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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Far from the halls of power in Washington, the forested hamlet of Mount Shasta has long tied its economic fate to a functioning federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet even in a county where President Donald Trump’s cuts could hit the region’s economy hard, some are welcoming them. Nearly 60% of voters there supported the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The past two months have been a whirlwind for rural towns across California like Mount Shasta, population 3,200, where federal lands abound and outdoor recreation drives the local economy. Probationary federal workers were abruptly fired, then reinstated under court order, as further reductions in force loom. Local organizations scrambled when the federal government froze some grant funds for wildfire preparation, trail maintenance and other work, then some saw the money trickle in again but with no guarantee it’ll continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sierra Club and other nonprofits are suing the Trump administration to reverse Forest Service firings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business owners and officials in forest towns, overwhelmingly dependent on recreation and tourism, are anxious about whether there will be enough federal workers to keep trails open, campgrounds clean and visitors coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some forest towns, like Mammoth Lakes in the eastern Sierra Nevada, are trying to backfill some anticipated federal losses with their own dollars. But that would be a tough undertaking for many others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a poor, rural county,” said Siskiyou County Supervisor Ed Valenzuela, who represents Mount Shasta. “Federal funding, it’s not like that money is going to be replicated anywhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rural California relies on federal funding\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>He has cause for concern. The namesake mountain towers above the small town, drawing in thousands of visitors to climb and ski. In surrounding Siskiyou County, over 60% of the land is owned and managed by the U.S. Forest Service. As much as 6% of the county workforce is employed by the federal government, according to Census data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s second only to neighboring Lassen County. Both are among the most Trump-supporting counties in the state. In Siskiyou County, nearly 60% voted for the president in November.[aside postID=news_12026245 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/ap25023755326447-1020x681.jpeg']Estimates from state labor agencies show other small, forested counties in Northern California and the Sierra Nevada also have high shares of federal employment. By contrast, though federal agencies employ far more people at offices in urban counties, they’re only responsible for 1–2% of the workforces there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things are magnified in a small community,” said Tonya Dowse, executive director of the Siskiyou Economic Development Council, a nonprofit that receives several federal grants to help small businesses, farmers and towns including Mount Shasta. “Small reductions are felt to a greater extent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal land makes up the majority of many rural counties, which are already dealing with the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/03/rural-counties/\">likely loss of millions of federal dollars\u003c/a> that prop up their school systems and public works departments. Rural hospitals are \u003ca href=\"https://ccf.georgetown.edu/2025/01/15/medicaids-role-in-small-towns-and-rural-areas/\">generally more reliant\u003c/a> on the massive low-income health program Medicaid. Their populations are older and poorer, making the Social Security Administration and federally funded safety net programs critical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034416\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034416\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the rural Siskiyou County community of Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Federal officials have not been forthcoming about exactly how many workers have been fired and reinstated in recent weeks, and locals say they’re unsure themselves. The Forest Service in February cut at least 3,400 probationary employees nationwide. The Washington Post reported last week that the administration plans new cuts of \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2025/03/27/federal-worker-layoffs-government-agencies/\">between 8% to 50% across federal agencies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the Forest Service, who would not provide a name, would say only that probationary employees who were fired in February were placed in March under a “phased plan for return-to-duty.” Thomas Stokesberry, a spokesperson for the Shasta-Trinity National Forest, directed a separate request for a breakdown of staffing cuts to the regional Forest Service press office, which did not respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Mount Shasta, everyone seems to know someone who is affected. John Redmond, a bar owner who is also the mayor, said his regulars who work at the local Forest Service district office haven’t been spending as much since they were fired or heard of cuts. Timothy Keating, a longtime mountain guide, said he depends on a fully staffed Forest Service to approve his operating permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Down the street, an outdoor goods store manager named Michelle is also worried about economic fallout. She wouldn’t give her last name out of fear of drawing attention to her husband, a federal employee who she said was anxious about losing his job in the next round of reductions in force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of federal workers make up our middle class,” she said. “This can really hurt our local tax base and spending levels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump’s cuts will hit a divided county\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yet others welcome cuts, even if they’ll hit the local economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the town of Mount Shasta is liberal, its streets of Subarus, crystal shops and bed-and-breakfasts welcoming out-of-town mountaineers give way quickly to vast stretches of the county where ranchers and loggers have long clashed with environmentalists and chafed at state and federal regulations.[aside postID=news_12028454 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2177324845-1020x680.jpg']Longtime resentment over Forest Service management and the decline of the timber industry have split the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many in Mount Shasta cheered when then-President Joe Biden, in his last days in office in January, designated a new national monument on Forest Service lands outside the town, increasing federal protections there. Other Siskiyou County residents, including Supervisor W. Jess Harris, celebrated when Trump indicated last month he may revoke the designation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris acknowledges the county relies on the federal government for both services and jobs — but he said it doesn’t have to be that way. He hopes federal cuts will reduce grants to environmental nonprofits that he says have hampered private industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulations like those that restrict logging to protect the spotted owl, listed as a threatened species, have “effectively damaged all of our natural resource industries,” he said. “Our area’s just a prime example of what happens when you kill the industry and become reliant on the government jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Dorsey, chair of the local Republican Party, said he welcomes reducing federal spending and doesn’t believe the cuts will be drastic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the idea is to sit back and wait and see where the cuts are going to be made, and do we actually need those programs anymore?” he said. “We have too many -ologists all over the place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other local politicians are caught in the middle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Heather Hadwick, a Republican from Alturas, represents 11 rural counties across Northern California, including Siskiyou. She said she’s worried about the economic ripple effects of job losses in small towns, and about funding delays in local wildfire mitigation projects, when now is the season to make those preparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034417\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034417\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Heather Hadwick speaks before lawmakers during an Assembly floor session at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Feb. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s personal, too. Hadwick’s husband manages a local office of the U.S. Department of Agriculture and she’s seen firsthand how “his people are stressed.” But her district, which she said already holds deep distrust of the government, voted for cuts and spending reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s going to be uncomfortable for a while and it’s going to hurt, I know some of those programs that I care about deeply are going to be affected,” she said. “My district is very conservative, and I am very conservative … I’m going to trust in my president and trust what he’s doing is best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With both federal uncertainty and local polarization, some are hesitant to speak publicly against the cuts. The leader of one nonprofit in Siskiyou County detailed to CalMatters how the group had a Forest Service grant temporarily frozen, delaying the hiring of contractors. But after meeting with the rest of the organization the leader asked to withdraw their comments, stressing the need to remain “apolitical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Other forest towns are preparing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In bluer parts of California, some forest towns are trying to mount a small resistance. Council members in Truckee, near Lake Tahoe, last month \u003ca href=\"https://www.townoftruckee.gov/CivicAlerts.aspx?AID=116\">passed a resolution\u003c/a> denouncing possible federal cuts, citing the impact they would have on the region’s ability to prevent wildfires and accommodate tourists visiting the Tahoe National Forest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar resolutions have passed in a handful of local fire protection districts and in the eastern Sierra Nevada town of Mammoth Lakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The town, population 7,200, balloons to nearly quadruple its size on the weekends, from skiers in winter to backpackers, climbers and tourists in spring, summer and fall. It needs the visitors: Nearly three-quarters of Mammoth Lakes’ revenue comes from a bed tax on hotels and Airbnbs, Mayor Chris Bubser said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bubser said the city has already hired a new staff member to pick up trash and help maintain local campgrounds in case there aren’t enough Forest Service personnel to do so this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in March, the Mammoth Lakes Town Council agreed to provide $700,000 in bridge funding for a forest-thinning and wildfire resilience project run by a local nonprofit that spans 58,000 acres of mostly national forest land surrounding the town. The project relies on about $17 million in different federal grants, some of which is frozen, she said. But Bubser said she didn’t want the project to get delayed, risking having contractors leave town if they can’t be hired in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How, as a small-town government, are we supposed to plan and execute when the earth is moving beneath us?” she said. “We have to be prepared for any situation. We’re all alone out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/04/rural-california-federal-cuts/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Rural counties are some of the most reliant on federal funding and federal workers. But some still welcome Trump’s upcoming cuts to forestry and other departments.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Far from the halls of power in Washington, the forested hamlet of Mount Shasta has long tied its economic fate to a functioning federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet even in a county where President Donald Trump’s cuts could hit the region’s economy hard, some are welcoming them. Nearly 60% of voters there supported the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The past two months have been a whirlwind for rural towns across California like Mount Shasta, population 3,200, where federal lands abound and outdoor recreation drives the local economy. Probationary federal workers were abruptly fired, then reinstated under court order, as further reductions in force loom. Local organizations scrambled when the federal government froze some grant funds for wildfire preparation, trail maintenance and other work, then some saw the money trickle in again but with no guarantee it’ll continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sierra Club and other nonprofits are suing the Trump administration to reverse Forest Service firings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business owners and officials in forest towns, overwhelmingly dependent on recreation and tourism, are anxious about whether there will be enough federal workers to keep trails open, campgrounds clean and visitors coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some forest towns, like Mammoth Lakes in the eastern Sierra Nevada, are trying to backfill some anticipated federal losses with their own dollars. But that would be a tough undertaking for many others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a poor, rural county,” said Siskiyou County Supervisor Ed Valenzuela, who represents Mount Shasta. “Federal funding, it’s not like that money is going to be replicated anywhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rural California relies on federal funding\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>He has cause for concern. The namesake mountain towers above the small town, drawing in thousands of visitors to climb and ski. In surrounding Siskiyou County, over 60% of the land is owned and managed by the U.S. Forest Service. As much as 6% of the county workforce is employed by the federal government, according to Census data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s second only to neighboring Lassen County. Both are among the most Trump-supporting counties in the state. In Siskiyou County, nearly 60% voted for the president in November.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Estimates from state labor agencies show other small, forested counties in Northern California and the Sierra Nevada also have high shares of federal employment. By contrast, though federal agencies employ far more people at offices in urban counties, they’re only responsible for 1–2% of the workforces there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things are magnified in a small community,” said Tonya Dowse, executive director of the Siskiyou Economic Development Council, a nonprofit that receives several federal grants to help small businesses, farmers and towns including Mount Shasta. “Small reductions are felt to a greater extent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal land makes up the majority of many rural counties, which are already dealing with the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/03/rural-counties/\">likely loss of millions of federal dollars\u003c/a> that prop up their school systems and public works departments. Rural hospitals are \u003ca href=\"https://ccf.georgetown.edu/2025/01/15/medicaids-role-in-small-towns-and-rural-areas/\">generally more reliant\u003c/a> on the massive low-income health program Medicaid. Their populations are older and poorer, making the Social Security Administration and federally funded safety net programs critical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034416\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034416\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the rural Siskiyou County community of Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Federal officials have not been forthcoming about exactly how many workers have been fired and reinstated in recent weeks, and locals say they’re unsure themselves. The Forest Service in February cut at least 3,400 probationary employees nationwide. The Washington Post reported last week that the administration plans new cuts of \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2025/03/27/federal-worker-layoffs-government-agencies/\">between 8% to 50% across federal agencies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the Forest Service, who would not provide a name, would say only that probationary employees who were fired in February were placed in March under a “phased plan for return-to-duty.” Thomas Stokesberry, a spokesperson for the Shasta-Trinity National Forest, directed a separate request for a breakdown of staffing cuts to the regional Forest Service press office, which did not respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Mount Shasta, everyone seems to know someone who is affected. John Redmond, a bar owner who is also the mayor, said his regulars who work at the local Forest Service district office haven’t been spending as much since they were fired or heard of cuts. Timothy Keating, a longtime mountain guide, said he depends on a fully staffed Forest Service to approve his operating permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Down the street, an outdoor goods store manager named Michelle is also worried about economic fallout. She wouldn’t give her last name out of fear of drawing attention to her husband, a federal employee who she said was anxious about losing his job in the next round of reductions in force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of federal workers make up our middle class,” she said. “This can really hurt our local tax base and spending levels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump’s cuts will hit a divided county\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yet others welcome cuts, even if they’ll hit the local economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the town of Mount Shasta is liberal, its streets of Subarus, crystal shops and bed-and-breakfasts welcoming out-of-town mountaineers give way quickly to vast stretches of the county where ranchers and loggers have long clashed with environmentalists and chafed at state and federal regulations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Longtime resentment over Forest Service management and the decline of the timber industry have split the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many in Mount Shasta cheered when then-President Joe Biden, in his last days in office in January, designated a new national monument on Forest Service lands outside the town, increasing federal protections there. Other Siskiyou County residents, including Supervisor W. Jess Harris, celebrated when Trump indicated last month he may revoke the designation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris acknowledges the county relies on the federal government for both services and jobs — but he said it doesn’t have to be that way. He hopes federal cuts will reduce grants to environmental nonprofits that he says have hampered private industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulations like those that restrict logging to protect the spotted owl, listed as a threatened species, have “effectively damaged all of our natural resource industries,” he said. “Our area’s just a prime example of what happens when you kill the industry and become reliant on the government jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Dorsey, chair of the local Republican Party, said he welcomes reducing federal spending and doesn’t believe the cuts will be drastic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the idea is to sit back and wait and see where the cuts are going to be made, and do we actually need those programs anymore?” he said. “We have too many -ologists all over the place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other local politicians are caught in the middle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Heather Hadwick, a Republican from Alturas, represents 11 rural counties across Northern California, including Siskiyou. She said she’s worried about the economic ripple effects of job losses in small towns, and about funding delays in local wildfire mitigation projects, when now is the season to make those preparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034417\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034417\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/022025_Capitol-Session_FG_CM_28-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Heather Hadwick speaks before lawmakers during an Assembly floor session at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Feb. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s personal, too. Hadwick’s husband manages a local office of the U.S. Department of Agriculture and she’s seen firsthand how “his people are stressed.” But her district, which she said already holds deep distrust of the government, voted for cuts and spending reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s going to be uncomfortable for a while and it’s going to hurt, I know some of those programs that I care about deeply are going to be affected,” she said. “My district is very conservative, and I am very conservative … I’m going to trust in my president and trust what he’s doing is best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With both federal uncertainty and local polarization, some are hesitant to speak publicly against the cuts. The leader of one nonprofit in Siskiyou County detailed to CalMatters how the group had a Forest Service grant temporarily frozen, delaying the hiring of contractors. But after meeting with the rest of the organization the leader asked to withdraw their comments, stressing the need to remain “apolitical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Other forest towns are preparing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In bluer parts of California, some forest towns are trying to mount a small resistance. Council members in Truckee, near Lake Tahoe, last month \u003ca href=\"https://www.townoftruckee.gov/CivicAlerts.aspx?AID=116\">passed a resolution\u003c/a> denouncing possible federal cuts, citing the impact they would have on the region’s ability to prevent wildfires and accommodate tourists visiting the Tahoe National Forest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar resolutions have passed in a handful of local fire protection districts and in the eastern Sierra Nevada town of Mammoth Lakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The town, population 7,200, balloons to nearly quadruple its size on the weekends, from skiers in winter to backpackers, climbers and tourists in spring, summer and fall. It needs the visitors: Nearly three-quarters of Mammoth Lakes’ revenue comes from a bed tax on hotels and Airbnbs, Mayor Chris Bubser said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bubser said the city has already hired a new staff member to pick up trash and help maintain local campgrounds in case there aren’t enough Forest Service personnel to do so this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in March, the Mammoth Lakes Town Council agreed to provide $700,000 in bridge funding for a forest-thinning and wildfire resilience project run by a local nonprofit that spans 58,000 acres of mostly national forest land surrounding the town. The project relies on about $17 million in different federal grants, some of which is frozen, she said. But Bubser said she didn’t want the project to get delayed, risking having contractors leave town if they can’t be hired in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How, as a small-town government, are we supposed to plan and execute when the earth is moving beneath us?” she said. “We have to be prepared for any situation. We’re all alone out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/04/rural-california-federal-cuts/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "rural-california-schools-and-roads-lose-millions-in-federal-funding-after-latest-cuts",
"title": "Rural California Schools and Roads Lose Millions in Federal Funding After Latest Cuts",
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"headTitle": "Rural California Schools and Roads Lose Millions in Federal Funding After Latest Cuts | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a century, Congress has given extra money to counties with large tracts of federal land to help pay for schools, roads and other critical services. Now that financial lifeline appears to be dead after Congress didn’t include it in the budget passed this month — a victim of the Trump administration’s cost-cutting measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/senate-bill/356/text\">Secure Rural Schools Act\u003c/a> would have brought in at least $33 million to California counties that have land owned by the federal government, such as the U.S. Forest Service. The money is intended to compensate counties for tax revenue they can’t collect on federally-owned land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This loss (is) nothing short of catastrophic,” Liam Gogan, head of the Trinity County Board of Supervisors, wrote to Congress. “This is not just a funding shortfall; it is an existential crisis. Our schools will suffer irreversible damage, emergency response will be paralyzed, and our economy — already fragile — will be pushed past the point of recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California counties from Imperial to Del Norte use Secure Rural Schools funds for schools and roads, but some money also goes toward emergency services, wildfire safety and other needs. Last year the nationwide total was $253 million, barely a blip in the overall federal budget, but a crucial funding source for rural communities that have limited options for raising revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a nonpartisan issue — we thought it would be a slam-dunk,” said Patricia Gunderson, superintendent of schools for Lassen County. “But it wasn’t a priority for Congress. It’s budget dust, a pebble in the big picture, and it just wasn’t on their radar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101909180 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/03/GettyImages-2203640514-1-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the fall, Secure Rural Schools passed unanimously in the Senate but never received a hearing in the House and was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/01/rural-schools-2/\">not included in the temporary budget\u003c/a> passed in December. Advocates tried again in February, with a new bill they hoped would make it into the most recent budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill wasn’t included and isn’t likely to pass on its own, as Congress seeks to shrink federal spending amid President Donald Trump’s orders to reduce government bureaucracy. Rep. Doug LaMalfa, a Republican who co-sponsored the bill, is “pursuing every avenue” to get it passed, his staff said. Many of the counties in LaMalfa’s district voted for Trump, but school officials have said they view Secure Rural Schools as a nonpartisan issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates are also holding out hope, however slim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll keep pushing, but the time for Congress to do what’s right for rural schools was yesterday,” said Tara Thomas, government affairs manager for the School Superintendents Association, a nationwide professional advocacy group. “It’s such a miniscule program, but it’s a lifeline for districts that rely on this funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Layoffs and cutbacks\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Counties’ funding varies depending on how much U.S. Forest Service acreage they have. Siskiyou County, for example, got $4.3 million in 2023. Trinity got $3.5 million. Los Angeles County, home to the Angeles National Forest, got $1.4 million. Counties typically give half the money to schools and half to public works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many school districts, the loss of funding will mean staff layoffs, cuts to after-school programs, fewer field trips, delayed building repairs and other adjustments. On the public works side, road repairs will take longer and residents will have less assistance making their homes safe from wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Trinity County, the cuts mean that the county will have fewer crews to repair its 620 miles of roads — 120 of which are gravel. In the rugged, remote mountains west of Mt. Shasta, this will affect residents’ ability to get to work and school, and emergency crews’ ability to reach many parts of the 3,200-square-mile county, said Panos Kokkas, the county’s transportation director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033040\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1540px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033040\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/032425-Trinity-County-Rural-Road-CM-copy-e1742943734589.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1540\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/032425-Trinity-County-Rural-Road-CM-copy-e1742943734589.jpg 1540w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/032425-Trinity-County-Rural-Road-CM-copy-e1742943734589-800x554.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/032425-Trinity-County-Rural-Road-CM-copy-e1742943734589-1020x706.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/032425-Trinity-County-Rural-Road-CM-copy-e1742943734589-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/032425-Trinity-County-Rural-Road-CM-copy-e1742943734589-1536x1063.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1540px) 100vw, 1540px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rural road with debris blocking the road in Trinity County. \u003ccite>(County of Trinity Department of Transportation)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many of the roads are already in bad shape due to storms, mudslides, wildfires and erosion, he said. In the heavily forested region, it’s not uncommon for fallen trees to block roads or for whole sections of road to wash away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People potentially could get stranded, or fire and emergency crews won’t be able to get through,” Kokkas said. “It could be a very unsafe situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In counties that are already beset by poverty and high unemployment, the cuts may have a ripple effect, especially in light of the Trump administration’s other cuts, said Siskiyou County Supervisor Ed Valenzuela. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/13/travel/trump-cuts-national-parks-summer-travel.html\">Reductions at the U.S. Forest Service,\u003c/a> for example, will mean fewer seasonal employees patronizing local businesses and fewer people to maintain Forest Service amenities — a major tourist draw in the summer, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siskiyou and other rural counties have limited options for raising the money elsewhere. Rural school districts are rarely able to pass bonds because voters tend to be more fiscally conservative, retired or low-income. Bonds that do pass don’t raise much money because property values are lower overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like we have the money sitting there in another pot,” Valenzuela said. “When we talk about making cuts … there’s nowhere to cut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alpine County, where 96% of the land is owned by the state and federal government and there’s only 1,100 residents, Secure Rural Schools provides about 20% of the road repair budget and a significant portion of the school funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The longer you let the roads go, the worse they get,” said Nichole Williamson, county administrative officer. “Our roads already aren’t in the best condition. We always worry about losing Secure Rural Schools, but still, I was surprised it didn’t pass.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last Secure Rural Schools payments to counties will be in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/03/rural-counties/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a century, Congress has given extra money to counties with large tracts of federal land to help pay for schools, roads and other critical services. Now that financial lifeline appears to be dead after Congress didn’t include it in the budget passed this month — a victim of the Trump administration’s cost-cutting measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/senate-bill/356/text\">Secure Rural Schools Act\u003c/a> would have brought in at least $33 million to California counties that have land owned by the federal government, such as the U.S. Forest Service. The money is intended to compensate counties for tax revenue they can’t collect on federally-owned land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This loss (is) nothing short of catastrophic,” Liam Gogan, head of the Trinity County Board of Supervisors, wrote to Congress. “This is not just a funding shortfall; it is an existential crisis. Our schools will suffer irreversible damage, emergency response will be paralyzed, and our economy — already fragile — will be pushed past the point of recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California counties from Imperial to Del Norte use Secure Rural Schools funds for schools and roads, but some money also goes toward emergency services, wildfire safety and other needs. Last year the nationwide total was $253 million, barely a blip in the overall federal budget, but a crucial funding source for rural communities that have limited options for raising revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a nonpartisan issue — we thought it would be a slam-dunk,” said Patricia Gunderson, superintendent of schools for Lassen County. “But it wasn’t a priority for Congress. It’s budget dust, a pebble in the big picture, and it just wasn’t on their radar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the fall, Secure Rural Schools passed unanimously in the Senate but never received a hearing in the House and was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/01/rural-schools-2/\">not included in the temporary budget\u003c/a> passed in December. Advocates tried again in February, with a new bill they hoped would make it into the most recent budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill wasn’t included and isn’t likely to pass on its own, as Congress seeks to shrink federal spending amid President Donald Trump’s orders to reduce government bureaucracy. Rep. Doug LaMalfa, a Republican who co-sponsored the bill, is “pursuing every avenue” to get it passed, his staff said. Many of the counties in LaMalfa’s district voted for Trump, but school officials have said they view Secure Rural Schools as a nonpartisan issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates are also holding out hope, however slim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll keep pushing, but the time for Congress to do what’s right for rural schools was yesterday,” said Tara Thomas, government affairs manager for the School Superintendents Association, a nationwide professional advocacy group. “It’s such a miniscule program, but it’s a lifeline for districts that rely on this funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Layoffs and cutbacks\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Counties’ funding varies depending on how much U.S. Forest Service acreage they have. Siskiyou County, for example, got $4.3 million in 2023. Trinity got $3.5 million. Los Angeles County, home to the Angeles National Forest, got $1.4 million. Counties typically give half the money to schools and half to public works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many school districts, the loss of funding will mean staff layoffs, cuts to after-school programs, fewer field trips, delayed building repairs and other adjustments. On the public works side, road repairs will take longer and residents will have less assistance making their homes safe from wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Trinity County, the cuts mean that the county will have fewer crews to repair its 620 miles of roads — 120 of which are gravel. In the rugged, remote mountains west of Mt. Shasta, this will affect residents’ ability to get to work and school, and emergency crews’ ability to reach many parts of the 3,200-square-mile county, said Panos Kokkas, the county’s transportation director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033040\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1540px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033040\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/032425-Trinity-County-Rural-Road-CM-copy-e1742943734589.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1540\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/032425-Trinity-County-Rural-Road-CM-copy-e1742943734589.jpg 1540w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/032425-Trinity-County-Rural-Road-CM-copy-e1742943734589-800x554.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/032425-Trinity-County-Rural-Road-CM-copy-e1742943734589-1020x706.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/032425-Trinity-County-Rural-Road-CM-copy-e1742943734589-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/032425-Trinity-County-Rural-Road-CM-copy-e1742943734589-1536x1063.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1540px) 100vw, 1540px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rural road with debris blocking the road in Trinity County. \u003ccite>(County of Trinity Department of Transportation)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many of the roads are already in bad shape due to storms, mudslides, wildfires and erosion, he said. In the heavily forested region, it’s not uncommon for fallen trees to block roads or for whole sections of road to wash away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People potentially could get stranded, or fire and emergency crews won’t be able to get through,” Kokkas said. “It could be a very unsafe situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In counties that are already beset by poverty and high unemployment, the cuts may have a ripple effect, especially in light of the Trump administration’s other cuts, said Siskiyou County Supervisor Ed Valenzuela. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/13/travel/trump-cuts-national-parks-summer-travel.html\">Reductions at the U.S. Forest Service,\u003c/a> for example, will mean fewer seasonal employees patronizing local businesses and fewer people to maintain Forest Service amenities — a major tourist draw in the summer, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siskiyou and other rural counties have limited options for raising the money elsewhere. Rural school districts are rarely able to pass bonds because voters tend to be more fiscally conservative, retired or low-income. Bonds that do pass don’t raise much money because property values are lower overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like we have the money sitting there in another pot,” Valenzuela said. “When we talk about making cuts … there’s nowhere to cut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alpine County, where 96% of the land is owned by the state and federal government and there’s only 1,100 residents, Secure Rural Schools provides about 20% of the road repair budget and a significant portion of the school funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The longer you let the roads go, the worse they get,” said Nichole Williamson, county administrative officer. “Our roads already aren’t in the best condition. We always worry about losing Secure Rural Schools, but still, I was surprised it didn’t pass.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last Secure Rural Schools payments to counties will be in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/03/rural-counties/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nine rural California counties, most struggling with student achievement and teacher recruitment, are in teacher education deserts, according to a report released Tuesday from the UCLA Center for the Transformation of Schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpine, Del Norte, Imperial, Inyo, Lassen, Modoc, Mono, Sierra and Siskiyou counties do not have teacher preparation programs within 60 miles of their county offices of education, according to the report, “\u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://transformschools.ucla.edu/research/californias-teacher-education-deserts/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California’s Teacher Education Deserts: An Overlooked and Growing Equity Challenge.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that research suggests that teachers are more likely to complete their student teaching and also secure employment close to where they receive their teacher training,” said Kai Mathews, project director for the UCLA Center for the Transformation of Schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, six of the nine counties have a higher percentage of underprepared teachers than the state average of 4% to 5%, according to the study. Of the nine counties, Modoc and Lassen have the highest percentage of underprepared teachers at 14% and 17% respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Underprepared teachers work on intern credentials or emergency-style permits that don’t require them to complete teacher training, or on waivers that allow them to teach a subject outside their credential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the state requires that districts only hire underprepared teachers if fully qualified teachers are not available, high rates of underprepared teachers are an indicator that districts in that county are struggling to recruit and hire qualified teachers, said UCLA researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Rural teachers scarce\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There could be many reasons teachers are hard to find in rural areas, including fewer nearby institutions of higher education, which leads to a lower than average percentage of residents with bachelor’s degrees and therefore a smaller pool of potential teacher candidates, according to the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties that border other states and countries also have significantly higher teacher vacancy rates compared with nonborder districts, said Hui Huang, a researcher on the project. All nine of the California counties classified as teacher education deserts are bordered by either Oregon, Nevada, Arizona or Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rural school districts face significant challenges in recruiting and retaining teachers,” said Yuri Calderon, executive director of the Small School Districts’ Association. “In addition to the proximity to teacher educational programs, rural communities face challenges related to competition from higher urban compensation schedules, housing shortages and a lack of support resources commonly found in urban areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rural counties also lose talented young residents who go to urban and suburban areas for more opportunity, Huang said. In small districts, the loss of even one teacher can impact course availability for students, according to \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://learningpolicyinstitute.org/blog/teacher-shortages-take-center-stage\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Learning Policy Institute\u003c/a> research.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Teacher shortage affects students\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The geographic location of a school district plays a significant role in teacher recruitment and retention, and ultimately in the educational outcomes of the district’s students, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students in each of these counties, except Mono, fell below the state average on the English language arts portion of the California Assessment of Student Performance and Progress, also known as CAASPP, in the 2022–23 school year. All nine counties fell below the state average of students who meet standards on the math portion of the test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low-performing schools may struggle to attract teachers due to negative public perceptions, Huang said. Research also indicates that highly qualified educators are substantially more likely to leave low-performing schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Time for creative solutions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>School districts in Mono County have had to get creative to fill teacher positions, despite their prime location near Yosemite National Park and Mammoth Lakes, said Stacey Adler, Mono County superintendent of schools. One district with a dual-immersion program hired teachers from South America to fill open teaching positions, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high cost of housing and a growing disinterest in the profession among young people are the biggest hurdles to hiring new teachers in Mono County, Adler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have got to start them early because, quite frankly, there aren’t a lot of kids that say they want to be teachers these days,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adler taught child development at Mammoth High School for two years in an attempt to get students interested in teaching, she said. Now the school plans to use a portion of a recent grant to develop a K–12 education pathway at the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our rural students and our rural teacher workforce, as small as it is, is suffering,” said Annamarie Francois, associate dean of public engagement at UCLA and a member of the California Commission on Teacher Credentialing. “We have a responsibility and an obligation to our community to bring our creative solutions and innovations to bear on those parts of our state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One answer may be creating teacher credentialing programs at community colleges in these counties, according to the study. Although all nine teaching education deserts are not located near a university teacher preparation program, five are within 60 miles of a community college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early childhood education programs already in place at community colleges could be expanded to K–12 licensing programs, according to the report. The state could also work with county offices of education to develop residency programs so that teacher candidates could earn a credential without leaving the area to take classes or to student teach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple states, like Florida, Texas and Washington, already offer similar credentialing pathways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Expanding local college programs to include K–12 certification, particularly at community colleges, can be a positive solution to address the challenges faced by rural school districts,” Small School Districts’ Association Director Calderon said. “By growing teachers from within these communities, rural districts can improve recruitment and retention efforts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11928042,news_11923873,news_11918450\"]Although the study recommended that community college credentialing programs focus on residents who already hold bachelor’s degrees, Steve Bautista of the Center for Teacher Education at Santa Ana College suggested that the 39 bachelor’s degrees already being offered in community colleges be expanded to include degrees that could lead to teacher preparation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five of the nine TEP deserts will fall away if we were able to utilize, in some capacity, community colleges to license teachers,” UCLA’s Mathews said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCLA researchers also recommend that the state take a comprehensive approach to recruiting and retaining teachers in these counties, including financial support, mentorship programs and professional development targeted to rural teachers. County offices of education should also collaborate to develop a regional marketing campaign to recruit teachers, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State policy would have to change to put many of these programs in place, Francois said. Leaders from the state’s community colleges, universities and the California Commission on Teacher Credentialing could work together to produce a feasibility study on how to create a seamless bachelor’s degree and credential program at rural community colleges, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to take collaboration among folks that maybe haven’t collaborated together in bold thinking, and some courage to think about how we might do this differently in unique spaces,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/rural-counties-far-from-universities-struggle-to-recruit-teachers/710566\">\u003cem>This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nine rural California counties, most struggling with student achievement and teacher recruitment, are in teacher education deserts, according to a report released Tuesday from the UCLA Center for the Transformation of Schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpine, Del Norte, Imperial, Inyo, Lassen, Modoc, Mono, Sierra and Siskiyou counties do not have teacher preparation programs within 60 miles of their county offices of education, according to the report, “\u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://transformschools.ucla.edu/research/californias-teacher-education-deserts/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California’s Teacher Education Deserts: An Overlooked and Growing Equity Challenge.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that research suggests that teachers are more likely to complete their student teaching and also secure employment close to where they receive their teacher training,” said Kai Mathews, project director for the UCLA Center for the Transformation of Schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, six of the nine counties have a higher percentage of underprepared teachers than the state average of 4% to 5%, according to the study. Of the nine counties, Modoc and Lassen have the highest percentage of underprepared teachers at 14% and 17% respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Underprepared teachers work on intern credentials or emergency-style permits that don’t require them to complete teacher training, or on waivers that allow them to teach a subject outside their credential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the state requires that districts only hire underprepared teachers if fully qualified teachers are not available, high rates of underprepared teachers are an indicator that districts in that county are struggling to recruit and hire qualified teachers, said UCLA researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Rural teachers scarce\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There could be many reasons teachers are hard to find in rural areas, including fewer nearby institutions of higher education, which leads to a lower than average percentage of residents with bachelor’s degrees and therefore a smaller pool of potential teacher candidates, according to the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties that border other states and countries also have significantly higher teacher vacancy rates compared with nonborder districts, said Hui Huang, a researcher on the project. All nine of the California counties classified as teacher education deserts are bordered by either Oregon, Nevada, Arizona or Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rural school districts face significant challenges in recruiting and retaining teachers,” said Yuri Calderon, executive director of the Small School Districts’ Association. “In addition to the proximity to teacher educational programs, rural communities face challenges related to competition from higher urban compensation schedules, housing shortages and a lack of support resources commonly found in urban areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rural counties also lose talented young residents who go to urban and suburban areas for more opportunity, Huang said. In small districts, the loss of even one teacher can impact course availability for students, according to \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://learningpolicyinstitute.org/blog/teacher-shortages-take-center-stage\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Learning Policy Institute\u003c/a> research.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Teacher shortage affects students\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The geographic location of a school district plays a significant role in teacher recruitment and retention, and ultimately in the educational outcomes of the district’s students, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students in each of these counties, except Mono, fell below the state average on the English language arts portion of the California Assessment of Student Performance and Progress, also known as CAASPP, in the 2022–23 school year. All nine counties fell below the state average of students who meet standards on the math portion of the test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low-performing schools may struggle to attract teachers due to negative public perceptions, Huang said. Research also indicates that highly qualified educators are substantially more likely to leave low-performing schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Time for creative solutions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>School districts in Mono County have had to get creative to fill teacher positions, despite their prime location near Yosemite National Park and Mammoth Lakes, said Stacey Adler, Mono County superintendent of schools. One district with a dual-immersion program hired teachers from South America to fill open teaching positions, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high cost of housing and a growing disinterest in the profession among young people are the biggest hurdles to hiring new teachers in Mono County, Adler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have got to start them early because, quite frankly, there aren’t a lot of kids that say they want to be teachers these days,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adler taught child development at Mammoth High School for two years in an attempt to get students interested in teaching, she said. Now the school plans to use a portion of a recent grant to develop a K–12 education pathway at the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our rural students and our rural teacher workforce, as small as it is, is suffering,” said Annamarie Francois, associate dean of public engagement at UCLA and a member of the California Commission on Teacher Credentialing. “We have a responsibility and an obligation to our community to bring our creative solutions and innovations to bear on those parts of our state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One answer may be creating teacher credentialing programs at community colleges in these counties, according to the study. Although all nine teaching education deserts are not located near a university teacher preparation program, five are within 60 miles of a community college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early childhood education programs already in place at community colleges could be expanded to K–12 licensing programs, according to the report. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Although the study recommended that community college credentialing programs focus on residents who already hold bachelor’s degrees, Steve Bautista of the Center for Teacher Education at Santa Ana College suggested that the 39 bachelor’s degrees already being offered in community colleges be expanded to include degrees that could lead to teacher preparation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five of the nine TEP deserts will fall away if we were able to utilize, in some capacity, community colleges to license teachers,” UCLA’s Mathews said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCLA researchers also recommend that the state take a comprehensive approach to recruiting and retaining teachers in these counties, including financial support, mentorship programs and professional development targeted to rural teachers. County offices of education should also collaborate to develop a regional marketing campaign to recruit teachers, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State policy would have to change to put many of these programs in place, Francois said. Leaders from the state’s community colleges, universities and the California Commission on Teacher Credentialing could work together to produce a feasibility study on how to create a seamless bachelor’s degree and credential program at rural community colleges, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to take collaboration among folks that maybe haven’t collaborated together in bold thinking, and some courage to think about how we might do this differently in unique spaces,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/rural-counties-far-from-universities-struggle-to-recruit-teachers/710566\">\u003cem>This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The town of Bishop lies at the intersection of two highways, Route 395 and Route 6, that in their own ways serve as a reminder of how isolated this community is. Route 395 runs north to south, mirroring the mountainous skyline that separates the town from the rest of the state. Route 6 begins here in Bishop; a sign on the outskirts of town reads “Provincetown, Massachusetts: 3,198 miles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is where Megan (whose real name KQED is withholding to protect her medical privacy) has made her home for the last decade, after moving from the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s such an exhilarating experience to drive over the mountains and discover what’s on the other side,” she said. In addition to the town’s rugged beauty, she also fell in love with the “effortlessness of community.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11926949,news_11927686,news_11896908\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The town of Bishop has a population of under 4,000, but with a number of outlying neighborhoods (officially “census-designated places”), the community is home to around 10,000 people, more than half the population of Inyo County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Megan learned she was unexpectedly pregnant. She knew that if she had to continue her pregnancy, she could. But, she thought, she didn’t have to: She was in California. So, completely confident in her decision to focus on her small business now and revisit having children in a few years, she called her local women’s clinic to schedule an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To her surprise, the staff told her they didn’t do abortions. She called several other clinics but they all had the same answer. “And that’s how I found out that you can’t even get an abortion in Bishop or in the entire Eastern Sierra,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rights vs. access\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before she needed an abortion herself, Megan had assumed that the procedure was available all across the state. Reproductive rights are openly supported by Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has promised to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101889792/california-aims-to-be-an-abortion-sanctuary-post-roe-is-it-prepared\">make the state a sanctuary\u003c/a> for abortion seekers from all over the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ever since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, California legislators have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926949/newsom-signs-slate-of-abortion-protection-bills\">passing bills aimed at providing abortion access\u003c/a> for out-of-state patients. And last month, Californians overwhelmingly voted to enshrine \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_1,_Right_to_Reproductive_Freedom_Amendment_(2022)\">the right to an abortion\u003c/a> in the state’s constitution. But Megan’s experience exemplifies how, in many rural communities, having the right to an abortion doesn’t necessarily mean having access to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934858\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/More-than-half-of-Inyo-County-residents-live-in-the-Bishop-area.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11934858\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/More-than-half-of-Inyo-County-residents-live-in-the-Bishop-area-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"a wide landscape with dry grass and plants a mountain range in the background, and highway signs pointing to Reno and Bishop, California\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/More-than-half-of-Inyo-County-residents-live-in-the-Bishop-area-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/More-than-half-of-Inyo-County-residents-live-in-the-Bishop-area-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/More-than-half-of-Inyo-County-residents-live-in-the-Bishop-area-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/More-than-half-of-Inyo-County-residents-live-in-the-Bishop-area.jpg 1500w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than half of Inyo County residents live in the Bishop area. \u003ccite>(Lauren DeLaunay Miller)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dr. Marty Kim, a local OB/GYN, says Bishop health clinics don’t offer elective abortion services — as opposed to, for example, abortion procedures when a patient’s life is in danger, or during a complicated miscarriage — because of what she calls “rural American politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inyo County is fairly conservative; in the November election, nearly 55% of voters here voted for Republican Brian Dahle for the governor’s seat. Recently, city council and school board members have faced criticism from residents and \u003ca href=\"https://www.inyoregister.com/news/bishop-city-council-member-takes-issue-with-pride-month-critics/article_275e74e8-e283-11ec-b8b2-c317bb0e80bd.html\">church leaders around discussions of LGBTQ+ pride events\u003c/a> and guidelines surrounding COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim believes that those reactions are part of a larger trend, one that indicates the town would respond harshly toward abortion providers. She isn’t ready to put the target on her own back by offering elective abortion procedures, despite her ardent personal support of abortion rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I think is very different and so important about being a doctor in a small town is that you get to be a town leader, whether you want to be one or not,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim said this conservatism is felt in the clinic where she works, too, and has contributed to her clinic’s decision not to offer abortion services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rural Health Women’s Clinic is part of the Northern Inyo Healthcare District, home to the largest hospital in both Inyo County and neighboring Mono County. If the clinic started offering elective abortions, Kim said, “You’ll have nurses who will refuse to participate in it or won’t do it.” And, she added, “we don’t have extra nurses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents-.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11934857\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents--800x600.jpg\" alt=\"the exterior of a white building with a sign that reads 'rural health women's clinic'\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents--800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents--1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents--160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents--1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents--1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents-.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Despite its modest appearance, the Rural Health Women’s Clinic is critically important to Bishop residents. \u003ccite>(Lauren DeLaunay Miller)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kim isn’t the only provider in town who is frustrated by the lack of abortion services. Dayna Stimson is a nurse practitioner at Bishop Community Health Center, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cms.gov/Outreach-and-Education/Medicare-Learning-Network-MLN/MLNProducts/Downloads/fqhcfactsheet.pdf\">federally qualified health center (PDF)\u003c/a> that receives funding to help underserved populations. This federal funding is what’s keeping Stimson from being able to perform abortions, not the potential for community objections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If funding were not an issue, I’d be willing to at least try and see what the backlash would be like,” Stimson said. “It’s health care and we’re not going to know what the community response is going to be until somebody decides to step up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://files.medi-cal.ca.gov/pubsdoco/publications/masters-mtp/part2/abort.pdf\">The Hyde Amendment (PDF)\u003c/a> prohibits federal funding from supporting elective abortion services, which means that for clinics like Stimson’s to provide abortions, they need to create a separate billing structure. They’re in the process of assessing the feasibility of doing so, but it’s a big lift for such a small clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Logistics, planning and expenses\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No matter the reason, the fact that the closest abortion clinic to Bishop is over 200 miles away makes access difficult for people like Megan. First, she tried a clinic in Reno but, faced with a four-week wait, she drove further, to Pomona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just a matter of having a long drive, getting a really miserable motel experience, and waking up at 5:30 a.m. to get it done, and then driving back that day,” said Megan. “So it can be done. It’s just a lot more logistics, planning and expenses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Megan said she’s grateful that she had the resources to finally access her abortion, but she knows that not everyone does. One obstacle for Inyo County residents like Megan is the lack of available information. The state of California has recently created a \u003ca href=\"http://abortion.ca.gov\">website for abortion information\u003c/a>, but its abortion-finder tool uses as-the-crow-flies directions, which aren’t necessarily helpful for residents of a valley surrounded by mountains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934860\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/In-the-winter-Bishop-becomes-even-more-isolated-when-the-mountain-passes-that-connect-it-to-the-rest-of-the-state-close..jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11934860\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/In-the-winter-Bishop-becomes-even-more-isolated-when-the-mountain-passes-that-connect-it-to-the-rest-of-the-state-close.-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"a landscape photo of snow on mountains in front of dry terrain\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/In-the-winter-Bishop-becomes-even-more-isolated-when-the-mountain-passes-that-connect-it-to-the-rest-of-the-state-close.-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/In-the-winter-Bishop-becomes-even-more-isolated-when-the-mountain-passes-that-connect-it-to-the-rest-of-the-state-close.-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/In-the-winter-Bishop-becomes-even-more-isolated-when-the-mountain-passes-that-connect-it-to-the-rest-of-the-state-close.-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/In-the-winter-Bishop-becomes-even-more-isolated-when-the-mountain-passes-that-connect-it-to-the-rest-of-the-state-close..jpg 1500w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In the winter, Bishop becomes even more isolated, when the mountain passes that connect it to the rest of the state close. \u003ccite>(Lauren DeLaunay Miller)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For example, for Bishop’s ZIP code, the tool shows that the closest clinic is in Fresno, which it says is 89 miles away. But Fresno is on the other side of the Sierra Nevada, and to access it by car (there is no public transportation there), it’s a 250-mile drive in the summer or a 350-mile drive in the winter, when the pass through Yosemite National Park closes for snow. In fact, the closest clinics are in Reno, Bakersfield and Lancaster, but appointment availability sometimes means patients like Megan must travel even further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Megan, the financial burden was manageable, despite spending a few hundred dollars on a motel room near the clinic and gas for the 500-mile round-trip journey. And while she didn’t look for financial assistance to cover those costs, resources are available for Californians in need: \u003ca href=\"https://accessrj.org/\">Access Reproductive Justice\u003c/a>, for example, is an Oakland-based organization that provides information and funding to people who need help accessing abortion care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thankfully, one cost Megan didn’t need to incur was for the procedure itself. She has Medi-Cal, the state’s Medicaid program, which covers all abortion services performed by a physician regardless of medical necessity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the anxiety she experienced walking through a wall of protestors to access the Pomona clinic, and the pain of the procedure itself, once her abortion was over, Megan said she felt immediate relief. “I felt back to myself,” she said. This is why Megan wants to make sure progress is made in continuing to remove barriers to abortion access. “Your work is not done, California,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In communities like Bishop, in the Eastern Sierras, a person might have to travel 500 miles — and spend a significant amount of time and money — to visit a clinic that provides abortion care.",
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"title": "For Rural Californians, Abortion Is Legal. But It's Not Always Accessible | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The town of Bishop lies at the intersection of two highways, Route 395 and Route 6, that in their own ways serve as a reminder of how isolated this community is. Route 395 runs north to south, mirroring the mountainous skyline that separates the town from the rest of the state. Route 6 begins here in Bishop; a sign on the outskirts of town reads “Provincetown, Massachusetts: 3,198 miles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is where Megan (whose real name KQED is withholding to protect her medical privacy) has made her home for the last decade, after moving from the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s such an exhilarating experience to drive over the mountains and discover what’s on the other side,” she said. In addition to the town’s rugged beauty, she also fell in love with the “effortlessness of community.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The town of Bishop has a population of under 4,000, but with a number of outlying neighborhoods (officially “census-designated places”), the community is home to around 10,000 people, more than half the population of Inyo County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Megan learned she was unexpectedly pregnant. She knew that if she had to continue her pregnancy, she could. But, she thought, she didn’t have to: She was in California. So, completely confident in her decision to focus on her small business now and revisit having children in a few years, she called her local women’s clinic to schedule an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To her surprise, the staff told her they didn’t do abortions. She called several other clinics but they all had the same answer. “And that’s how I found out that you can’t even get an abortion in Bishop or in the entire Eastern Sierra,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rights vs. access\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before she needed an abortion herself, Megan had assumed that the procedure was available all across the state. Reproductive rights are openly supported by Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has promised to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101889792/california-aims-to-be-an-abortion-sanctuary-post-roe-is-it-prepared\">make the state a sanctuary\u003c/a> for abortion seekers from all over the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ever since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, California legislators have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926949/newsom-signs-slate-of-abortion-protection-bills\">passing bills aimed at providing abortion access\u003c/a> for out-of-state patients. And last month, Californians overwhelmingly voted to enshrine \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_1,_Right_to_Reproductive_Freedom_Amendment_(2022)\">the right to an abortion\u003c/a> in the state’s constitution. But Megan’s experience exemplifies how, in many rural communities, having the right to an abortion doesn’t necessarily mean having access to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934858\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/More-than-half-of-Inyo-County-residents-live-in-the-Bishop-area.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11934858\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/More-than-half-of-Inyo-County-residents-live-in-the-Bishop-area-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"a wide landscape with dry grass and plants a mountain range in the background, and highway signs pointing to Reno and Bishop, California\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/More-than-half-of-Inyo-County-residents-live-in-the-Bishop-area-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/More-than-half-of-Inyo-County-residents-live-in-the-Bishop-area-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/More-than-half-of-Inyo-County-residents-live-in-the-Bishop-area-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/More-than-half-of-Inyo-County-residents-live-in-the-Bishop-area.jpg 1500w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than half of Inyo County residents live in the Bishop area. \u003ccite>(Lauren DeLaunay Miller)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dr. Marty Kim, a local OB/GYN, says Bishop health clinics don’t offer elective abortion services — as opposed to, for example, abortion procedures when a patient’s life is in danger, or during a complicated miscarriage — because of what she calls “rural American politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inyo County is fairly conservative; in the November election, nearly 55% of voters here voted for Republican Brian Dahle for the governor’s seat. Recently, city council and school board members have faced criticism from residents and \u003ca href=\"https://www.inyoregister.com/news/bishop-city-council-member-takes-issue-with-pride-month-critics/article_275e74e8-e283-11ec-b8b2-c317bb0e80bd.html\">church leaders around discussions of LGBTQ+ pride events\u003c/a> and guidelines surrounding COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim believes that those reactions are part of a larger trend, one that indicates the town would respond harshly toward abortion providers. She isn’t ready to put the target on her own back by offering elective abortion procedures, despite her ardent personal support of abortion rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I think is very different and so important about being a doctor in a small town is that you get to be a town leader, whether you want to be one or not,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim said this conservatism is felt in the clinic where she works, too, and has contributed to her clinic’s decision not to offer abortion services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rural Health Women’s Clinic is part of the Northern Inyo Healthcare District, home to the largest hospital in both Inyo County and neighboring Mono County. If the clinic started offering elective abortions, Kim said, “You’ll have nurses who will refuse to participate in it or won’t do it.” And, she added, “we don’t have extra nurses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents-.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11934857\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents--800x600.jpg\" alt=\"the exterior of a white building with a sign that reads 'rural health women's clinic'\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents--800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents--1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents--160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents--1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents--1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Despite-its-modest-appearance-the-Rural-Health-Womens-Clinic-is-critically-important-to-Bishop-residents-.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Despite its modest appearance, the Rural Health Women’s Clinic is critically important to Bishop residents. \u003ccite>(Lauren DeLaunay Miller)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kim isn’t the only provider in town who is frustrated by the lack of abortion services. Dayna Stimson is a nurse practitioner at Bishop Community Health Center, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cms.gov/Outreach-and-Education/Medicare-Learning-Network-MLN/MLNProducts/Downloads/fqhcfactsheet.pdf\">federally qualified health center (PDF)\u003c/a> that receives funding to help underserved populations. This federal funding is what’s keeping Stimson from being able to perform abortions, not the potential for community objections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If funding were not an issue, I’d be willing to at least try and see what the backlash would be like,” Stimson said. “It’s health care and we’re not going to know what the community response is going to be until somebody decides to step up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://files.medi-cal.ca.gov/pubsdoco/publications/masters-mtp/part2/abort.pdf\">The Hyde Amendment (PDF)\u003c/a> prohibits federal funding from supporting elective abortion services, which means that for clinics like Stimson’s to provide abortions, they need to create a separate billing structure. They’re in the process of assessing the feasibility of doing so, but it’s a big lift for such a small clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Logistics, planning and expenses\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No matter the reason, the fact that the closest abortion clinic to Bishop is over 200 miles away makes access difficult for people like Megan. First, she tried a clinic in Reno but, faced with a four-week wait, she drove further, to Pomona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just a matter of having a long drive, getting a really miserable motel experience, and waking up at 5:30 a.m. to get it done, and then driving back that day,” said Megan. “So it can be done. It’s just a lot more logistics, planning and expenses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Megan said she’s grateful that she had the resources to finally access her abortion, but she knows that not everyone does. One obstacle for Inyo County residents like Megan is the lack of available information. The state of California has recently created a \u003ca href=\"http://abortion.ca.gov\">website for abortion information\u003c/a>, but its abortion-finder tool uses as-the-crow-flies directions, which aren’t necessarily helpful for residents of a valley surrounded by mountains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934860\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/In-the-winter-Bishop-becomes-even-more-isolated-when-the-mountain-passes-that-connect-it-to-the-rest-of-the-state-close..jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11934860\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/In-the-winter-Bishop-becomes-even-more-isolated-when-the-mountain-passes-that-connect-it-to-the-rest-of-the-state-close.-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"a landscape photo of snow on mountains in front of dry terrain\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/In-the-winter-Bishop-becomes-even-more-isolated-when-the-mountain-passes-that-connect-it-to-the-rest-of-the-state-close.-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/In-the-winter-Bishop-becomes-even-more-isolated-when-the-mountain-passes-that-connect-it-to-the-rest-of-the-state-close.-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/In-the-winter-Bishop-becomes-even-more-isolated-when-the-mountain-passes-that-connect-it-to-the-rest-of-the-state-close.-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/In-the-winter-Bishop-becomes-even-more-isolated-when-the-mountain-passes-that-connect-it-to-the-rest-of-the-state-close..jpg 1500w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In the winter, Bishop becomes even more isolated, when the mountain passes that connect it to the rest of the state close. \u003ccite>(Lauren DeLaunay Miller)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For example, for Bishop’s ZIP code, the tool shows that the closest clinic is in Fresno, which it says is 89 miles away. But Fresno is on the other side of the Sierra Nevada, and to access it by car (there is no public transportation there), it’s a 250-mile drive in the summer or a 350-mile drive in the winter, when the pass through Yosemite National Park closes for snow. In fact, the closest clinics are in Reno, Bakersfield and Lancaster, but appointment availability sometimes means patients like Megan must travel even further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Megan, the financial burden was manageable, despite spending a few hundred dollars on a motel room near the clinic and gas for the 500-mile round-trip journey. And while she didn’t look for financial assistance to cover those costs, resources are available for Californians in need: \u003ca href=\"https://accessrj.org/\">Access Reproductive Justice\u003c/a>, for example, is an Oakland-based organization that provides information and funding to people who need help accessing abortion care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thankfully, one cost Megan didn’t need to incur was for the procedure itself. She has Medi-Cal, the state’s Medicaid program, which covers all abortion services performed by a physician regardless of medical necessity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the anxiety she experienced walking through a wall of protestors to access the Pomona clinic, and the pain of the procedure itself, once her abortion was over, Megan said she felt immediate relief. “I felt back to myself,” she said. This is why Megan wants to make sure progress is made in continuing to remove barriers to abortion access. “Your work is not done, California,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Shasta County in rural Northern California has one of the state’s highest incarceration rates. Ask Robert Bowman what’s going on, and he takes a long, deep sigh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a perfect storm of bad,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman, director of the county’s program that helps formerly incarcerated people transition back to life outside, identifies three main drivers of crime in Shasta County: high housing costs, untreated mental illness and drug trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are some of the same factors blamed for crime in other California counties that rank among the highest for incarcerated people, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/report.html\">a report released this morning\u003c/a> by the Prison Policy Initiative, a nonprofit that seeks to end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report takes newly available data from California prisons to show where incarcerated people come from — not just their home counties, but their neighborhoods. The group’s stated intent is to show lawmakers where they can better direct public dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhoods where incarcerated people come from often have a higher percentage of Black and Latino residents than the state average, according to the report, while the counties that host the prisons are predominantly white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect has been “the siphoning of political power from disproportionately Black and Latino communities to pad out the mostly rural and often predominantly white regions where prisons are located,” the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the most populous counties send the most people to state prison. Los Angeles County had the most people incarcerated, followed by Riverside and San Diego counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some counties, though they have fewer total people in state prisons, the rate of incarceration is much higher than the statewide average of 310 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tiny Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley has the state’s highest incarceration rate at 666 per 100,000, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County ranked second among counties that send people to prison, with 663 county residents incarcerated per 100,000 people. The county of fewer than 200,000 is framed by mountains to its north, west and east. People move there for cheap land and open spaces, or burrow further into its hills to escape creeping modernity, Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then we have those who have moved up here for political reasons and I’ll just leave it at that,” Bowman said with a laugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one Shasta County census tract that encompasses most of the city of Redding, more than one in every 100 people is in a state prison.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Robert Bowman, director, STEP-UP\"]‘If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done.’[/pullquote] Disparities also persist in cities like Los Angeles, where the neighborhoods of Watts and Crenshaw have \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/la_neighborhood.html\">more than five times\u003c/a> the incarceration rate of Bel-Air and Brentwood, according to the study’s calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s fewer Beverly Hills in our community,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many of the same issues that crop up in Los Angeles and San Francisco are true in far Northern California: homelessness, untreated mental illness and a resistance among locals to new construction or lower-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman points to a proposed micro-shelter at a Lutheran church in Redding that would serve as transitional housing for up to five people. Neighbors hung a sign on a chain link fence: “Tiny Houses = Big Problems.” The shelter is \u003ca href=\"https://www.redding.com/story/news/2022/05/20/homeless-housing-units-could-open-fall-after-getting-reddings-ok/9843183002/\">expected to open this fall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative report is based on numbers provided by the state of California, which, for the first time in its 2020 census, counted incarcerated people in their home districts instead of the cities and counties where they’re incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was to end what opponents called “prison gerrymandering,” which counted incarcerated people as residents of their prison’s county. California ended that practice in 2011 with \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/11-12/bill/asm/ab_0401-0450/ab_420_bill_20110822_amended_sen_v93.pdf\">AB 420\u003c/a>, signed by former Gov. Jerry Brown, but the law did not take effect until 2020. Ten other states have taken similar steps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s redistricting maps were the first to count incarcerated people in their home districts. The process toward final approval by a state independent commission was\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/12/california-redistricting-final-maps/\"> fraught and messy\u003c/a>, but has so far survived without a legal challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is really that policymakers and service providers will use this data to kind of direct some of their thinking on how they make choices about the people that they serve,” said Prison Policy Initiative spokesperson Mike Wessler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For lawmakers, we hope that they’ll take a look at how many people in their own communities are lost to incarceration every single day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative study was taken from a snapshot of the 122,000 people in state prisons on April 1, 2020. It doesn’t count people in federal prison or immigration detention, nor does it count those who were identified in court proceedings as unhoused. [pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Mike Wessler, spokesperson, Prison Policy Initiative\"]‘A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.’[/pullquote]Among cities with at least 20,000 people, Compton in Los Angeles County had the highest rate of incarceration, with 979 people incarcerated per 100,000 residents. It also has a higher Black and Latino population than the state average, which the report’s authors say mirrors a national trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This suggests that policing, arrests and incarceration are disproportionately concentrated in a handful of Black communities across the county, such as Compton with its large Black population,” wrote the report’s authors, Emily Widra and Felicia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/14000US06029001500-census-tract-15-kern-ca/\">One census tract\u003c/a> in Kern County stands out. Just east of downtown Bakersfield, the 1-square-mile tract had 2,944 residents and 74 people in state prisons, or more than two out of every 100 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kern County also leads the state in homicide rate, a statistic the county’s residents and law enforcement struggle to explain. For the sixth consecutive year, the county led the state with a homicide rate of 13.7 homicides per 100,000 people. The statewide average is six homicides per 100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the smaller rural counties often are overlooked but actually have some of the highest incarceration rates in the entire state,” Wessler said. “A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t have to remind Bowman, of the Shasta County STEP-UP program for those recently released from incarceration. First, in 2018, the Carr Fire \u003ca href=\"https://opr.ca.gov/docs/20220817-Shasta_County_Case_Study.pdf\">displaced thousands of people\u003c/a> in an area that was already struggling to control housing costs. Then, during the pandemic, wealthier residents of the Bay Area and Sacramento Valley started moving north, pushing up rents and home values. People already on the economic fringe were pushed to its edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because now, landlords could charge whatever they want and there’s no reason for them to open up their homes” to affordable housing programs, Bowman said. “They can get someone who is displaced while their home’s being rebuilt (and) they can get a higher rent from that individual or family. So that’s a huge issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is, however, ultimately optimistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there are a lot of good people that are trying to do the very best they can,” Bowman said. “It just takes time for the numbers to come down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/08/california-incarceration-rates-rural/\">This story was originally published in CalMatters.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Shasta County in rural Northern California has one of the state’s highest incarceration rates. Ask Robert Bowman what’s going on, and he takes a long, deep sigh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a perfect storm of bad,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman, director of the county’s program that helps formerly incarcerated people transition back to life outside, identifies three main drivers of crime in Shasta County: high housing costs, untreated mental illness and drug trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are some of the same factors blamed for crime in other California counties that rank among the highest for incarcerated people, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/report.html\">a report released this morning\u003c/a> by the Prison Policy Initiative, a nonprofit that seeks to end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report takes newly available data from California prisons to show where incarcerated people come from — not just their home counties, but their neighborhoods. The group’s stated intent is to show lawmakers where they can better direct public dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhoods where incarcerated people come from often have a higher percentage of Black and Latino residents than the state average, according to the report, while the counties that host the prisons are predominantly white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect has been “the siphoning of political power from disproportionately Black and Latino communities to pad out the mostly rural and often predominantly white regions where prisons are located,” the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the most populous counties send the most people to state prison. Los Angeles County had the most people incarcerated, followed by Riverside and San Diego counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some counties, though they have fewer total people in state prisons, the rate of incarceration is much higher than the statewide average of 310 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tiny Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley has the state’s highest incarceration rate at 666 per 100,000, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County ranked second among counties that send people to prison, with 663 county residents incarcerated per 100,000 people. The county of fewer than 200,000 is framed by mountains to its north, west and east. People move there for cheap land and open spaces, or burrow further into its hills to escape creeping modernity, Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then we have those who have moved up here for political reasons and I’ll just leave it at that,” Bowman said with a laugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one Shasta County census tract that encompasses most of the city of Redding, more than one in every 100 people is in a state prison.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Disparities also persist in cities like Los Angeles, where the neighborhoods of Watts and Crenshaw have \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/la_neighborhood.html\">more than five times\u003c/a> the incarceration rate of Bel-Air and Brentwood, according to the study’s calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s fewer Beverly Hills in our community,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many of the same issues that crop up in Los Angeles and San Francisco are true in far Northern California: homelessness, untreated mental illness and a resistance among locals to new construction or lower-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman points to a proposed micro-shelter at a Lutheran church in Redding that would serve as transitional housing for up to five people. Neighbors hung a sign on a chain link fence: “Tiny Houses = Big Problems.” The shelter is \u003ca href=\"https://www.redding.com/story/news/2022/05/20/homeless-housing-units-could-open-fall-after-getting-reddings-ok/9843183002/\">expected to open this fall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative report is based on numbers provided by the state of California, which, for the first time in its 2020 census, counted incarcerated people in their home districts instead of the cities and counties where they’re incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was to end what opponents called “prison gerrymandering,” which counted incarcerated people as residents of their prison’s county. California ended that practice in 2011 with \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/11-12/bill/asm/ab_0401-0450/ab_420_bill_20110822_amended_sen_v93.pdf\">AB 420\u003c/a>, signed by former Gov. Jerry Brown, but the law did not take effect until 2020. Ten other states have taken similar steps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s redistricting maps were the first to count incarcerated people in their home districts. The process toward final approval by a state independent commission was\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/12/california-redistricting-final-maps/\"> fraught and messy\u003c/a>, but has so far survived without a legal challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is really that policymakers and service providers will use this data to kind of direct some of their thinking on how they make choices about the people that they serve,” said Prison Policy Initiative spokesperson Mike Wessler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For lawmakers, we hope that they’ll take a look at how many people in their own communities are lost to incarceration every single day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative study was taken from a snapshot of the 122,000 people in state prisons on April 1, 2020. It doesn’t count people in federal prison or immigration detention, nor does it count those who were identified in court proceedings as unhoused. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Among cities with at least 20,000 people, Compton in Los Angeles County had the highest rate of incarceration, with 979 people incarcerated per 100,000 residents. It also has a higher Black and Latino population than the state average, which the report’s authors say mirrors a national trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This suggests that policing, arrests and incarceration are disproportionately concentrated in a handful of Black communities across the county, such as Compton with its large Black population,” wrote the report’s authors, Emily Widra and Felicia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/14000US06029001500-census-tract-15-kern-ca/\">One census tract\u003c/a> in Kern County stands out. Just east of downtown Bakersfield, the 1-square-mile tract had 2,944 residents and 74 people in state prisons, or more than two out of every 100 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kern County also leads the state in homicide rate, a statistic the county’s residents and law enforcement struggle to explain. For the sixth consecutive year, the county led the state with a homicide rate of 13.7 homicides per 100,000 people. The statewide average is six homicides per 100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the smaller rural counties often are overlooked but actually have some of the highest incarceration rates in the entire state,” Wessler said. “A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t have to remind Bowman, of the Shasta County STEP-UP program for those recently released from incarceration. First, in 2018, the Carr Fire \u003ca href=\"https://opr.ca.gov/docs/20220817-Shasta_County_Case_Study.pdf\">displaced thousands of people\u003c/a> in an area that was already struggling to control housing costs. Then, during the pandemic, wealthier residents of the Bay Area and Sacramento Valley started moving north, pushing up rents and home values. People already on the economic fringe were pushed to its edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because now, landlords could charge whatever they want and there’s no reason for them to open up their homes” to affordable housing programs, Bowman said. “They can get someone who is displaced while their home’s being rebuilt (and) they can get a higher rent from that individual or family. So that’s a huge issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is, however, ultimately optimistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there are a lot of good people that are trying to do the very best they can,” Bowman said. “It just takes time for the numbers to come down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Cheryl Kolb was growing up in Quincy, a picturesque Gold Rush town in the northern Sierra, kids would while away their days exploring the forests, swimming in the Feather River and getting milkshakes at the Polka Dot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, those trails and swimming holes are a lot quieter. Quincy High School, the largest high school in Plumas County, had only 301 students last year in grades 7-12 — fewer than half its enrollment when Kolb was a student there in the 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been pretty hard to see all these families leave, because I love it here,” said Kolb, who’s lived in Quincy most of her life and has raised her three children there. “I’d prefer to stay here forever, but I guess if there was another disaster, another big fire, I’d have to consider leaving, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' citation='Linda Irving, superintendent, Sebastopol Union School District']‘It’s a depressing situation. The smaller you get, the fewer options you have, so it’s exponential.’[/pullquote]Even as the overall population in California’s rural north has remained steady or even grown over the past two decades, the number of children enrolled in public schools such as those in Quincy has shrunk. From the Pacific Coast to the inland mountains and valleys, dozens of schools have seen steep drops in enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with voracious wildfires that strike almost annually, unsteady local economies and an ever-escalating cost of living, families are fleeing to other counties and other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter schools have siphoned away thousands of students, and as the pandemic wears on, more families are opting to homeschool their children rather than submit them to mask and vaccine mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s left schools in towns like Quincy and Dunsmuir and Alturas with empty classrooms and difficult choices. Because school funding in California is based on attendance, rural schools receive less money every year that enrollment drops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That forces them to lay off staff — a painful process in towns where jobs are scarce and everyone knows one another — or cut popular amenities like after-school programs and science labs. Closing schools is rarely an option because the district may have only one school serving a massive geographic area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These factors all combine to strain rural districts even further, often resulting in cuts that make schools even less attractive to prospective families. But the situation is not new, said Tim Taylor, executive director of the Small School Districts’ Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Declining enrollment has been a challenge in rural areas for decades. Now that LA Unified has declining enrollment, everyone is saying, wow, this is really a problem,” Taylor said. “What we know is that it’s a heavy load, and the pressure falls on the superintendent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, enrollment had held steady over the past decade, until it plummeted during the pandemic, triggering the state Wednesday to form a task force to study its origins. But in many parts of rural Northern California, enrollment has been inching downward for two decades or more. Since 1999-20, schools in the rural north of the state have lost 5.02% of their enrollment. Some have lost far more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some rural districts in the region have seen enrollment drop by more than 60% over the past 20 years. Although they’re all facing the same challenges, each school has its own story and unique reasons for declining enrollment. Golden Feather Union Elementary School District in Butte County, where enrollment has dropped by 76% over the past 20 years, was ravaged by the Camp Fire in 2018, only to be threatened again by the Dixie Fire in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' citation='Ann Schulte, director of civic engagement, Cal State Chico']‘Plenty of people who grew up in small towns want to move back and settle there and raise kids. But there has to be more there than just their grandparents. There has to be a good cup of coffee and a place to hear music.’[/pullquote] Orick, in the redwoods of northern Humboldt County, has seen its population plummet as its six sawmills closed, one by one, leaving the K-8 Orick School with only 21 students last year. In the early 1990s, Orick School had almost 80 students. Schools in some counties, such as Trinity, Humboldt and Mendocino, have seen their attendance fluctuate based on the vagaries of the cannabis industry, which currently is flagging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sebastopol, in Sonoma County, has not been decimated by wildfires or unemployment. But, situated amid bucolic apple orchards and vineyards in the North Bay, it has been subject to a soaring cost of living. The average home price last month was $1.3 million, according to \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.realtor.com/realestateandhomes-search/Sebastopol_CA/overview\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Realtor.com\u003c/a>, and rents jumped by more than 50% last year. It’s not unusual for families to pay more than $3,000 a month to rent a small house — a major hurdle in an area that’s primarily agricultural.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County also has a plethora of charter and private schools, and families can easily send their children to schools in districts other than the one in which they reside. The result is that the Sebastopol Union School District has to fight to attract and retain students, which is not always easy in an area that is rapidly changing. In 2000, the K-8 district had more than 1,200 students. Now it’s hovering at 400.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a depressing situation. The smaller you get, the fewer options you have, so it’s exponential,” said Superintendent Linda Irving. “I try to bring the board, unions and community together. That helps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sebastopol, shrinking enrollment means that Irving has to think of creative ways to attract new students. Using a small budget for marketing, she’s printed brochures for local real estate agents to give to new families, and upgraded the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sebastopolschools.org/\">district website\u003c/a>. She’s also used one-time money to fund ongoing services like science, technology, engineering and math programs — not an ideal choice but necessary to compete against better-funded schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rio Dell Elementary, a TK-8 district in Humboldt County, has been hit hard by COVID — and COVID regulations, said Superintendent Angela Johnson. The area has the highest COVID rate in the county, according to the \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://humboldtgov.org/3246/COVID-19-Data-Dashboard\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Humboldt County Department of Health and Human Services\u003c/a>, but school closures, mask mandates and vaccine requirements also have taken a toll, leading many frustrated families to pull their children from the local public school and homeschool them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often when the students return to school, they’re behind their classmates academically and need extra help catching up, placing a further burden on the 290-student, mostly lower-income district, Johnson said. She dreads any further COVID requirements from Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re closely watching to see what the Legislature does with vaccine mandates. It’s going to be crucial in rural communities like ours,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enrollment at Happy Valley Union Elementary, near Redding, hasn’t slipped nearly as much as other rural schools. The K-8 district in the upper Sacramento Valley had only 34% fewer students last year than it did 20 years ago, compared with the estimated 50% drop many districts have suffered. But attendance has been a challenge. Early in the school year, roughly 13% of students were absent daily, largely due to COVID restrictions that led families to keep their children at home, said Superintendent Shelly Craig.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Craig is grateful for the supportive community in Happy Valley, an unincorporated area in Shasta County surrounded by farms and ranches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our schools are at the center of our close-knit community. Several students are second- and third-generation students. Until last year, when several teachers and staff members retired, the majority of our teachers had served in the community for decades,” Craig said. “Our students and staff are part of a school family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That strong sense of community is one asset that small towns can offer prospective families and young people looking to settle down, said Ann Schulte, head of civic engagement at California State University, Chico and an education professor who works closely with rural districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if those towns want families and young people to stay, they need to listen more closely to what young people want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Plenty of people who grew up in small towns want to move back and settle there and raise kids,” she said. “But there has to be more there than just their grandparents. There has to be a good cup of coffee and a place to hear music. There has to be some culture and economic opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to declining enrollment and other issues facing rural youth, school leaders in Shasta, Tehama, Siskiyou, Modoc and Trinity counties, with help from the \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.mcconnellfoundation.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">McConnell Foundation\u003c/a>, launched an organization called North State Together, which convenes schools, local businesses, families, tribal groups and others to strengthen local schools and improve outcomes for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schulte is optimistic that these towns will revitalize and more families will decide to stay and raise their children there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are suddenly paying attention to what’s happening in rural areas, and they’re realizing these are beautiful, undervalued places that have a lot to offer,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Plumas County, longtime Quincy resident Kolb is hopeful that her community will be spared another disaster like the Dixie Fire, which roared perilously close to Quincy last summer, and that life will return to normal post-pandemic. Ultimately, she said, Quincy and towns like it are wonderful places to grow up, settle down and raise kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I loved growing up here. It was safe, it was fun. Our parents never knew where we were, and that was OK,” said Kolb, who works at the Quincy Chamber of Commerce. “It was an awesome place to be. It still is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Voracious Wildfires, Rising Costs, School Closures: Student Enrollment Plummets in Rural Northern California | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Cheryl Kolb was growing up in Quincy, a picturesque Gold Rush town in the northern Sierra, kids would while away their days exploring the forests, swimming in the Feather River and getting milkshakes at the Polka Dot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, those trails and swimming holes are a lot quieter. Quincy High School, the largest high school in Plumas County, had only 301 students last year in grades 7-12 — fewer than half its enrollment when Kolb was a student there in the 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been pretty hard to see all these families leave, because I love it here,” said Kolb, who’s lived in Quincy most of her life and has raised her three children there. “I’d prefer to stay here forever, but I guess if there was another disaster, another big fire, I’d have to consider leaving, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even as the overall population in California’s rural north has remained steady or even grown over the past two decades, the number of children enrolled in public schools such as those in Quincy has shrunk. From the Pacific Coast to the inland mountains and valleys, dozens of schools have seen steep drops in enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with voracious wildfires that strike almost annually, unsteady local economies and an ever-escalating cost of living, families are fleeing to other counties and other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter schools have siphoned away thousands of students, and as the pandemic wears on, more families are opting to homeschool their children rather than submit them to mask and vaccine mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s left schools in towns like Quincy and Dunsmuir and Alturas with empty classrooms and difficult choices. Because school funding in California is based on attendance, rural schools receive less money every year that enrollment drops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That forces them to lay off staff — a painful process in towns where jobs are scarce and everyone knows one another — or cut popular amenities like after-school programs and science labs. Closing schools is rarely an option because the district may have only one school serving a massive geographic area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These factors all combine to strain rural districts even further, often resulting in cuts that make schools even less attractive to prospective families. But the situation is not new, said Tim Taylor, executive director of the Small School Districts’ Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Declining enrollment has been a challenge in rural areas for decades. Now that LA Unified has declining enrollment, everyone is saying, wow, this is really a problem,” Taylor said. “What we know is that it’s a heavy load, and the pressure falls on the superintendent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, enrollment had held steady over the past decade, until it plummeted during the pandemic, triggering the state Wednesday to form a task force to study its origins. But in many parts of rural Northern California, enrollment has been inching downward for two decades or more. Since 1999-20, schools in the rural north of the state have lost 5.02% of their enrollment. Some have lost far more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some rural districts in the region have seen enrollment drop by more than 60% over the past 20 years. Although they’re all facing the same challenges, each school has its own story and unique reasons for declining enrollment. Golden Feather Union Elementary School District in Butte County, where enrollment has dropped by 76% over the past 20 years, was ravaged by the Camp Fire in 2018, only to be threatened again by the Dixie Fire in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Orick, in the redwoods of northern Humboldt County, has seen its population plummet as its six sawmills closed, one by one, leaving the K-8 Orick School with only 21 students last year. In the early 1990s, Orick School had almost 80 students. Schools in some counties, such as Trinity, Humboldt and Mendocino, have seen their attendance fluctuate based on the vagaries of the cannabis industry, which currently is flagging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sebastopol, in Sonoma County, has not been decimated by wildfires or unemployment. But, situated amid bucolic apple orchards and vineyards in the North Bay, it has been subject to a soaring cost of living. The average home price last month was $1.3 million, according to \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.realtor.com/realestateandhomes-search/Sebastopol_CA/overview\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Realtor.com\u003c/a>, and rents jumped by more than 50% last year. It’s not unusual for families to pay more than $3,000 a month to rent a small house — a major hurdle in an area that’s primarily agricultural.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County also has a plethora of charter and private schools, and families can easily send their children to schools in districts other than the one in which they reside. The result is that the Sebastopol Union School District has to fight to attract and retain students, which is not always easy in an area that is rapidly changing. In 2000, the K-8 district had more than 1,200 students. Now it’s hovering at 400.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a depressing situation. The smaller you get, the fewer options you have, so it’s exponential,” said Superintendent Linda Irving. “I try to bring the board, unions and community together. That helps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sebastopol, shrinking enrollment means that Irving has to think of creative ways to attract new students. Using a small budget for marketing, she’s printed brochures for local real estate agents to give to new families, and upgraded the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sebastopolschools.org/\">district website\u003c/a>. She’s also used one-time money to fund ongoing services like science, technology, engineering and math programs — not an ideal choice but necessary to compete against better-funded schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rio Dell Elementary, a TK-8 district in Humboldt County, has been hit hard by COVID — and COVID regulations, said Superintendent Angela Johnson. The area has the highest COVID rate in the county, according to the \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://humboldtgov.org/3246/COVID-19-Data-Dashboard\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Humboldt County Department of Health and Human Services\u003c/a>, but school closures, mask mandates and vaccine requirements also have taken a toll, leading many frustrated families to pull their children from the local public school and homeschool them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often when the students return to school, they’re behind their classmates academically and need extra help catching up, placing a further burden on the 290-student, mostly lower-income district, Johnson said. She dreads any further COVID requirements from Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re closely watching to see what the Legislature does with vaccine mandates. It’s going to be crucial in rural communities like ours,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enrollment at Happy Valley Union Elementary, near Redding, hasn’t slipped nearly as much as other rural schools. The K-8 district in the upper Sacramento Valley had only 34% fewer students last year than it did 20 years ago, compared with the estimated 50% drop many districts have suffered. But attendance has been a challenge. Early in the school year, roughly 13% of students were absent daily, largely due to COVID restrictions that led families to keep their children at home, said Superintendent Shelly Craig.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Craig is grateful for the supportive community in Happy Valley, an unincorporated area in Shasta County surrounded by farms and ranches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our schools are at the center of our close-knit community. Several students are second- and third-generation students. Until last year, when several teachers and staff members retired, the majority of our teachers had served in the community for decades,” Craig said. “Our students and staff are part of a school family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That strong sense of community is one asset that small towns can offer prospective families and young people looking to settle down, said Ann Schulte, head of civic engagement at California State University, Chico and an education professor who works closely with rural districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if those towns want families and young people to stay, they need to listen more closely to what young people want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Plenty of people who grew up in small towns want to move back and settle there and raise kids,” she said. “But there has to be more there than just their grandparents. There has to be a good cup of coffee and a place to hear music. There has to be some culture and economic opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to declining enrollment and other issues facing rural youth, school leaders in Shasta, Tehama, Siskiyou, Modoc and Trinity counties, with help from the \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.mcconnellfoundation.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">McConnell Foundation\u003c/a>, launched an organization called North State Together, which convenes schools, local businesses, families, tribal groups and others to strengthen local schools and improve outcomes for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schulte is optimistic that these towns will revitalize and more families will decide to stay and raise their children there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are suddenly paying attention to what’s happening in rural areas, and they’re realizing these are beautiful, undervalued places that have a lot to offer,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Plumas County, longtime Quincy resident Kolb is hopeful that her community will be spared another disaster like the Dixie Fire, which roared perilously close to Quincy last summer, and that life will return to normal post-pandemic. Ultimately, she said, Quincy and towns like it are wonderful places to grow up, settle down and raise kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I loved growing up here. It was safe, it was fun. Our parents never knew where we were, and that was OK,” said Kolb, who works at the Quincy Chamber of Commerce. “It was an awesome place to be. It still is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "In Needles, a ‘Sanctuary’ for Gun Owners — and ‘A Little Jab in the Eyes’ for California",
"title": "In Needles, a ‘Sanctuary’ for Gun Owners — and ‘A Little Jab in the Eyes’ for California",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>The whole business began with a backyard barbecue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Terral, a 50-year-old cable company worker and recently elected city councilman in Needles, on the rural eastern edge of California, planned a cookout for some buddies who live just over the state line in Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nobody wanted to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California law, they \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/firearms/ab991\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">couldn't bring their\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/firearms/ab991\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">loaded firearms\u003c/a> across the state line, so they all decided to stay home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're ex-military,\" Terral explained. \"I guess those guns are like security blankets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Terral, the incident was more ammunition for a simmering resentment among many of the 5,000 residents of a San Bernardino County town that's 550 miles and an entire political culture away from the state capital in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many inland Californians, Needles residents say they're held hostage by state legislators who are too liberal and want too much control over their lives. They gripe about \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-gun-laws-policy-explained/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">strict gun laws\u003c/a> they say trample their constitutional right to keep and bear arms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11761441\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/07/15/in-needles-a-sanctuary-for-gun-owners-and-a-little-jab-in-the-eyes-for-california/calmatters-needles-photo-2/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11761441\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11761441\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2.jpeg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-160x213.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-800x1067.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-900x1200.jpeg 900w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-840x1120.jpeg 840w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-687x916.jpeg 687w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-414x552.jpeg 414w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-354x472.jpeg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign in the Route 66 city of Needles celebrates the non-California cities it best relates to. \u003ccite>(John M. Glionna/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So Terral fought back. He spearheaded a resolution, passed last week by the council, that declared Needles a \"Second Amendment Sanctuary,\" a place where both California gun owners and those visiting from out of state can expect lenient enforcement on the Golden State's rules governing, for example, ammunition and concealed carry permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terral even chose wording to take a swipe at Democratic legislators in Sacramento, and in cities such as San Francisco and Los Angeles, who have declared \"sanctuary\" policies limiting the involvement of state and local law enforcement in the pursuit of undocumented immigrants targeted by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"With the gun resolution, I purposely chose the word 'sanctuary' to take a stab at all the liberals,\" said Terral. \"It was a little jab in the eyes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Needles residents insist they don't want to become any Wild West Dodge City where gunslingers rule. But they do want to make it easier for interstate travelers who pull off U.S. Interstate 40 for food and fuel to avoid a felony arrest if a traffic stop produces a loaded but legally registered gun from outside California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also want Sacramento to amend a recently enacted proposition that bans gun owners from bringing ammunition from other states, effectively requiring the state's gun owners to buy their ammunition in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" citation=\"Tim Terral\"]\"We're like an island here in Needles, completely separate from California.\"[/pullquote]Needles Mayor Jeff Williams, a former San Bernardino County sheriff's deputy, grumbles at state law every hunting season: \"I have to drive 140 miles to Barstow to buy ammunition when right across the border in Arizona there are a dozen gun stores.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, who carries a Glock 45 9mm pistol, which he says \"will throw a big brick at somebody,\" is soliciting support from various state border towns —including Yreka, Truckee, Blythe and Eureka —to support interstate reciprocity with legal gun owners who possess concealed weapons permits outside California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When Sacramento passes a new law, they look to San Francisco and Los Angeles. They don't come looking to small towns like us, and it's time we made our opinions known,\" said Williams. \"We realize changing state law is pretty far-fetched, but you've got to start somewhere, you've got to stand on principle.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Jay Obernolte, a Republican representing the largely-rural 33rd District that includes Needles, supports the town's gun sanctuary declaration. He plans to introduce a bill in December to give more local control to rural gun owners and allow for interstate reciprocity with firearms laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans are a decided minority in the Capitol, and the chances are low that gun rights proponents will get a carve-out. But Teresa Trujillo, Obernolte's chief of staff, said her boss supports more local control for the state's rural residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These people have a different culture than what’s in Sacramento,\" she said. \"They should be able to govern themselves with certain things and make decisions that are best for their community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" citation=\"Robbie Tieman\"]\"People should be able to carry their guns wherever they go.\"[/pullquote]Jim Stanley, a spokesman for Assembly Republicans, agreed that rural residents feel left out of California politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's a sense that the bigger cities kind of run things around Sacramento,\" he said. \"When people feel like they're not being heard, it's natural to respond. It's all about feeling you have a voice in the room.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when it comes to hearing voices around Needles, people feel that adjacent states such as Nevada and Arizona better speak their language than Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're like an island here in Needles, completely separate from California. The closest city in the state is Blythe, and that's 100 miles to the south, along a two-lane road,\" said Terral. \"We feel more of a kinship to Arizona and Nevada. I can walk to Arizona in two minutes. I can see it from my front yard. I can’t see Sacramento.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11761440\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/07/15/in-needles-a-sanctuary-for-gun-owners-and-a-little-jab-in-the-eyes-for-california/calmatters-needles-photo-3/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11761440\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11761440\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3.jpeg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-160x213.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-800x1067.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-900x1200.jpeg 900w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-840x1120.jpeg 840w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-687x916.jpeg 687w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-414x552.jpeg 414w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-354x472.jpeg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robbie Tieman, a waitress at the Wagon Wheel restaurant, says she wishes California’s gun laws were more like those just across the border in Arizona, where she lives. \u003ccite>(John M. Glionna/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California's state capital lies as far away from politically conservative Needles as Atlanta is from Washington. Nobody can remember the last time a Democrat was elected to any office here in a town that voted for Donald Trump in 2016 by a decided margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waitress Robbie Tieman, a 15-year food-serving veteran here, is a gun owner who lives in Arizona. She probably wouldn't bring her gun to work. Still, she doesn’t like anyone saying she \u003cem>can't\u003c/em> do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People should be able to carry their guns wherever they go,\" she said, refilling a visitor's cup with coffee. \"I know bad people carry guns, but I think they'd be less likely to rob a liquor store if they knew people inside were packing their own firearms.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11761448\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/07/15/in-needles-a-sanctuary-for-gun-owners-and-a-little-jab-in-the-eyes-for-california/img_7972-e1563128854732/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11761448\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11761448\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/IMG_7972-e1563128854732.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"342\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/IMG_7972-e1563128854732.jpeg 719w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/IMG_7972-e1563128854732-160x137.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Needles City Councilman Tim Terral, left, with Mayor Jeff Williams, complains that California state lawmakers “want their finger in every aspect.” \u003ccite>(John M. Glionna/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At 55, Mayor Williams is a slender man who dresses in a form-fitting suits. He's a grandfather of 13 who wants Needles to stick around so his grandkids can enjoy it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Williams has seen his community lose half its population since the 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To survive, he said, the place needs all the help it can get, and restrictive gun laws are driving visitors — and their money — away from town. \"They're threatening the lifestyle we've built here,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Terral just wants California to take its mitts off his gun, and his rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They don’t let you live your life,\" he said. \"Legislators want their finger in every aspect. Given the chance, they'd probably have our paychecks sent directly to Sacramento, and they’d give us back what they thought we needed.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That pet peeve hit home recently, he said, when he attended a conference in a small beach community south of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I walked down the sidewalk and I saw all the signs. You'd couldn't smoke, ride a skateboard or roller skate. It was all no, no, no,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was glad to get back to Needles, \"where I wasn't watching where I walked in case I broke some law I didn’t know anything about.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is an abridged version of the full story, which is available at \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CalMatters.org, \u003c/a>a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The San Bernardino town has declared itself a 'sanctuary' for gun rights, saying liberal state lawmakers hold it hostage. In rural California, that feeling's not unusual. ",
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"description": "The San Bernardino town has declared itself a 'sanctuary' for gun rights, saying liberal state lawmakers hold it hostage. In rural California, that feeling's not unusual. ",
"title": "In Needles, a ‘Sanctuary’ for Gun Owners — and ‘A Little Jab in the Eyes’ for California | KQED",
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"nprByline": "John M. Glionna\u003cbr>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/07/needles-sanctuary-guns-california-2nd-amendment-arizona-nevada-law/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The whole business began with a backyard barbecue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Terral, a 50-year-old cable company worker and recently elected city councilman in Needles, on the rural eastern edge of California, planned a cookout for some buddies who live just over the state line in Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nobody wanted to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California law, they \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/firearms/ab991\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">couldn't bring their\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/firearms/ab991\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">loaded firearms\u003c/a> across the state line, so they all decided to stay home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're ex-military,\" Terral explained. \"I guess those guns are like security blankets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Terral, the incident was more ammunition for a simmering resentment among many of the 5,000 residents of a San Bernardino County town that's 550 miles and an entire political culture away from the state capital in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many inland Californians, Needles residents say they're held hostage by state legislators who are too liberal and want too much control over their lives. They gripe about \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-gun-laws-policy-explained/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">strict gun laws\u003c/a> they say trample their constitutional right to keep and bear arms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11761441\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/07/15/in-needles-a-sanctuary-for-gun-owners-and-a-little-jab-in-the-eyes-for-california/calmatters-needles-photo-2/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11761441\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11761441\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2.jpeg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-160x213.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-800x1067.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-900x1200.jpeg 900w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-840x1120.jpeg 840w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-687x916.jpeg 687w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-414x552.jpeg 414w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-2-354x472.jpeg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign in the Route 66 city of Needles celebrates the non-California cities it best relates to. \u003ccite>(John M. Glionna/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So Terral fought back. He spearheaded a resolution, passed last week by the council, that declared Needles a \"Second Amendment Sanctuary,\" a place where both California gun owners and those visiting from out of state can expect lenient enforcement on the Golden State's rules governing, for example, ammunition and concealed carry permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terral even chose wording to take a swipe at Democratic legislators in Sacramento, and in cities such as San Francisco and Los Angeles, who have declared \"sanctuary\" policies limiting the involvement of state and local law enforcement in the pursuit of undocumented immigrants targeted by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"With the gun resolution, I purposely chose the word 'sanctuary' to take a stab at all the liberals,\" said Terral. \"It was a little jab in the eyes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Needles residents insist they don't want to become any Wild West Dodge City where gunslingers rule. But they do want to make it easier for interstate travelers who pull off U.S. Interstate 40 for food and fuel to avoid a felony arrest if a traffic stop produces a loaded but legally registered gun from outside California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also want Sacramento to amend a recently enacted proposition that bans gun owners from bringing ammunition from other states, effectively requiring the state's gun owners to buy their ammunition in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Needles Mayor Jeff Williams, a former San Bernardino County sheriff's deputy, grumbles at state law every hunting season: \"I have to drive 140 miles to Barstow to buy ammunition when right across the border in Arizona there are a dozen gun stores.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, who carries a Glock 45 9mm pistol, which he says \"will throw a big brick at somebody,\" is soliciting support from various state border towns —including Yreka, Truckee, Blythe and Eureka —to support interstate reciprocity with legal gun owners who possess concealed weapons permits outside California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When Sacramento passes a new law, they look to San Francisco and Los Angeles. They don't come looking to small towns like us, and it's time we made our opinions known,\" said Williams. \"We realize changing state law is pretty far-fetched, but you've got to start somewhere, you've got to stand on principle.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Jay Obernolte, a Republican representing the largely-rural 33rd District that includes Needles, supports the town's gun sanctuary declaration. He plans to introduce a bill in December to give more local control to rural gun owners and allow for interstate reciprocity with firearms laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans are a decided minority in the Capitol, and the chances are low that gun rights proponents will get a carve-out. But Teresa Trujillo, Obernolte's chief of staff, said her boss supports more local control for the state's rural residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These people have a different culture than what’s in Sacramento,\" she said. \"They should be able to govern themselves with certain things and make decisions that are best for their community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Jim Stanley, a spokesman for Assembly Republicans, agreed that rural residents feel left out of California politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's a sense that the bigger cities kind of run things around Sacramento,\" he said. \"When people feel like they're not being heard, it's natural to respond. It's all about feeling you have a voice in the room.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when it comes to hearing voices around Needles, people feel that adjacent states such as Nevada and Arizona better speak their language than Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're like an island here in Needles, completely separate from California. The closest city in the state is Blythe, and that's 100 miles to the south, along a two-lane road,\" said Terral. \"We feel more of a kinship to Arizona and Nevada. I can walk to Arizona in two minutes. I can see it from my front yard. I can’t see Sacramento.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11761440\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/07/15/in-needles-a-sanctuary-for-gun-owners-and-a-little-jab-in-the-eyes-for-california/calmatters-needles-photo-3/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11761440\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11761440\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3.jpeg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-160x213.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-800x1067.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-900x1200.jpeg 900w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-840x1120.jpeg 840w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-687x916.jpeg 687w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-414x552.jpeg 414w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CalMatters-NEEDLES-PHOTO-3-354x472.jpeg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robbie Tieman, a waitress at the Wagon Wheel restaurant, says she wishes California’s gun laws were more like those just across the border in Arizona, where she lives. \u003ccite>(John M. Glionna/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California's state capital lies as far away from politically conservative Needles as Atlanta is from Washington. Nobody can remember the last time a Democrat was elected to any office here in a town that voted for Donald Trump in 2016 by a decided margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waitress Robbie Tieman, a 15-year food-serving veteran here, is a gun owner who lives in Arizona. She probably wouldn't bring her gun to work. Still, she doesn’t like anyone saying she \u003cem>can't\u003c/em> do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People should be able to carry their guns wherever they go,\" she said, refilling a visitor's cup with coffee. \"I know bad people carry guns, but I think they'd be less likely to rob a liquor store if they knew people inside were packing their own firearms.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11761448\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/07/15/in-needles-a-sanctuary-for-gun-owners-and-a-little-jab-in-the-eyes-for-california/img_7972-e1563128854732/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11761448\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11761448\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/IMG_7972-e1563128854732.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"342\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/IMG_7972-e1563128854732.jpeg 719w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/IMG_7972-e1563128854732-160x137.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Needles City Councilman Tim Terral, left, with Mayor Jeff Williams, complains that California state lawmakers “want their finger in every aspect.” \u003ccite>(John M. Glionna/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At 55, Mayor Williams is a slender man who dresses in a form-fitting suits. He's a grandfather of 13 who wants Needles to stick around so his grandkids can enjoy it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Williams has seen his community lose half its population since the 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To survive, he said, the place needs all the help it can get, and restrictive gun laws are driving visitors — and their money — away from town. \"They're threatening the lifestyle we've built here,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Terral just wants California to take its mitts off his gun, and his rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They don’t let you live your life,\" he said. \"Legislators want their finger in every aspect. Given the chance, they'd probably have our paychecks sent directly to Sacramento, and they’d give us back what they thought we needed.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That pet peeve hit home recently, he said, when he attended a conference in a small beach community south of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I walked down the sidewalk and I saw all the signs. You'd couldn't smoke, ride a skateboard or roller skate. It was all no, no, no,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was glad to get back to Needles, \"where I wasn't watching where I walked in case I broke some law I didn’t know anything about.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is an abridged version of the full story, which is available at \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CalMatters.org, \u003c/a>a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"radiolab": {
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"reveal": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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