Guy Marzorati is a correspondent on KQED's California Politics and Government Desk, based in San Jose. A graduate of Santa Clara University, Guy joined KQED in 2013. He reports on state and local politics and produces KQED's digital voter guide.
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"content": "\u003cp>California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">election\u003c/a> officials rejected nearly 150,000 ballots in the June 2 primary election, an increase of tens of thousands over recent elections, according to a report from the secretary of state’s office. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>That accounted for 1.7% of all vote-by-mail ballots cast, marking the state’s highest rejection rate since 2014, according to the California Voter Foundation. Most of the rejected ballots were reported as “not received on time,” which can mean that the ballot was either postmarked after Election Day or arrived in election offices after the June 9 receipt deadline.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s always troubling to see an increase,” said Kim Alexander, president of the California Voter Foundation. “Ballots rejected due to lateness are almost always because they’re postmarked too late — not because they don’t arrive during the grace period.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CaliforniaBallotsSupremeCourtAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12089274\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CaliforniaBallotsSupremeCourtAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CaliforniaBallotsSupremeCourtAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CaliforniaBallotsSupremeCourtAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Ballots are sorted the day after California’s primary election at the L.A. County Ballot Processing Center on June 3, 2026, in City of Industry, California. (Jae C. Hong/AP Photo)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Election officials and voting advocates attribute late ballots to changes in U.S. Postal Service practices that could result in mailpieces not being postmarked on the same day they were mailed, as well as a competitive primary for governor that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">left many voters undecided\u003c/a> until the final days of the campaign. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our experience in this election was that voters were waiting until the last minute to vote a lot more than what we’ve seen in past elections,” said Matt Moreles, the registrar of voters in Santa Clara County, which had the highest rate of vote-by-mail ballot rejections in the Bay Area at 2.6%. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, every voter receives a ballot in the mail by default, roughly a month before Election Day. Ballots returned in the mail must be postmarked by Election Day and arrive at the county registrar’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12089268/supreme-court-ruling-allows-california-to-continue-accepting-ballots-after-election-day\">within a week\u003c/a> after that. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Last year, USPS officials announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085378/usps-changes-ballot-drop-box-near-me-deadline-california-primary-vote-for-governor\">a change in “transportation operations”\u003c/a> that resulted in some mailpieces not arriving at central processing facilities, where postmarks are applied, on the same day they are mailed. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As a result, a ballot dropped in a mailbox on Election Day in a community far from one of those hubs could receive a postmark the following day, making it ineligible to be counted. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Of the 148,241 vote-by-mail ballots left uncounted in California, 93,497 were rejected for late arrival. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We are going to look at that as far as — is there anything we can do in our messaging to voters and in terms of educating voters about the importance of returning their ballots?” Moreles said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A smaller number — 52,290 — were rejected because the voter either failed to sign their ballot envelope or because that signature did not match their signature on file. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California law allows election officials to resolve signature issues for weeks after Election Day. Under the process known as ballot “curing,” registrars are allowed to contact voters with a missing or mismatched signature and give them a chance to fix it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Voting advocates argue that ballot rejections are a far more pertinent issue for state lawmakers to address than exceedingly rare cases of voter fraud. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256657926.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12070782\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256657926.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256657926-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256657926-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks to the press on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum (WEF) annual meeting in Davos on Jan. 20, 2026. (Fabrice Coffrini/AFP)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In each of California’s last five statewide elections, more than 100,000 residents did not have their vote counted because their ballot arrived too late or had a signature issue. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“To me it’s always disappointing to see ballot rejection happening, because it’s a lot of work to be a California voter,” Alexander said. “But the fact that you see all of these ballots being rejected is evidence of the careful work election officials undertake each election to make sure that only valid ballots cast are counted and that nobody is voting more than once.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and state lawmakers are hoping that an infusion of $10 million for voter education will help persuade Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087984/three-ways-california-could-speed-up-vote-counting\">to vote early\u003c/a> and avoid ballot issues. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget signed by Newsom in June includes $5 million each for the secretary of state’s office and county officials for the purpose of encouraging an earlier vote.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CaliforniaBallotsSupremeCourtAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12089274\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CaliforniaBallotsSupremeCourtAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CaliforniaBallotsSupremeCourtAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CaliforniaBallotsSupremeCourtAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Ballots are sorted the day after California’s primary election at the L.A. County Ballot Processing Center on June 3, 2026, in City of Industry, California.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Election officials and voting advocates attribute late ballots to changes in U.S. Postal Service practices that could result in mailpieces not being postmarked on the same day they were mailed, as well as a competitive primary for governor that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">left many voters undecided\u003c/a> until the final days of the campaign. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Election officials and voting advocates attribute late ballots to changes in U.S. Postal Service practices that could result in mailpieces not being postmarked on the same day they were mailed, as well as a competitive primary for governor that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">left many voters undecided\u003c/a> until the final days of the campaign. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Our experience in this election was that voters were waiting until the last minute to vote a lot more than what we’ve seen in past elections,” said Matt Moreles, the registrar of voters in Santa Clara County, which had the highest rate of vote-by-mail ballot rejections in the Bay Area at 2.6%. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Our experience in this election was that voters were waiting until the last minute to vote a lot more than what we’ve seen in past elections,” said Matt Moreles, the registrar of voters in Santa Clara County, which had the highest rate of vote-by-mail ballot rejections in the Bay Area at 2.6%. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In California, every voter receives a ballot in the mail by default, roughly a month before Election Day. Ballots returned in the mail must be postmarked by Election Day and arrive at the county registrar’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12089268/supreme-court-ruling-allows-california-to-continue-accepting-ballots-after-election-day\">within a week\u003c/a> after that. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In California, every voter receives a ballot in the mail by default, roughly a month before Election Day. Ballots returned in the mail must be postmarked by Election Day and arrive at the county registrar’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12089268/supreme-court-ruling-allows-california-to-continue-accepting-ballots-after-election-day\">within a week\u003c/a> after that. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Last year, USPS officials announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085378/usps-changes-ballot-drop-box-near-me-deadline-california-primary-vote-for-governor\">a change in “transportation operations”\u003c/a> that resulted in some mailpieces not arriving at central processing facilities, where postmarks are applied, on the same day they are mailed. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Last year, USPS officials announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085378/usps-changes-ballot-drop-box-near-me-deadline-california-primary-vote-for-governor\">a change in “transportation operations”\u003c/a> that resulted in some mailpieces not arriving at central processing facilities, where postmarks are applied, on the same day they are mailed. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>As a result, a ballot dropped in a mailbox on Election Day in a community far from one of those hubs could receive a postmark the following day, making it ineligible to be counted. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>As a result, a ballot dropped in a mailbox on Election Day in a community far from one of those hubs could receive a postmark the following day, making it ineligible to be counted. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Of the 148,241 vote-by-mail ballots left uncounted in California, 93,497 were rejected for late arrival. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Of the 148,241 vote-by-mail ballots left uncounted in California, 93,497 were rejected for late arrival. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We are going to look at that as far as — is there anything we can do in our messaging to voters and in terms of educating voters about the importance of returning their ballots?” Moreles said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“We are going to look at that as far as — is there anything we can do in our messaging to voters and in terms of educating voters about the importance of returning their ballots?” Moreles said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>A smaller number — 52,290 — were rejected because the voter either failed to sign their ballot envelope or because that signature did not match their signature on file. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>A smaller number — 52,290 — were rejected because the voter either failed to sign their ballot envelope or because that signature did not match their signature on file. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>California law allows election officials to resolve signature issues for weeks after Election Day. Under the process known as ballot “curing,” registrars are allowed to contact voters with a missing or mismatched signature and give them a chance to fix it.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>California law allows election officials to resolve signature issues for weeks after Election Day. Under the process known as ballot “curing,” registrars are allowed to contact voters with a missing or mismatched signature and give them a chance to fix it.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Voting advocates argue that ballot rejections are a far more pertinent issue for state lawmakers to address than exceedingly rare cases of voter fraud. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Voting advocates argue that ballot rejections are a far more pertinent issue for state lawmakers to address than exceedingly rare cases of voter fraud. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In each of California’s last five statewide elections, more than 100,000 residents did not have their vote counted because their ballot arrived too late or had a signature issue. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“To me it’s always disappointing to see ballot rejection happening, because it’s a lot of work to be a California voter,” Alexander said. “But the fact that you see all of these ballots being rejected is evidence of the careful work election officials undertake each election to make sure that only valid ballots cast are counted and that nobody is voting more than once.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“To me it’s always disappointing to see ballot rejection happening, because it’s a lot of work to be a California voter,” Alexander said. “But the fact that you see all of these ballots being rejected is evidence of the careful work election officials undertake each election to make sure that only valid ballots cast are counted and that nobody is voting more than once.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and state lawmakers are hoping that an infusion of $10 million for voter education will help persuade Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087984/three-ways-california-could-speed-up-vote-counting\">to vote early\u003c/a> and avoid ballot issues. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and state lawmakers are hoping that an infusion of $10 million for voter education will help persuade Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087984/three-ways-california-could-speed-up-vote-counting\">to vote early\u003c/a> and avoid ballot issues. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The budget signed by Newsom in June includes $5 million each for the secretary of state’s office and county officials for the purpose of encouraging an earlier vote.\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In the June primary, 1.7% of vote-by-mail ballots cast were rejected, in most cases because the ballot was not received on time. Election officials and advocates pointed to USPS changes and late-deciding voters.",
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"title": "California Rejected 150,000 Mail Ballots, Marking Highest Rate Since 2014 | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">election\u003c/a> officials rejected nearly 150,000 ballots in the June 2 primary election, an increase of tens of thousands over recent elections, according to a report from the secretary of state’s office. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>That accounted for 1.7% of all vote-by-mail ballots cast, marking the state’s highest rejection rate since 2014, according to the California Voter Foundation. Most of the rejected ballots were reported as “not received on time,” which can mean that the ballot was either postmarked after Election Day or arrived in election offices after the June 9 receipt deadline.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s always troubling to see an increase,” said Kim Alexander, president of the California Voter Foundation. “Ballots rejected due to lateness are almost always because they’re postmarked too late — not because they don’t arrive during the grace period.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CaliforniaBallotsSupremeCourtAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12089274\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CaliforniaBallotsSupremeCourtAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CaliforniaBallotsSupremeCourtAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CaliforniaBallotsSupremeCourtAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Ballots are sorted the day after California’s primary election at the L.A. County Ballot Processing Center on June 3, 2026, in City of Industry, California. (Jae C. Hong/AP Photo)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Election officials and voting advocates attribute late ballots to changes in U.S. Postal Service practices that could result in mailpieces not being postmarked on the same day they were mailed, as well as a competitive primary for governor that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">left many voters undecided\u003c/a> until the final days of the campaign. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our experience in this election was that voters were waiting until the last minute to vote a lot more than what we’ve seen in past elections,” said Matt Moreles, the registrar of voters in Santa Clara County, which had the highest rate of vote-by-mail ballot rejections in the Bay Area at 2.6%. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, every voter receives a ballot in the mail by default, roughly a month before Election Day. Ballots returned in the mail must be postmarked by Election Day and arrive at the county registrar’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12089268/supreme-court-ruling-allows-california-to-continue-accepting-ballots-after-election-day\">within a week\u003c/a> after that. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Last year, USPS officials announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085378/usps-changes-ballot-drop-box-near-me-deadline-california-primary-vote-for-governor\">a change in “transportation operations”\u003c/a> that resulted in some mailpieces not arriving at central processing facilities, where postmarks are applied, on the same day they are mailed. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As a result, a ballot dropped in a mailbox on Election Day in a community far from one of those hubs could receive a postmark the following day, making it ineligible to be counted. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Of the 148,241 vote-by-mail ballots left uncounted in California, 93,497 were rejected for late arrival. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We are going to look at that as far as — is there anything we can do in our messaging to voters and in terms of educating voters about the importance of returning their ballots?” Moreles said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A smaller number — 52,290 — were rejected because the voter either failed to sign their ballot envelope or because that signature did not match their signature on file. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California law allows election officials to resolve signature issues for weeks after Election Day. Under the process known as ballot “curing,” registrars are allowed to contact voters with a missing or mismatched signature and give them a chance to fix it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Voting advocates argue that ballot rejections are a far more pertinent issue for state lawmakers to address than exceedingly rare cases of voter fraud. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256657926.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12070782\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256657926.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256657926-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256657926-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks to the press on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum (WEF) annual meeting in Davos on Jan. 20, 2026. (Fabrice Coffrini/AFP)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In each of California’s last five statewide elections, more than 100,000 residents did not have their vote counted because their ballot arrived too late or had a signature issue. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“To me it’s always disappointing to see ballot rejection happening, because it’s a lot of work to be a California voter,” Alexander said. “But the fact that you see all of these ballots being rejected is evidence of the careful work election officials undertake each election to make sure that only valid ballots cast are counted and that nobody is voting more than once.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and state lawmakers are hoping that an infusion of $10 million for voter education will help persuade Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087984/three-ways-california-could-speed-up-vote-counting\">to vote early\u003c/a> and avoid ballot issues. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget signed by Newsom in June includes $5 million each for the secretary of state’s office and county officials for the purpose of encouraging an earlier vote.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump’s H.R. 1 policy bill made deep cuts to Medi-Cal, the state’s version of Medicaid. After weeks of debate in Sacramento over how to fund the program, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a budget with a tax plan that could raise premiums by $100 a year for privately insured Californians. KQED’s Lesley McClurg and Guy Marzorati discuss why this has become such a political battleground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Lesley talks with KFF’s chief Washington correspondent Julie Rovner about the state of scientific research. The Trump administration is moving to give political appointees more power over who receives federal science and health grants, blocking funding for research that doesn’t align with the president’s policy priorities. Plus, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has escalated his fight with medical journals, calling them “corrupt” and threatening to prosecute them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z71_cpIlPQc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump’s H.R. 1 policy bill made deep cuts to Medi-Cal, the state’s version of Medicaid. After weeks of debate in Sacramento over how to fund the program, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a budget with a tax plan that could raise premiums by $100 a year for privately insured Californians. KQED’s Lesley McClurg and Guy Marzorati discuss why this has become such a political battleground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Lesley talks with KFF’s chief Washington correspondent Julie Rovner about the state of scientific research. The Trump administration is moving to give political appointees more power over who receives federal science and health grants, blocking funding for research that doesn’t align with the president’s policy priorities. Plus, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has escalated his fight with medical journals, calling them “corrupt” and threatening to prosecute them.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/z71_cpIlPQc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/z71_cpIlPQc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003ch2>Airdate: Thursday, July 9 at 10 AM\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The election and popularity of candidates like New York City mayor Zohran Mamdani, who saw a number of political allies win Congressional primaries last month, has some establishment Democrats shaking. We dig into what’s fueling the breakout success of candidates affiliated with the Democratic Socialists of America, and look at how they’re reshaping liberal politics ahead of the midterm elections and the 2028 presidential race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>This partial transcript was computer-generated. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"1:1-1:392;0-391\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> This is \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em>. I’m Guy Marzorati, in for Mina Kim. Progressives are on a winning streak in Democratic primaries this summer. In New York, three House candidates backed by Mayor Zohran Mamdani rolled to victory, knocking off two Democratic incumbents. And last week, Democratic Socialist Melat Kiros toppled long-time Democratic Congress member Diana DeGette in Denver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"3:1-3:172;393-564\">So, is the left experiencing a Tea Party moment? Joining me this hour to discuss, Erin Covey, U.S. House of Representatives editor at The Cook Political Report. Hey, Erin!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"5:1-5:51;566-616\">\u003cstrong>Erin Covey:\u003c/strong> Hey, Guy, thanks for having me on!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"7:1-7:121;618-738\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So great to have you — and David Weigel, politics reporter at Semafor, thanks for joining us as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"9:1-9:50;740-789\">\u003cstrong>David Weigel:\u003c/strong> Oh, good to be here. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"11:1-11:178;791-968\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So, Erin, maybe to start, catch us up to speed on these progressive winds that we’ve been seeing this summer in House primaries. What’s the through line here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"13:1-13:535;970-1504\">\u003cstrong>Erin Covey:\u003c/strong> Yeah, so the through line is that the left is certainly having a much better cycle than they have had in a while — really, since 2018. The Squad currently has seven members. It’s on track to double in size in the House. And that’s both because you have seen insurgent left-wing candidates unseating incumbents like Congressman Adriano Espaillat and Congresswoman Diana DeGette, but also because you’ve seen Democratic Socialists, or DSA-aligned candidates, win a handful of other open seats — primaries for open seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"15:1-15:301;1506-1806\">So they’re certainly having a moment. However, I think the question is whether or not this is actually going to affect the party brand enough, or affect the outcome of primaries in competitive districts enough, to affect whether Democrats are able to take control of the House and Senate in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"17:1-17:224;1808-2031\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, and David, I don’t think of any of the three Democratic incumbents who lost in Colorado and New York as centrists, necessarily. So is this about policies? Is this about temperament? What do you see?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"19:1-19:642;2033-2674\">\u003cstrong>David Weigel:\u003c/strong> They were not centrists. I’d start the clock back in November 2024 — which every Democrat wants to relive. Kamala Harris loses. Bernie Sanders, having campaigned for post-COVID candidate Kamala Harris, instantly says the reason she lost is because Democrats abandoned the working class, and he’s going to start changing that. And Sanders takes up this project to find working-class candidates, as he calls them, around the country, and promote and endorse them. He’s much more aggressive this cycle than really any other cycle. He’s working outside the tent again, after working inside the tent in the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"21:1-21:441;2676-3116\">With this argument, which is also used by DSA, Democratic Socialists of America, that when Democrats lost, they lost because they were not running progressive enough, visible enough, and aggressive and working-class enough campaigns. So you’re right — some of the losers have been safe-seat Democrats who were older, and Diana DeGette, for example, in her late 60s, but were less visible and were not on board with every left-wing position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"23:1-23:341;3118-3458\">So it’s very entrepreneurial. Democrats — I’d say primary-voting Democrats — did not all move left after the election. What happened is they got very dissatisfied with party leadership and incumbents, and progressives were positioned to say, “We have an answer for that. You should go with our candidates because they’re the real fighters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"25:1-25:147;3460-3606\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And Erin, what do you make of the Tea Party parallels here to what Republicans experienced at the beginning of the last decade?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"27:1-27:331;3608-3938\">\u003cstrong>Erin Covey:\u003c/strong> Yeah, I mean, I guess there are some parallels in the sense that we certainly saw the rise of the Tea Party in 2010, which was still a midterm cycle where Republicans were quite successful — they picked up 60 seats in the House. But it made a lot of Republicans concerned about their ability to win winnable races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"29:1-29:625;3940-4564\">I think what is different in terms of the two parties is that we have seen historically — and this is still the case, though maybe less so than it was earlier — that Democratic voters tend to care more about electability than Republican voters. And so, as a result, in these red and purple states and districts where there are competitive Democratic primary contests, voters are typically picking the candidate who is a bit more moderate, and who they think has a better chance at winning in November and appealing to some of the Republican and independent voters that they will need to win over in order to win those races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"31:1-31:614;4566-5179\">So I think that is kind of where the comparison starts to fall apart a little bit. And I would say, at the same time, we have not seen that even in deep-blue districts these candidates are winning a majority of the Democratic primary vote. For the most part, they’re winning maybe 40%, maybe 30% of the vote. So it’s not like the wing of the party that identifies as Democratic Socialist is a majority of the party’s — certainly not — and not even within a primary electorate, which tends to be a little bit more ideological, a little bit further left. They’re still not making up a majority of Democratic voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"33:1-33:398;5181-5578\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, and Erin, you referenced the Squad earlier — that’s a group of progressive Democratic Congress members, spearheaded by Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. They emerged in 2018. Do you feel like the House nominees we’re seeing on the Democratic side emerging from these primaries are kind of an extension of that? Are they different in any way from the Squad that came about in 2018?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"35:1-35:258;5580-5837\">\u003cstrong>Erin Covey:\u003c/strong> Yeah, it’s a good question. They are a natural extension of it. Many of these new progressives who are incoming are backed by the Justice Democrats, which was the organization that was established ahead of 2018 that supported folks like AOC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"37:1-37:822;5839-6660\">But I will say, I think in the current moment, how these candidates talk about certain issues has changed a little bit. I think we have seen further-left candidates be much more focused on economic populism, more so than we saw in 2018. Cultural issues have taken a bit of a backseat, so you’re not really seeing folks talk as much about racial issues and gender issues that certainly were a polarizing issue in the last election. Most folks are really sticking to the affordability issue. We obviously saw this with Zohran Mamdani’s victory in New York City, and I think that, for the most part, candidates are following that blueprint. I think some of these candidates certainly are pretty far left on cultural issues as well — it’s not like they’re moderating, necessarily. They’re just not talking about them as much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"39:1-39:93;6662-6754\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> David, is the evolution of progressive media part of the story here, too?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"41:1-41:483;6756-7238\">\u003cstrong>David Weigel:\u003c/strong> It’s a big part — thank you for bringing it up — because a commonality that I think has not been explored between the Tea Party and what we’re talking about is that conservative media was very strong in 2008, and was very willing and ready to fill the gap left by George Bush’s exit. Remember, the key figure at the beginning of the Tea Party was Rush Limbaugh — he was almost the spokesman for Republicans. The key network promoting Tea Party events was Fox News.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"43:1-43:412;7240-7651\">Now, skipping back to where we are today — progressive media is much stronger than it was in 2018. There are outlets that did not exist, like Drop Site, like Zeteo. There are outlets that did exist but have really moved to the left, like Crooked Media. And I mentioned three just now that have been very promotional for the candidates we’re talking about — very positive, until very recently, of Graham Platner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"45:1-45:728;7653-8380\">The Platner situation is one that I think would have unfolded very differently in 2018, because the media that mattered — and I was at The Washington Post at the time, I’m at a startup now, that’s part of the story — the media at the time, it still mattered if candidates were taken seriously by The New York Times, by The Washington Post, by CNN — one of those hits. There’s a lot more streaming, scrolling, and podcasting media now that gets a lot of views among primary voters and drives discourse — that’s flipped, on the sites people use. They’ll go to Facebook, they’ll go to X, and they’ll see these clips of candidates talking. They have a direct pipeline to voters that was not as strong when they were running before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"47:1-47:568;8382-8949\">Hassan Piker, who has been profiled many times and has campaigned for candidates — that matters. Hassan is filling the role that a lot of the Tea Party celebrities did in 2010 for Republicans — showing up, validating people, and giving them attention. And the rest of the Democratic Party has struggled to do that. Maybe the DNC created a news show after Ken Martin took over that wasn’t watched very much, because their brand is “the Democrats we just lost” — the brand of all this media I’m talking about is “we’re exciting and new, and we’re trying to fix things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"49:1-49:459;8951-9409\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, and just to catch folks up on Graham Platner — he was the outsider Democrat. He had won the party’s Senate nomination in Maine. He ended his campaign yesterday after an allegation, first reported by Politico, that he had sexually assaulted a woman in Maine. David, is the argument that he would have never made it past a series of earlier scandals in a previous media environment — controversial Reddit posts, a controversial tattoo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"51:1-51:638;9411-10048\">\u003cstrong>David Weigel:\u003c/strong> The vetting would have been different, but also the media consumed by primary voters is different. I’ve only been to Maine a few times during this campaign — I’ve talked to a lot of voters, I talked to Platner before he dropped out — and whenever I go somewhere, I ask voters (I did the Trump rallies, Democratic events) what media do you consume? And I find that they’re mentioning stuff like Majority Report, which is a live YouTube show, and Breaking Points, which has a YouTube show. They were not taking seriously, the way they would have before, the mainstream media outlets that were covering Platner critically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"53:1-53:364;10050-10413\">So the campaign — and this is something that reminded me a lot of what I saw covering Republicans — something negative would appear in the mainstream media, and it was very easy for their validators to say, “Well, this is the mainstream corporate media that’s trying to smear a progressive. Do you trust them, or do you trust the non-corporate independent media?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"55:1-55:786;10415-11200\">It’s very clear that, as these primaries have gone on, candidates who did not debut — remember, in 2018, people might have had a viral video, gotten a bunch of TV interviews, and made a couple million dollars — that’s not happening now. They’ve built a very strong network. They’ve also built political networks like the American Priorities PAC, which is helping pro-Gaza candidates. Those didn’t exist. The left was kind of underfunded and taking advantage of low-turnout primaries in the past, which was tough. It now has more funding, more media, more credibility, more of a network, more celebrities. And Bernie Sanders is more popular — Zohran Mamdani is much more popular than, let’s say, Chuck Schumer or Hakeem Jeffries in New York. That’s why the New York story was so potent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"57:1-57:450;11202-11651\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And we have about a minute till break, but I’m thinking back — a byproduct of Tea Party 1.0 was the elevation of some Republican candidates who ended up being seen as too extreme by the general electorate. I think Todd Akin in Missouri is like the poster child for this. In your mind, are we seeing similar concerns that these primary successes by progressives are then going to create riskier, more competitive general elections?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"59:1-59:614;11653-12266\">\u003cstrong>Erin Covey:\u003c/strong> Yeah, it’s a good question. I took a look at this last week — at the primaries we have seen in the competitive House races so far this cycle — and the large majority of those primaries have been won by candidates who are either explicitly backed by the Democratic Party, the DCCC, or by center-left organizations. So, so far, we really haven’t seen it hit Democratic primaries in competitive districts. There have been a handful of exceptions to that rule, and a handful of upcoming primaries I’m watching. The Michigan Senate race is one crucial one to watch, but so far, not as much of a factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"61:1-61:253;12268-12520\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Interesting. We’re going to take a short break. When we come back, we’re going to dive into more of what we’ve learned from this summer’s House primaries, and, as Erin previewed, what it means for the November election. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch2>Airdate: Thursday, July 9 at 10 AM\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The election and popularity of candidates like New York City mayor Zohran Mamdani, who saw a number of political allies win Congressional primaries last month, has some establishment Democrats shaking. We dig into what’s fueling the breakout success of candidates affiliated with the Democratic Socialists of America, and look at how they’re reshaping liberal politics ahead of the midterm elections and the 2028 presidential race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>This partial transcript was computer-generated. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"1:1-1:392;0-391\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> This is \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em>. I’m Guy Marzorati, in for Mina Kim. Progressives are on a winning streak in Democratic primaries this summer. In New York, three House candidates backed by Mayor Zohran Mamdani rolled to victory, knocking off two Democratic incumbents. And last week, Democratic Socialist Melat Kiros toppled long-time Democratic Congress member Diana DeGette in Denver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"3:1-3:172;393-564\">So, is the left experiencing a Tea Party moment? Joining me this hour to discuss, Erin Covey, U.S. House of Representatives editor at The Cook Political Report. Hey, Erin!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"5:1-5:51;566-616\">\u003cstrong>Erin Covey:\u003c/strong> Hey, Guy, thanks for having me on!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"7:1-7:121;618-738\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So great to have you — and David Weigel, politics reporter at Semafor, thanks for joining us as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"9:1-9:50;740-789\">\u003cstrong>David Weigel:\u003c/strong> Oh, good to be here. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"11:1-11:178;791-968\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So, Erin, maybe to start, catch us up to speed on these progressive winds that we’ve been seeing this summer in House primaries. What’s the through line here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"13:1-13:535;970-1504\">\u003cstrong>Erin Covey:\u003c/strong> Yeah, so the through line is that the left is certainly having a much better cycle than they have had in a while — really, since 2018. The Squad currently has seven members. It’s on track to double in size in the House. And that’s both because you have seen insurgent left-wing candidates unseating incumbents like Congressman Adriano Espaillat and Congresswoman Diana DeGette, but also because you’ve seen Democratic Socialists, or DSA-aligned candidates, win a handful of other open seats — primaries for open seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"15:1-15:301;1506-1806\">So they’re certainly having a moment. However, I think the question is whether or not this is actually going to affect the party brand enough, or affect the outcome of primaries in competitive districts enough, to affect whether Democrats are able to take control of the House and Senate in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"17:1-17:224;1808-2031\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, and David, I don’t think of any of the three Democratic incumbents who lost in Colorado and New York as centrists, necessarily. So is this about policies? Is this about temperament? What do you see?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"19:1-19:642;2033-2674\">\u003cstrong>David Weigel:\u003c/strong> They were not centrists. I’d start the clock back in November 2024 — which every Democrat wants to relive. Kamala Harris loses. Bernie Sanders, having campaigned for post-COVID candidate Kamala Harris, instantly says the reason she lost is because Democrats abandoned the working class, and he’s going to start changing that. And Sanders takes up this project to find working-class candidates, as he calls them, around the country, and promote and endorse them. He’s much more aggressive this cycle than really any other cycle. He’s working outside the tent again, after working inside the tent in the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"21:1-21:441;2676-3116\">With this argument, which is also used by DSA, Democratic Socialists of America, that when Democrats lost, they lost because they were not running progressive enough, visible enough, and aggressive and working-class enough campaigns. So you’re right — some of the losers have been safe-seat Democrats who were older, and Diana DeGette, for example, in her late 60s, but were less visible and were not on board with every left-wing position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"23:1-23:341;3118-3458\">So it’s very entrepreneurial. Democrats — I’d say primary-voting Democrats — did not all move left after the election. What happened is they got very dissatisfied with party leadership and incumbents, and progressives were positioned to say, “We have an answer for that. You should go with our candidates because they’re the real fighters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"25:1-25:147;3460-3606\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And Erin, what do you make of the Tea Party parallels here to what Republicans experienced at the beginning of the last decade?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"27:1-27:331;3608-3938\">\u003cstrong>Erin Covey:\u003c/strong> Yeah, I mean, I guess there are some parallels in the sense that we certainly saw the rise of the Tea Party in 2010, which was still a midterm cycle where Republicans were quite successful — they picked up 60 seats in the House. But it made a lot of Republicans concerned about their ability to win winnable races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"29:1-29:625;3940-4564\">I think what is different in terms of the two parties is that we have seen historically — and this is still the case, though maybe less so than it was earlier — that Democratic voters tend to care more about electability than Republican voters. And so, as a result, in these red and purple states and districts where there are competitive Democratic primary contests, voters are typically picking the candidate who is a bit more moderate, and who they think has a better chance at winning in November and appealing to some of the Republican and independent voters that they will need to win over in order to win those races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"31:1-31:614;4566-5179\">So I think that is kind of where the comparison starts to fall apart a little bit. And I would say, at the same time, we have not seen that even in deep-blue districts these candidates are winning a majority of the Democratic primary vote. For the most part, they’re winning maybe 40%, maybe 30% of the vote. So it’s not like the wing of the party that identifies as Democratic Socialist is a majority of the party’s — certainly not — and not even within a primary electorate, which tends to be a little bit more ideological, a little bit further left. They’re still not making up a majority of Democratic voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"33:1-33:398;5181-5578\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, and Erin, you referenced the Squad earlier — that’s a group of progressive Democratic Congress members, spearheaded by Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. They emerged in 2018. Do you feel like the House nominees we’re seeing on the Democratic side emerging from these primaries are kind of an extension of that? Are they different in any way from the Squad that came about in 2018?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"35:1-35:258;5580-5837\">\u003cstrong>Erin Covey:\u003c/strong> Yeah, it’s a good question. They are a natural extension of it. Many of these new progressives who are incoming are backed by the Justice Democrats, which was the organization that was established ahead of 2018 that supported folks like AOC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"37:1-37:822;5839-6660\">But I will say, I think in the current moment, how these candidates talk about certain issues has changed a little bit. I think we have seen further-left candidates be much more focused on economic populism, more so than we saw in 2018. Cultural issues have taken a bit of a backseat, so you’re not really seeing folks talk as much about racial issues and gender issues that certainly were a polarizing issue in the last election. Most folks are really sticking to the affordability issue. We obviously saw this with Zohran Mamdani’s victory in New York City, and I think that, for the most part, candidates are following that blueprint. I think some of these candidates certainly are pretty far left on cultural issues as well — it’s not like they’re moderating, necessarily. They’re just not talking about them as much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"39:1-39:93;6662-6754\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> David, is the evolution of progressive media part of the story here, too?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"41:1-41:483;6756-7238\">\u003cstrong>David Weigel:\u003c/strong> It’s a big part — thank you for bringing it up — because a commonality that I think has not been explored between the Tea Party and what we’re talking about is that conservative media was very strong in 2008, and was very willing and ready to fill the gap left by George Bush’s exit. Remember, the key figure at the beginning of the Tea Party was Rush Limbaugh — he was almost the spokesman for Republicans. The key network promoting Tea Party events was Fox News.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"43:1-43:412;7240-7651\">Now, skipping back to where we are today — progressive media is much stronger than it was in 2018. There are outlets that did not exist, like Drop Site, like Zeteo. There are outlets that did exist but have really moved to the left, like Crooked Media. And I mentioned three just now that have been very promotional for the candidates we’re talking about — very positive, until very recently, of Graham Platner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"45:1-45:728;7653-8380\">The Platner situation is one that I think would have unfolded very differently in 2018, because the media that mattered — and I was at The Washington Post at the time, I’m at a startup now, that’s part of the story — the media at the time, it still mattered if candidates were taken seriously by The New York Times, by The Washington Post, by CNN — one of those hits. There’s a lot more streaming, scrolling, and podcasting media now that gets a lot of views among primary voters and drives discourse — that’s flipped, on the sites people use. They’ll go to Facebook, they’ll go to X, and they’ll see these clips of candidates talking. They have a direct pipeline to voters that was not as strong when they were running before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"47:1-47:568;8382-8949\">Hassan Piker, who has been profiled many times and has campaigned for candidates — that matters. Hassan is filling the role that a lot of the Tea Party celebrities did in 2010 for Republicans — showing up, validating people, and giving them attention. And the rest of the Democratic Party has struggled to do that. Maybe the DNC created a news show after Ken Martin took over that wasn’t watched very much, because their brand is “the Democrats we just lost” — the brand of all this media I’m talking about is “we’re exciting and new, and we’re trying to fix things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"49:1-49:459;8951-9409\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, and just to catch folks up on Graham Platner — he was the outsider Democrat. He had won the party’s Senate nomination in Maine. He ended his campaign yesterday after an allegation, first reported by Politico, that he had sexually assaulted a woman in Maine. David, is the argument that he would have never made it past a series of earlier scandals in a previous media environment — controversial Reddit posts, a controversial tattoo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"51:1-51:638;9411-10048\">\u003cstrong>David Weigel:\u003c/strong> The vetting would have been different, but also the media consumed by primary voters is different. I’ve only been to Maine a few times during this campaign — I’ve talked to a lot of voters, I talked to Platner before he dropped out — and whenever I go somewhere, I ask voters (I did the Trump rallies, Democratic events) what media do you consume? And I find that they’re mentioning stuff like Majority Report, which is a live YouTube show, and Breaking Points, which has a YouTube show. They were not taking seriously, the way they would have before, the mainstream media outlets that were covering Platner critically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"53:1-53:364;10050-10413\">So the campaign — and this is something that reminded me a lot of what I saw covering Republicans — something negative would appear in the mainstream media, and it was very easy for their validators to say, “Well, this is the mainstream corporate media that’s trying to smear a progressive. Do you trust them, or do you trust the non-corporate independent media?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"55:1-55:786;10415-11200\">It’s very clear that, as these primaries have gone on, candidates who did not debut — remember, in 2018, people might have had a viral video, gotten a bunch of TV interviews, and made a couple million dollars — that’s not happening now. They’ve built a very strong network. They’ve also built political networks like the American Priorities PAC, which is helping pro-Gaza candidates. Those didn’t exist. The left was kind of underfunded and taking advantage of low-turnout primaries in the past, which was tough. It now has more funding, more media, more credibility, more of a network, more celebrities. And Bernie Sanders is more popular — Zohran Mamdani is much more popular than, let’s say, Chuck Schumer or Hakeem Jeffries in New York. That’s why the New York story was so potent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"57:1-57:450;11202-11651\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And we have about a minute till break, but I’m thinking back — a byproduct of Tea Party 1.0 was the elevation of some Republican candidates who ended up being seen as too extreme by the general electorate. I think Todd Akin in Missouri is like the poster child for this. In your mind, are we seeing similar concerns that these primary successes by progressives are then going to create riskier, more competitive general elections?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"59:1-59:614;11653-12266\">\u003cstrong>Erin Covey:\u003c/strong> Yeah, it’s a good question. I took a look at this last week — at the primaries we have seen in the competitive House races so far this cycle — and the large majority of those primaries have been won by candidates who are either explicitly backed by the Democratic Party, the DCCC, or by center-left organizations. So, so far, we really haven’t seen it hit Democratic primaries in competitive districts. There have been a handful of exceptions to that rule, and a handful of upcoming primaries I’m watching. The Michigan Senate race is one crucial one to watch, but so far, not as much of a factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal\" data-sourcepos=\"61:1-61:253;12268-12520\">\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Interesting. We’re going to take a short break. When we come back, we’re going to dive into more of what we’ve learned from this summer’s House primaries, and, as Erin previewed, what it means for the November election. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a>’s largest public employee union is heading into mediation with the city this week after a bargaining stalemate over pay raises that could push workers toward a strike vote if it’s not resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Municipal Employees’ Federation, AFSCME Local 101 (MEF), whose members include librarians, code inspectors and city planners, is scheduled to meet with the city and a state mediator from the Public Employment Relations Board on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate union representing engineers, architects and other supervisors — the City Association of Management Personnel, IFPTE, Local 21 — will begin mediation with the city on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just three years after disagreements over pay \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958216/san-jose-city-worker-strike-on-hold-after-agreement\">nearly led\u003c/a> to a historic work stoppage, contracts with the unions representing more than 3,000 city workers expired on June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials contend that with ongoing budget deficits, they are unable to offer more than a 3% annual raise in each of the next three fiscal years — an increase union leaders argue would leave workers unable to keep pace with the rising cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried to put across proposals that were reasonable but also recognized that it’s an expensive place to live in the Bay Area,” said Charles Allen, union representative for MEF. “The costs that city employees incur — increased gas prices, increased food prices, just generally increases all around — were not really addressed by the city’s proposal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070856\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070856\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260122-SJPDSHOOT-JG-5_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260122-SJPDSHOOT-JG-5_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260122-SJPDSHOOT-JG-5_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260122-SJPDSHOOT-JG-5_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The intersection of Julian Street and Notre Dame Avenue in downtown San José was still blocked off on the afternoon of Thursday, Jan. 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>MEF and IFPTE countered the city’s offer with a proposed wage hike of 4% in the current fiscal year, followed by 4.5% in 2027-28 and 5.5% in 2028-29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said his union’s members have not yet taken a vote to authorize a potential strike, but are discussing the possibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We obviously remain optimistic that mediation might be able to get us to where we need to be, but at this point we’re out of contract,” he said. “Once we’ve gone through the process, then the membership does have the ability to take a strike vote and in fact go on strike.”[aside postID=news_12087836 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/061626CSU-Labor_GH_003-KQED.jpg']A work stoppage could limit library services, summer activities and permit processing in a city that is already one of the most thinly staffed in California. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/08/23/5-charts-that-show-how-california-cities-spent-37-billion-on-public-employees-last-year/\">\u003cem>Mercury News\u003c/em> analysis\u003c/a> in 2024 found San José has 112 residents per city employee; among California’s 10 largest cities, only Bakersfield has a lower staffing ratio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan said the city has little flexibility to offer higher wages after recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086842/san-jose-city-budget-new-immigrant-funding-cuts-reserve-spending\">approving a budget\u003c/a> that closed a $50.3 million shortfall by tapping reserves and cutting more than a dozen positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City budget analysts are projecting an ongoing shortfall of $26.8 million in 2027-28 and $11.8 million in 2028-29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is offering a fair deal,” Mahan said. “To go any higher than a 3% raise over the next three years, we would have to make significant service cuts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While negotiations are being led by the Office of Employee Relations, which reports to the city manager, any tentative agreement will need to be approved by the City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, Mahan was the lone vote on the council against new contracts for MEF and IFPTE — arguing that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">wage hikes\u003c/a> of 14.5% over three years \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960949/san-jose-city-council-approves-budget-trims-to-fund-worker-raises\">were beyond\u003c/a> what the city could afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049894\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049894\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250725-SJPOWER-JG-8_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250725-SJPOWER-JG-8_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250725-SJPOWER-JG-8_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250725-SJPOWER-JG-8_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan speaks during a July 25, 2025 press conference in North San José about a partnership with PG&E intended to attract more data center development to the city. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think the council has just been through a difficult budget cycle where some of the members of the council were expressing a little bit of regret in private over deals that I pointed out three years ago were likely to set us up for service cuts,” Mahan said. “To do that again in this moment would be a mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond wages, the unions and city remain apart on the use of artificial intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under an MEF proposal submitted in March, the city would be barred from using technological systems “for the purpose of eliminating bargaining unit work” and from using AI “for new programs, positions or functions that could replace future new bargaining unit positions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s counterproposal offered the consideration of training and reassignment prior to layoffs, in cases “where artificial intelligence will result in workforce reductions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a>’s largest public employee union is heading into mediation with the city this week after a bargaining stalemate over pay raises that could push workers toward a strike vote if it’s not resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Municipal Employees’ Federation, AFSCME Local 101 (MEF), whose members include librarians, code inspectors and city planners, is scheduled to meet with the city and a state mediator from the Public Employment Relations Board on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate union representing engineers, architects and other supervisors — the City Association of Management Personnel, IFPTE, Local 21 — will begin mediation with the city on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just three years after disagreements over pay \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958216/san-jose-city-worker-strike-on-hold-after-agreement\">nearly led\u003c/a> to a historic work stoppage, contracts with the unions representing more than 3,000 city workers expired on June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials contend that with ongoing budget deficits, they are unable to offer more than a 3% annual raise in each of the next three fiscal years — an increase union leaders argue would leave workers unable to keep pace with the rising cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried to put across proposals that were reasonable but also recognized that it’s an expensive place to live in the Bay Area,” said Charles Allen, union representative for MEF. “The costs that city employees incur — increased gas prices, increased food prices, just generally increases all around — were not really addressed by the city’s proposal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070856\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070856\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260122-SJPDSHOOT-JG-5_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260122-SJPDSHOOT-JG-5_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260122-SJPDSHOOT-JG-5_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260122-SJPDSHOOT-JG-5_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The intersection of Julian Street and Notre Dame Avenue in downtown San José was still blocked off on the afternoon of Thursday, Jan. 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>MEF and IFPTE countered the city’s offer with a proposed wage hike of 4% in the current fiscal year, followed by 4.5% in 2027-28 and 5.5% in 2028-29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said his union’s members have not yet taken a vote to authorize a potential strike, but are discussing the possibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We obviously remain optimistic that mediation might be able to get us to where we need to be, but at this point we’re out of contract,” he said. “Once we’ve gone through the process, then the membership does have the ability to take a strike vote and in fact go on strike.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A work stoppage could limit library services, summer activities and permit processing in a city that is already one of the most thinly staffed in California. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/08/23/5-charts-that-show-how-california-cities-spent-37-billion-on-public-employees-last-year/\">\u003cem>Mercury News\u003c/em> analysis\u003c/a> in 2024 found San José has 112 residents per city employee; among California’s 10 largest cities, only Bakersfield has a lower staffing ratio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan said the city has little flexibility to offer higher wages after recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086842/san-jose-city-budget-new-immigrant-funding-cuts-reserve-spending\">approving a budget\u003c/a> that closed a $50.3 million shortfall by tapping reserves and cutting more than a dozen positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City budget analysts are projecting an ongoing shortfall of $26.8 million in 2027-28 and $11.8 million in 2028-29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is offering a fair deal,” Mahan said. “To go any higher than a 3% raise over the next three years, we would have to make significant service cuts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While negotiations are being led by the Office of Employee Relations, which reports to the city manager, any tentative agreement will need to be approved by the City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, Mahan was the lone vote on the council against new contracts for MEF and IFPTE — arguing that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">wage hikes\u003c/a> of 14.5% over three years \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960949/san-jose-city-council-approves-budget-trims-to-fund-worker-raises\">were beyond\u003c/a> what the city could afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049894\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049894\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250725-SJPOWER-JG-8_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250725-SJPOWER-JG-8_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250725-SJPOWER-JG-8_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250725-SJPOWER-JG-8_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan speaks during a July 25, 2025 press conference in North San José about a partnership with PG&E intended to attract more data center development to the city. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think the council has just been through a difficult budget cycle where some of the members of the council were expressing a little bit of regret in private over deals that I pointed out three years ago were likely to set us up for service cuts,” Mahan said. “To do that again in this moment would be a mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond wages, the unions and city remain apart on the use of artificial intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under an MEF proposal submitted in March, the city would be barred from using technological systems “for the purpose of eliminating bargaining unit work” and from using AI “for new programs, positions or functions that could replace future new bargaining unit positions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s counterproposal offered the consideration of training and reassignment prior to layoffs, in cases “where artificial intelligence will result in workforce reductions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>This 4th of July marks the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence. Although we often remember the American Revolution as driven by anger over taxation and representation, journalist Rebecca Nagle says the country’s founding was also compelled by a hunger for Indigenous land. Nagle is the host of the new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.pushkin.fm/podcasts/first-america\">First America\u003c/a>, which unveils a history of our country’s founding that most Americans never learned. She joins Marisa to talk about how that history shapes the political moment we’re living through today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But first, Marisa and Guy discuss a filmed confrontation from the weekend in which pro-Palestinian activists ran state Sen. Scott Wiener out of the San Francisco Trans March during Pride weekend. The viral video has become a flashpoint for right-wing critics and is signaling how central Israel and Gaza will be to November’s midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learn more from Rebecca Nagle and the Indigenous scholars featured in First America:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Nagle’s \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/dWX6CPNYRAuJLQ26izf2fx55CP?domain=crooked.com\">This Land\u003c/a> and book, \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/dxWPCQWOVBTJw7KRiPhmfGy7JA?domain=harpercollins.com\">By the Fire We Carry\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ned Blackhawk’s book \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/Q27_CR6LWDuy3NpOtPixf1EOc0?domain=yalebooks.yale.edu\">The Rediscovery of America\u003c/a> and scholarship \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/1-spCVON1KCzpMEZiJs4fEm0Jn?domain=history.yale.edu\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phil Deloria’s book, \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/rioMCW682XuNn0Q4FmtxfoM6r0?domain=yalebooks.yale.edu\">Playing Indian\u003c/a> and scholarship \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/3TOsCXDM32FkLmg9t9ukfWX_Ge?domain=history.fas.harvard.edu\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maggie Blackhawk’s scholarship and publications \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/4TxcCYEM4Ntjy5v9I3CZfxqHxk?domain=its.law.nyu.edu\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Estes hosts \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/QjWvCZ6W5NuXWzwjfNFNfBOF8w?domain=therednation.org\">The Red Nation Podcast\u003c/a> and scholarship \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/nZMtC1w95PSLQ80ZumHkfVr_Cv?domain=cla.umn.edu\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional resources available in the show notes of each episode on \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/3XLeC2k96Qf0D74muvIxf5nOrS?domain=pushkin.fm\">First America\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This 4th of July marks the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence. Although we often remember the American Revolution as driven by anger over taxation and representation, journalist Rebecca Nagle says the country’s founding was also compelled by a hunger for Indigenous land. Nagle is the host of the new podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.pushkin.fm/podcasts/first-america\">First America\u003c/a>, which unveils a history of our country’s founding that most Americans never learned. She joins Marisa to talk about how that history shapes the political moment we’re living through today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But first, Marisa and Guy discuss a filmed confrontation from the weekend in which pro-Palestinian activists ran state Sen. Scott Wiener out of the San Francisco Trans March during Pride weekend. The viral video has become a flashpoint for right-wing critics and is signaling how central Israel and Gaza will be to November’s midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learn more from Rebecca Nagle and the Indigenous scholars featured in First America:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Nagle’s \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/dWX6CPNYRAuJLQ26izf2fx55CP?domain=crooked.com\">This Land\u003c/a> and book, \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/dxWPCQWOVBTJw7KRiPhmfGy7JA?domain=harpercollins.com\">By the Fire We Carry\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ned Blackhawk’s book \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/Q27_CR6LWDuy3NpOtPixf1EOc0?domain=yalebooks.yale.edu\">The Rediscovery of America\u003c/a> and scholarship \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/1-spCVON1KCzpMEZiJs4fEm0Jn?domain=history.yale.edu\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phil Deloria’s book, \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/rioMCW682XuNn0Q4FmtxfoM6r0?domain=yalebooks.yale.edu\">Playing Indian\u003c/a> and scholarship \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/3TOsCXDM32FkLmg9t9ukfWX_Ge?domain=history.fas.harvard.edu\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maggie Blackhawk’s scholarship and publications \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/4TxcCYEM4Ntjy5v9I3CZfxqHxk?domain=its.law.nyu.edu\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Estes hosts \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/QjWvCZ6W5NuXWzwjfNFNfBOF8w?domain=therednation.org\">The Red Nation Podcast\u003c/a> and scholarship \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/nZMtC1w95PSLQ80ZumHkfVr_Cv?domain=cla.umn.edu\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional resources available in the show notes of each episode on \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/3XLeC2k96Qf0D74muvIxf5nOrS?domain=pushkin.fm\">First America\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California and other states can continue to count \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077491/california-vote-by-mail-faces-legal-political-challenges-from-trump-allies\">vote-by-mail ballots\u003c/a> that are postmarked by Election Day but arrive later, after the Supreme Court on Monday rejected a challenge to a similar law in Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case, \u003cem>Watson v. RNC\u003c/em>, centered on a suit brought by the Republican National Committee against grace periods for ballot arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservatives and Trump administration officials have argued that the practice erodes confidence in elections by slowing down the vote count and opening the door for voter fraud. But supporters of California’s law, which allows election officials to count ballots received up to a week after Election Day, celebrated the decision for protecting ballot access for hundreds of thousands of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court’s ruling today was a win for voting rights,” Sen. Alex Padilla said at a news conference on Monday morning in San Francisco. “And I think a clear message is that Donald Trump does not control elections. It’s the people who drive our democracy, not this president who has a tendency to overreach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the court’s 5-4 decision, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, a Trump appointee, wrote that the Election Day laws written by Congress only established a uniform day of voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The election-day statutes say nothing about ballot receipt, and we cannot add to the words Congress chose,” Barrett wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/gettyimages-2209056030-4-scaled-e1772572598710.jpeg\" alt=\"The U.S. Supreme Court\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Supreme Court on April 7, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Barrett’s opinion was joined by justices Ketanji Brown Jackson, Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor and Chief Justice John Roberts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices Samuel Alito, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Clarence Thomas dissented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Allowing absentee ballots to pour in over the days and weeks after election day, by which point preliminary election returns are being publicly reported, creates greater opportunity for fraud and risks further undermining the public’s confidence in election integrity,” Alito wrote.[aside postID=news_12089029 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2261843469-scaled.jpg']President Donald Trump called the ruling “a tremendous loss” in a social media \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/116834002761429397\">post\u003c/a>, and he urged Congress to pass legislation that would require voter identification and limit mail-in voting. The Trump administration filed a “friend of the court” brief in the \u003cem>Watson \u003c/em>case, supporting the RNC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During oral arguments in March, Alito pointed to arguments that late-arriving ballots can also erode public confidence by slowing down the counting of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, the prolonged vote count in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087984/three-ways-california-could-speed-up-vote-counting\">is the result\u003c/a> of the large numbers of vote-by-mail ballots received \u003cem>before\u003c/em> the end of Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three days after the June 2 primary, California election officials reported 2.5 million uncounted ballots received through Election Day, compared to under 400,000 uncounted ballots received in the days after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials have spent years urging voters to return their ballots early — or to a ballot dropbox — to avoid missing the postmark deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, in the 2024 general election, 406,132 ballots were received after Election Day in California, accounting for 2.5% of the overall turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s still a lot of ballots and a lot of voters, and so we’re really relieved to know that our grace period is protected,” said Kim Alexander, president of the California Voter Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085440\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election workers receive vote-by-mail ballots to be tallied at the Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder/County Clerk Ballot Processing Center on May 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state budget agreement announced by Newsom and legislative leaders on Friday \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB111\">sets aside\u003c/a> $29 million to help counties hire staff and purchase equipment to help speed up the counting of ballots, as well as $10 million for the secretary of state and counties to encourage voters to return their ballots early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander said challenges to California’s vote-by-mail system will continue beyond the \u003cem>Watson\u003c/em> case — including the Trump administration’s effort to have the U.S. Postal Service check vote-by-mail ballots against a list of eligible voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order, which is currently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078711/california-sues-to-block-trumps-order-on-vote-by-mail\">being challenged\u003c/a> in court by California, was blasted by Democratic senators \u003ca href=\"https://www.hsgac.senate.gov/wp-content/uploads/260623_USPS_Absentee_EO_Letter.pdf\">in a letter last week\u003c/a> as an effort to “allow USPS to adjudicate who can and cannot vote by mail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is that while this [\u003cem>Watson]\u003c/em> decision is great news for California voters and California elections, we aren’t out of the woods yet with regards to the U.S. Postal Service,” Alexander said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court’s ruling today was a win for voting rights,” Sen. Alex Padilla said at a news conference on Monday morning in San Francisco. “And I think a clear message is that Donald Trump does not control elections. It’s the people who drive our democracy, not this president who has a tendency to overreach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the court’s 5-4 decision, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, a Trump appointee, wrote that the Election Day laws written by Congress only established a uniform day of voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The election-day statutes say nothing about ballot receipt, and we cannot add to the words Congress chose,” Barrett wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/gettyimages-2209056030-4-scaled-e1772572598710.jpeg\" alt=\"The U.S. Supreme Court\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Supreme Court on April 7, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Barrett’s opinion was joined by justices Ketanji Brown Jackson, Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor and Chief Justice John Roberts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices Samuel Alito, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Clarence Thomas dissented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Allowing absentee ballots to pour in over the days and weeks after election day, by which point preliminary election returns are being publicly reported, creates greater opportunity for fraud and risks further undermining the public’s confidence in election integrity,” Alito wrote.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>President Donald Trump called the ruling “a tremendous loss” in a social media \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/116834002761429397\">post\u003c/a>, and he urged Congress to pass legislation that would require voter identification and limit mail-in voting. The Trump administration filed a “friend of the court” brief in the \u003cem>Watson \u003c/em>case, supporting the RNC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During oral arguments in March, Alito pointed to arguments that late-arriving ballots can also erode public confidence by slowing down the counting of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, the prolonged vote count in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087984/three-ways-california-could-speed-up-vote-counting\">is the result\u003c/a> of the large numbers of vote-by-mail ballots received \u003cem>before\u003c/em> the end of Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three days after the June 2 primary, California election officials reported 2.5 million uncounted ballots received through Election Day, compared to under 400,000 uncounted ballots received in the days after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials have spent years urging voters to return their ballots early — or to a ballot dropbox — to avoid missing the postmark deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, in the 2024 general election, 406,132 ballots were received after Election Day in California, accounting for 2.5% of the overall turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s still a lot of ballots and a lot of voters, and so we’re really relieved to know that our grace period is protected,” said Kim Alexander, president of the California Voter Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085440\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election workers receive vote-by-mail ballots to be tallied at the Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder/County Clerk Ballot Processing Center on May 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state budget agreement announced by Newsom and legislative leaders on Friday \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB111\">sets aside\u003c/a> $29 million to help counties hire staff and purchase equipment to help speed up the counting of ballots, as well as $10 million for the secretary of state and counties to encourage voters to return their ballots early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander said challenges to California’s vote-by-mail system will continue beyond the \u003cem>Watson\u003c/em> case — including the Trump administration’s effort to have the U.S. Postal Service check vote-by-mail ballots against a list of eligible voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order, which is currently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078711/california-sues-to-block-trumps-order-on-vote-by-mail\">being challenged\u003c/a> in court by California, was blasted by Democratic senators \u003ca href=\"https://www.hsgac.senate.gov/wp-content/uploads/260623_USPS_Absentee_EO_Letter.pdf\">in a letter last week\u003c/a> as an effort to “allow USPS to adjudicate who can and cannot vote by mail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is that while this [\u003cem>Watson]\u003c/em> decision is great news for California voters and California elections, we aren’t out of the woods yet with regards to the U.S. Postal Service,” Alexander said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Californians will vote on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088883/california-billionaire-tax-november-ballot-measures\">14 ballot measures\u003c/a> this November, including a voter ID initiative, two housing affordability bonds and an overhaul of the California Environmental Quality Act. The most dramatic negotiations ahead of the ballot finalization were over a billionaire wealth tax and a measure that will make it harder to pass local taxes. Marisa and Guy talk with Politico’s senior politics correspondent Jeremy B. White to dig into the showdowns in Sacramento that shaped the final ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Californians will vote on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088883/california-billionaire-tax-november-ballot-measures\">14 ballot measures\u003c/a> this November, including a voter ID initiative, two housing affordability bonds and an overhaul of the California Environmental Quality Act. The most dramatic negotiations ahead of the ballot finalization were over a billionaire wealth tax and a measure that will make it harder to pass local taxes. Marisa and Guy talk with Politico’s senior politics correspondent Jeremy B. White to dig into the showdowns in Sacramento that shaped the final ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">California voters\u003c/a> this fall will decide whether to levy a one-off wealth tax on billionaires, require identification to vote and expand the state’s rainy day fund — among the 14 measures on the November ballot, the secretary of state announced on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot is packed with showdowns between business and labor, requests for borrowing and changes to the state’s election laws. The result could be high-profile and expensive campaigns that are likely to overshadow the races for governor and many other statewide offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a first look at the measures on the ballot, according to the list finalized Thursday:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Billionaire wealth tax: \u003c/strong>It’s hard to remember a measure with this much buzz before it even \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088063/5-things-to-know-about-californias-new-billionaire-tax-measure\">qualified for the ballot\u003c/a>. This initiative, brought to the ballot by the healthcare workers union SEIU-UHW, would enact a one-time 5% tax on the wealth of California billionaires who were living in the state on Jan. 1, 2026. Proponents kept the measure on the ballot despite a flurry of last-minute negotiations with state leaders who oppose the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Billionaire wealth tax poison pill\u003c/strong>: Opponents of the billionaire tax, led by Google co-founder Sergey Brin, gathered the signatures for two measures written to invalidate the wealth tax. This initiative would ban taxes that target financial assets, personal property or that are enacted retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Another billionaire wealth tax poison pill\u003c/strong>: A second measure introduced to counter the billionaire tax would ban new taxes that exempt their revenue from California’s state spending limit, which the proposed wealth tax does. It would also require audits of state tax proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062365\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062365\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter is given a sticker after dropping his ballot at City Hall in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2025, ahead of the statewide special election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voter ID: \u003c/strong>This measure, backed by California Republicans, would require Californians to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081404/voter-id-initiative-qualifies-for-californias-november-election\">provide a government ID to vote \u003c/a>in person or provide the last four digits of a government-issued number if voting by mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Local taxes: \u003c/strong>In a deal struck late Thursday, the Legislature placed a measure on the ballot that would require two-thirds voter approval for any local tax that earmarks revenue for a specific purpose. Currently, local taxes can pass with a majority vote if they were placed on the ballot by citizens. In response, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association agreed to withdraw a measure from the ballot that would have also limited local real estate taxes — both retroactively and moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Recall rules: \u003c/strong>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888736/newsom-crushed-the-recall-now-democrats-want-to-change-the-system\">gubernatorial recall elections\u003c/a>, California voters are asked two questions: Should the governor be recalled? And, if the recall is successful, who should be the next governor? This measure, placed on the ballot by the Legislature, would eliminate that second question and instead replace a recalled governor with the lieutenant governor — or through a subsequent special election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Public campaign financing: \u003c/strong>Under this measure, more local governments in California would be allowed to establish systems of public campaign financing — in which candidates can receive taxpayer dollars for their campaigns if they demonstrate a certain level of viability. Currently, only charter cities (such as Los Angeles and San Francisco) can enact public financing for local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A home for sale on Hillside Road in San Carlos on May 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Homebuyer assistance: \u003c/strong>Backed by former Assembly Speaker Bob Hertzberg, this $25 billion bond measure would fund mortgages for middle-income Californians who are purchasing a newly constructed home worth less than $1.5 million. The loans would act as a second mortgage for the buyer, covering up to 17% of the purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing bond: \u003c/strong>The state Legislature passed this $11.2 billion bond measure on Thursday, and Gov. Gavin Newsom quickly signed it onto the ballot. If voters approve it, $10 billion will be spent on building, acquiring or preserving affordable housing, while $1.25 billion will go toward home loans for California veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Income tax: \u003c/strong>In 2012, California voters approved boosting income tax rates on high-income residents, and then they extended those rates in 2016. This measure, backed by unions representing California teachers, would make those higher income tax rates permanent.[aside postID=news_12088417 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSGetty.jpg']\u003cstrong>Healthcare spending\u003c/strong>: Another SEIU-UHW-backed measure would require health clinics, which traditionally serve low-income patients in areas with limited healthcare services, to spend 90% of their revenue on patient services, rather than administrative costs. Failure to adhere to the measure would force clinics to pay fines and penalties that eventually would be used for clinic workforce programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>CEQA overhaul: \u003c/strong>Under this proposal, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046558/california-lawmakers-approve-major-overhaul-of-landmark-environmental-law\">California Environmental Quality Act\u003c/a>, or CEQA, would be changed to speed up environmental reviews for certain projects and limit legal challenges under the law. The California Chamber of Commerce would spearhead the proposal and would apply to developments including housing, transportation, clean energy projects, hospitals, schools and water systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rainy day fund\u003c/strong>: The Legislature voted Thursday to place this measure on the ballot in order to boost the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083617/newsom-touts-dominance-of-california-in-final-budget-proposal\">ability to save money\u003c/a> during flush budget years. The constitutional amendment would increase the cap on rainy day fund deposits from 10% of general fund revenue to 20% and exempt those deposits from counting against the state spending limit. Higher deposits would also be triggered in years with higher capital gains tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Immunology bond: \u003c/strong>This $8.4 billion bond would fund research into immunology and immunotherapy — earmarking half of the money for work on cancer, heart disease and Alzheimer’s disease. The measure’s main sponsor is Dr. Gary Michelson, an investor and philanthropist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">California voters\u003c/a> this fall will decide whether to levy a one-off wealth tax on billionaires, require identification to vote and expand the state’s rainy day fund — among the 14 measures on the November ballot, the secretary of state announced on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot is packed with showdowns between business and labor, requests for borrowing and changes to the state’s election laws. The result could be high-profile and expensive campaigns that are likely to overshadow the races for governor and many other statewide offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a first look at the measures on the ballot, according to the list finalized Thursday:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Billionaire wealth tax: \u003c/strong>It’s hard to remember a measure with this much buzz before it even \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088063/5-things-to-know-about-californias-new-billionaire-tax-measure\">qualified for the ballot\u003c/a>. This initiative, brought to the ballot by the healthcare workers union SEIU-UHW, would enact a one-time 5% tax on the wealth of California billionaires who were living in the state on Jan. 1, 2026. Proponents kept the measure on the ballot despite a flurry of last-minute negotiations with state leaders who oppose the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Billionaire wealth tax poison pill\u003c/strong>: Opponents of the billionaire tax, led by Google co-founder Sergey Brin, gathered the signatures for two measures written to invalidate the wealth tax. This initiative would ban taxes that target financial assets, personal property or that are enacted retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Another billionaire wealth tax poison pill\u003c/strong>: A second measure introduced to counter the billionaire tax would ban new taxes that exempt their revenue from California’s state spending limit, which the proposed wealth tax does. It would also require audits of state tax proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062365\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062365\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter is given a sticker after dropping his ballot at City Hall in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2025, ahead of the statewide special election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voter ID: \u003c/strong>This measure, backed by California Republicans, would require Californians to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081404/voter-id-initiative-qualifies-for-californias-november-election\">provide a government ID to vote \u003c/a>in person or provide the last four digits of a government-issued number if voting by mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Local taxes: \u003c/strong>In a deal struck late Thursday, the Legislature placed a measure on the ballot that would require two-thirds voter approval for any local tax that earmarks revenue for a specific purpose. Currently, local taxes can pass with a majority vote if they were placed on the ballot by citizens. In response, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association agreed to withdraw a measure from the ballot that would have also limited local real estate taxes — both retroactively and moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Recall rules: \u003c/strong>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888736/newsom-crushed-the-recall-now-democrats-want-to-change-the-system\">gubernatorial recall elections\u003c/a>, California voters are asked two questions: Should the governor be recalled? And, if the recall is successful, who should be the next governor? This measure, placed on the ballot by the Legislature, would eliminate that second question and instead replace a recalled governor with the lieutenant governor — or through a subsequent special election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Public campaign financing: \u003c/strong>Under this measure, more local governments in California would be allowed to establish systems of public campaign financing — in which candidates can receive taxpayer dollars for their campaigns if they demonstrate a certain level of viability. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Healthcare spending\u003c/strong>: Another SEIU-UHW-backed measure would require health clinics, which traditionally serve low-income patients in areas with limited healthcare services, to spend 90% of their revenue on patient services, rather than administrative costs. Failure to adhere to the measure would force clinics to pay fines and penalties that eventually would be used for clinic workforce programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>CEQA overhaul: \u003c/strong>Under this proposal, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046558/california-lawmakers-approve-major-overhaul-of-landmark-environmental-law\">California Environmental Quality Act\u003c/a>, or CEQA, would be changed to speed up environmental reviews for certain projects and limit legal challenges under the law. The California Chamber of Commerce would spearhead the proposal and would apply to developments including housing, transportation, clean energy projects, hospitals, schools and water systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rainy day fund\u003c/strong>: The Legislature voted Thursday to place this measure on the ballot in order to boost the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083617/newsom-touts-dominance-of-california-in-final-budget-proposal\">ability to save money\u003c/a> during flush budget years. The constitutional amendment would increase the cap on rainy day fund deposits from 10% of general fund revenue to 20% and exempt those deposits from counting against the state spending limit. Higher deposits would also be triggered in years with higher capital gains tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Immunology bond: \u003c/strong>This $8.4 billion bond would fund research into immunology and immunotherapy — earmarking half of the money for work on cancer, heart disease and Alzheimer’s disease. The measure’s main sponsor is Dr. Gary Michelson, an investor and philanthropist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "The flip side of gentrification, told through one town",
"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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}
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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