto.pdf\">rejected \u003c/a>Haney’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058779/newsoms-veto-of-sober-housing-bill-sparks-a-backlash-in-sf\">AB 255 last year\u003c/a>. That bill would have allowed some state homelessness dollars to support sober housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message, Newsom said recovery-focused housing is already allowed under state law and argued the bill “wrongly suggests incompatibility with Housing First.” He also raised concerns about creating a separate certification and oversight process that could cost taxpayers money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing First has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054270/trumps-tectonic-shift-on-homelessness-could-have-dire-impacts-in-california\">credited with reducing barriers\u003c/a> for people who might otherwise be denied housing because of substance use, mental health challenges or other issues. But some local officials and advocates argue the policy has also made it harder to fund housing where residents can live away from active drug use.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Supporters of sober housing have said those environments are especially important as cities like San Francisco continue to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034006/san-francisco-mans-housing-struggle-relapse-put-him-back-on-streets\">confront homelessness and addiction\u003c/a>, including its ongoing fentanyl crisis. But the proposal is likely to face pushback from some homelessness advocates, who have long warned that sobriety requirements can become a pathway to eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said the new bill is meant to provide clarity for housing providers, local governments and people in recovery who want a sober living environment. According to Haney’s office, AB 1556 would allow recovery residences to maintain sobriety standards, while requiring a “non-punitive” response when someone relapses, including connecting residents to alternative housing and services rather than kicking them out of the program and pushing them back into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing California, a statewide affordable housing advocacy group, has already listed its opposition to AB 1556, \u003ca href=\"https://housingca.org/policy/policy-priorities-2026/\">citing concerns\u003c/a> about residents being required to choose recovery housing and harm-reduction housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto last year did not dismiss recovery housing outright. Instead, he said the state should continue working on ways to support recovery-focused models without undermining Housing First.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "theyre-bleeding-us-dry-seniors-struggle-with-rent-hikes-evictions-in-california-mobile-home-parks",
"title": "‘They’re Bleeding Us Dry’: Rent Hikes, Evictions in California Mobile Home Parks",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>How We Get By\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>full series here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Clara Faria read her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rent\">rent\u003c/a> statement, her heart stopped. Her monthly payment would more than triple, rising from $297 per month to $995. She had four days to make the payment or be charged a $50 late fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sank into the brown leather chair next to her formica-coated kitchen table, where she’d opened her mail for decades. She had heard neighbors were getting rent increases, but said she hadn’t received a notice herself. She had hoped she would be spared, but the reality was worse than she had imagined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought ‘I don’t have the money,’” Faria said of the statement, issued on Dec. 31, 2024, and due by Jan. 5, 2025. “I figured by the end of the year, I’m going to be homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria, 91, lives alone on a fixed income in a one-bedroom manufactured home at the Willow Mobile Home Park in the East Bay town of San Pablo. Old family photos, crucifixes and saints adorn her living room walls. An oversized photo of an American flag peaks out from the hallway, declaring, “The lord is my strength and my shield; my heart trusts him, and I am helped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria’s experience is part of a growing pattern across California, where mobile home residents — many of whom own their homes but rent the land beneath them — are increasingly vulnerable to steep and repeated rent hikes. Harmony Communities, which manages her park in San Pablo, has faced criticism from residents, advocates and local officials for aggressive rent increases and opaque ownership structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080893\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria, 91, gets help putting on her coat from a home health aid at her home in Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080847\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-2000x663.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-1536x509.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-2048x678.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Clara Faria’s kitchen at her home in Willow Mobile Home Park. Right: Photos of family fill the walls of Clara Faria’s home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a state where just \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/haitraditional\">18% \u003c/a>of people can afford to own their homes, mobile home parks offer a rare bastion of affordable ownership. But advocates say people living in these communities have become more exposed as investors seek higher returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria said she moved into her home in 1997 using an insurance payout after a previous mobile home burned down, drawn by the park’s affordability and its designation for seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed when the rent increase notice from Stockton-based Harmony Communities arrived. It was the first signal that more aggressive tactics were replacing the quiet stability of Willow Mobile Home Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED analysis of property records reveals Harmony Communities has grown into a major player in the industry. The property-management company has managed operations of around 100 parks since 2004, and as of 2025, was actively managing roughly 80 parks statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"900\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://arcg.is/vTef9\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the company claims its practices ensure “long-term viability,” interviews with nearly two dozen residents and lawyers point to a recurring pattern: Harmony assumes control, substantially raises rents, and in some cases, employs tactics residents and advocates describe as aggressive, leaving low-income tenants susceptible to displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a representative from Harmony said the company sent a notice of the rent increase to Faria in September 2024, Faria maintains she did not receive it until just a few days before the rent was due.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, about nine months later, in September 2025, Harmony sent a new notice informing residents their rent would again \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1vN9w8VJB3FWsQJavcTXiCqeBxPELlL68jzc4ME3Rsa4/edit?usp=sharing\">increase\u003c/a> in January 2026 — this time by an average of 30%, according to rent statements reviewed by KQED. Harmony said credits, in some cases, reduced the amount residents ultimately paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Faria, the repeated increases were crippling. For residents interviewed by KQED, it was a pattern.[aside postID=news_12058015 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00417_TV-KQED.jpg']The company disputes that these cases reflect a broader pattern and described Faria’s example as unique, adding that each case is fact-specific and shaped by complex local regulations. In an email response to KQED, company representative Nick Ubaldi said Harmony is “committed to providing safe, clean, and affordable housing that remains sustainable for the long term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Achieving this mission requires carefully balancing all relevant factors for success,” he said. “This includes respecting tenants’ strong preference for the lowest possible rents while also ensuring property owners receive a fair and reasonable return on their investment, allowing the business to succeed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When rent increases do come, the mobile home ownership structure makes relocating extremely expensive for residents and, in some cases, impossible, said Teri Williams, a mobile home resident in southern California who leads the nonprofit Mobile Home Resident Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These residents are captive,” Williams said. “We’re at the mercy of park owners, and they know it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Ubaldi said park operating costs are rising rapidly, with significant increases in insurance premiums and labor, while rental income is lagging behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is one of the most expensive states in which to live and operate a business,” he said. “While no one wants to see residents displaced from their homes, the financial burden of addressing affordability challenges should not fall solely on individual property owners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080859\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080859\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents of Willow Mobile Home Park and the neighboring Creekside Village Mobile Home Park to discuss rent increases at the parks. Residents are calling on the city to adopt rent protections as they face rising and unpredictable rent hikes. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in Sacramento, however, are considering several proposals this year to strengthen protections for mobile home residents, including \u003ca href=\"http://billtrack50.com/billdetail/1921239\">limits on rent increases\u003c/a>. Some cities have adopted local rent caps, while residents themselves have organized tenant associations to fight rent hikes and, in some cases, are negotiating to buy the parks Harmony manages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willow residents said the second rent increase in two years was distressing, and that anxiety was compounded by confusing and conflicting messaging from Harmony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the company announced the second increase, Willow residents received \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1DT336OGQUmqFT1TEAPWJDBd1by8ClUSn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new document\u003c/a> that appeared to contradict the first: “At the same time the rent increase becomes effective, the park will be issuing you a rent credit that is equal to the rent increase amount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria was baffled. She was initially told her rent would increase by $300. Now, it seemed her rent would stay the same. While Harmony said they had no plans to rescind the credit, it also described it as “discretionary” and said it could be “revoked or modified” with no apparent safeguards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080856\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080856\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria holds a note she wrote about rent increases for the lot where her mobile home sits. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an emailed response to questions from KQED, Harmony Communities said some rent increases cited in notices were offset by credits or arbitration processes, resulting in lower effective rents paid by residents. The company provided tenant ledgers, which it said reflect the reduced amounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi acknowledged the conflicting messages and said the first notice was sent in error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we identified the issue, we promptly sent a corrected letter that clearly outlined each resident’s credit amount and net increase,” he wrote in an email to KQED. “Any confusion was not intended, and the second letter was sent to resolve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Davies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/matthew-davies-stockton/\">co-founder\u003c/a> of Harmony Communities, said the company purchased Willow nearly a decade ago and agreed to provide “rent subsidies” to residents for five years and has since invested “hundreds of thousands of dollars” into improvements at the park.[aside postID=news_11977464 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2976-1020x765.jpg']Faria said that when she called Harmony about the first rent increase, she was told she’d have to pay or face eviction, an account the company did not directly address in its response to KQED’s questions. By the time the second notice arrived, followed by the mixed messaging, she felt helpless and afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those people are completely bleeding us,” she said. “And they don’t care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week later, she got a new letter in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This one told her that despite the credit, her rent would still increase by $100, bringing her total rent up from $995 to $1,095.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letterhead listed Creekside Village MHC LLC, while contact information directed residents to Harmony Communities, reflecting a centralized management structure. Madeline Bankson, a housing researcher with the Private Equity Stakeholder Project, said this type of ownership is part of a broader industry pattern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The LLC does three things,” Bankson said. “It reduces liability, adds tax benefits under the tax code; the sort of secret added bonus is obscuring ownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davies started investing in mobile home parks in 2004 with his father, Bruce Davies, according to Ubaldi and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PCYLvB6HxhQ\">2024 interview\u003c/a> Matthew Davies conducted with a YouTube vlogger. Davies said Harmony had amassed a nearly $700 million portfolio in its first 20 years of operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2021 interview with Multi-Housing News, Davies \u003ca href=\"https://www.multihousingnews.com/improving-manufactured-housing-communities-with-purpose/\">described \u003c/a>Harmony’s approach as improving communities while keeping housing attainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080872\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080872\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria puts on makeup in her bathroom. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We look for communities we think will have long-term stability in areas where there’s a strong need for affordable housing and where we believe the local jurisdictions will be supportive of our efforts,” Davies told the trade publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmony operates dozens of mobile home parks across California, but individual LLCs and family trusts own the parks themselves. Documents filed with the California Secretary of State show the managers and members controlling the LLCs are often family members, relatives and Harmony employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of November 2025, Harmony listed 29 mobile home parks it manages on its website. That list has since been removed. A broader search of property records identified about 100 parks associated with the company. Those include properties that had previously been listed on its website and where the owners’ principal address matched Harmony’s Stockton headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis of business filings with the California Secretary of State found employees and family members tied to Harmony have an ownership stake in at least 84 of those parks. That includes parks owned or co-owned by members of the Ubaldi family and the Ubaldi Living Trust, whose successor trustee is Harmony spokesperson Nick Ubaldi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria rearranges photos of family and friends on her refrigerator. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As an employee of Harmony Communities, and as a park owner myself, I manage the day-to-day operations of these parks,” Ubaldi said. “Our involvement in the industry dates back to the early 1980s, long before Harmony existed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Ubaldi, Harmony is responsible for day-to-day operations, including setting rents, managing leases, maintaining properties and handling tenant issues. For many residents, the company serves as the primary point of contact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records show at least 10 LLCs managed by Molly Thompson, Davies’ ex-wife. Bruce Davies shows up as the manager for 41 LLCs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bankson said that the lack of transparency can make it harder for residents like Faria to challenge decisions or for regulators to step in, especially when ownership and management are intertwined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080877\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080877\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Harmony said its ownership structure is standard and publicly disclosed. Willow reflects the same pattern. Creekside Village Mobile Home Park LLC owns the park. Business filings name Bruce Davies as the LLC’s manager and list the owner’s mailing address as Harmony’s headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Harmony grew its portfolio, it continued to raise rents on mobile home park residents — or facilitate the sale of their parks. Meanwhile, residents and local officials from Santa Barbara to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/2025/11/06/windsor-extends-rent-freeze-for-mobile-home-residents-facing-125-hike-as-park-owner-files-federal-lawsuit/\">Sonoma County\u003c/a> have pushed back against proposed rent increases and park closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi said these measures often have the opposite of their intended effect: By limiting rent increases, he said, the underlying land becomes more valuable as vacant property than it is as a park. He pointed to a property in Thousand Oaks, which he said has an estimated land value of $20 million if it were cleared for redevelopment, but only $4 million as an occupied mobile home park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This dramatic disparity illustrates how such policies can incentivize park closures, sales to developers, or conversions, ultimately reducing the stock of affordable housing rather than expanding it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080879\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080879\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 17, 2026. The park is a privately owned 55-and-older community owned by Harmony Communities. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials in several cities haven’t seen it that way. In San Luis Obispo County, supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.newtimesslo.com/slo-county-supervisors-reject-rent-increase-for-harmony-managed-mobile-home-parks/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">unanimously rejected\u003c/a> a hardship petition filed on behalf of two Harmony-managed parks, concluding the company did not meet the standard needed to justify higher rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José housing officials similarly \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/san-jose-says-mobile-home-park-owner-cant-raise-rent/\">denied a proposed rent increase\u003c/a> at the Golden Wheel Mobile Home Park — another park owned by the Ubaldi family and managed by Harmony Communities — saying the owner failed to justify raising rents by about 10% for some of the park’s lowest-income tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are a very well-known park owner, and these tactics, or this behavior, is pretty typical for them across the state,” Emily Hislop, rent stabilization and eviction prevention manager for the city, said at a \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=A&ID=1281814&GUID=AA407BB7-8FAE-4DD2-9A07-07D3A2CAEDC5\">Housing and Community Development Commission\u003c/a> meeting in February 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Willow, Ubaldi said the two increases were intended to “bring rents to market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080896\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12080896 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A spokesperson for Harmony Communities gives public comment at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, during a city council meeting about potential rent control measures. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We do our best to review all available data and metrics, including comparable properties, occupancy rates, local economic conditions, and recent leasing and sales activity, to arrive at a fair and competitive market rent for Willow,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria and her neighbors were fed up with the higher charges and confusing messaging. They began to organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linda Jackson, another senior at the park, was the spearhead. She learned that Creekside Mobile Home Park, another Harmony-managed property in San Pablo, was also facing increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson spread the word: “I said, ‘I need five people to stand with me so that we can get [Harmony] off our backs and make it so that we can live more comfortably.’ I swear to God, the next day, I had 35 people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Linda Jackson (right) helps Clara Faria, 91, get back to her seat after giving public comment at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, during a city council meeting about potential rent control measures. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080863\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080863\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-2000x661.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-1536x508.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-2048x677.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Linda Jackson (right) sits with Clara Faria and fellow residents of Willow Mobile Home Park and Creekside Village Mobile Home Park at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, for a city council meeting where they plan to give public comment about potential rent control measures. Right: Councilmember Arturo Cruz and San Pablo mayor Elizabeth Pabon-Alvarado listen to public comment from Clara Faria. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Faria was one of them. She quickly became a leading voice at San Pablo City Council meetings, where residents urged local leaders to adopt a measure that would limit rent increases for mobile home park tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never imagined at my age I would be choosing between paying rent, buying food and getting my medication,” Faria told council members on Dec. 1. “I cut back everything I can, but these rent hikes are more than I can bear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the following meeting on Dec. 15, the council approved a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanpabloca.gov/DocumentCenter/View/18565/Mobile-Home-Assistance-Guidelines\">Mobile Home Assistance Program,\u003c/a> offering a one-time, $1,000 grant to help offset rent hikes. But residents said the relief, while welcome, fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>This Band-Aid is giving us more stress,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With only short-term help on the horizon, Faria said it’s difficult to plan for the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080867\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080867\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria stands in her home at Willow Mobile Home Park. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I live on Social Security alone,” she said. “I just can’t pay that extra money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As disputes like the one at Willow unfold across California, it is drawing attention to the vulnerability of mobile home park residents and the patchwork of local protections. Some state lawmakers are working to bolster protections, even as industry groups challenge some efforts in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has shined an unfortunate light on the fact that the whole layer of rental opportunity has sort of gone without heightened scrutiny or a lot of targeted political action,” said Tyler Pullen with UC Berkeley’s Terner Labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most apartment renters who have a statewide rent cap and standard protections, mobile home park residents are only protected by \u003ca href=\"https://mhphoa.com/ca/rso/\">local ordinances\u003c/a> that vary widely from city to city. Some communities cap rent increases or require park owners to justify higher rents. Others have few protections, leaving residents subject to large increases.[aside postID=news_12078480 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/AffordabilitySeriesIntro_Lede.jpg']In January, state Assemblymember Sharon Quirk-Silva, D-Fullerton, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1543\">AB 1543\u003c/a>, a bill that would impose a statewide rent cap on all mobile home parks, limiting annual increases to the lower of 3% plus inflation or 5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It’s designed to help the owners of these mobile homes who make that initial investment and then their rents are increased substantially more than other renters across California,” Quirk-Silva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second time she’s tried to pass such legislation. The first was \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB978\">AB 978\u003c/a> in 2021, which got whittled down during committee hearings to narrowly apply to mobile home parks that straddle two jurisdictions. Only a handful exist across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi said rent caps are not the solution, maintaining that they discourage investment and reduce housing supply over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recognized that tenants might see things differently and argued it should be up to local governments to fill the gap between the rising costs that park owners face and the plight of low-income tenants who can’t afford rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many mobile home residents — including Faria and her neighbors — aren’t waiting for state legislation. Where local ordinances and state legislation fall short, they’re building tenant associations, challenging Harmony Communities in court, and, in at least one case, buying their park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Petaluma, residents at a mobile home park managed by Harmony faced proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/petaluma-mobile-home-park-residents-facing-300-rent-increase\">rent hikes\u003c/a> of up to 300% in a single year, prompting city-mandated arbitration and ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1O4xRTe48fFLb2-EmM7_fV6DvTpTgBhgd/view?usp=sharing\">legal disputes\u003c/a> involving the city, park owners and residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080892\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1570px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080892\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1570\" height=\"1047\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL.jpg 1570w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1570px) 100vw, 1570px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria, 91, looks through paperwork and notices documenting rent increases for the lot where her mobile home sits at Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the San Rafael RV park, owned by Harmony, residents organized a tenants union and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058015/in-san-rafael-residents-of-a-mobile-home-park-are-fighting-to-keep-their-homes\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> in late 2025 alleging unlawful rent increases, harassment and retaliatory behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a park in Fresno County, residents took a different approach. After five years of organizing and fighting rising rents, a group of mostly Oaxacan farmworkers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977464/to-fight-rising-rents-these-fresno-county-residents-bought-their-mobile-home-park\">purchased\u003c/a> the park from Harmony and converted it into a limited-equity housing cooperative. Harmony said the Fresno property had longstanding safety and infrastructure issues before its involvement, citing fires, code violations and government intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Pablo, residents at Willow and Creekside mobile home parks are weighing their own options, including forming a formal tenants’ association. Jackson said the group is also working with the local nonprofit Rising Juntos to place a measure limiting rent increases at mobile home parks on San Pablo’s November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1,095 Faria now pays for rent, along with other fees, including sewer, trash and drainage, amounts to about 55% of her Social Security income. She considered cutting her cable TV to save money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At her age, she thought she’d be settled. Instead, she said, she feels like she’s bracing for the worst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, she wrote a letter to Harmony: “I ask God to please let me die before you evict me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-April, Faria is still waiting for a response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A KQED investigation finds California mobile home park residents — including seniors in San Pablo — face steep rent hikes from Stockton-based Harmony Communities, which has consolidated dozens of parks, forcing residents to navigate a patchwork of legal protections amid statewide affordability challenges.",
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"title": "‘They’re Bleeding Us Dry’: Rent Hikes, Evictions in California Mobile Home Parks | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>How We Get By\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>full series here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Clara Faria read her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rent\">rent\u003c/a> statement, her heart stopped. Her monthly payment would more than triple, rising from $297 per month to $995. She had four days to make the payment or be charged a $50 late fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sank into the brown leather chair next to her formica-coated kitchen table, where she’d opened her mail for decades. She had heard neighbors were getting rent increases, but said she hadn’t received a notice herself. She had hoped she would be spared, but the reality was worse than she had imagined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought ‘I don’t have the money,’” Faria said of the statement, issued on Dec. 31, 2024, and due by Jan. 5, 2025. “I figured by the end of the year, I’m going to be homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria, 91, lives alone on a fixed income in a one-bedroom manufactured home at the Willow Mobile Home Park in the East Bay town of San Pablo. Old family photos, crucifixes and saints adorn her living room walls. An oversized photo of an American flag peaks out from the hallway, declaring, “The lord is my strength and my shield; my heart trusts him, and I am helped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria’s experience is part of a growing pattern across California, where mobile home residents — many of whom own their homes but rent the land beneath them — are increasingly vulnerable to steep and repeated rent hikes. Harmony Communities, which manages her park in San Pablo, has faced criticism from residents, advocates and local officials for aggressive rent increases and opaque ownership structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080893\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria, 91, gets help putting on her coat from a home health aid at her home in Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080847\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-2000x663.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-1536x509.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-2048x678.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Clara Faria’s kitchen at her home in Willow Mobile Home Park. Right: Photos of family fill the walls of Clara Faria’s home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a state where just \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/haitraditional\">18% \u003c/a>of people can afford to own their homes, mobile home parks offer a rare bastion of affordable ownership. But advocates say people living in these communities have become more exposed as investors seek higher returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria said she moved into her home in 1997 using an insurance payout after a previous mobile home burned down, drawn by the park’s affordability and its designation for seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed when the rent increase notice from Stockton-based Harmony Communities arrived. It was the first signal that more aggressive tactics were replacing the quiet stability of Willow Mobile Home Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED analysis of property records reveals Harmony Communities has grown into a major player in the industry. The property-management company has managed operations of around 100 parks since 2004, and as of 2025, was actively managing roughly 80 parks statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"900\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://arcg.is/vTef9\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the company claims its practices ensure “long-term viability,” interviews with nearly two dozen residents and lawyers point to a recurring pattern: Harmony assumes control, substantially raises rents, and in some cases, employs tactics residents and advocates describe as aggressive, leaving low-income tenants susceptible to displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a representative from Harmony said the company sent a notice of the rent increase to Faria in September 2024, Faria maintains she did not receive it until just a few days before the rent was due.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, about nine months later, in September 2025, Harmony sent a new notice informing residents their rent would again \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1vN9w8VJB3FWsQJavcTXiCqeBxPELlL68jzc4ME3Rsa4/edit?usp=sharing\">increase\u003c/a> in January 2026 — this time by an average of 30%, according to rent statements reviewed by KQED. Harmony said credits, in some cases, reduced the amount residents ultimately paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Faria, the repeated increases were crippling. For residents interviewed by KQED, it was a pattern.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The company disputes that these cases reflect a broader pattern and described Faria’s example as unique, adding that each case is fact-specific and shaped by complex local regulations. In an email response to KQED, company representative Nick Ubaldi said Harmony is “committed to providing safe, clean, and affordable housing that remains sustainable for the long term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Achieving this mission requires carefully balancing all relevant factors for success,” he said. “This includes respecting tenants’ strong preference for the lowest possible rents while also ensuring property owners receive a fair and reasonable return on their investment, allowing the business to succeed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When rent increases do come, the mobile home ownership structure makes relocating extremely expensive for residents and, in some cases, impossible, said Teri Williams, a mobile home resident in southern California who leads the nonprofit Mobile Home Resident Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These residents are captive,” Williams said. “We’re at the mercy of park owners, and they know it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Ubaldi said park operating costs are rising rapidly, with significant increases in insurance premiums and labor, while rental income is lagging behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is one of the most expensive states in which to live and operate a business,” he said. “While no one wants to see residents displaced from their homes, the financial burden of addressing affordability challenges should not fall solely on individual property owners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080859\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080859\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents of Willow Mobile Home Park and the neighboring Creekside Village Mobile Home Park to discuss rent increases at the parks. Residents are calling on the city to adopt rent protections as they face rising and unpredictable rent hikes. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in Sacramento, however, are considering several proposals this year to strengthen protections for mobile home residents, including \u003ca href=\"http://billtrack50.com/billdetail/1921239\">limits on rent increases\u003c/a>. Some cities have adopted local rent caps, while residents themselves have organized tenant associations to fight rent hikes and, in some cases, are negotiating to buy the parks Harmony manages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willow residents said the second rent increase in two years was distressing, and that anxiety was compounded by confusing and conflicting messaging from Harmony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the company announced the second increase, Willow residents received \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1DT336OGQUmqFT1TEAPWJDBd1by8ClUSn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new document\u003c/a> that appeared to contradict the first: “At the same time the rent increase becomes effective, the park will be issuing you a rent credit that is equal to the rent increase amount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria was baffled. She was initially told her rent would increase by $300. Now, it seemed her rent would stay the same. While Harmony said they had no plans to rescind the credit, it also described it as “discretionary” and said it could be “revoked or modified” with no apparent safeguards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080856\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080856\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria holds a note she wrote about rent increases for the lot where her mobile home sits. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an emailed response to questions from KQED, Harmony Communities said some rent increases cited in notices were offset by credits or arbitration processes, resulting in lower effective rents paid by residents. The company provided tenant ledgers, which it said reflect the reduced amounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi acknowledged the conflicting messages and said the first notice was sent in error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we identified the issue, we promptly sent a corrected letter that clearly outlined each resident’s credit amount and net increase,” he wrote in an email to KQED. “Any confusion was not intended, and the second letter was sent to resolve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Davies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/matthew-davies-stockton/\">co-founder\u003c/a> of Harmony Communities, said the company purchased Willow nearly a decade ago and agreed to provide “rent subsidies” to residents for five years and has since invested “hundreds of thousands of dollars” into improvements at the park.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Faria said that when she called Harmony about the first rent increase, she was told she’d have to pay or face eviction, an account the company did not directly address in its response to KQED’s questions. By the time the second notice arrived, followed by the mixed messaging, she felt helpless and afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those people are completely bleeding us,” she said. “And they don’t care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week later, she got a new letter in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This one told her that despite the credit, her rent would still increase by $100, bringing her total rent up from $995 to $1,095.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letterhead listed Creekside Village MHC LLC, while contact information directed residents to Harmony Communities, reflecting a centralized management structure. Madeline Bankson, a housing researcher with the Private Equity Stakeholder Project, said this type of ownership is part of a broader industry pattern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The LLC does three things,” Bankson said. “It reduces liability, adds tax benefits under the tax code; the sort of secret added bonus is obscuring ownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davies started investing in mobile home parks in 2004 with his father, Bruce Davies, according to Ubaldi and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PCYLvB6HxhQ\">2024 interview\u003c/a> Matthew Davies conducted with a YouTube vlogger. Davies said Harmony had amassed a nearly $700 million portfolio in its first 20 years of operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2021 interview with Multi-Housing News, Davies \u003ca href=\"https://www.multihousingnews.com/improving-manufactured-housing-communities-with-purpose/\">described \u003c/a>Harmony’s approach as improving communities while keeping housing attainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080872\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080872\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria puts on makeup in her bathroom. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We look for communities we think will have long-term stability in areas where there’s a strong need for affordable housing and where we believe the local jurisdictions will be supportive of our efforts,” Davies told the trade publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmony operates dozens of mobile home parks across California, but individual LLCs and family trusts own the parks themselves. Documents filed with the California Secretary of State show the managers and members controlling the LLCs are often family members, relatives and Harmony employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of November 2025, Harmony listed 29 mobile home parks it manages on its website. That list has since been removed. A broader search of property records identified about 100 parks associated with the company. Those include properties that had previously been listed on its website and where the owners’ principal address matched Harmony’s Stockton headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis of business filings with the California Secretary of State found employees and family members tied to Harmony have an ownership stake in at least 84 of those parks. That includes parks owned or co-owned by members of the Ubaldi family and the Ubaldi Living Trust, whose successor trustee is Harmony spokesperson Nick Ubaldi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria rearranges photos of family and friends on her refrigerator. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As an employee of Harmony Communities, and as a park owner myself, I manage the day-to-day operations of these parks,” Ubaldi said. “Our involvement in the industry dates back to the early 1980s, long before Harmony existed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Ubaldi, Harmony is responsible for day-to-day operations, including setting rents, managing leases, maintaining properties and handling tenant issues. For many residents, the company serves as the primary point of contact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records show at least 10 LLCs managed by Molly Thompson, Davies’ ex-wife. Bruce Davies shows up as the manager for 41 LLCs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bankson said that the lack of transparency can make it harder for residents like Faria to challenge decisions or for regulators to step in, especially when ownership and management are intertwined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080877\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080877\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Harmony said its ownership structure is standard and publicly disclosed. Willow reflects the same pattern. Creekside Village Mobile Home Park LLC owns the park. Business filings name Bruce Davies as the LLC’s manager and list the owner’s mailing address as Harmony’s headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Harmony grew its portfolio, it continued to raise rents on mobile home park residents — or facilitate the sale of their parks. Meanwhile, residents and local officials from Santa Barbara to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/2025/11/06/windsor-extends-rent-freeze-for-mobile-home-residents-facing-125-hike-as-park-owner-files-federal-lawsuit/\">Sonoma County\u003c/a> have pushed back against proposed rent increases and park closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi said these measures often have the opposite of their intended effect: By limiting rent increases, he said, the underlying land becomes more valuable as vacant property than it is as a park. He pointed to a property in Thousand Oaks, which he said has an estimated land value of $20 million if it were cleared for redevelopment, but only $4 million as an occupied mobile home park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This dramatic disparity illustrates how such policies can incentivize park closures, sales to developers, or conversions, ultimately reducing the stock of affordable housing rather than expanding it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080879\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080879\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 17, 2026. The park is a privately owned 55-and-older community owned by Harmony Communities. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials in several cities haven’t seen it that way. In San Luis Obispo County, supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.newtimesslo.com/slo-county-supervisors-reject-rent-increase-for-harmony-managed-mobile-home-parks/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">unanimously rejected\u003c/a> a hardship petition filed on behalf of two Harmony-managed parks, concluding the company did not meet the standard needed to justify higher rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José housing officials similarly \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/san-jose-says-mobile-home-park-owner-cant-raise-rent/\">denied a proposed rent increase\u003c/a> at the Golden Wheel Mobile Home Park — another park owned by the Ubaldi family and managed by Harmony Communities — saying the owner failed to justify raising rents by about 10% for some of the park’s lowest-income tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are a very well-known park owner, and these tactics, or this behavior, is pretty typical for them across the state,” Emily Hislop, rent stabilization and eviction prevention manager for the city, said at a \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=A&ID=1281814&GUID=AA407BB7-8FAE-4DD2-9A07-07D3A2CAEDC5\">Housing and Community Development Commission\u003c/a> meeting in February 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Willow, Ubaldi said the two increases were intended to “bring rents to market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080896\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12080896 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A spokesperson for Harmony Communities gives public comment at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, during a city council meeting about potential rent control measures. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We do our best to review all available data and metrics, including comparable properties, occupancy rates, local economic conditions, and recent leasing and sales activity, to arrive at a fair and competitive market rent for Willow,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria and her neighbors were fed up with the higher charges and confusing messaging. They began to organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linda Jackson, another senior at the park, was the spearhead. She learned that Creekside Mobile Home Park, another Harmony-managed property in San Pablo, was also facing increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson spread the word: “I said, ‘I need five people to stand with me so that we can get [Harmony] off our backs and make it so that we can live more comfortably.’ I swear to God, the next day, I had 35 people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Linda Jackson (right) helps Clara Faria, 91, get back to her seat after giving public comment at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, during a city council meeting about potential rent control measures. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080863\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080863\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-2000x661.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-1536x508.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-2048x677.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Linda Jackson (right) sits with Clara Faria and fellow residents of Willow Mobile Home Park and Creekside Village Mobile Home Park at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, for a city council meeting where they plan to give public comment about potential rent control measures. Right: Councilmember Arturo Cruz and San Pablo mayor Elizabeth Pabon-Alvarado listen to public comment from Clara Faria. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Faria was one of them. She quickly became a leading voice at San Pablo City Council meetings, where residents urged local leaders to adopt a measure that would limit rent increases for mobile home park tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never imagined at my age I would be choosing between paying rent, buying food and getting my medication,” Faria told council members on Dec. 1. “I cut back everything I can, but these rent hikes are more than I can bear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the following meeting on Dec. 15, the council approved a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanpabloca.gov/DocumentCenter/View/18565/Mobile-Home-Assistance-Guidelines\">Mobile Home Assistance Program,\u003c/a> offering a one-time, $1,000 grant to help offset rent hikes. But residents said the relief, while welcome, fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>This Band-Aid is giving us more stress,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With only short-term help on the horizon, Faria said it’s difficult to plan for the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080867\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080867\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria stands in her home at Willow Mobile Home Park. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I live on Social Security alone,” she said. “I just can’t pay that extra money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As disputes like the one at Willow unfold across California, it is drawing attention to the vulnerability of mobile home park residents and the patchwork of local protections. Some state lawmakers are working to bolster protections, even as industry groups challenge some efforts in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has shined an unfortunate light on the fact that the whole layer of rental opportunity has sort of gone without heightened scrutiny or a lot of targeted political action,” said Tyler Pullen with UC Berkeley’s Terner Labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most apartment renters who have a statewide rent cap and standard protections, mobile home park residents are only protected by \u003ca href=\"https://mhphoa.com/ca/rso/\">local ordinances\u003c/a> that vary widely from city to city. Some communities cap rent increases or require park owners to justify higher rents. Others have few protections, leaving residents subject to large increases.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In January, state Assemblymember Sharon Quirk-Silva, D-Fullerton, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1543\">AB 1543\u003c/a>, a bill that would impose a statewide rent cap on all mobile home parks, limiting annual increases to the lower of 3% plus inflation or 5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It’s designed to help the owners of these mobile homes who make that initial investment and then their rents are increased substantially more than other renters across California,” Quirk-Silva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second time she’s tried to pass such legislation. The first was \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB978\">AB 978\u003c/a> in 2021, which got whittled down during committee hearings to narrowly apply to mobile home parks that straddle two jurisdictions. Only a handful exist across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi said rent caps are not the solution, maintaining that they discourage investment and reduce housing supply over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recognized that tenants might see things differently and argued it should be up to local governments to fill the gap between the rising costs that park owners face and the plight of low-income tenants who can’t afford rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many mobile home residents — including Faria and her neighbors — aren’t waiting for state legislation. Where local ordinances and state legislation fall short, they’re building tenant associations, challenging Harmony Communities in court, and, in at least one case, buying their park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Petaluma, residents at a mobile home park managed by Harmony faced proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/petaluma-mobile-home-park-residents-facing-300-rent-increase\">rent hikes\u003c/a> of up to 300% in a single year, prompting city-mandated arbitration and ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1O4xRTe48fFLb2-EmM7_fV6DvTpTgBhgd/view?usp=sharing\">legal disputes\u003c/a> involving the city, park owners and residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080892\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1570px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080892\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1570\" height=\"1047\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL.jpg 1570w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1570px) 100vw, 1570px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria, 91, looks through paperwork and notices documenting rent increases for the lot where her mobile home sits at Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the San Rafael RV park, owned by Harmony, residents organized a tenants union and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058015/in-san-rafael-residents-of-a-mobile-home-park-are-fighting-to-keep-their-homes\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> in late 2025 alleging unlawful rent increases, harassment and retaliatory behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a park in Fresno County, residents took a different approach. After five years of organizing and fighting rising rents, a group of mostly Oaxacan farmworkers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977464/to-fight-rising-rents-these-fresno-county-residents-bought-their-mobile-home-park\">purchased\u003c/a> the park from Harmony and converted it into a limited-equity housing cooperative. Harmony said the Fresno property had longstanding safety and infrastructure issues before its involvement, citing fires, code violations and government intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Pablo, residents at Willow and Creekside mobile home parks are weighing their own options, including forming a formal tenants’ association. Jackson said the group is also working with the local nonprofit Rising Juntos to place a measure limiting rent increases at mobile home parks on San Pablo’s November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1,095 Faria now pays for rent, along with other fees, including sewer, trash and drainage, amounts to about 55% of her Social Security income. She considered cutting her cable TV to save money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At her age, she thought she’d be settled. Instead, she said, she feels like she’s bracing for the worst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, she wrote a letter to Harmony: “I ask God to please let me die before you evict me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-April, Faria is still waiting for a response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "i-thought-i-was-going-to-die-video-shows-mass-force-at-california-womens-prison",
"title": "‘I Thought I Was Going to Die’: Video Shows Mass Force at California Women’s Prison",
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"headTitle": "‘I Thought I Was Going to Die’: Video Shows Mass Force at California Women’s Prison | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Surveillance footage newly obtained by KQED sheds light on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/ccwf/\">Central California Women’s Facility\u003c/a> in 2024. The incident resulted in discipline for more than 40 staff members, according to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, and $1.9 million in payouts to some of the women injured during the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the morning of Aug. 2, 2024, officers relocated more than 150 women to the dining hall in order to conduct a large-scale search of their cells. The women were held there for hours without access to food or medication, as tensions built and temperatures rose above 100 degrees, according to court filings. Officers deployed chemical agents, batons and physical force on dozens of incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surveillance footage, obtained through a public records request to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-department-of-corrections-and-rehabilitation\"> CDCR\u003c/a>, provides the first detailed view of how the incident unfolded. CDCR has not released officers’ body-camera video or disciplinary records requested by KQED. Previously leaked footage edited and made public by a \u003ca href=\"https://hectorbravoshow.com/\">former correctional lieutenant turned YouTuber\u003c/a> provided only limited insight into the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelina Hernandez, who was inside the dining hall at the time and has since been released, said watching the footage again was emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really thought I was going to die that day,” Hernandez said. “These officers are supposed to protect us, not attack us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of officers file into the chow hall around 12:30 p.m. and form what appears to be a skirmish line, many holding pepper spray canisters at the ready, the footage shows. Over several minutes, more officers join the formation, growing to what appears to be 40 to 50 officers positioned across the room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there is no audio captured on the surveillance footage, things appear tense with some of the incarcerated women gesticulating and shouting at the line of officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/-a8Fb2UwB1c\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An officer appears to yell and gesture for the women to step back. As they begin to move, multiple officers start deploying pepper spray and throwing grenades filled with mace, also known as OC (oleoresin capsicum). The women crouch down and run to the wall on the other side of the room as officers advance and continue to spray them repeatedly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kenneth Jimenez, a retired lieutenant who reviewed the footage, said officers must be facing an imminent threat in order to justify deploying force. Jimenez is familiar with use of force policy, which he taught to both peace officers and civilians across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see anybody approaching in a threatening manner,” he said as he watched the video. “I don’t see anything that’s imminent,” Jimenez added that instead of using force officers could have instead restrained a small number of individuals and removed them from the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR did not answer specific questions about whether the force used was excessive, but said policies were violated that day and that “corrective action” was taken.[aside postID=news_12004368 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-1020x816.jpg']About five minutes after officers began to deploy pepper spray and OC grenades, a woman appears to be struggling with some kind of physical impairment as another woman holds her up from behind. As they move forward, an officer sprays them at close range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That moment could be interpreted differently depending on what officers perceived, according to Jimenez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s articulated that they thought she was attacking them, then they wouldn’t be outside of policy because she was moving towards them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both incarcerated women are then taken to the ground and surrounded by multiple officers. It is a chaotic moment that is difficult to make out because CDCR has blurred the faces of the incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While several officers appear to be restraining the women on the ground, officers also punch and use batons on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez recalled her confusion as officers gave them loud and contradictory orders. And she said that, no matter what they did, the officers continued to spray them and throw OC grenades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They threw so many bombs at us that day,” she said. “It was even funny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the officers cornered the women against the wall, they zip-tied their hands behind their backs and walked them outside. Surveillance cameras overlooking the outdoor yard captured officers again using chemical agents around 12:40 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079991\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Screenshot-2026-04-14-at-4.13.17-PM-scaled-e1776274108111.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1120\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated women crouch while others run for safety after officers deployed pepper spray and OC grenades during a 2024 use-of-force incident at the Central California Women’s Facility. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The footage appears to show a woman starting to cough and another woman getting up to walk over to her. Officers throw multiple OC grenades toward the group, prompting the women to run in the opposite direction, where they get hit again by a different set of officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just didn’t see the necessity for a grenade,” Jimenez said. “Everyone just joined the party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several women are later seen being carried or transported on stretchers to medical staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077737/california-agrees-to-1-9m-settlement-in-prison-use-of-force-case\">CDCR settled a $1.9 million lawsuit in March\u003c/a> filed by 13 women who were hurt that day. Another class-action lawsuit tied to the incident alleges that officers denied incarcerated women medical treatment and used excessive force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR did not respond to a detailed list of questions about specific moments in the video. The agency said that the 41 staff members who were disciplined received punishments ranging from transfers to termination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, California Correctional Peace Officers Association President Neil Flood said large-scale responses are common in prison emergencies, which he described as “chaotic, fast-moving and dangerous.” He added that while the union supports accountability when policy violations are found, it also expects disciplinary actions to follow due process protections for officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least five officers have filed a legal action arguing that the agency unfairly disciplined and transferred them following the incident. They allege that CDCR reassigned them to other prisons without due process and without being given the opportunity to challenge those actions before the State Personnel Board. CDCR has denied their claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That petition is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This reporting was made possible in part by funding from the Poynter Institute.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "KQED obtained surveillance footage showing correctional officers using pepper spray, OC grenades and batons on incarcerated women during a 2024 incident at California’s Central California Women’s Facility. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Surveillance footage newly obtained by KQED sheds light on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/ccwf/\">Central California Women’s Facility\u003c/a> in 2024. The incident resulted in discipline for more than 40 staff members, according to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, and $1.9 million in payouts to some of the women injured during the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the morning of Aug. 2, 2024, officers relocated more than 150 women to the dining hall in order to conduct a large-scale search of their cells. The women were held there for hours without access to food or medication, as tensions built and temperatures rose above 100 degrees, according to court filings. Officers deployed chemical agents, batons and physical force on dozens of incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surveillance footage, obtained through a public records request to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-department-of-corrections-and-rehabilitation\"> CDCR\u003c/a>, provides the first detailed view of how the incident unfolded. CDCR has not released officers’ body-camera video or disciplinary records requested by KQED. Previously leaked footage edited and made public by a \u003ca href=\"https://hectorbravoshow.com/\">former correctional lieutenant turned YouTuber\u003c/a> provided only limited insight into the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelina Hernandez, who was inside the dining hall at the time and has since been released, said watching the footage again was emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really thought I was going to die that day,” Hernandez said. “These officers are supposed to protect us, not attack us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of officers file into the chow hall around 12:30 p.m. and form what appears to be a skirmish line, many holding pepper spray canisters at the ready, the footage shows. Over several minutes, more officers join the formation, growing to what appears to be 40 to 50 officers positioned across the room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there is no audio captured on the surveillance footage, things appear tense with some of the incarcerated women gesticulating and shouting at the line of officers.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/-a8Fb2UwB1c'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/-a8Fb2UwB1c'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>An officer appears to yell and gesture for the women to step back. As they begin to move, multiple officers start deploying pepper spray and throwing grenades filled with mace, also known as OC (oleoresin capsicum). The women crouch down and run to the wall on the other side of the room as officers advance and continue to spray them repeatedly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kenneth Jimenez, a retired lieutenant who reviewed the footage, said officers must be facing an imminent threat in order to justify deploying force. Jimenez is familiar with use of force policy, which he taught to both peace officers and civilians across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see anybody approaching in a threatening manner,” he said as he watched the video. “I don’t see anything that’s imminent,” Jimenez added that instead of using force officers could have instead restrained a small number of individuals and removed them from the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR did not answer specific questions about whether the force used was excessive, but said policies were violated that day and that “corrective action” was taken.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>About five minutes after officers began to deploy pepper spray and OC grenades, a woman appears to be struggling with some kind of physical impairment as another woman holds her up from behind. As they move forward, an officer sprays them at close range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That moment could be interpreted differently depending on what officers perceived, according to Jimenez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s articulated that they thought she was attacking them, then they wouldn’t be outside of policy because she was moving towards them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both incarcerated women are then taken to the ground and surrounded by multiple officers. It is a chaotic moment that is difficult to make out because CDCR has blurred the faces of the incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While several officers appear to be restraining the women on the ground, officers also punch and use batons on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez recalled her confusion as officers gave them loud and contradictory orders. And she said that, no matter what they did, the officers continued to spray them and throw OC grenades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They threw so many bombs at us that day,” she said. “It was even funny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the officers cornered the women against the wall, they zip-tied their hands behind their backs and walked them outside. Surveillance cameras overlooking the outdoor yard captured officers again using chemical agents around 12:40 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079991\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Screenshot-2026-04-14-at-4.13.17-PM-scaled-e1776274108111.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1120\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated women crouch while others run for safety after officers deployed pepper spray and OC grenades during a 2024 use-of-force incident at the Central California Women’s Facility. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The footage appears to show a woman starting to cough and another woman getting up to walk over to her. Officers throw multiple OC grenades toward the group, prompting the women to run in the opposite direction, where they get hit again by a different set of officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just didn’t see the necessity for a grenade,” Jimenez said. “Everyone just joined the party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several women are later seen being carried or transported on stretchers to medical staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077737/california-agrees-to-1-9m-settlement-in-prison-use-of-force-case\">CDCR settled a $1.9 million lawsuit in March\u003c/a> filed by 13 women who were hurt that day. Another class-action lawsuit tied to the incident alleges that officers denied incarcerated women medical treatment and used excessive force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR did not respond to a detailed list of questions about specific moments in the video. The agency said that the 41 staff members who were disciplined received punishments ranging from transfers to termination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, California Correctional Peace Officers Association President Neil Flood said large-scale responses are common in prison emergencies, which he described as “chaotic, fast-moving and dangerous.” He added that while the union supports accountability when policy violations are found, it also expects disciplinary actions to follow due process protections for officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least five officers have filed a legal action arguing that the agency unfairly disciplined and transferred them following the incident. They allege that CDCR reassigned them to other prisons without due process and without being given the opportunity to challenge those actions before the State Personnel Board. CDCR has denied their claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That petition is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This reporting was made possible in part by funding from the Poynter Institute.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has agreed to pay $1.9 million to settle a lawsuit filed by 13 women who say correctional officers injured them during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at the Central California Women’s Facility in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs say they suffered seizures, respiratory distress and long-term vision problems after officers used batons, physical force and chemical agents on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t breathe. My lungs were on fire … I thought I was going to die,” plaintiff Wisdom Muhammad said in a recent interview at her home in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women received settlements ranging from $200,000 to $50,000 each, based on the severity of their injuries, according to their attorney Robert Chalfant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual abuse of inmates, excessive force, cruel and unusual punishment, retaliation, those things need to stop,” Chalfant said. “And the only way those things stop is through lawsuits and forcing the payment of large amounts of money so that people take notice of what’s happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, CDCR spokesperson Mary Xjimenez said the agency has reviewed the incident and has taken corrective action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 41 staff members were found to have violated policy, making it one of the largest disciplinary actions issued against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-department-of-corrections-and-rehabilitation\">CDCR\u003c/a> staff in a single incident, according to CDCR. Punishment ranged from transfers to termination, CDCR said, but the department has not yet responded to a public records request for disciplinary documents related to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1742px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993411\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1742\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed.jpg 1742w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-800x612.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-1020x781.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-1536x1175.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1742px) 100vw, 1742px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated people stand together in a yard at Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Madera County. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004477/incarcerated-women-say-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack\">Aug. 2, 2024\u003c/a>, incident began when officers removed more than 150 women from their cells and locked them in the dining hall while staff conducted a large-scale search of their cells. As temperatures in the Chowchilla facility climbed to more than 100 degrees and time wore on, the women began to ask for water, food and medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials have said that the incarcerated population “became disruptive.” Officers used physical force, batons and chemical agents to “stop the incident,” according to a review from the Office of the Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint claims the women were complying with the officers’ orders and that the force was excessive and unnecessary. It also alleges that some women were denied or delayed medical care after being injured, leaving them with lasting physical and psychological harm.[aside postID=news_12004368 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-1020x816.jpg']A total of 109 incarcerated persons were medically evaluated, CDCR said, and three were transported to an outside medical facility for a short time. In the wake of the incident, CDCR also said it made mental health staff and resources available to those affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff were also retrained after the incident on how to respond to alarms and on the appropriate use of force, according to CDCR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women involved in the suit have a broader claim about this incident as well, that it was retaliation for sexual assault complaints that they had filed against correctional staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women’s prison in Chowchilla has been plagued by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11786495/metoo-behind-bars-new-records-shed-light-on-sexual-abuse-inside-state-womens-prisons\">reports of sexual assault for years\u003c/a>. In one high-profile case, at least 22 women accused correctional officer Gregory Rodriguez of sexual abuse dating back to 2014. The state ultimately paid millions of dollars to settle those claims. Rodriguez was criminally charged and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022075/former-guard-california-womens-prison-found-guilty-59-counts-sexual-abuse\">sentenced to 224 years\u003c/a> in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Staff-Misconduct-Monitoring-Report-January-June-2025.pdf\">audit \u003c/a>by the Office of Inspector General found that at least 279 women had sued the department, accusing at least 83 prison employees of sexual misconduct. The audit describes “a wave” of lawsuits filed by currently and formerly incarcerated people alleging staff sexual assault, harassment and misconduct. In response to the lawsuits, the department approved 402 investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice is also investigating allegations of sexual abuse and staff misconduct at California women’s prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003275\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003275\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Department of Justice has launched a civil rights investigation into staff sexual abuse allegations at two women’s prisons in Chowchilla and Chino, following a series of lawsuits and similar abuses at federal facilities like FCI Dublin, which was closed due to widespread misconduct. \u003ccite>(J. David Ake/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the settlement reached this past week, CDCR did not agree to any policy changes or other non-monetary terms, and did not admit to wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department’s focus remains on the safety, security, and well-being of both the incarcerated population and staff,” Xjimenez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another class action lawsuit tied to the Aug. 2 incident is still pending. That case, known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/70350459/1/pc-hooper-v-de-la-cruz/\">Hooper v. State of California\u003c/a>, raises similar claims that medical care was delayed or denied and that the use of force was excessive and retaliatory. It is set to go to mediation in May, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR said it could not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chalfant said that many of his clients were scared to come forward. The incarcerated woman told him that correctional officers continued to reference the lawsuit and retaliate against them by writing them up for minor infractions and searching their belongings up to the day of the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If individuals’ rights are violated in state prisons, lawyers are going to take those cases,” Chalfant said. “[These women] don’t lose their constitutional rights when [they] go into a prison facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has agreed to pay $1.9 million to settle a lawsuit filed by 13 women who say correctional officers injured them during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at the Central California Women’s Facility in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs say they suffered seizures, respiratory distress and long-term vision problems after officers used batons, physical force and chemical agents on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t breathe. My lungs were on fire … I thought I was going to die,” plaintiff Wisdom Muhammad said in a recent interview at her home in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women received settlements ranging from $200,000 to $50,000 each, based on the severity of their injuries, according to their attorney Robert Chalfant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual abuse of inmates, excessive force, cruel and unusual punishment, retaliation, those things need to stop,” Chalfant said. “And the only way those things stop is through lawsuits and forcing the payment of large amounts of money so that people take notice of what’s happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, CDCR spokesperson Mary Xjimenez said the agency has reviewed the incident and has taken corrective action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 41 staff members were found to have violated policy, making it one of the largest disciplinary actions issued against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-department-of-corrections-and-rehabilitation\">CDCR\u003c/a> staff in a single incident, according to CDCR. Punishment ranged from transfers to termination, CDCR said, but the department has not yet responded to a public records request for disciplinary documents related to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1742px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993411\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1742\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed.jpg 1742w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-800x612.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-1020x781.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-1536x1175.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1742px) 100vw, 1742px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated people stand together in a yard at Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Madera County. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004477/incarcerated-women-say-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack\">Aug. 2, 2024\u003c/a>, incident began when officers removed more than 150 women from their cells and locked them in the dining hall while staff conducted a large-scale search of their cells. As temperatures in the Chowchilla facility climbed to more than 100 degrees and time wore on, the women began to ask for water, food and medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials have said that the incarcerated population “became disruptive.” Officers used physical force, batons and chemical agents to “stop the incident,” according to a review from the Office of the Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint claims the women were complying with the officers’ orders and that the force was excessive and unnecessary. It also alleges that some women were denied or delayed medical care after being injured, leaving them with lasting physical and psychological harm.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A total of 109 incarcerated persons were medically evaluated, CDCR said, and three were transported to an outside medical facility for a short time. In the wake of the incident, CDCR also said it made mental health staff and resources available to those affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff were also retrained after the incident on how to respond to alarms and on the appropriate use of force, according to CDCR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women involved in the suit have a broader claim about this incident as well, that it was retaliation for sexual assault complaints that they had filed against correctional staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women’s prison in Chowchilla has been plagued by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11786495/metoo-behind-bars-new-records-shed-light-on-sexual-abuse-inside-state-womens-prisons\">reports of sexual assault for years\u003c/a>. In one high-profile case, at least 22 women accused correctional officer Gregory Rodriguez of sexual abuse dating back to 2014. The state ultimately paid millions of dollars to settle those claims. Rodriguez was criminally charged and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022075/former-guard-california-womens-prison-found-guilty-59-counts-sexual-abuse\">sentenced to 224 years\u003c/a> in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Staff-Misconduct-Monitoring-Report-January-June-2025.pdf\">audit \u003c/a>by the Office of Inspector General found that at least 279 women had sued the department, accusing at least 83 prison employees of sexual misconduct. The audit describes “a wave” of lawsuits filed by currently and formerly incarcerated people alleging staff sexual assault, harassment and misconduct. In response to the lawsuits, the department approved 402 investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice is also investigating allegations of sexual abuse and staff misconduct at California women’s prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003275\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003275\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Department of Justice has launched a civil rights investigation into staff sexual abuse allegations at two women’s prisons in Chowchilla and Chino, following a series of lawsuits and similar abuses at federal facilities like FCI Dublin, which was closed due to widespread misconduct. \u003ccite>(J. David Ake/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the settlement reached this past week, CDCR did not agree to any policy changes or other non-monetary terms, and did not admit to wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department’s focus remains on the safety, security, and well-being of both the incarcerated population and staff,” Xjimenez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another class action lawsuit tied to the Aug. 2 incident is still pending. That case, known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/70350459/1/pc-hooper-v-de-la-cruz/\">Hooper v. State of California\u003c/a>, raises similar claims that medical care was delayed or denied and that the use of force was excessive and retaliatory. It is set to go to mediation in May, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR said it could not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chalfant said that many of his clients were scared to come forward. The incarcerated woman told him that correctional officers continued to reference the lawsuit and retaliate against them by writing them up for minor infractions and searching their belongings up to the day of the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If individuals’ rights are violated in state prisons, lawyers are going to take those cases,” Chalfant said. “[These women] don’t lose their constitutional rights when [they] go into a prison facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "In the Mission, a Bad Bunny Look-Alike Contest Becomes a Celebration of Identity",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13986335/bad-bunny-super-bowl-halftime-show-conference-san-francisco\">Bad Bunny\u003c/a> fans and impersonators spilled out onto the sidewalk at Tacolicious in the San Francisco Mission District on Thursday night, in hopes of finding the Bay Area’s best Bad Bunny double. After all, the global superstar was once someone’s local grocery bagger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The look-alike contest came just days before Bad Bunny is set to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13986310/super-bowl-bad-bunny-celimar-rivera-cosme-lspr-puerto-rican-sign-language\">headline the Super Bowl halftime show\u003c/a>, one of the most-watched musical performances of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty-four contestants paraded through the restaurant, each offering their best Bad Bunny strut as the audience cheered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crowd ultimately crowned Abdul Arroyave, a Colombian man who’s been paying tribute to Bad Bunny through his impersonations for years, as the winner. Arroyave, a professional singer, wore a Puerto Rican \u003cem>pava\u003c/em> straw hat, crisp white pants and a red button-down shirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel amazing now,” Arroyave said after winning $600 — a prize that was boosted by a $500 donation from fintech company Ramp. “Me siento super cabrón.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12072573 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abdul Ramirez Arroyave, known as Abdul Bunny, a professional impersonator, competes in a Bad Bunny look-alike contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bad Bunny’s rise from a working-class upbringing to global superstardom has made him more than a chart-topping artist. For many fans, he represents possibility, authenticity and cultural pride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With everything happening in our country right now, he’s just been inspiring,” said contestant Benjamin Butrago, who is Puerto Rican. “He’s a good idol, a good person to have to look up to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Super Bowl week brings large NFL-affiliated events to the Bay Area, the look-alike contest, organized by Mission Lotería and the Bay Area Mexican restaurant chain Tacolicious, tried a more neighborhood-scale approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072583\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"1674\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-2000x1339.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-1536x1029.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-2048x1371.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors walk through the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Organizers promoted the contest with flyers posted around San Francisco and on social media, promising a cash prize, a Tacolicious gift card and, perhaps most importantly, bragging rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not that often that we get a global superstar that happens to be Latino that’s hosting the Super Bowl halftime show in our own area, so I felt like it was only appropriate,” said Mission Loteria founder Luis Angel Quiroz. Still, he said he was surprised by the turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event drew hundreds of fans, so packed that organizers expanded the party out onto the sidewalk, where a DJ played Bad Bunny’s most popular hits and the crowd danced along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072582\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"838\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-2000x670.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-160x54.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-1536x515.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-2048x686.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Josie Dominguez-Chand waits to enter a Bad Bunny look-alike contest organized by Mission Lotería at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026, ahead of Bad Bunny’s halftime show on Sunday; Right: Bad Bunny look-alike contestants wait to enter the competition at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It also unfolded against a more political backdrop. In recent days, Bad Bunny has drawn renewed attention for speaking out at the Grammys against Immigration and Customs Enforcement, using his platform to criticize the federal crackdown and express solidarity with immigrant communities. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13986280/bad-bunny-bay-area-imoact-sol-food-mural-pinatas-super-bowl-mission-district\">a neighborhood like the Mission\u003c/a>, that stance has only deepened his resonance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can’t take our joy away,” Quiroz said. “This is an example of a community coming together, being unafraid, and our joy is our resistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what makes a good Bad Bunny?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about having aura, personality and being able to embody the male and female gaze,” said contestant James Mavo, who wore Bad Bunny’s signature curly hair and tinted glasses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abdul Ramirez Arroyave, known as Abdul Bunny, a professional impersonator, competes in a Bad Bunny look-alike contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072578\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072578\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors walk through the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072579\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072579\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors walk through the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072569\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072569\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of fans line up for a Bad Bunny look-alike contest organized by Mission Lotería at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026, ahead of his halftime show on Sunday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072581\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors interact with the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crowd ultimately crowned Abdul Arroyave, a Colombian man who’s been paying tribute to Bad Bunny through his impersonations for years, as the winner. Arroyave, a professional singer, wore a Puerto Rican \u003cem>pava\u003c/em> straw hat, crisp white pants and a red button-down shirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel amazing now,” Arroyave said after winning $600 — a prize that was boosted by a $500 donation from fintech company Ramp. “Me siento super cabrón.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12072573 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-18-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abdul Ramirez Arroyave, known as Abdul Bunny, a professional impersonator, competes in a Bad Bunny look-alike contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bad Bunny’s rise from a working-class upbringing to global superstardom has made him more than a chart-topping artist. For many fans, he represents possibility, authenticity and cultural pride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With everything happening in our country right now, he’s just been inspiring,” said contestant Benjamin Butrago, who is Puerto Rican. “He’s a good idol, a good person to have to look up to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Super Bowl week brings large NFL-affiliated events to the Bay Area, the look-alike contest, organized by Mission Lotería and the Bay Area Mexican restaurant chain Tacolicious, tried a more neighborhood-scale approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072583\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"1674\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-2000x1339.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-1536x1029.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-QUAD-BL-KQED-2048x1371.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors walk through the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Organizers promoted the contest with flyers posted around San Francisco and on social media, promising a cash prize, a Tacolicious gift card and, perhaps most importantly, bragging rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not that often that we get a global superstar that happens to be Latino that’s hosting the Super Bowl halftime show in our own area, so I felt like it was only appropriate,” said Mission Loteria founder Luis Angel Quiroz. Still, he said he was surprised by the turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event drew hundreds of fans, so packed that organizers expanded the party out onto the sidewalk, where a DJ played Bad Bunny’s most popular hits and the crowd danced along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072582\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"838\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-2000x670.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-160x54.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-1536x515.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-DIP1-BL-KQED-2048x686.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Josie Dominguez-Chand waits to enter a Bad Bunny look-alike contest organized by Mission Lotería at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026, ahead of Bad Bunny’s halftime show on Sunday; Right: Bad Bunny look-alike contestants wait to enter the competition at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It also unfolded against a more political backdrop. In recent days, Bad Bunny has drawn renewed attention for speaking out at the Grammys against Immigration and Customs Enforcement, using his platform to criticize the federal crackdown and express solidarity with immigrant communities. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13986280/bad-bunny-bay-area-imoact-sol-food-mural-pinatas-super-bowl-mission-district\">a neighborhood like the Mission\u003c/a>, that stance has only deepened his resonance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can’t take our joy away,” Quiroz said. “This is an example of a community coming together, being unafraid, and our joy is our resistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what makes a good Bad Bunny?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about having aura, personality and being able to embody the male and female gaze,” said contestant James Mavo, who wore Bad Bunny’s signature curly hair and tinted glasses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-37-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abdul Ramirez Arroyave, known as Abdul Bunny, a professional impersonator, competes in a Bad Bunny look-alike contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072578\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072578\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-26-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors walk through the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072579\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072579\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-27-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors walk through the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072569\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072569\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BADBUNNYLOOKALIKECONTEST-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of fans line up for a Bad Bunny look-alike contest organized by Mission Lotería at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026, ahead of his halftime show on Sunday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072581\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260205-BadBunnyLookalikeContest-39-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bad Bunny look-alike competitors interact with the crowd during a contest at Tacolicious in San Francisco on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "in-san-rafael-residents-of-a-mobile-home-park-are-fighting-to-keep-their-homes",
"title": "In San Rafael, Residents of a Mobile Home Park Are Fighting to Keep Their Homes",
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"headTitle": "In San Rafael, Residents of a Mobile Home Park Are Fighting to Keep Their Homes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tucked between Highway 101, a BevMo and a car dealership, about 45 RV parking spots line both sides of a one-lane road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homes at the RV Park of San Rafael are tiny, some decorated with potted plants, most sit behind short fences. On a recent evening, children ran in and out of the park’s laundromat as their parents threw piles of clothes into washing machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yessica Pérez was seven when her parents moved the family there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the beginning, I think we were the only children in the neighborhood because there were a lot of seniors living here,” she said. “Then, just little by little, there were a lot of Hispanic kids running around here, so it was really nice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was nearly two decades ago. Back then, rent was just $300 a month, she said. It was affordable enough that her parents could eventually buy a second home in the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057944\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057944\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the family RV homes that Yessica Pérez’s family owns stands on 742 Francisco Blvd. West in San Rafael on Sept. 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, Pérez lives there with her sister, surrounded by memories of the community she grew up in. Life at the park was peaceful until 2021, when Harmony Communities took over the park’s management, Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family was among several others to receive 60-day eviction notices for both properties for violations that included storing a broom outside and having a porch attached to their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would fix the violation,” she said. “Seven days later, we would receive another violation on top of another violation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pérez and her family fought back, challenging the eviction notices, along with other residents at the park. What followed has been a years-long battle that last month culminated in a lawsuit against Harmony Communities and the park’s owner, accusing them of harassment, illegal rent increases, and violating the terms of a past legal settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For residents, the lawsuit represents a turning point in their fight to defend one of Marin County’s few affordable housing options in a region where rents are among the \u003ca href=\"https://www.attomdata.com/news/most-recent/top-10-counties-with-the-highest-rental-rates-in-2024/\">highest in the nation\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12034694 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/F84AEA38-15C9-48B4-905A-8EA8C37A0B0F-SCALED-KQED-1020x765.jpg']“We’ve heard what they’ve done in other places. We know what they do in other parks,” said Herman Privette, who’s lived at the park since 1976, adding that he has little sympathy for the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Rural Legal Assistance Attorney Mariah Thompson, who is helping represent the park residents, said what’s happening in San Rafael mirrors patterns she’s seen at other parks Harmony owns or manages across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see the same tactics playing out over and over again, with slight variation,” she said. “The major themes are attempts to increase rent beyond what is permissible by rent control or deny that local rent control applies to specific parks, spaces, or homes based on what they see as perceived loopholes in the laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Harmony first took over management of the RV Park of San Rafael, residents say the company issued repeated violation notices for minor infractions, tried raising rents beyond legal limits, and filed eviction notices. In a statement to KQED, Harmony disputed those claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Ubaldi, a spokesperson for Harmony, said in an email that the eviction notices focused on health and safety issues and the company continues “to welcome low-income families into the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These notices address severe health and safety violations to prevent incidents,” Ubaldi wrote. “We would be negligent not to enforce compliance with serious health and safety codes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058543\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058543\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Herman Privette, poses for a portrait at RV home in San Rafael on Oct. 1, 2025. Privette, who has lived in this San Rafael RV park for over 30 years, is fighting a possible eviction from Harmony Housing Development, which has recently taken new ownership of the properties. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Legal Aid of Marin Attorney DeMarco García, who began helping families in July as co-counsel with California Rural Legal Assistance, said Harmony often singled out residents who were least likely to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They first started with the tenants that don’t speak a lick of English,” he said. “People were afraid, with everything going on with immigration, that they just stayed kind of hidden.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privette said he’d never seen the community shrink so much. Staring at the strip of road, he pointed to vacant spaces where families were either evicted or left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Starting with the one by the mail room, there’s an empty space there, and another where that truck is,” he said. “I’ve never seen it like this in all my years here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the community has been classified as a mobile home park. The designation means residents own their homes but rent the land underneath them, giving them protections under California’s Mobilehome Residency Law and the city’s rent control ordinance.[aside postID=news_11977464 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2976-1020x765.jpg']Back in 2004, a Marin County Superior Court judge ruled that despite its name, the “RV park” was in fact a mobile home park, subject to local rent control. The court noted the park had been built in the 1940s, long before modern regulations on lot size and setbacks, and said those older “legacy conditions,” like narrow spaces, small lots, and additions, were legally grandfathered in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the state’s housing department has also consistently treated the property as a mobile home park, and city zoning does not allow RV parks within San Rafael city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when Harmony raised rents beyond what the city’s ordinance allows, residents and city officials saw it as a direct violation of those long-standing protections. Ubaldi, of Harmony, disputes any violation occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did not impose the rent increase,” Ubaldi wrote. “We requested it and sought a city hearing to determine a fair outcome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city and Harmony went to court, kicking off a two-year legal battle. In 2023, the two sides reached a settlement that required Harmony to dismiss pending evictions and uphold rent-control protections. But by then, several families had already left the park, García said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Thompson said Harmony soon resumed the same practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>They start issuing these same notices,” she said. “For things that [the state’s Housing and Community Development Department] has come and done an inspection on and has said we’re all cleared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson said she hopes the new lawsuit will force Harmony to finally comply with the settlement and ensure the company follows through on its promises to the community. According to court documents, residents are suing to protect their property rights as homeowners and to put an end to Harmony’s “unlawful business practices and displacement campaign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057940\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057940\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yessica Pérez poses for a portrait in one of her family’s RV homes in San Rafael, on Sept. 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Without this court’s assistance, [the residents] will likely lose their protections under rent control, if not lose their homes and community entirely,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pérez, each new eviction notice from Harmony chips away at the stability her parents hoped for when they first came to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s difficult because they really thought this was gonna be a retirement home for them,” Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for neighbors like Privette, the lawsuit is about more than legal protections. It’s about preserving one of the few affordable places to live in Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To live in your own place and be able to live with an affordable rent is something I would like to see more people have,” Privette said. “I’d be happy for other people to be as lucky as I’ve been.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Residents say Harmony Communities is using rent hikes and evictions to push families out of one of Marin County’s few affordable housing options.",
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"title": "In San Rafael, Residents of a Mobile Home Park Are Fighting to Keep Their Homes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tucked between Highway 101, a BevMo and a car dealership, about 45 RV parking spots line both sides of a one-lane road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homes at the RV Park of San Rafael are tiny, some decorated with potted plants, most sit behind short fences. On a recent evening, children ran in and out of the park’s laundromat as their parents threw piles of clothes into washing machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yessica Pérez was seven when her parents moved the family there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the beginning, I think we were the only children in the neighborhood because there were a lot of seniors living here,” she said. “Then, just little by little, there were a lot of Hispanic kids running around here, so it was really nice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was nearly two decades ago. Back then, rent was just $300 a month, she said. It was affordable enough that her parents could eventually buy a second home in the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057944\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057944\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00526_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the family RV homes that Yessica Pérez’s family owns stands on 742 Francisco Blvd. West in San Rafael on Sept. 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, Pérez lives there with her sister, surrounded by memories of the community she grew up in. Life at the park was peaceful until 2021, when Harmony Communities took over the park’s management, Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family was among several others to receive 60-day eviction notices for both properties for violations that included storing a broom outside and having a porch attached to their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would fix the violation,” she said. “Seven days later, we would receive another violation on top of another violation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pérez and her family fought back, challenging the eviction notices, along with other residents at the park. What followed has been a years-long battle that last month culminated in a lawsuit against Harmony Communities and the park’s owner, accusing them of harassment, illegal rent increases, and violating the terms of a past legal settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For residents, the lawsuit represents a turning point in their fight to defend one of Marin County’s few affordable housing options in a region where rents are among the \u003ca href=\"https://www.attomdata.com/news/most-recent/top-10-counties-with-the-highest-rental-rates-in-2024/\">highest in the nation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’ve heard what they’ve done in other places. We know what they do in other parks,” said Herman Privette, who’s lived at the park since 1976, adding that he has little sympathy for the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Rural Legal Assistance Attorney Mariah Thompson, who is helping represent the park residents, said what’s happening in San Rafael mirrors patterns she’s seen at other parks Harmony owns or manages across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see the same tactics playing out over and over again, with slight variation,” she said. “The major themes are attempts to increase rent beyond what is permissible by rent control or deny that local rent control applies to specific parks, spaces, or homes based on what they see as perceived loopholes in the laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Harmony first took over management of the RV Park of San Rafael, residents say the company issued repeated violation notices for minor infractions, tried raising rents beyond legal limits, and filed eviction notices. In a statement to KQED, Harmony disputed those claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Ubaldi, a spokesperson for Harmony, said in an email that the eviction notices focused on health and safety issues and the company continues “to welcome low-income families into the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These notices address severe health and safety violations to prevent incidents,” Ubaldi wrote. “We would be negligent not to enforce compliance with serious health and safety codes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058543\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058543\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251001-HARMONYSANRAFAEL_00458_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Herman Privette, poses for a portrait at RV home in San Rafael on Oct. 1, 2025. Privette, who has lived in this San Rafael RV park for over 30 years, is fighting a possible eviction from Harmony Housing Development, which has recently taken new ownership of the properties. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Legal Aid of Marin Attorney DeMarco García, who began helping families in July as co-counsel with California Rural Legal Assistance, said Harmony often singled out residents who were least likely to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They first started with the tenants that don’t speak a lick of English,” he said. “People were afraid, with everything going on with immigration, that they just stayed kind of hidden.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privette said he’d never seen the community shrink so much. Staring at the strip of road, he pointed to vacant spaces where families were either evicted or left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Starting with the one by the mail room, there’s an empty space there, and another where that truck is,” he said. “I’ve never seen it like this in all my years here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the community has been classified as a mobile home park. The designation means residents own their homes but rent the land underneath them, giving them protections under California’s Mobilehome Residency Law and the city’s rent control ordinance.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Back in 2004, a Marin County Superior Court judge ruled that despite its name, the “RV park” was in fact a mobile home park, subject to local rent control. The court noted the park had been built in the 1940s, long before modern regulations on lot size and setbacks, and said those older “legacy conditions,” like narrow spaces, small lots, and additions, were legally grandfathered in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the state’s housing department has also consistently treated the property as a mobile home park, and city zoning does not allow RV parks within San Rafael city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when Harmony raised rents beyond what the city’s ordinance allows, residents and city officials saw it as a direct violation of those long-standing protections. Ubaldi, of Harmony, disputes any violation occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did not impose the rent increase,” Ubaldi wrote. “We requested it and sought a city hearing to determine a fair outcome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city and Harmony went to court, kicking off a two-year legal battle. In 2023, the two sides reached a settlement that required Harmony to dismiss pending evictions and uphold rent-control protections. But by then, several families had already left the park, García said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Thompson said Harmony soon resumed the same practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>They start issuing these same notices,” she said. “For things that [the state’s Housing and Community Development Department] has come and done an inspection on and has said we’re all cleared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson said she hopes the new lawsuit will force Harmony to finally comply with the settlement and ensure the company follows through on its promises to the community. According to court documents, residents are suing to protect their property rights as homeowners and to put an end to Harmony’s “unlawful business practices and displacement campaign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057940\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057940\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00183_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yessica Pérez poses for a portrait in one of her family’s RV homes in San Rafael, on Sept. 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Without this court’s assistance, [the residents] will likely lose their protections under rent control, if not lose their homes and community entirely,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pérez, each new eviction notice from Harmony chips away at the stability her parents hoped for when they first came to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s difficult because they really thought this was gonna be a retirement home for them,” Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for neighbors like Privette, the lawsuit is about more than legal protections. It’s about preserving one of the few affordable places to live in Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To live in your own place and be able to live with an affordable rent is something I would like to see more people have,” Privette said. “I’d be happy for other people to be as lucky as I’ve been.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "without-people-we-are-nothing-californias-farm-workforce-is-growing-older",
"title": "‘Without People, We Are Nothing’: California’s Farm Workforce Is Growing Older",
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"headTitle": "‘Without People, We Are Nothing’: California’s Farm Workforce Is Growing Older | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s a cool morning in the small farm town of Caruthers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/fresno\">Fresno\u003c/a> County. The sun hasn’t risen yet, but Carmen, a mayordoma, or crew supervisor, hops out of her truck and begins prepping the tools her workers will need to harvest grapes: knives, containers, sheets of parchment paper. She’s expecting at least six people to show up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s already a fraction of the crews she used to lead. After two decades in the fields herself, Carmen has spent the last four years as a supervisor. And lately, finding help is harder than ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people don’t want to work in the fields anymore,” she said in Spanish. “And those who used to work here don’t have the strength.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This morning, just three workers showed up — all of them over 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carmen, 35, knows the work is tough and the Central Valley heat can be unforgiving. Like many parents who work in the field, she’s brought her kids to the fields so they can gain an appreciation for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And as an example of the kind of future they’ll have if they don’t pursue their education,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054922\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054922\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carmen, a field supervisor, picks grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But there’s the contradiction. Even as she pushes her own children toward college, she knows that’s part of the reason her crews keep shrinking. What feels like a triumph for her family only deepens the challenge she faces each day as a supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her experience reflects a larger shift: California’s farm labor force is aging, and few younger workers are stepping in to replace them. Meanwhile, the workforce is also under strain from the Trump Administration’s immigration policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1979, the average California farmworker was 30 years old. Today it’s 40, with many still laboring well into their 60s and 70s, according to Edward Flores, faculty director of the UC Merced Community and Labor Center, who has studied these changes.[aside postID=news_12052452 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/20250725_OAKLANDDAYLABORERS_GC-3-KQED.jpg']Beginning in the 1970s, the U.S. experienced one of the largest migration waves in modern history: hundreds of thousands of young men and women came from Mexico to California, filling farm jobs that fueled the state’s agricultural boom. In 1969, the largest group of farmworkers was between 16 and 25. By the 1990s, it had shifted to 25 to 34, and the average age has only continued to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If their parents have chronic health issues, struggle to make ends meet, and tell their kids to get an education instead, many children listen,” Flores said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Merced Community and Labor Center documents this trend in its report\u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/g/files/ufvvjh626/f/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com\"> \u003cem>A Golden Age: California’s Aging Immigrant Workforce and its Implications for Safety Net Policy\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. The research shows that California’s noncitizen workforce, especially in agriculture, is aging rapidly while being largely excluded from Social Security and unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores, who co-authored the report, warns that this leaves many longtime farmworkers with no safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They harvest the food that we eat, but they cannot even afford to put food on their own table,” he said. “How do we care for those who have spent an entire lifetime in the fields and have no retirement?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054920\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers pick grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If California wants to attract new workers into agriculture, Flores argues, farm jobs need to pay enough to cover basic needs, come with stronger health and safety protections, and offer an economic safety net for workers as they age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But demographics aren’t the only factor shaping who shows up to work. Recently, immigration enforcement has also kept crews thin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has often sent mixed signals on immigration policy. Federal agents have carried out \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/more-than-300-arrested-immigration-raids-southern-california-farms-feds/\">raids on farms\u003c/a> in California, even as Trump has publicly \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/06/20/trump-immigration-raids-farms\">suggested\u003c/a> that farmworkers could be spared. Those contradictions have left growers scrambling and many crews living with uncertainty.[aside postID=science_1998136 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2025/07/250730-COMMUNITYFARM-08-KQED.jpg']Bryan Little of the California Farm Bureau said even the rumors of immigration enforcement have an impact on turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had scattered reports of people not showing up to complete harvesting operations,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That fear, layered on top of an already aging workforce, only deepens the shortage. And with fewer reliable hands, growers are already reshaping agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Little points to nut orchards, where once 20 workers harvested almonds with long poles, now a handful of people can run machines that shake trees and sweep nuts off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five people can do in half the time what 16 used to do all day,” Little said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some growers are experimenting with “assistive technologies,” like robotic carts that follow strawberry pickers down the rows. But Little cautions that without immigration reform and a more accessible guest worker program, those tools won’t be enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054919\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054919 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grapes hang on a vine in a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Farmers and advocates have been calling for that kind of change for decades, with little to show for it. The H2A program has long been criticized for being cumbersome and expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-03-12/california-farm-groups-look-to-stabilize-workforce-amid-crackdown-illegal-immigration\">reintroduced\u003c/a> the Farm Workforce Modernization Act, a bipartisan bill that would amend the guest worker program and create a path to legal status for longtime agricultural workers. But even after passing Congress in previous years, it remains stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleges are also stepping in to address the gap. At Coalinga College, Dean Bobby Mahfoud said students often come in with outdated views of farm work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a perception among young people that ag is just low-tech manual labor,” she said. “In reality, modern ag careers involve technology, sustainability, robotics, and data science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school offers programs in plant science, irrigation systems, and precision agriculture. Dual enrollment lets high school students sample the coursework early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054923\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A field of grapes in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to combat the perception,” Mahfoud said. “It looks a lot different than it used to look.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she admits that agriculture competes with other stable local employers, like state prisons and hospitals, which can offer clear benefits and retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the few young people embracing agriculture is 27-year-old Francisco Marin. His parents harvested table grapes in Bakersfield, and he joined them during his high school summers. It was grueling work, long days in 100-degree heat for $9 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of turning away, Francisco leaned in. He’s now training to become a licensed pest control advisor, a job that could pay upwards of $80,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom wanted me to hate the work so I’d stay in school,” he said. “But I fell in love with farming. Now she understands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Francisco said he’s often the youngest in the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I look around, and yeah, I’m one of the youngest guys there,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Carmen, stories like Francisco’s are rare. In her crew, she only sees workers her age or older. Recruiting anyone under 30 feels impossible. She worries about what that means for the future of agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without people, we are nothing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s a cool morning in the small farm town of Caruthers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/fresno\">Fresno\u003c/a> County. The sun hasn’t risen yet, but Carmen, a mayordoma, or crew supervisor, hops out of her truck and begins prepping the tools her workers will need to harvest grapes: knives, containers, sheets of parchment paper. She’s expecting at least six people to show up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s already a fraction of the crews she used to lead. After two decades in the fields herself, Carmen has spent the last four years as a supervisor. And lately, finding help is harder than ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people don’t want to work in the fields anymore,” she said in Spanish. “And those who used to work here don’t have the strength.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This morning, just three workers showed up — all of them over 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carmen, 35, knows the work is tough and the Central Valley heat can be unforgiving. Like many parents who work in the field, she’s brought her kids to the fields so they can gain an appreciation for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And as an example of the kind of future they’ll have if they don’t pursue their education,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054922\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054922\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carmen, a field supervisor, picks grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But there’s the contradiction. Even as she pushes her own children toward college, she knows that’s part of the reason her crews keep shrinking. What feels like a triumph for her family only deepens the challenge she faces each day as a supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her experience reflects a larger shift: California’s farm labor force is aging, and few younger workers are stepping in to replace them. Meanwhile, the workforce is also under strain from the Trump Administration’s immigration policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1979, the average California farmworker was 30 years old. Today it’s 40, with many still laboring well into their 60s and 70s, according to Edward Flores, faculty director of the UC Merced Community and Labor Center, who has studied these changes.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Beginning in the 1970s, the U.S. experienced one of the largest migration waves in modern history: hundreds of thousands of young men and women came from Mexico to California, filling farm jobs that fueled the state’s agricultural boom. In 1969, the largest group of farmworkers was between 16 and 25. By the 1990s, it had shifted to 25 to 34, and the average age has only continued to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If their parents have chronic health issues, struggle to make ends meet, and tell their kids to get an education instead, many children listen,” Flores said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Merced Community and Labor Center documents this trend in its report\u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/g/files/ufvvjh626/f/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com\"> \u003cem>A Golden Age: California’s Aging Immigrant Workforce and its Implications for Safety Net Policy\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. The research shows that California’s noncitizen workforce, especially in agriculture, is aging rapidly while being largely excluded from Social Security and unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores, who co-authored the report, warns that this leaves many longtime farmworkers with no safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They harvest the food that we eat, but they cannot even afford to put food on their own table,” he said. “How do we care for those who have spent an entire lifetime in the fields and have no retirement?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054920\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers pick grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If California wants to attract new workers into agriculture, Flores argues, farm jobs need to pay enough to cover basic needs, come with stronger health and safety protections, and offer an economic safety net for workers as they age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But demographics aren’t the only factor shaping who shows up to work. Recently, immigration enforcement has also kept crews thin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has often sent mixed signals on immigration policy. Federal agents have carried out \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/more-than-300-arrested-immigration-raids-southern-california-farms-feds/\">raids on farms\u003c/a> in California, even as Trump has publicly \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/06/20/trump-immigration-raids-farms\">suggested\u003c/a> that farmworkers could be spared. Those contradictions have left growers scrambling and many crews living with uncertainty.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Bryan Little of the California Farm Bureau said even the rumors of immigration enforcement have an impact on turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had scattered reports of people not showing up to complete harvesting operations,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That fear, layered on top of an already aging workforce, only deepens the shortage. And with fewer reliable hands, growers are already reshaping agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Little points to nut orchards, where once 20 workers harvested almonds with long poles, now a handful of people can run machines that shake trees and sweep nuts off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five people can do in half the time what 16 used to do all day,” Little said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some growers are experimenting with “assistive technologies,” like robotic carts that follow strawberry pickers down the rows. But Little cautions that without immigration reform and a more accessible guest worker program, those tools won’t be enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054919\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054919 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grapes hang on a vine in a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Farmers and advocates have been calling for that kind of change for decades, with little to show for it. The H2A program has long been criticized for being cumbersome and expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-03-12/california-farm-groups-look-to-stabilize-workforce-amid-crackdown-illegal-immigration\">reintroduced\u003c/a> the Farm Workforce Modernization Act, a bipartisan bill that would amend the guest worker program and create a path to legal status for longtime agricultural workers. But even after passing Congress in previous years, it remains stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleges are also stepping in to address the gap. At Coalinga College, Dean Bobby Mahfoud said students often come in with outdated views of farm work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a perception among young people that ag is just low-tech manual labor,” she said. “In reality, modern ag careers involve technology, sustainability, robotics, and data science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school offers programs in plant science, irrigation systems, and precision agriculture. Dual enrollment lets high school students sample the coursework early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054923\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A field of grapes in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to combat the perception,” Mahfoud said. “It looks a lot different than it used to look.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she admits that agriculture competes with other stable local employers, like state prisons and hospitals, which can offer clear benefits and retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the few young people embracing agriculture is 27-year-old Francisco Marin. His parents harvested table grapes in Bakersfield, and he joined them during his high school summers. It was grueling work, long days in 100-degree heat for $9 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of turning away, Francisco leaned in. He’s now training to become a licensed pest control advisor, a job that could pay upwards of $80,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom wanted me to hate the work so I’d stay in school,” he said. “But I fell in love with farming. Now she understands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Francisco said he’s often the youngest in the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I look around, and yeah, I’m one of the youngest guys there,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Carmen, stories like Francisco’s are rare. In her crew, she only sees workers her age or older. Recruiting anyone under 30 feels impossible. She worries about what that means for the future of agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without people, we are nothing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Raye Michelle Vang knows what it’s like to start over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/fresno\">Fresno\u003c/a> radio host and single mom of three said she wouldn’t be where she is today without the federal housing voucher she received nearly eight years ago. At the time, she was trying to leave an abusive relationship, raising two daughters, and pregnant with a third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just thought, you know, what am I going to do? Am I going to go homeless with three kids?” Vang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She applied for a voucher on a whim, expecting to wait years. Instead, she was approved in a year. It changed everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The voucher, which pays 30% of her rent, allowed her to focus on providing for her daughters’ needs: diapers, new clothes and being present. She started taking communications classes at Clovis City College, where she landed the radio hosting job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang now hosts a two-hour daily show on Hmong Radio where she speaks “Hmonglish.” She covers everything from parenting to voting in local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-8.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1080\" height=\"504\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-8.png 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-8-160x75.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Raye Michelle Vang (right) with her daughters at the Fresno Hmong New Year celebration in December 2024. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Raye Michelle Vang)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I would have never even thought about trying this [radio show], because I would be working two to three jobs,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, Vang fears she and thousands of others could lose their safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under pressure from the Trump administration, Congress is proposing sweeping cuts to the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s budget and programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 900,000 Californians rely on federal housing assistance, and only 1 in 4 eligible residents currently receive help, according to the California Budget & Policy Center.[aside postID=news_12049612 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-SHELTERFAMILIES-05-BL-KQED.jpg']“If Congress doesn’t act, we could see tens of thousands of people, including seniors, people with disabilities, and working parents, pushed out of their homes,” said Monica Davalos, a housing policy analyst with the California Budget & Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration’s proposal aims to cap assistance at two years for able-bodied adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If implemented, that time cap could strip rental assistance from an estimated 306,800 people across the state, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/7_F_ClYpANik10XLs1t3izBJNg?domain=cbpp.org\">Center on Budget and Policy Priorities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a heinous proposal that ignores the realities of California’s housing market and what it actually takes for people to get back on their feet,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither the House nor Senate budget bills currently include that proposal, but Davalos warns that it reflects the kind of policy direction that could still shape final negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress is expected to finalize a federal budget by Oct. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If federal cuts go through, the Fresno Housing Authority said up to 15,000 people across Fresno County could lose their homes. Other programs that help people transition off assistance, like Family Self-Sufficiency or Jobs Plus, are also on the chopping block.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051136\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051136\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing advocates protest in Fresno on Dec. 11, 2021. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khoka/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It would totally restructure housing rental assistance across the state,” said Tyrone Williams, CEO of the Fresno Housing Authority. “Once they decide to cut this funding, we won’t be able to rein it back in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of the federal threats, Fresno is also facing the consequences of state-level setbacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, California’s Housing and Community Development department revoked the city’s pro-housing designation, a label that helped Fresno competitively apply for state housing grants. The city lost that status after falling behind on several key housing obligations.[aside postID=news_12049734 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/241203-FresnoCampingBan-25-BL_qed.jpg']“This doesn’t just limit funding,” said Marisa Moraza of \u003ca href=\"https://powercalifornia.org/history\">Power California\u003c/a>. “It reflects the city’s ongoing failure to meet the moment and to take bold action in a housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say Fresno’s housing strategy often focuses too much on new development and not enough on protecting the people already here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over 50% of Fresno residents are renters,” Moraza said. “If we want to keep people housed, we have to protect them. That means rent caps, eviction defense, and deeply affordable units.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups like Power CA Action and the Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability are pushing for stronger tenant protections, more community input, and investment in alternative housing models like land trusts or co-ops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang is worried for herself and the neighbors she sees struggling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like you finally catch your breath, and then you fall again,” she said. “We’re trying to get assistance. But you can’t get back on your feet in two years when you barely get a raise. You just can’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the voucher system is gutted, Vang would likely have to move her kids back into her parents’ house, which she called going back to “ground zero.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She applied for a voucher on a whim, expecting to wait years. Instead, she was approved in a year. It changed everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The voucher, which pays 30% of her rent, allowed her to focus on providing for her daughters’ needs: diapers, new clothes and being present. She started taking communications classes at Clovis City College, where she landed the radio hosting job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang now hosts a two-hour daily show on Hmong Radio where she speaks “Hmonglish.” She covers everything from parenting to voting in local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-8.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1080\" height=\"504\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-8.png 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-8-160x75.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Raye Michelle Vang (right) with her daughters at the Fresno Hmong New Year celebration in December 2024. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Raye Michelle Vang)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I would have never even thought about trying this [radio show], because I would be working two to three jobs,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, Vang fears she and thousands of others could lose their safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under pressure from the Trump administration, Congress is proposing sweeping cuts to the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s budget and programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 900,000 Californians rely on federal housing assistance, and only 1 in 4 eligible residents currently receive help, according to the California Budget & Policy Center.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If Congress doesn’t act, we could see tens of thousands of people, including seniors, people with disabilities, and working parents, pushed out of their homes,” said Monica Davalos, a housing policy analyst with the California Budget & Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration’s proposal aims to cap assistance at two years for able-bodied adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If implemented, that time cap could strip rental assistance from an estimated 306,800 people across the state, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/7_F_ClYpANik10XLs1t3izBJNg?domain=cbpp.org\">Center on Budget and Policy Priorities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a heinous proposal that ignores the realities of California’s housing market and what it actually takes for people to get back on their feet,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither the House nor Senate budget bills currently include that proposal, but Davalos warns that it reflects the kind of policy direction that could still shape final negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress is expected to finalize a federal budget by Oct. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If federal cuts go through, the Fresno Housing Authority said up to 15,000 people across Fresno County could lose their homes. Other programs that help people transition off assistance, like Family Self-Sufficiency or Jobs Plus, are also on the chopping block.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051136\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051136\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Fresno-homeless-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing advocates protest in Fresno on Dec. 11, 2021. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khoka/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It would totally restructure housing rental assistance across the state,” said Tyrone Williams, CEO of the Fresno Housing Authority. “Once they decide to cut this funding, we won’t be able to rein it back in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of the federal threats, Fresno is also facing the consequences of state-level setbacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, California’s Housing and Community Development department revoked the city’s pro-housing designation, a label that helped Fresno competitively apply for state housing grants. The city lost that status after falling behind on several key housing obligations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This doesn’t just limit funding,” said Marisa Moraza of \u003ca href=\"https://powercalifornia.org/history\">Power California\u003c/a>. “It reflects the city’s ongoing failure to meet the moment and to take bold action in a housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say Fresno’s housing strategy often focuses too much on new development and not enough on protecting the people already here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over 50% of Fresno residents are renters,” Moraza said. “If we want to keep people housed, we have to protect them. That means rent caps, eviction defense, and deeply affordable units.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups like Power CA Action and the Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability are pushing for stronger tenant protections, more community input, and investment in alternative housing models like land trusts or co-ops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang is worried for herself and the neighbors she sees struggling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like you finally catch your breath, and then you fall again,” she said. “We’re trying to get assistance. But you can’t get back on your feet in two years when you barely get a raise. You just can’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the voucher system is gutted, Vang would likely have to move her kids back into her parents’ house, which she called going back to “ground zero.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Palm Springs is one step closer to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">paying reparations to Black and Latino families\u003c/a> who were forcibly removed from their homes more than 60 years ago. But more than six months after the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">approved a historic $5.9 million settlement\u003c/a>, survivors are still waiting for the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials say they’re ready to release the funds, but they’re still waiting on a final, verified list of eligible recipients from civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group Section 14 Survivors. Martin says the vetting process has taken time and that’s intentional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re more interested in fairness and making sure everyone that wants to participate is given an opportunity to do so than driven by any deadlines,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the late 1950s through the early 1960s, the city of Palm Springs bulldozed and burned homes in Section 14, a 1-square-mile neighborhood that was home to mostly Black and Latino families with low income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With city approval, fire crews torched homes, and residents were pushed out to make way for commercial development. In recent years, survivors and descendants have come forward to demand recognition and repair.[aside postID=news_12044638 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/12m-Reparations-1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of advocacy, the Palm Springs City Council unanimously approved the cash settlement last November, along with a broader reparations package that includes $21 million for housing and small business investment over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for the cash settlement, survivors and their descendants had to submit three documents proving they lived in Section 14 during the years the city cleared the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s proved challenging for many applicants in their late 70s and 80s who don’t use email or online platforms. Martin’s team received about 350 claims, relying on records like phone books, school documents and marriage certificates to verify eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re using Docusign — something very common for people in the workplace, but not for 75- and 80-year-old people,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988779\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, a former Section 14 resident, in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Each application is now being reviewed by a retired California Supreme Court justice working pro bono. Martin says the process should be completed in 60 to 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This effort is part of a growing push across California to address racial harms. A year after the failure of key reparations bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">drew backlash from activists\u003c/a>, the California Legislative Black Caucus introduced several new measures this session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One is SB 518, introduced by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D-San Diego). The bill would establish a state framework to support local reparations programs, like the one in Palm Springs, by helping cities identify eligible recipients, develop cultural restoration projects and distribute funds fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For centuries, systemic discrimination has created barriers for opportunity for economic security, housing, education, health and so much more,” Weber Pierson said. “The effects of these injustices are still felt today and action is long overdue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond cash payouts, Palm Springs also committed to cultural and community investments, including plans for a healing center, a public monument, and a permanent day of remembrance for Section 14. So far, the programs haven’t been launched. The city says more details will be released later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pearl Devers, one of the former Section 14 residents, the journey has been emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suppressed a lot of what happened in my family all these years until the floodgates opened,” she said. “Then I was able to shed my first tear.”[aside postID=news_12027903 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/CMReparations01.jpg']In digging into her family’s history, Devers discovered that her father had been a member of the NAACP. She says being part of the reparations process feels like continuing his work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a full life-circle moment for me, to complete something I know my father’s passion and hard work was a part of,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 14 survivors and supporters celebrated the progress with a gala last weekend in Palm Springs, but for many, the true milestone will come when the first check is delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin says the momentum from Palm Springs is already rippling out. Tulsa’s new reparative justice plan, she says, mirrors aspects of the Section 14 settlement, and more cities are reaching out for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Repair is possible,” Martin said. “Communities across the country are watching this, seeing it can be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "More than six months after Palm Springs approved a $5.9 million settlement for Black and Latino families displaced from Section 14, survivors are still waiting for payments.",
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"title": "Palm Springs Payment Lag Reveals Hurdles in California’s Racial Justice Efforts | KQED",
"description": "More than six months after Palm Springs approved a $5.9 million settlement for Black and Latino families displaced from Section 14, survivors are still waiting for payments.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Palm Springs is one step closer to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">paying reparations to Black and Latino families\u003c/a> who were forcibly removed from their homes more than 60 years ago. But more than six months after the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">approved a historic $5.9 million settlement\u003c/a>, survivors are still waiting for the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials say they’re ready to release the funds, but they’re still waiting on a final, verified list of eligible recipients from civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group Section 14 Survivors. Martin says the vetting process has taken time and that’s intentional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re more interested in fairness and making sure everyone that wants to participate is given an opportunity to do so than driven by any deadlines,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the late 1950s through the early 1960s, the city of Palm Springs bulldozed and burned homes in Section 14, a 1-square-mile neighborhood that was home to mostly Black and Latino families with low income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With city approval, fire crews torched homes, and residents were pushed out to make way for commercial development. In recent years, survivors and descendants have come forward to demand recognition and repair.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of advocacy, the Palm Springs City Council unanimously approved the cash settlement last November, along with a broader reparations package that includes $21 million for housing and small business investment over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for the cash settlement, survivors and their descendants had to submit three documents proving they lived in Section 14 during the years the city cleared the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s proved challenging for many applicants in their late 70s and 80s who don’t use email or online platforms. Martin’s team received about 350 claims, relying on records like phone books, school documents and marriage certificates to verify eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re using Docusign — something very common for people in the workplace, but not for 75- and 80-year-old people,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988779\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, a former Section 14 resident, in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Each application is now being reviewed by a retired California Supreme Court justice working pro bono. Martin says the process should be completed in 60 to 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This effort is part of a growing push across California to address racial harms. A year after the failure of key reparations bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">drew backlash from activists\u003c/a>, the California Legislative Black Caucus introduced several new measures this session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One is SB 518, introduced by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D-San Diego). The bill would establish a state framework to support local reparations programs, like the one in Palm Springs, by helping cities identify eligible recipients, develop cultural restoration projects and distribute funds fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For centuries, systemic discrimination has created barriers for opportunity for economic security, housing, education, health and so much more,” Weber Pierson said. “The effects of these injustices are still felt today and action is long overdue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond cash payouts, Palm Springs also committed to cultural and community investments, including plans for a healing center, a public monument, and a permanent day of remembrance for Section 14. So far, the programs haven’t been launched. The city says more details will be released later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pearl Devers, one of the former Section 14 residents, the journey has been emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suppressed a lot of what happened in my family all these years until the floodgates opened,” she said. “Then I was able to shed my first tear.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In digging into her family’s history, Devers discovered that her father had been a member of the NAACP. She says being part of the reparations process feels like continuing his work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a full life-circle moment for me, to complete something I know my father’s passion and hard work was a part of,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 14 survivors and supporters celebrated the progress with a gala last weekend in Palm Springs, but for many, the true milestone will come when the first check is delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin says the momentum from Palm Springs is already rippling out. Tulsa’s new reparative justice plan, she says, mirrors aspects of the Section 14 settlement, and more cities are reaching out for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Repair is possible,” Martin said. “Communities across the country are watching this, seeing it can be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned",
"title": "Palm Springs OKs $5.9 Million in Reparations for Black and Latino Families Whose Homes the City Burned",
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"headTitle": "Palm Springs OKs $5.9 Million in Reparations for Black and Latino Families Whose Homes the City Burned | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a historic move, the Palm Springs City Council voted unanimously Thursday night to approve a settlement offer for the surviving former residents and descendants of a Black and Latino neighborhood that the city burned to the ground 60 years ago to make way for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement includes $5.9 million in direct cash payments to an estimated 1,200 people. It also includes a commitment from the city to explore naming a community park and to establish a cultural healing center and a public monument to honor the legacy of the former residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council also added a resolution to the settlement, creating a day of remembrance to honor the Section 14 survivors and descendants, a call that was made by several public commenters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot fix things that happened in the past. But what you do going forward is, as or more important,” Mayor Jeffrey Bernstein said at the meeting on Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991101\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991101\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A vacant lot.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Apartment buildings surround the vacant lot of what was Section 14 in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The former residents and descendants of the neighborhood, known as Section 14, near the city’s downtown, accepted the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This agreement demonstrates that it’s never too late to acknowledge past wrongs and take meaningful steps toward justice,” said Areva Martin, lead counsel for the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council also approved $21 million in housing and economic development programs to address the city’s past discrimination against its Black and Latino residents. That includes $10 million for a first-time homebuyer assistance program and $10 million to establish a community land trust. Both programs will prioritize doing outreach to families that formerly lived in the Section 14 community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city will also fund a $1 million small business program aimed at “empowering local business initiatives for marginalized communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This agreement comes years after the Palm Springs Section 14 Survivors group, created by former resident Pearl Devers, began demanding the city pay for the loss of their homes, personal property and the racial trauma they experienced from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">burning\u003c/a> of their neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like I can breathe finally, for my community, for my parents, for everybody. It’s been a long journey. It’s been a hard-fought journey. And I’m just happy that we have prevailed,” Devers said after the vote on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991103\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11991103 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\" alt=\"An older Latina woman stands in an empty field.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Margaret Godinez-Genera, who grew up in Section 14, surveys the vacant Palm Springs lot where her community once stood on May 30, 2024. ‘When I am on these grounds, my mind immediately recalls my mother’s house,’ she said. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014598\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12014598 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed.jpg\" alt=\"An older Black man points his cane up, as he holds a poster with old pictures on it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wendell Crawford holds a poster with images of his family who once lived in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. ‘I used to walk through these grounds, he said, pointing to where his family’s house once stood. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the group filed a claim against the city, saying that the evictions amounted to a racially motivated attack. The city formally apologized for its role in the widespread displacement of the city’s working-class Black and Latino residents, most of whom worked in the service industry as construction workers and housekeepers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the city vowed to make things right, but negotiations quickly stalled, and little progress was made until this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the city offered $4.2 million to survivors and descendants in restitution to pay for 145 destroyed homes and damaged belongings. But the group declined the offer. Martin, the group’s attorney, said that amount was only a fraction of what the families are owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The newly agreed-upon settlement is based on a \u003ca href=\"https://engagepalmsprings.com/section-14\">historical context study\u003c/a> released by the city in November. The study found an estimated 197 homes were demolished, up from 145 homes identified in previous city records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991120\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1186px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991120\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\" alt=\"An old black-and-white photograph of a bulldozing destroying a small church.\" width=\"1186\" height=\"942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg 1186w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-800x635.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-160x127.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1186px) 100vw, 1186px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burned house (top) and a church being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs that was destroyed during a controlled-burn abatement in the 1960s, displacing as many as 1,000 people. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the city of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The reparations agreement in Palm Springs follows similar recent efforts in a handful of California cities. In 2021, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936889/the-black-family-who-won-the-return-of-bruces-beach-will-sell-it-back-to-la-county\">voted to return Bruce’s Beach \u003c/a>back to the Bruce family 100 years after it was taken from them because they were Black. Residents in Russell City — in Hayward — and the city of Los Angeles have since launched their own efforts, seeking reparations for properties they believe were taken through racially motivated eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More on reparations\" postID=\"news_11991098,news_11999415,news_11990928\"]Earlier this year, the California Legislative Black Caucus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974445/california-reparations-backers-applaud-bills-even-without-big-cash-payouts\">introduced a package of reparation bills\u003c/a> aimed at addressing the state’s legacy of racism and discrimination against Black Californians. The bills ranged from issuing a formal apology for the state’s role in enslaving Black residents to prohibiting discrimination against hair color or texture, but they stopped short of direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992846/california-sets-aside-up-to-12-million-for-reparations-bills-to-make-amends-for-racist-legacy\">set aside $12 million\u003c/a> for the package of bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them was SB 1050, a bill that would have created a state process for reviewing claims from people who believe their families lost property through the racially motivated use of eminent domain. But in September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed the bill\u003c/a> on the grounds that it “tasks a nonexistent state agency to carry out its various provisions and requirements, making it impossible to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 14 is a 1-square mile land located next to downtown Palm Springs, owned by the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. In the 1940s, the neighborhood was one of few places where Black and Latino residents could live because of racial covenants in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, federal laws allowed tribes to lease their land for up to five years, making the land less desirable for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11991111 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A billboard on the side of a highway about the destruction of the Section 14 neighborhood.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A billboard about the fate of Section 14, off of freeway I-10 near Palm Springs. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That lasted until 1959, when the federal government opened up leasing agreements for certain tribes, including the Agua Caliente Band, for up to 99 years, garnering the interest of commercial real estate developers. Soon after, the city gained control of the land from the tribe through a conservatorship and directed the fire department to demolish and burn down the homes in the neighborhood to make way for luxury tourism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://thinkpunkgirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Section-14_Palm-Springs.pdf\">1968 report\u003c/a> from the state’s attorney general described it as a “city-engineered holocaust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, grew up in the Section 14 neighborhood and lived there with her husband and two boys before ultimately fleeing after seeing her neighbor’s house burn to the ground. She said she’s happy to see some justice for former residents and their descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know my mom and dad are happy that I was involved and told their story. I’m happy that we got it resolved,” Godinez-Genera said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The City Council unanimously approved the deal to directly pay an estimated 1,200 surviving former residents and descendants of a Black and Latino neighborhood that the city burned down 60 years ago to make way for commercial development.",
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"title": "Palm Springs OKs $5.9 Million in Reparations for Black and Latino Families Whose Homes the City Burned | KQED",
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"headline": "Palm Springs OKs $5.9 Million in Reparations for Black and Latino Families Whose Homes the City Burned",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a historic move, the Palm Springs City Council voted unanimously Thursday night to approve a settlement offer for the surviving former residents and descendants of a Black and Latino neighborhood that the city burned to the ground 60 years ago to make way for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement includes $5.9 million in direct cash payments to an estimated 1,200 people. It also includes a commitment from the city to explore naming a community park and to establish a cultural healing center and a public monument to honor the legacy of the former residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council also added a resolution to the settlement, creating a day of remembrance to honor the Section 14 survivors and descendants, a call that was made by several public commenters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot fix things that happened in the past. But what you do going forward is, as or more important,” Mayor Jeffrey Bernstein said at the meeting on Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991101\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991101\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A vacant lot.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Apartment buildings surround the vacant lot of what was Section 14 in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The former residents and descendants of the neighborhood, known as Section 14, near the city’s downtown, accepted the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This agreement demonstrates that it’s never too late to acknowledge past wrongs and take meaningful steps toward justice,” said Areva Martin, lead counsel for the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council also approved $21 million in housing and economic development programs to address the city’s past discrimination against its Black and Latino residents. That includes $10 million for a first-time homebuyer assistance program and $10 million to establish a community land trust. Both programs will prioritize doing outreach to families that formerly lived in the Section 14 community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city will also fund a $1 million small business program aimed at “empowering local business initiatives for marginalized communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This agreement comes years after the Palm Springs Section 14 Survivors group, created by former resident Pearl Devers, began demanding the city pay for the loss of their homes, personal property and the racial trauma they experienced from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">burning\u003c/a> of their neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like I can breathe finally, for my community, for my parents, for everybody. It’s been a long journey. It’s been a hard-fought journey. And I’m just happy that we have prevailed,” Devers said after the vote on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991103\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11991103 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\" alt=\"An older Latina woman stands in an empty field.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Margaret Godinez-Genera, who grew up in Section 14, surveys the vacant Palm Springs lot where her community once stood on May 30, 2024. ‘When I am on these grounds, my mind immediately recalls my mother’s house,’ she said. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014598\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12014598 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed.jpg\" alt=\"An older Black man points his cane up, as he holds a poster with old pictures on it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Palm-Springs-36_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wendell Crawford holds a poster with images of his family who once lived in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. ‘I used to walk through these grounds, he said, pointing to where his family’s house once stood. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the group filed a claim against the city, saying that the evictions amounted to a racially motivated attack. The city formally apologized for its role in the widespread displacement of the city’s working-class Black and Latino residents, most of whom worked in the service industry as construction workers and housekeepers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the city vowed to make things right, but negotiations quickly stalled, and little progress was made until this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the city offered $4.2 million to survivors and descendants in restitution to pay for 145 destroyed homes and damaged belongings. But the group declined the offer. Martin, the group’s attorney, said that amount was only a fraction of what the families are owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The newly agreed-upon settlement is based on a \u003ca href=\"https://engagepalmsprings.com/section-14\">historical context study\u003c/a> released by the city in November. The study found an estimated 197 homes were demolished, up from 145 homes identified in previous city records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991120\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1186px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991120\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\" alt=\"An old black-and-white photograph of a bulldozing destroying a small church.\" width=\"1186\" height=\"942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg 1186w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-800x635.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-160x127.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1186px) 100vw, 1186px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burned house (top) and a church being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs that was destroyed during a controlled-burn abatement in the 1960s, displacing as many as 1,000 people. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the city of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The reparations agreement in Palm Springs follows similar recent efforts in a handful of California cities. In 2021, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936889/the-black-family-who-won-the-return-of-bruces-beach-will-sell-it-back-to-la-county\">voted to return Bruce’s Beach \u003c/a>back to the Bruce family 100 years after it was taken from them because they were Black. Residents in Russell City — in Hayward — and the city of Los Angeles have since launched their own efforts, seeking reparations for properties they believe were taken through racially motivated eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Earlier this year, the California Legislative Black Caucus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974445/california-reparations-backers-applaud-bills-even-without-big-cash-payouts\">introduced a package of reparation bills\u003c/a> aimed at addressing the state’s legacy of racism and discrimination against Black Californians. The bills ranged from issuing a formal apology for the state’s role in enslaving Black residents to prohibiting discrimination against hair color or texture, but they stopped short of direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992846/california-sets-aside-up-to-12-million-for-reparations-bills-to-make-amends-for-racist-legacy\">set aside $12 million\u003c/a> for the package of bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them was SB 1050, a bill that would have created a state process for reviewing claims from people who believe their families lost property through the racially motivated use of eminent domain. But in September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed the bill\u003c/a> on the grounds that it “tasks a nonexistent state agency to carry out its various provisions and requirements, making it impossible to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 14 is a 1-square mile land located next to downtown Palm Springs, owned by the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. In the 1940s, the neighborhood was one of few places where Black and Latino residents could live because of racial covenants in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, federal laws allowed tribes to lease their land for up to five years, making the land less desirable for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11991111 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A billboard on the side of a highway about the destruction of the Section 14 neighborhood.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A billboard about the fate of Section 14, off of freeway I-10 near Palm Springs. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That lasted until 1959, when the federal government opened up leasing agreements for certain tribes, including the Agua Caliente Band, for up to 99 years, garnering the interest of commercial real estate developers. Soon after, the city gained control of the land from the tribe through a conservatorship and directed the fire department to demolish and burn down the homes in the neighborhood to make way for luxury tourism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://thinkpunkgirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Section-14_Palm-Springs.pdf\">1968 report\u003c/a> from the state’s attorney general described it as a “city-engineered holocaust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, grew up in the Section 14 neighborhood and lived there with her husband and two boys before ultimately fleeing after seeing her neighbor’s house burn to the ground. She said she’s happy to see some justice for former residents and their descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know my mom and dad are happy that I was involved and told their story. I’m happy that we got it resolved,” Godinez-Genera said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]ncarcerated women at the Central California Women’s facility in Chowchilla say correctional officers used pepper spray, tear gas and rubber bullets on them after forcing them into a cafeteria with no food, water or medication for more than four hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four women told KQED they were left injured, had difficulty breathing and were traumatized by the incident that occurred last month on Aug. 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three incarcerated people had difficulty breathing and were transported to an offsite medical facility, according to an emailed statement from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its statement, CDCR said officials have “identified concerning information about the handling of the Aug. 2 incident at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) and are taking swift action.” The statement adds that a fight between two inmates prompted the incident and that approximately 100 others became “disruptive,” requiring staff to “quell the incident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sources told KQED that a fight had broken out earlier, well before the alleged use of force by officers, whose later behavior was unprovoked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Central California Women’s Facility is the largest female institution in the state. It houses over 2,000 incarcerated people at all security levels, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Warden-Mary-Lattimore-One-Year-Audit-Central-California-Womens-Facility.pdf\">according to a report\u003c/a> by the California Office of the Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘People were screaming for help’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 2, correctional officers informed the women in one of the units that they were going to conduct a contraband search of the entire building, according to half a dozen formerly and currently incarcerated women who spoke to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antoinette Yancey said she is a member of the Inmate Advisory Council, which communicates with prison staff about prisoners’ needs. She said everyone who was there that day complied with the order from officers to file into the cafeteria, also known as the chow hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yancey said that after nearly four hours inside the cafeteria, the women had missed their state-issued lunch and others had not been given their medication. She said she asked to speak to Sergeant Fernando Arroyo, the officer she believed to be in charge that day. Meanwhile, another woman was seen having a seizure, according to Yancey and other witnesses. Yancey told KQED that a guard called a “medical code.” Moments later, she said, 30 to 40 officers entered the cafeteria, including Sgt. Arroyo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I saw Sergeant Arroyo, I assumed that he was coming in to talk to us about lunches, food, water and things like that,” she said. Yancey said Arroyo did not address the women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers then formed a skirmish line around them, according to three of the women. Yancey said she saw Sergeant Arroyo tap officers on the shoulder before officers started screaming “Get back!” at the women, who, she said, posed no threat. Officers began to spray pepper spray and tear gas at the women, according to four accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the inmates ran away from the [chemical] bomb. Officers chased them, body slamming people who had walkers and couldn’t get down,” Yancey said, “Snatching shirts off people’s faces and [pepper] spraying them directly in the face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the chaos unfolded, Elaine De Leon Guerrero, an Iraq war veteran, said she immediately threw herself to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I ended up getting trampled on. People were screaming for help, crying, asking to please stop,” she said. “There were multiple orders being sent by different staff. Some were screaming at us, saying, get down. Others were saying, ‘Get up and file.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Leon Guerrero said she saw two women have seizures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the statement, CDCR officials acknowledged that correctional officers used chemical weapons but would not provide any more details; the agency said no rubber bullets were used and maintained that the incident did not amount to excessive force. CDCR declined to specify whether other projectiles were used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also declined to confirm whether a Sgt. Fernando Arroyo works at the Chowchilla facility or was in charge that day. \u003ca href=\"https://openpayrolls.com/employee/fernando-arroyo-9571\">Public records show\u003c/a> that a Sgt. Fernando Arroyo worked at the Chowchilla facility until at least 2023. A Chowchilla prison employee named Fernando Arroyo is listed as one of several defendants in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/roe-vs-cdcr-complaint-sacramento.pdf\">ongoing civil suit filed by 144 plaintiffs\u003c/a> in Sacramento County alleging sexual assault and sexual battery at the Chowchilla facility. Arroyo could not be reached by phone; CDCR did not respond to KQED’s request to make Arroyo available for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They just wouldn’t stop. It was like a war zone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Witnesses interviewed by KQED said that eventually, officers zip-tied all the women’s hands and escorted them outside to the yard, where they were made to sit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re thinking, okay, we’re sitting, we’re defenseless, now we’re going to get answers,” inmate Johnnyne Ramirez said. Instead, Ramirez said the officers continued another round of pepper spraying and tear gas bombing. Yancey and De Leon Guerrero gave KQED a matching account of the events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really thought I was going to die that day because they were shooting. They were throwing [tear gas] grenades. They just wouldn’t stop. It was like a war zone,” Ramirez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003230 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witnesses told KQED that the unrest in the yard went on for another hour before prison staff escorted the women back to their cells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But they didn’t decontaminate us after using the chemical agents, which they’re supposed to do,” De Leon Guerrero said. “They just sent us, little at a time, back to the cells.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CDCR spokesperson declined to comment on specific allegations following the system’s written statement, citing an active investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at the facility began an immediate week-long intensive training on appropriate incident response, according to the statement from CDRC.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An unprecedented use of force\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When told about the incident, Deputy Director for the ACLU National Prison Project Corene Kendrick said she had never seen this level of force at a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never heard of anything this severe of an overreaction, especially when it’s in the context of something like a property search. And the women were just asking ‘what’s going on? And how much longer is this going to take?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to a CDCR policy that states chemical agents should not be used once a person is restrained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sara Norman, an attorney who monitors jails and prisons, said the alleged violence by CDCR staff is disturbing but not surprising. In 2020, staff at the men’s correctional facility in Soledad rounded up incarcerated Black men and locked them in a cafeteria for hours at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were zip-tied and they were interrogated about involvement with Black Lives Matter,” Norman said. “So these sorts of things tend to burst out in the current culture at CDCR.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>History of alleged abuse at the Chowchilla Facility\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003230/feds-investigate-california-prisons-where-women-say-culture-of-impunity-surrounded-abuse\">announced last week\u003c/a> that it is investigating the CDCR’s handling of sexual abuse allegations at the state women’s prisons in Chowchilla and Chino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-civil-rights-investigation-correctional-staff-sexual-abuse-two\">In a statement\u003c/a>, the DOJ said it found significant justification to open the investigation, including “hundreds of private lawsuits” and reports alleging sexual abuse by correctional officers. Last year a correctional officer at the Chowchilla facility was charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/oct/25/gregory-rodriguez-california-correctional-officer-accused-sexual-assault-womens-prison\">96 criminal counts\u003c/a>, including rape, sodomy and sexual battery over a 13-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ’s investigation is appropriate given the charges brought against the correctional officer, said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, the chair of the Women’s Legislative Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to imagine that that individual was able to get away with that without other officials knowing. And it really puts a spotlight on what is happening there,” the East Bay lawmaker told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women who were in the chow hall at the Central California Women’s Facility on Aug. 2 said they hope the CDCR’s investigation leads to transparency and accountability. All of the women said they were traumatized by the alleged attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like being around a lot of people now, so I kind of stay secluded,” De Leon Guerrero said. “I cannot go into the chow hall. I’ve tried it. I start[ed] getting anxiety and a panic attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ncarcerated women at the Central California Women’s facility in Chowchilla say correctional officers used pepper spray, tear gas and rubber bullets on them after forcing them into a cafeteria with no food, water or medication for more than four hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four women told KQED they were left injured, had difficulty breathing and were traumatized by the incident that occurred last month on Aug. 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three incarcerated people had difficulty breathing and were transported to an offsite medical facility, according to an emailed statement from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its statement, CDCR said officials have “identified concerning information about the handling of the Aug. 2 incident at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) and are taking swift action.” The statement adds that a fight between two inmates prompted the incident and that approximately 100 others became “disruptive,” requiring staff to “quell the incident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sources told KQED that a fight had broken out earlier, well before the alleged use of force by officers, whose later behavior was unprovoked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Central California Women’s Facility is the largest female institution in the state. It houses over 2,000 incarcerated people at all security levels, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Warden-Mary-Lattimore-One-Year-Audit-Central-California-Womens-Facility.pdf\">according to a report\u003c/a> by the California Office of the Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘People were screaming for help’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 2, correctional officers informed the women in one of the units that they were going to conduct a contraband search of the entire building, according to half a dozen formerly and currently incarcerated women who spoke to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antoinette Yancey said she is a member of the Inmate Advisory Council, which communicates with prison staff about prisoners’ needs. She said everyone who was there that day complied with the order from officers to file into the cafeteria, also known as the chow hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yancey said that after nearly four hours inside the cafeteria, the women had missed their state-issued lunch and others had not been given their medication. She said she asked to speak to Sergeant Fernando Arroyo, the officer she believed to be in charge that day. Meanwhile, another woman was seen having a seizure, according to Yancey and other witnesses. Yancey told KQED that a guard called a “medical code.” Moments later, she said, 30 to 40 officers entered the cafeteria, including Sgt. Arroyo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I saw Sergeant Arroyo, I assumed that he was coming in to talk to us about lunches, food, water and things like that,” she said. Yancey said Arroyo did not address the women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers then formed a skirmish line around them, according to three of the women. Yancey said she saw Sergeant Arroyo tap officers on the shoulder before officers started screaming “Get back!” at the women, who, she said, posed no threat. Officers began to spray pepper spray and tear gas at the women, according to four accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the inmates ran away from the [chemical] bomb. Officers chased them, body slamming people who had walkers and couldn’t get down,” Yancey said, “Snatching shirts off people’s faces and [pepper] spraying them directly in the face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the chaos unfolded, Elaine De Leon Guerrero, an Iraq war veteran, said she immediately threw herself to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I ended up getting trampled on. People were screaming for help, crying, asking to please stop,” she said. “There were multiple orders being sent by different staff. Some were screaming at us, saying, get down. Others were saying, ‘Get up and file.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Leon Guerrero said she saw two women have seizures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the statement, CDCR officials acknowledged that correctional officers used chemical weapons but would not provide any more details; the agency said no rubber bullets were used and maintained that the incident did not amount to excessive force. CDCR declined to specify whether other projectiles were used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also declined to confirm whether a Sgt. Fernando Arroyo works at the Chowchilla facility or was in charge that day. \u003ca href=\"https://openpayrolls.com/employee/fernando-arroyo-9571\">Public records show\u003c/a> that a Sgt. Fernando Arroyo worked at the Chowchilla facility until at least 2023. A Chowchilla prison employee named Fernando Arroyo is listed as one of several defendants in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/roe-vs-cdcr-complaint-sacramento.pdf\">ongoing civil suit filed by 144 plaintiffs\u003c/a> in Sacramento County alleging sexual assault and sexual battery at the Chowchilla facility. Arroyo could not be reached by phone; CDCR did not respond to KQED’s request to make Arroyo available for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They just wouldn’t stop. It was like a war zone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Witnesses interviewed by KQED said that eventually, officers zip-tied all the women’s hands and escorted them outside to the yard, where they were made to sit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re thinking, okay, we’re sitting, we’re defenseless, now we’re going to get answers,” inmate Johnnyne Ramirez said. Instead, Ramirez said the officers continued another round of pepper spraying and tear gas bombing. Yancey and De Leon Guerrero gave KQED a matching account of the events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really thought I was going to die that day because they were shooting. They were throwing [tear gas] grenades. They just wouldn’t stop. It was like a war zone,” Ramirez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witnesses told KQED that the unrest in the yard went on for another hour before prison staff escorted the women back to their cells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But they didn’t decontaminate us after using the chemical agents, which they’re supposed to do,” De Leon Guerrero said. “They just sent us, little at a time, back to the cells.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CDCR spokesperson declined to comment on specific allegations following the system’s written statement, citing an active investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at the facility began an immediate week-long intensive training on appropriate incident response, according to the statement from CDRC.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An unprecedented use of force\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When told about the incident, Deputy Director for the ACLU National Prison Project Corene Kendrick said she had never seen this level of force at a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never heard of anything this severe of an overreaction, especially when it’s in the context of something like a property search. And the women were just asking ‘what’s going on? And how much longer is this going to take?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to a CDCR policy that states chemical agents should not be used once a person is restrained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sara Norman, an attorney who monitors jails and prisons, said the alleged violence by CDCR staff is disturbing but not surprising. In 2020, staff at the men’s correctional facility in Soledad rounded up incarcerated Black men and locked them in a cafeteria for hours at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were zip-tied and they were interrogated about involvement with Black Lives Matter,” Norman said. “So these sorts of things tend to burst out in the current culture at CDCR.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>History of alleged abuse at the Chowchilla Facility\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003230/feds-investigate-california-prisons-where-women-say-culture-of-impunity-surrounded-abuse\">announced last week\u003c/a> that it is investigating the CDCR’s handling of sexual abuse allegations at the state women’s prisons in Chowchilla and Chino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-civil-rights-investigation-correctional-staff-sexual-abuse-two\">In a statement\u003c/a>, the DOJ said it found significant justification to open the investigation, including “hundreds of private lawsuits” and reports alleging sexual abuse by correctional officers. Last year a correctional officer at the Chowchilla facility was charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/oct/25/gregory-rodriguez-california-correctional-officer-accused-sexual-assault-womens-prison\">96 criminal counts\u003c/a>, including rape, sodomy and sexual battery over a 13-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ’s investigation is appropriate given the charges brought against the correctional officer, said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, the chair of the Women’s Legislative Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to imagine that that individual was able to get away with that without other officials knowing. And it really puts a spotlight on what is happening there,” the East Bay lawmaker told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women who were in the chow hall at the Central California Women’s Facility on Aug. 2 said they hope the CDCR’s investigation leads to transparency and accountability. All of the women said they were traumatized by the alleged attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like being around a lot of people now, so I kind of stay secluded,” De Leon Guerrero said. “I cannot go into the chow hall. I’ve tried it. I start[ed] getting anxiety and a panic attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs",
"title": "Burned, Displaced and Fighting Back: A Battle for Reparations in Palm Springs",
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"headTitle": "Burned, Displaced and Fighting Back: A Battle for Reparations in Palm Springs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The city of Palm Springs is negotiating a settlement deal that would provide reparations for the survivors and descendants of a predominantly Black and brown neighborhood that was burned to the ground by the city to make way for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the group filed a claim against the city alleging the evictions were illegal and amounted to a racially motivated attack. Later that year, the city of Palm Springs formally apologized for its role in the demolition of the working class neighborhood known as Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the mental suffering and trauma, I still have it. I still feel the trauma and all that happened to us, it was awful,” Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, said. She spent the first 28 years of her life in Section 14 before fleeing the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Negotiations were stalled soon after the city apologized, but picked up again this year. In April, the city offered $4.2 million to survivors and descendants in restitution to pay for 145 destroyed homes and damaged belongings. The city’s proposal also includes creating a healing center to honor the group and a community land trust to build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A state push for reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The offer from Palm Springs comes at a time when cities across the country are acknowledging their role in racist land grabs that displaced families of color and robbed them of generational wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is currently leading a push for reparations for Black Americans who suffered from systemic racism and the legacy of slavery. Earlier this year, state lawmakers introduced a first-in-the nation package of reparations bills, based on two years of work from the California Reparations Task Force. The proposed bills,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\"> currently moving through the state legislature\u003c/a>, stop just short of direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billboards about Section 14 can be seen off of freeway I-10 East towards Palm Springs, California. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cities and counties across the state are taking action at a local level, too. In the Bay Area, the city of Hayward apologized for its role in \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">razing Russell City\u003c/a>. In Los Angeles County, the board of supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-20/ceremony-marks-official-return-of-bruces-beach\">voted to return Bruce’s Beach back\u003c/a> to the Bruce family, who created a safe haven in Manhattan Beach for Black beachgoers in 1912. The Bruce family later \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/01/04/1146879302/bruces-beach-la-county-california\">sold it back to the county for $20 million\u003c/a>. And earlier this year, a bill was introduced in the state Legislature that would provide reparations for Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/26/us/chavez-ravine-reparations-dodger-stadium.html\">families who were displaced by Dodgers Stadium in the 1950s.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference in Palms Springs is that the Section 14 neighborhood sits on tribal land owned by the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. The tribe still owns 31,000 acres of reservation land across Riverside County and is the \u003ca href=\"https://aguacaliente.org/documents/Cahuilla_Territory.pdf\">largest landowner (PDF)\u003c/a> in Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the 1940s, federal laws restricted tribes from leasing their land for more than five years. The short leasing agreement gave developers little reason to invest in that area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the city’s growing tourism industry was attracting minority and lower-income families to the area. Like many cities across the country, Palm Springs implemented racial housing covenants that prevented non-white residents from living in communities near white residents. Section 14 was one of the only neighborhoods in Palm Springs where people of color could live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a source of income, the tribe rented the land in Section 14 to the new wave of residents, many of whom were construction workers, gardeners and housekeepers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black residents fleeing Jim Crow laws and segregation in the south poured into Palm Springs, looking for a fresh start and economic opportunities. Pearl Devers, 73, said her father was one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991112\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The city of Palm Springs California known for its resorts and vocational luxurious attractions. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He was a carpenter who built the hospital where my two siblings and I were born in Palm Springs,” she said. “And he also built our home here in Section 14.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Section 14 neighborhood quickly became home to the city’s Black and Latino residents, who described it as a peaceful multicultural community.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘city-engineered holocaust’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Things began to change around 1959, when a federal law opened up leasing agreements for certain tribes, including the Agua Caliente tribe, from five years to 99 years. The longer lease terms and centrally located land under Section 14 became more attractive to the city of Palm Springs and developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, the city had begun \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanindianmagazine.org/story/section-14\">evicting people from the neighborhood\u003c/a> under a Conservatorship and Guardian program it had with members of the tribe, which forced tribe property owners to pay for court-appointed conservators to control the land, according to an article in the Smithsonian’s \u003cem>American Indian\u003c/em> magazine. The tribe did not respond to several requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991120\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1186px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991120\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1186\" height=\"942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg 1186w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-800x635.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-160x127.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1186px) 100vw, 1186px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A church being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs that was destroyed during a controlled-burn abatement in the 1960s, displacing as many as 1,000 people. \u003ccite>(City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city then directed its fire department to demolish homes and storefronts in the neighborhood. According to city documents, a total of 235 structures were bulldozed and burned to the ground from 1965 to 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://thinkpunkgirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Section-14_Palm-Springs.pdf\">1968 report (PDF)\u003c/a> from the state’s attorney general described it as a “city-engineered holocaust.” It found that the city did not give eviction notices to all the residents whose homes were burned down by the fire department. And in many cases when residents did receive an eviction notice, the city did not honor the 30-day eviction period. Nearly 1,000 residents were displaced and were never paid for their losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, grew up in Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents met in a neighboring town before moving to Palm Springs. They were part of the working class community that helped build Palm Springs into a luxurious vacation spot for Hollywood’s elite. Her father worked in construction, and her mother, a housekeeper, cleaned houses for celebrities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991103\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991103\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘When I am on these grounds my mind immediately recalls my mother’s house,’ says Section 14 survivor, Margaret Godinez-Genera. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After struggling to find housing anywhere else in the city, they moved into Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They bought a one bedroom and then my dad added the other bedrooms, and he made the kitchen bigger. He added a bathroom to it.” Godinez-Genera said. She lived there with her parents and two siblings. As a child, Gondinez-Genera said they would spend time in the city’s downtown and their local catholic church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have Mexican fiestas,” she said. “We would even have movie stars come to our fiestas. They were so big. And they would come to our church, too. Paul Newman, Trini Lopez.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991114\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991114\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture of Margaret and her husband, Eliberto, on their wedding day, along with Margaret’s parents. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That church is also where she met her husband. They married in 1961 before renting a home across the street from her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were just living our lives and helping the city,” she said. “We were workers, babysitters, veterans, all kinds of essential workers here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite their efforts to become contributing members of the Palm Springs community, Godinez-Genera said they faced a lot of racism. In addition to being confined to one part of the city, she remembers being afraid to walk into certain restaurants, fearing she would get kicked out just for being Mexican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 1967, Godinez-Genera had heard rumors that people were being evicted, but said she and her husband never received any type of notice. But then one day, she woke up to the smell of smoke. It was coming from her neighbor’s home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991119\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1173px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991119\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1173\" height=\"908\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg 1173w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-800x619.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-1020x790.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-160x124.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1173px) 100vw, 1173px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burnt house being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs. \u003ccite>(Courtesy City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I saw my neighbor’s houses burning and the bulldozers that would come. You could hear that loud noise from them.” she said. “Children were crying, it was horrible. It was like a war movie.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godinez-Genera and her husband packed their car with their belongings and their two young boys. To this day, she regrets leaving behind her son’s favorite rocking horse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearl Devers, 73, also grew up in the neighborhood. Her mother was a domestic worker for celebrities like Lucille Ball and the Amelia Earhart family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said when the evictions started, she was too young to understand what was happening. But she does remember having to leave the neighborhood with her mom and two siblings. Her dad stayed behind in Section 14 to protect their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It crushed him. He began to drink and literally succumbed to alcoholism,” Devers said. “He died a brokenhearted man and my mom ended up being a single mom to fend for the rest of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991108\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, Section 14 survivor. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her father tried to get a loan to move their home to another area but was denied because he was Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said the money from their family home could have helped pay for her and her sister’s college tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, a member of California’s Legislative Black Caucus, prioritized a package of bills, including one that would help compensate Black families who had property taken from them by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have denied these families generational wealth. These families could have all these homes for over 60 years now on this property,” Bradford said. “l imagine the value that they would have, the equity that they’ll have in this property. And, they’ve been denied that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Right the wrongs of the past’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Now in her 70s, Devers is leading the group of survivors and descendants seeking restitution for the generational wealth they say was stolen from them by the city of Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is we are very much focused on what happened in Palm Springs and how we can right the wrongs of the past, address the inequities of the time, and really move forward in a healing way,” said Palm Springs Mayor Jeffrey Bernstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11990648,news_11980366,news_11975100\"]Still the city’s offer of $4.2 million is just a fraction of what they’re owed, said civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group. Her firm’s calculations are upward of $105 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is the number and value of destroyed homes, and how many people were affected by the evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how many homes were abated. We have court records to show the value. We did estimate the value of personal property on the high end and then came up with the present day value. So we are very confident that our number is accurate,” Bernstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Martin disputes the city’s analysis. Her law firm used oral testimonies from the survivors and descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is well-established, data and proof that Black, brown, indigenous populations were undercounted. So if anything, my client’s statements are even far more credible than any documents that the city would produce,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991117\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991117\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Our Lady of Guadalupe Catholic church in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city and the Section 14 Survivors group are still engaged in reaching a deal. But not everybody in Palm Springs supports the move toward compensation. A small group of residents known as Friends of Frank Bogert, have formed to protect Bogert’s reputation, who was mayor at the time of the evictions. They argue Bogert did make a concerted effort to provide resources and housing to the residents in Section 14. In 2022, the city removed a statue of the former mayor from outside city hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re not going to make everybody 100% happy and get everything they want,” Mayor Bernstein said in response to the group’s concerns. “I think much of what the friends of the mayor at the time are really objecting to is the tarnishing of his name. So I think in my view, the more that we can do to address everybody’s healing and hurting, the better it will be for the city going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Devers, moving forward means addressing the financial and emotional harm caused by the city. Harm that former residents like her still feel today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just want the city to make this right, heal the survivors, heal the descendants, heal the city and the reputation of the beautiful city, so that we can move forward,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Negotiations continue over some type of compensation for Black and Latino residents who were burned out of their neighborhood 60 years ago. How the city of Palm Springs chooses to move forward could set a national precedent for reparations. ",
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"title": "Burned, Displaced and Fighting Back: A Battle for Reparations in Palm Springs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The city of Palm Springs is negotiating a settlement deal that would provide reparations for the survivors and descendants of a predominantly Black and brown neighborhood that was burned to the ground by the city to make way for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the group filed a claim against the city alleging the evictions were illegal and amounted to a racially motivated attack. Later that year, the city of Palm Springs formally apologized for its role in the demolition of the working class neighborhood known as Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the mental suffering and trauma, I still have it. I still feel the trauma and all that happened to us, it was awful,” Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, said. She spent the first 28 years of her life in Section 14 before fleeing the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Negotiations were stalled soon after the city apologized, but picked up again this year. In April, the city offered $4.2 million to survivors and descendants in restitution to pay for 145 destroyed homes and damaged belongings. The city’s proposal also includes creating a healing center to honor the group and a community land trust to build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A state push for reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The offer from Palm Springs comes at a time when cities across the country are acknowledging their role in racist land grabs that displaced families of color and robbed them of generational wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is currently leading a push for reparations for Black Americans who suffered from systemic racism and the legacy of slavery. Earlier this year, state lawmakers introduced a first-in-the nation package of reparations bills, based on two years of work from the California Reparations Task Force. The proposed bills,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\"> currently moving through the state legislature\u003c/a>, stop just short of direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billboards about Section 14 can be seen off of freeway I-10 East towards Palm Springs, California. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cities and counties across the state are taking action at a local level, too. In the Bay Area, the city of Hayward apologized for its role in \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">razing Russell City\u003c/a>. In Los Angeles County, the board of supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-20/ceremony-marks-official-return-of-bruces-beach\">voted to return Bruce’s Beach back\u003c/a> to the Bruce family, who created a safe haven in Manhattan Beach for Black beachgoers in 1912. The Bruce family later \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/01/04/1146879302/bruces-beach-la-county-california\">sold it back to the county for $20 million\u003c/a>. And earlier this year, a bill was introduced in the state Legislature that would provide reparations for Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/26/us/chavez-ravine-reparations-dodger-stadium.html\">families who were displaced by Dodgers Stadium in the 1950s.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference in Palms Springs is that the Section 14 neighborhood sits on tribal land owned by the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. The tribe still owns 31,000 acres of reservation land across Riverside County and is the \u003ca href=\"https://aguacaliente.org/documents/Cahuilla_Territory.pdf\">largest landowner (PDF)\u003c/a> in Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the 1940s, federal laws restricted tribes from leasing their land for more than five years. The short leasing agreement gave developers little reason to invest in that area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the city’s growing tourism industry was attracting minority and lower-income families to the area. Like many cities across the country, Palm Springs implemented racial housing covenants that prevented non-white residents from living in communities near white residents. Section 14 was one of the only neighborhoods in Palm Springs where people of color could live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a source of income, the tribe rented the land in Section 14 to the new wave of residents, many of whom were construction workers, gardeners and housekeepers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black residents fleeing Jim Crow laws and segregation in the south poured into Palm Springs, looking for a fresh start and economic opportunities. Pearl Devers, 73, said her father was one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991112\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The city of Palm Springs California known for its resorts and vocational luxurious attractions. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He was a carpenter who built the hospital where my two siblings and I were born in Palm Springs,” she said. “And he also built our home here in Section 14.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Section 14 neighborhood quickly became home to the city’s Black and Latino residents, who described it as a peaceful multicultural community.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘city-engineered holocaust’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Things began to change around 1959, when a federal law opened up leasing agreements for certain tribes, including the Agua Caliente tribe, from five years to 99 years. The longer lease terms and centrally located land under Section 14 became more attractive to the city of Palm Springs and developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, the city had begun \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanindianmagazine.org/story/section-14\">evicting people from the neighborhood\u003c/a> under a Conservatorship and Guardian program it had with members of the tribe, which forced tribe property owners to pay for court-appointed conservators to control the land, according to an article in the Smithsonian’s \u003cem>American Indian\u003c/em> magazine. The tribe did not respond to several requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991120\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1186px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991120\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1186\" height=\"942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg 1186w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-800x635.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-160x127.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1186px) 100vw, 1186px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A church being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs that was destroyed during a controlled-burn abatement in the 1960s, displacing as many as 1,000 people. \u003ccite>(City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city then directed its fire department to demolish homes and storefronts in the neighborhood. According to city documents, a total of 235 structures were bulldozed and burned to the ground from 1965 to 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://thinkpunkgirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Section-14_Palm-Springs.pdf\">1968 report (PDF)\u003c/a> from the state’s attorney general described it as a “city-engineered holocaust.” It found that the city did not give eviction notices to all the residents whose homes were burned down by the fire department. And in many cases when residents did receive an eviction notice, the city did not honor the 30-day eviction period. Nearly 1,000 residents were displaced and were never paid for their losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, grew up in Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents met in a neighboring town before moving to Palm Springs. They were part of the working class community that helped build Palm Springs into a luxurious vacation spot for Hollywood’s elite. Her father worked in construction, and her mother, a housekeeper, cleaned houses for celebrities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991103\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991103\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘When I am on these grounds my mind immediately recalls my mother’s house,’ says Section 14 survivor, Margaret Godinez-Genera. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After struggling to find housing anywhere else in the city, they moved into Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They bought a one bedroom and then my dad added the other bedrooms, and he made the kitchen bigger. He added a bathroom to it.” Godinez-Genera said. She lived there with her parents and two siblings. As a child, Gondinez-Genera said they would spend time in the city’s downtown and their local catholic church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have Mexican fiestas,” she said. “We would even have movie stars come to our fiestas. They were so big. And they would come to our church, too. Paul Newman, Trini Lopez.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991114\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991114\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture of Margaret and her husband, Eliberto, on their wedding day, along with Margaret’s parents. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That church is also where she met her husband. They married in 1961 before renting a home across the street from her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were just living our lives and helping the city,” she said. “We were workers, babysitters, veterans, all kinds of essential workers here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite their efforts to become contributing members of the Palm Springs community, Godinez-Genera said they faced a lot of racism. In addition to being confined to one part of the city, she remembers being afraid to walk into certain restaurants, fearing she would get kicked out just for being Mexican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 1967, Godinez-Genera had heard rumors that people were being evicted, but said she and her husband never received any type of notice. But then one day, she woke up to the smell of smoke. It was coming from her neighbor’s home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991119\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1173px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991119\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1173\" height=\"908\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg 1173w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-800x619.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-1020x790.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-160x124.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1173px) 100vw, 1173px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burnt house being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs. \u003ccite>(Courtesy City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I saw my neighbor’s houses burning and the bulldozers that would come. You could hear that loud noise from them.” she said. “Children were crying, it was horrible. It was like a war movie.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godinez-Genera and her husband packed their car with their belongings and their two young boys. To this day, she regrets leaving behind her son’s favorite rocking horse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearl Devers, 73, also grew up in the neighborhood. Her mother was a domestic worker for celebrities like Lucille Ball and the Amelia Earhart family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said when the evictions started, she was too young to understand what was happening. But she does remember having to leave the neighborhood with her mom and two siblings. Her dad stayed behind in Section 14 to protect their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It crushed him. He began to drink and literally succumbed to alcoholism,” Devers said. “He died a brokenhearted man and my mom ended up being a single mom to fend for the rest of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991108\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, Section 14 survivor. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her father tried to get a loan to move their home to another area but was denied because he was Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said the money from their family home could have helped pay for her and her sister’s college tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, a member of California’s Legislative Black Caucus, prioritized a package of bills, including one that would help compensate Black families who had property taken from them by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have denied these families generational wealth. These families could have all these homes for over 60 years now on this property,” Bradford said. “l imagine the value that they would have, the equity that they’ll have in this property. And, they’ve been denied that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Right the wrongs of the past’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Now in her 70s, Devers is leading the group of survivors and descendants seeking restitution for the generational wealth they say was stolen from them by the city of Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is we are very much focused on what happened in Palm Springs and how we can right the wrongs of the past, address the inequities of the time, and really move forward in a healing way,” said Palm Springs Mayor Jeffrey Bernstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still the city’s offer of $4.2 million is just a fraction of what they’re owed, said civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group. Her firm’s calculations are upward of $105 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is the number and value of destroyed homes, and how many people were affected by the evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how many homes were abated. We have court records to show the value. We did estimate the value of personal property on the high end and then came up with the present day value. So we are very confident that our number is accurate,” Bernstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Martin disputes the city’s analysis. Her law firm used oral testimonies from the survivors and descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is well-established, data and proof that Black, brown, indigenous populations were undercounted. So if anything, my client’s statements are even far more credible than any documents that the city would produce,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991117\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991117\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Our Lady of Guadalupe Catholic church in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city and the Section 14 Survivors group are still engaged in reaching a deal. But not everybody in Palm Springs supports the move toward compensation. A small group of residents known as Friends of Frank Bogert, have formed to protect Bogert’s reputation, who was mayor at the time of the evictions. They argue Bogert did make a concerted effort to provide resources and housing to the residents in Section 14. In 2022, the city removed a statue of the former mayor from outside city hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re not going to make everybody 100% happy and get everything they want,” Mayor Bernstein said in response to the group’s concerns. “I think much of what the friends of the mayor at the time are really objecting to is the tarnishing of his name. So I think in my view, the more that we can do to address everybody’s healing and hurting, the better it will be for the city going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Devers, moving forward means addressing the financial and emotional harm caused by the city. Harm that former residents like her still feel today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just want the city to make this right, heal the survivors, heal the descendants, heal the city and the reputation of the beautiful city, so that we can move forward,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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},
"baycurious": {
"id": "baycurious",
"title": "Bay Curious",
"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Bay-Curious-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/news/series/baycurious",
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"order": 3
},
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},
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"info": "The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/bbc-world-service",
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/BBC-World-Service-p455581/",
"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
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},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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}
},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.cityarts.net/",
"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 1
},
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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},
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"commonwealth-club": {
"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
"link": "/forum",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/0MxSpNYZKNprFLCl7eEtyx"
}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
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