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"content": "\u003cp>It wouldn’t be election season without a bunch of big-money interests trying to tell you how to vote. This year, with hundreds of millions of dollars rolling into initiative campaigns over housing and health care, California has hit a new record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $111 million campaign against Proposition 8 on kidney dialysis clinics amounts to the most money poured into a single side of a ballot measure in the United States—at least since electronic record-keeping began in 2002, and possibly ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three industries spending huge sums to influence your vote:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Landlords and real estate agents outraising rent-control advocates 3-to-1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Landlords are largely bankrolling the campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-10-rent-control/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>, which would allow local governments to expand rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t want to see their property values decline, it’s that simple,” said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No on Prop. 10 campaign, which has raised $74.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10 would repeal a 1995 state law that forbids cities from applying rent control to single-family houses, or any type of home built after 1995, and allows landlords to raise apartment rent any time a tenant moves out. Instead the ballot measure would give cities the option to expand rent control to cover more homes—making it harder for landlords to turn a profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about their future, their bottom line. That’s why they’re spending so much,” said Charly Norton, spokeswoman for the Yes on prop. 10 campaign, which has raised $25.9 million, mostly from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say Prop. 10 is necessary because homelessness is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/homelessness-data-housing-charts/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">on the rise\u003c/a> and a growing share of Californians spend \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-rising-rents-affordable-housing-20171203-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than half\u003c/a> their income on rent. Opponents say it will worsen the state’s housing shortage by discouraging developers from building more homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donors against Prop. 10 include corporate property owners like Blackstone, Essex and Equity Residential, as well as many individual landlords. The biggest donor is the California Association of Realtors, which has given $8 million to the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703583\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Realtors association also has poured $13.2 million into the campaign for \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-5-portable-real-estate-tax-break/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 5\u003c/a>, making it the sole funder of that push to change California’s property tax law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians now generally pay much higher property taxes if they buy a new home after selling a house they’ve owned for many years. That’s because property taxes are based on the sales price of a house, not how much it’s worth as it appreciates over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This initiative would allow three categories of homeowners—those over 55, disabled or who lost their homes in natural disasters—would keep the property tax levels of the home they sold if they buy a new home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agents say it would encourage older Californians to sell their homes, making more houses available in our tight market. (Experts \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-proposition-5-market-20181024-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">disagree\u003c/a>.) Of course, it also would boost their commissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will give a huge windfall to the real estate industry,” said Mike Roth, spokesman for the campaign against Prop. 5, which has raised about $3.2 million, largely from public employee unions that could see cuts if the government loses tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve White, president of the California Association of Realtors, insisted it’s about “meeting a need. The unaffordability of housing in California…is largely dictated by lack of availability,” he said. “We have tens of thousands of homes that could be waiting for all those tens of thousands of younger families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703582\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>Dialysis clinics outraising labor opponents 5-to-1\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>The most expensive fight on the California ballot this year is over \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-8-dialysis-clinic-profit-pruning/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 8\u003c/a>, which would limit profits for dialysis companies. The businesses are fighting back, pouring $111 million into the campaign against Prop. 8—most of it from two dialysis companies, DaVita and Fresenius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 8 was designed to have a negative impact on dialysis clinics in California, and that’s why the groups that are opposed are fighting it so heavily,” said Kathy Fairbanks, spokeswoman for the No Prop. 8 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the measure wouldn’t allow dialysis clinics to be reimbursed by insurance companies for many routine business expenses. Ultimately, that would cause companies to close clinics, Fairbanks said, giving patients fewer places to seek treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at dialysis clinics are not unionized. A labor group that represents other health care workers has had its sights on organizing dialysis workers, and put Prop. 8 on the ballot as part of a much \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-proposition-8-dialysis-industry-20181029-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">larger feud\u003c/a> within the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This record amount of (campaign) spending speaks to the priorities of the dialysis corporations which is to protect their profits,” said Sean Wherley, spokesman Service Employees International Union –United Healthcare Workers, the sponsor of Prop. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prop. 8 campaign has raised $20.3 million, most of it from SEIU United Healthcare Workers. The union argues that dialysis clinic companies are netting huge profits while allowing shoddy health and safety conditions at some clinics. Limiting the companies’ profits to 15 percent, as Prop. 8 calls for, would encourage the clinics to put more money into improving patient care, the union argues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ambulance companies outraising labor opponents more than 600-to-1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Colorado-based company American Medical Response put \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-11-paramedic-break-time/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 11\u003c/a> on the ballot and contributed most of the $29.9 million raised to support it. The measure would allow private ambulance companies to require workers to remain on-call during breaks, so they can respond to an emergency even if it comes while they’re eating lunch. That’s already the common practice, but this measure comes in response to a court ruling that security guards cannot be required to stay on-call while they’re on breaks. Ambulance companies don’t want to be held to the same standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If applied to the ambulance industry, it would have a significant public safety risk,” said Marie Brichetto, spokeswoman for the Yes on Prop. 11 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, the emergency responders who work on ambulances, aren’t raising much money—the American Federation of State, County & Municipal Employees union \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1254555&view=contributions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contributed\u003c/a> just $47,000 to oppose Prop. 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a classic ‘big corporation against its own employees,’” said Jason Brollini, president of the United EMS Workers union that is affiliated with AFSCME.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He contends the ambulance companies’ real motive with Prop. 11 is to eliminate any liability they could face from employees who sue over not getting the extra pay they’re supposed to receive when their breaks are interrupted by an emergency call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703584\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"357\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-520x338.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It wouldn’t be election season without a bunch of big-money interests trying to tell you how to vote. This year, with hundreds of millions of dollars rolling into initiative campaigns over housing and health care, California has hit a new record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $111 million campaign against Proposition 8 on kidney dialysis clinics amounts to the most money poured into a single side of a ballot measure in the United States—at least since electronic record-keeping began in 2002, and possibly ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three industries spending huge sums to influence your vote:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Landlords and real estate agents outraising rent-control advocates 3-to-1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Landlords are largely bankrolling the campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-10-rent-control/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>, which would allow local governments to expand rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t want to see their property values decline, it’s that simple,” said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No on Prop. 10 campaign, which has raised $74.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10 would repeal a 1995 state law that forbids cities from applying rent control to single-family houses, or any type of home built after 1995, and allows landlords to raise apartment rent any time a tenant moves out. Instead the ballot measure would give cities the option to expand rent control to cover more homes—making it harder for landlords to turn a profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about their future, their bottom line. That’s why they’re spending so much,” said Charly Norton, spokeswoman for the Yes on prop. 10 campaign, which has raised $25.9 million, mostly from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say Prop. 10 is necessary because homelessness is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/homelessness-data-housing-charts/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">on the rise\u003c/a> and a growing share of Californians spend \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-rising-rents-affordable-housing-20171203-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than half\u003c/a> their income on rent. Opponents say it will worsen the state’s housing shortage by discouraging developers from building more homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donors against Prop. 10 include corporate property owners like Blackstone, Essex and Equity Residential, as well as many individual landlords. The biggest donor is the California Association of Realtors, which has given $8 million to the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703583\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Realtors association also has poured $13.2 million into the campaign for \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-5-portable-real-estate-tax-break/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 5\u003c/a>, making it the sole funder of that push to change California’s property tax law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians now generally pay much higher property taxes if they buy a new home after selling a house they’ve owned for many years. That’s because property taxes are based on the sales price of a house, not how much it’s worth as it appreciates over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This initiative would allow three categories of homeowners—those over 55, disabled or who lost their homes in natural disasters—would keep the property tax levels of the home they sold if they buy a new home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agents say it would encourage older Californians to sell their homes, making more houses available in our tight market. (Experts \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-proposition-5-market-20181024-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">disagree\u003c/a>.) Of course, it also would boost their commissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will give a huge windfall to the real estate industry,” said Mike Roth, spokesman for the campaign against Prop. 5, which has raised about $3.2 million, largely from public employee unions that could see cuts if the government loses tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve White, president of the California Association of Realtors, insisted it’s about “meeting a need. The unaffordability of housing in California…is largely dictated by lack of availability,” he said. “We have tens of thousands of homes that could be waiting for all those tens of thousands of younger families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703582\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>Dialysis clinics outraising labor opponents 5-to-1\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>The most expensive fight on the California ballot this year is over \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-8-dialysis-clinic-profit-pruning/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 8\u003c/a>, which would limit profits for dialysis companies. The businesses are fighting back, pouring $111 million into the campaign against Prop. 8—most of it from two dialysis companies, DaVita and Fresenius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 8 was designed to have a negative impact on dialysis clinics in California, and that’s why the groups that are opposed are fighting it so heavily,” said Kathy Fairbanks, spokeswoman for the No Prop. 8 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the measure wouldn’t allow dialysis clinics to be reimbursed by insurance companies for many routine business expenses. Ultimately, that would cause companies to close clinics, Fairbanks said, giving patients fewer places to seek treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at dialysis clinics are not unionized. A labor group that represents other health care workers has had its sights on organizing dialysis workers, and put Prop. 8 on the ballot as part of a much \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-proposition-8-dialysis-industry-20181029-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">larger feud\u003c/a> within the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This record amount of (campaign) spending speaks to the priorities of the dialysis corporations which is to protect their profits,” said Sean Wherley, spokesman Service Employees International Union –United Healthcare Workers, the sponsor of Prop. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prop. 8 campaign has raised $20.3 million, most of it from SEIU United Healthcare Workers. The union argues that dialysis clinic companies are netting huge profits while allowing shoddy health and safety conditions at some clinics. Limiting the companies’ profits to 15 percent, as Prop. 8 calls for, would encourage the clinics to put more money into improving patient care, the union argues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ambulance companies outraising labor opponents more than 600-to-1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Colorado-based company American Medical Response put \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-11-paramedic-break-time/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 11\u003c/a> on the ballot and contributed most of the $29.9 million raised to support it. The measure would allow private ambulance companies to require workers to remain on-call during breaks, so they can respond to an emergency even if it comes while they’re eating lunch. That’s already the common practice, but this measure comes in response to a court ruling that security guards cannot be required to stay on-call while they’re on breaks. Ambulance companies don’t want to be held to the same standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If applied to the ambulance industry, it would have a significant public safety risk,” said Marie Brichetto, spokeswoman for the Yes on Prop. 11 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, the emergency responders who work on ambulances, aren’t raising much money—the American Federation of State, County & Municipal Employees union \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1254555&view=contributions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contributed\u003c/a> just $47,000 to oppose Prop. 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a classic ‘big corporation against its own employees,’” said Jason Brollini, president of the United EMS Workers union that is affiliated with AFSCME.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He contends the ambulance companies’ real motive with Prop. 11 is to eliminate any liability they could face from employees who sue over not getting the extra pay they’re supposed to receive when their breaks are interrupted by an emergency call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703584\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"357\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-520x338.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly?",
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"content": "\u003cp>A California initiative to allow more rent control appears to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failing\u003c/a> overwhelmingly, despite the state’s exploding housing costs and ever-rising rents, and its sponsors are already talking about trying again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant-rights groups and other backers of Prop. 10 always knew they had an uphill fight. Landlords, developers, realtors and a handful of Wall Street real estate investors have predictably poured tens of millions of dollars into defeating the measure. As of five days before the election, the No on 10 side had raised upward of $75 million and the Yes side, $26 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 point out the obvious: A disparity like that is hard to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the opposition has done with the money they’re using gouging renters is to confuse people,” said Damien Goodmon, director of the Yes on 10 campaign. “They can only win by using their money to confuse voters, and there’s a lot of confusion out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a two-bedroom apartment in California has increased more than 20 percent over the past \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five years\u003c/a>. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-residents-housing-polling-20181021-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> found that “lack of rent control” was the No. 1 reason people believed housing had become unaffordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re running a ‘yes’ campaign, you have the burden of proof to show both the problem and that the solution will help the problem,” said one veteran manager of initiative campaigns, who is unaffiliated with Prop. 10 but requested anonymity because of concerns over publicly criticizing professional colleagues at election time. “Here everyone already agreed on the problem, which is helpful for the Yes side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1149\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-835x1200.jpg 835w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1920x2758.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1180x1695.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-960x1379.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-240x345.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-375x539.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-520x747.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a further breakdown, including what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Even if the “blue wave” turns into a blue tsunami, Prop. 10 is still in trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some corners of the rent control movement, supporters argue that the polls don’t consider the possibility of a “blue wave” bigger than predicted, one including many left-leaning renters or Democrats sympathetic to the cause. They say national polls weren’t accurate in the 2016 presidential election—why should we assume they’re right today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonprofit research organization, used a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-polls-right-or-wrong/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">model\u003c/a> for who is likely to vote that seems to tilt heavily against renters: About two-thirds of their sample is homeowners. But that’s roughly the same percentage of registered voters who are homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Policy Institute of California research associate Dean Bonner says he can’t remember any initiative polling as low as Prop. 10 this close to an election that actually ended up winning, even if the electorate looked wildly different from what was predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that if turnout looks like it did in 2016, a presidential election year in which California went overwhelmingly for a Democratic candidate, the Yes side could get more votes than predicted. But that would likely just trim the margin of defeat, not make Prop. 10 a winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other credible polling outlets also have the initiative trailing by double digits, with the brightest spot a Los Angeles Times/USC Dornsife poll with approval at 41 percent. Much of that polling preceded the avalanche of negative advertising that the No on 10 side unleashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusing ballot language\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10’s ballot title and summary apparently confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would repeal a state law called Costa-Hawkins, passed in 1995. That law bars local governments from expanding rent control in several ways: No rent control is allowed for units built after 1995, nor for single-family homes, and landlords have the right to raise rents after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The text\u003c/a> on the ballot is complicated, and it invokes the prospect of state and local revenue losses of tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s actually not much in the grand scheme of things, but it sounds like a lot to the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this repeals existing law and has the word repeal, there was a lot of confusion….Was this repealing rent control or was this actually rent control?” said Joe Trippi, a media consultant for Yes on 10 and a veteran of many high-profile campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a PPIC survey in September found that 52 percent of likely voters said rent control was a good thing, though only 36 percent planned to vote yes on Prop 10. That gap was even higher for surveyed renters: 67 percent liked rent control, but less than half favored Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s uncertainty about what cities would be allowed to do if Prop. 10 passed. They could apply it to new construction, which would dilute the incentive to build more houses. They could conceivably apply it to single-family home rentals. The latter uncertainty has aided the No campaign, which targets homeowners with advertising about diminished property values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703561\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-160x244.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1020x1554.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-788x1200.png 788w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1920x2925.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1180x1798.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-960x1463.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-240x366.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-375x571.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-520x792.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is flawed in its lack of exemptions for such things as new buildings, said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No campaign. “Writing a blank-check initiative is always potentially bad because there’s a million holes you can poke in it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The wrong message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, allowing cities to do whatever they want with rent control comes with an attractive advantage: telling voters they can have more local control over housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 10 campaign has emphasized the allure of local control, the human cost of the state’s housing crisis and Wall Street donations to the No side, anchoring its message in a “Rent is too damn high!” tag line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two words are conspicuously absent from most Prop. 10 advertisements: “rent control.” Although the phrase “limits on rent increases” is included in some ads, emphasizing “rent control” might have helped, especially with the concept of rent control outpolling Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some strategists have said they would have featured the words “rent control” prominently. Trippi, who joined the Yes on 10 campaign over the summer, said he understood their criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t necessarily argue with that,” said Trippi. “Once we understood how badly we would be outspent, we made the decision that a lot of the messaging was going towards building a movement or coalition aimed at the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Almost all the money from one organization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California pollsters and campaign consultants will tell you that if you want your initiative to pass, it better be polling high—at least in the high 50s—well before the election. That’s especially true if your opponent is going to outspend you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Public Policy Institute of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> published in September found that only 36 percent of likely voters liked Prop. 10. That poll was conducted mostly before the avalanche of negative advertising began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those early poll numbers may help explain why the vast majority of the money on the Yes side has come from just one source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation has contributed roughly $21 million of the $26 million raised in support of Prop. 10. The nonprofit organization is headed by Michael Weinstein, a fiery and divisive Bernie Sanders-style progressive who has spent tens of millions on other state and local ballot initiatives in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11703562\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-160x97.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1020x618.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1200x727.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1920x1162.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1180x714.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-960x581.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-240x145.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-375x227.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-520x315.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some powerful labor unions have chipped in on the Yes campaign and provided grassroots help, but few have thrown big money behind it. Amy Schur, state campaign director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a group pushing the measure, said some unions probably had to save resources for other causes on a busy ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did hope we would raise more money,” Schur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The beginning of a stronger movement, or new leverage for landlords?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 say that even if the initiative loses, they’ve organized and strengthened a social movement that will continue to push the rent control issue forward. And that might come as soon as 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not successful on Tuesday, legitimate conversations are going to take place around this state…about whether statewide rent control on the 2020 ballot is appropriate,” said the Yes side’s Goodmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a loss on the magnitude of what the polls predict means landlords and their partners can say Californians have rejected an expansion of rent control in decisive fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s powerful leverage for any future negotiations on the issue–negotiations that Democratic gubernatorial front-runner Gavin Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article220536525.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledged\u003c/a> to facilitate if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-rent-control-initiative-proposition-10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "We break down the reasons Prop. 10 appears to be failing, and what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A California initiative to allow more rent control appears to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failing\u003c/a> overwhelmingly, despite the state’s exploding housing costs and ever-rising rents, and its sponsors are already talking about trying again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant-rights groups and other backers of Prop. 10 always knew they had an uphill fight. Landlords, developers, realtors and a handful of Wall Street real estate investors have predictably poured tens of millions of dollars into defeating the measure. As of five days before the election, the No on 10 side had raised upward of $75 million and the Yes side, $26 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 point out the obvious: A disparity like that is hard to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the opposition has done with the money they’re using gouging renters is to confuse people,” said Damien Goodmon, director of the Yes on 10 campaign. “They can only win by using their money to confuse voters, and there’s a lot of confusion out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a two-bedroom apartment in California has increased more than 20 percent over the past \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five years\u003c/a>. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-residents-housing-polling-20181021-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> found that “lack of rent control” was the No. 1 reason people believed housing had become unaffordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re running a ‘yes’ campaign, you have the burden of proof to show both the problem and that the solution will help the problem,” said one veteran manager of initiative campaigns, who is unaffiliated with Prop. 10 but requested anonymity because of concerns over publicly criticizing professional colleagues at election time. “Here everyone already agreed on the problem, which is helpful for the Yes side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1149\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-835x1200.jpg 835w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1920x2758.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1180x1695.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-960x1379.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-240x345.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-375x539.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-520x747.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a further breakdown, including what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Even if the “blue wave” turns into a blue tsunami, Prop. 10 is still in trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some corners of the rent control movement, supporters argue that the polls don’t consider the possibility of a “blue wave” bigger than predicted, one including many left-leaning renters or Democrats sympathetic to the cause. They say national polls weren’t accurate in the 2016 presidential election—why should we assume they’re right today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonprofit research organization, used a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-polls-right-or-wrong/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">model\u003c/a> for who is likely to vote that seems to tilt heavily against renters: About two-thirds of their sample is homeowners. But that’s roughly the same percentage of registered voters who are homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Policy Institute of California research associate Dean Bonner says he can’t remember any initiative polling as low as Prop. 10 this close to an election that actually ended up winning, even if the electorate looked wildly different from what was predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that if turnout looks like it did in 2016, a presidential election year in which California went overwhelmingly for a Democratic candidate, the Yes side could get more votes than predicted. But that would likely just trim the margin of defeat, not make Prop. 10 a winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other credible polling outlets also have the initiative trailing by double digits, with the brightest spot a Los Angeles Times/USC Dornsife poll with approval at 41 percent. Much of that polling preceded the avalanche of negative advertising that the No on 10 side unleashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusing ballot language\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10’s ballot title and summary apparently confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would repeal a state law called Costa-Hawkins, passed in 1995. That law bars local governments from expanding rent control in several ways: No rent control is allowed for units built after 1995, nor for single-family homes, and landlords have the right to raise rents after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The text\u003c/a> on the ballot is complicated, and it invokes the prospect of state and local revenue losses of tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s actually not much in the grand scheme of things, but it sounds like a lot to the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this repeals existing law and has the word repeal, there was a lot of confusion….Was this repealing rent control or was this actually rent control?” said Joe Trippi, a media consultant for Yes on 10 and a veteran of many high-profile campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a PPIC survey in September found that 52 percent of likely voters said rent control was a good thing, though only 36 percent planned to vote yes on Prop 10. That gap was even higher for surveyed renters: 67 percent liked rent control, but less than half favored Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s uncertainty about what cities would be allowed to do if Prop. 10 passed. They could apply it to new construction, which would dilute the incentive to build more houses. They could conceivably apply it to single-family home rentals. The latter uncertainty has aided the No campaign, which targets homeowners with advertising about diminished property values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703561\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-160x244.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1020x1554.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-788x1200.png 788w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1920x2925.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1180x1798.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-960x1463.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-240x366.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-375x571.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-520x792.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is flawed in its lack of exemptions for such things as new buildings, said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No campaign. “Writing a blank-check initiative is always potentially bad because there’s a million holes you can poke in it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The wrong message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, allowing cities to do whatever they want with rent control comes with an attractive advantage: telling voters they can have more local control over housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 10 campaign has emphasized the allure of local control, the human cost of the state’s housing crisis and Wall Street donations to the No side, anchoring its message in a “Rent is too damn high!” tag line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two words are conspicuously absent from most Prop. 10 advertisements: “rent control.” Although the phrase “limits on rent increases” is included in some ads, emphasizing “rent control” might have helped, especially with the concept of rent control outpolling Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some strategists have said they would have featured the words “rent control” prominently. Trippi, who joined the Yes on 10 campaign over the summer, said he understood their criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t necessarily argue with that,” said Trippi. “Once we understood how badly we would be outspent, we made the decision that a lot of the messaging was going towards building a movement or coalition aimed at the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Almost all the money from one organization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California pollsters and campaign consultants will tell you that if you want your initiative to pass, it better be polling high—at least in the high 50s—well before the election. That’s especially true if your opponent is going to outspend you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Public Policy Institute of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> published in September found that only 36 percent of likely voters liked Prop. 10. That poll was conducted mostly before the avalanche of negative advertising began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those early poll numbers may help explain why the vast majority of the money on the Yes side has come from just one source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation has contributed roughly $21 million of the $26 million raised in support of Prop. 10. The nonprofit organization is headed by Michael Weinstein, a fiery and divisive Bernie Sanders-style progressive who has spent tens of millions on other state and local ballot initiatives in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11703562\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-160x97.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1020x618.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1200x727.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1920x1162.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1180x714.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-960x581.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-240x145.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-375x227.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-520x315.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some powerful labor unions have chipped in on the Yes campaign and provided grassroots help, but few have thrown big money behind it. Amy Schur, state campaign director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a group pushing the measure, said some unions probably had to save resources for other causes on a busy ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did hope we would raise more money,” Schur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The beginning of a stronger movement, or new leverage for landlords?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 say that even if the initiative loses, they’ve organized and strengthened a social movement that will continue to push the rent control issue forward. And that might come as soon as 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not successful on Tuesday, legitimate conversations are going to take place around this state…about whether statewide rent control on the 2020 ballot is appropriate,” said the Yes side’s Goodmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a loss on the magnitude of what the polls predict means landlords and their partners can say Californians have rejected an expansion of rent control in decisive fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s powerful leverage for any future negotiations on the issue–negotiations that Democratic gubernatorial front-runner Gavin Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article220536525.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledged\u003c/a> to facilitate if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/program/kqed-newsroom/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED Newsroom\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Friday, Nov. 2, 2018\u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">7 p.m. on Channel 9\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jose Antonio Vargas, #HateSpeech on Social Media, Week in Politics \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the final week before the midterm elections on Nov. 6, we look at the latest in key California congressional races. Also, we check in on two statewide propositions currently trailing among voters — Proposition 6, the repeal of the state gas tax, and Proposition 10, which would give cities the ability to expand rent control. Plus, the status of San Francisco’s hotly debated Proposition C, a proposed business tax solution for the city’s pervasive homelessness problem.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Scott Shafer, Senior Editor \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Marisa Lagos, Reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guy Marzorati, Reporter and Producer \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Policing #HateSpeech on Social Media\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Following the deadly synagogue shooting in Pittsburgh last weekend and a series of pipe bombs mailed to prominent Democrats, there’s heightened scrutiny of the role social media plays in inciting violence. The accused Pittsburgh shooter posted anti-Semitic comments on Gab.com leading up to the shooting, while the man allegedly behind the pipe bombs reportedly posted threatening tweets about public officials. Despite efforts to police hate speech, many popular sites like Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and WhatsApp remain fertile ground for hateful speech. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Mike Isaac, New York Times Technology Reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Casey Newton, The Verge’s Silicon Valley Editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Journalist Jose Antonio Vargas\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Jose Antonio Vargas joins us to talk about his new memoir, \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dear America: Notes of an Undocumented Citizen\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. A prominent public voice representing the undocumented community, Vargas’ memoir steers away from the politics of immigration and speaks candidly to his experiences of hiding and lying to get by as an undocumented person. An alumnus of Mountain View High School and San Francisco State University, Vargas returns to the Bay Area for a poignant, personal conversation on what it means to not have a home.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/program/kqed-newsroom/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED Newsroom\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Friday, Nov. 2, 2018\u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">7 p.m. on Channel 9\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jose Antonio Vargas, #HateSpeech on Social Media, Week in Politics \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the final week before the midterm elections on Nov. 6, we look at the latest in key California congressional races. Also, we check in on two statewide propositions currently trailing among voters — Proposition 6, the repeal of the state gas tax, and Proposition 10, which would give cities the ability to expand rent control. Plus, the status of San Francisco’s hotly debated Proposition C, a proposed business tax solution for the city’s pervasive homelessness problem.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Scott Shafer, Senior Editor \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Marisa Lagos, Reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guy Marzorati, Reporter and Producer \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Policing #HateSpeech on Social Media\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Following the deadly synagogue shooting in Pittsburgh last weekend and a series of pipe bombs mailed to prominent Democrats, there’s heightened scrutiny of the role social media plays in inciting violence. The accused Pittsburgh shooter posted anti-Semitic comments on Gab.com leading up to the shooting, while the man allegedly behind the pipe bombs reportedly posted threatening tweets about public officials. Despite efforts to police hate speech, many popular sites like Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and WhatsApp remain fertile ground for hateful speech. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What’s at stake in the race for state superintendent of public instruction? It’s one of many races that don’t typically receive a lot of coverage, but this year, the race between two Democrats, Marshall Tuck and Assemblyman Tony Thurmond, has centered on the debate over charter schools. It has also become California’s second-most-expensive race this year. KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk joins host Thuy Vu to discuss the candidates, their backers and why this race has gotten so much money.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Scott Shafer, Senior Editor \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Marisa Lagos, Reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guy Marzorati, Reporter and Producer \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What’s at stake in the race for state superintendent of public instruction? It’s one of many races that don’t typically receive a lot of coverage, but this year, the race between two Democrats, Marshall Tuck and Assemblyman Tony Thurmond, has centered on the debate over charter schools. It has also become California’s second-most-expensive race this year. KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk joins host Thuy Vu to discuss the candidates, their backers and why this race has gotten so much money.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Scott Shafer, Senior Editor \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Marisa Lagos, Reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guy Marzorati, Reporter and Producer \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A North Korean artist who used to churn out propaganda posters celebrating the Pyongyang government is now exhibiting art in San Francisco that does the exact reverse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Korean leader Kim Jong Un figures prominently in the 34 bold acrylic paintings that make up Song Byeok’s \u003ca href=\"http://minnesotastreetproject.com/exhibitions/1275-minnesota-st/song-byeok-longing-freedom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“Longing for Freedom,”\u003c/a> an exhibition that opened Thursday at the \u003ca href=\"http://minnesotastreetproject.com/exhibitions/1275-minnesota-st\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Minnesota Street Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim Jong Un’s face sports a Hitler mustache in several pieces. In another, “Show of Dictator,” he grins atop the body of a rhinestone Elvis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703041\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 737px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11703041\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Show-of-Dictator_120cmx160cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2018.jpeg\" alt=\"'Show of Dictator' by Song Byeok.\" width=\"737\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Show-of-Dictator_120cmx160cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2018.jpeg 737w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Show-of-Dictator_120cmx160cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2018-160x208.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Show-of-Dictator_120cmx160cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2018-240x313.jpeg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Show-of-Dictator_120cmx160cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2018-375x488.jpeg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Show-of-Dictator_120cmx160cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2018-520x677.jpeg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 737px) 100vw, 737px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘Show of Dictator’ by Song Byeok. Acrylic on canvas. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Song Byeok)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Elvis was revered for his musical talent and his performance, and he was very respected,” Song told KQED through an interpreter a few hours before the show opened. “Kim Jong Un, on the other hand, is a horrible dictator that kills his own people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Song, who currently lives in Germany, doesn’t need to convince most Americans of this point of view. Still, exhibition curator Holly Baxter said it’s important for people here to see this work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to make sure that [Song’s] message of freedom and democracy was made visible and that we provided him with a platform,” Baxter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703312\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703312\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-800x763.jpg\" alt=\"Song Byeok poses at Minnesota Street Project.\" width=\"800\" height=\"763\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-800x763.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-160x153.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-1020x973.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-1200x1145.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-1180x1126.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-960x916.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-240x229.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-375x358.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-520x496.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-32x32.jpg 32w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Song Byeok poses at Minnesota Street Project. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are honored to exhibit the work of Song Byeok, an innovative artist whose work plays on the humorless propaganda of the Kim regime,” Baxter writes in a statement on the gallery’s website. “Song has transformed his insider knowledge into an incisive critique of government repression, infused with absurdity and references to pop culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Song himself — who fled from North to South Korea in 2002 after being released from prison, where he’d been tortured and incarcerated for attempting to escape to China to find food during a famine — it is more important for his work to reach North Koreans than Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to deliver a message to North Korean people,” the 47-year-old artist said. “I want to let Kim Jong Un know that he should allow freedom of art and freedom of religion to his people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not an easy proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are few, if any, North Koreans in the Bay Area. And it’s not like those back home have easy access to the internet or social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://hrf.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Human Rights Foundation\u003c/a>, the nonprofit organization behind exhibiting Song’s show at the Minnesota Street Project, is also showcasing an interactive installation called “\u003ca href=\"https://flashdrivesforfreedom.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Flash Drives for Freedom\u003c/a>,” a collaborative project to send USB flash drives packed with content from outside North Korea into the country, using drones and other methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703104\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703104\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-800x398.png\" alt=\"Flashdrives for Freedom logo\" width=\"800\" height=\"398\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-800x398.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-160x80.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-1020x508.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-1200x597.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-1180x587.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-960x478.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-240x119.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-375x187.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-520x259.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom.png 1238w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“Flash Drives for Freedom” logo \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Human Rights Foundation)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Content on the flash drives includes South Korean soap operas, Hollywood movies, Korean-language versions of Wikipedia and interviews with North Korean defectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The North Korean government strictly prohibits access to foreign information and media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organizers haven’t yet included digital images of Song’s work in the mix, but they are considering it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While airdropping contraband materials into North Korea might not incur great risk for the sender, possessing a USB flash drive loaded with this content comes with serious repercussions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People need to have full knowledge of what’s on the USBs so they can evaluate for themselves if they risk taking one,” said Martyn Williams, an expert on North Korean media with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.stimson.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Stimson Center\u003c/a>, a nonprofit think tank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve heard that in some places people won’t pick up USBs dropped by the roadside because they can’t risk getting caught with them. I also worry about the regime’s efforts to install trackers on the USBs and eventually figure out every computer or phone that has been near them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703039\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703039\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-800x1111.jpg\" alt=\"Kim Jong-un as Hitler in a painting by Song Byeok.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1111\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-800x1111.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-160x222.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-1020x1417.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-864x1200.jpg 864w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-1920x2667.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-1180x1639.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-960x1333.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-240x333.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-375x521.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-520x722.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kim Jong Un as Hitler in a painting by Song Byeok. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Song Byeok)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For his part, Song said he hopes to get his message across to North Korean nationals permitted to work in places outside North Korea, like China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said these people have internet access, so they could view his work online. But so far he hasn’t had any art shows in China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before coming to San Francisco, “Longing for Freedom” was previously exhibited in Los Angeles, and plans are currently being developed to take it to other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://minnesotastreetproject.com/exhibitions/1275-minnesota-st/song-byeok-longing-freedom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Song Byeok’s “Longing for Freedom” runs through Nov. 30 at Minnesota Street Project in San Francisco.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A North Korean artist who used to churn out propaganda posters celebrating the Pyongyang government is now exhibiting art in San Francisco that does the exact reverse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Korean leader Kim Jong Un figures prominently in the 34 bold acrylic paintings that make up Song Byeok’s \u003ca href=\"http://minnesotastreetproject.com/exhibitions/1275-minnesota-st/song-byeok-longing-freedom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“Longing for Freedom,”\u003c/a> an exhibition that opened Thursday at the \u003ca href=\"http://minnesotastreetproject.com/exhibitions/1275-minnesota-st\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Minnesota Street Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim Jong Un’s face sports a Hitler mustache in several pieces. In another, “Show of Dictator,” he grins atop the body of a rhinestone Elvis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703041\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 737px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11703041\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Show-of-Dictator_120cmx160cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2018.jpeg\" alt=\"'Show of Dictator' by Song Byeok.\" width=\"737\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Show-of-Dictator_120cmx160cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2018.jpeg 737w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Show-of-Dictator_120cmx160cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2018-160x208.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Show-of-Dictator_120cmx160cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2018-240x313.jpeg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Show-of-Dictator_120cmx160cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2018-375x488.jpeg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Show-of-Dictator_120cmx160cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2018-520x677.jpeg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 737px) 100vw, 737px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘Show of Dictator’ by Song Byeok. Acrylic on canvas. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Song Byeok)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Elvis was revered for his musical talent and his performance, and he was very respected,” Song told KQED through an interpreter a few hours before the show opened. “Kim Jong Un, on the other hand, is a horrible dictator that kills his own people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Song, who currently lives in Germany, doesn’t need to convince most Americans of this point of view. Still, exhibition curator Holly Baxter said it’s important for people here to see this work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to make sure that [Song’s] message of freedom and democracy was made visible and that we provided him with a platform,” Baxter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703312\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703312\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-800x763.jpg\" alt=\"Song Byeok poses at Minnesota Street Project.\" width=\"800\" height=\"763\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-800x763.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-160x153.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-1020x973.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-1200x1145.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-1180x1126.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-960x916.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-240x229.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-375x358.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-520x496.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/SongGallery-32x32.jpg 32w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Song Byeok poses at Minnesota Street Project. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are honored to exhibit the work of Song Byeok, an innovative artist whose work plays on the humorless propaganda of the Kim regime,” Baxter writes in a statement on the gallery’s website. “Song has transformed his insider knowledge into an incisive critique of government repression, infused with absurdity and references to pop culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Song himself — who fled from North to South Korea in 2002 after being released from prison, where he’d been tortured and incarcerated for attempting to escape to China to find food during a famine — it is more important for his work to reach North Koreans than Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to deliver a message to North Korean people,” the 47-year-old artist said. “I want to let Kim Jong Un know that he should allow freedom of art and freedom of religion to his people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not an easy proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are few, if any, North Koreans in the Bay Area. And it’s not like those back home have easy access to the internet or social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://hrf.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Human Rights Foundation\u003c/a>, the nonprofit organization behind exhibiting Song’s show at the Minnesota Street Project, is also showcasing an interactive installation called “\u003ca href=\"https://flashdrivesforfreedom.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Flash Drives for Freedom\u003c/a>,” a collaborative project to send USB flash drives packed with content from outside North Korea into the country, using drones and other methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703104\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703104\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-800x398.png\" alt=\"Flashdrives for Freedom logo\" width=\"800\" height=\"398\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-800x398.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-160x80.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-1020x508.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-1200x597.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-1180x587.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-960x478.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-240x119.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-375x187.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom-520x259.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/flashdrives-for-freedom.png 1238w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“Flash Drives for Freedom” logo \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Human Rights Foundation)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Content on the flash drives includes South Korean soap operas, Hollywood movies, Korean-language versions of Wikipedia and interviews with North Korean defectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The North Korean government strictly prohibits access to foreign information and media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organizers haven’t yet included digital images of Song’s work in the mix, but they are considering it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While airdropping contraband materials into North Korea might not incur great risk for the sender, possessing a USB flash drive loaded with this content comes with serious repercussions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People need to have full knowledge of what’s on the USBs so they can evaluate for themselves if they risk taking one,” said Martyn Williams, an expert on North Korean media with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.stimson.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Stimson Center\u003c/a>, a nonprofit think tank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve heard that in some places people won’t pick up USBs dropped by the roadside because they can’t risk getting caught with them. I also worry about the regime’s efforts to install trackers on the USBs and eventually figure out every computer or phone that has been near them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703039\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703039\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-800x1111.jpg\" alt=\"Kim Jong-un as Hitler in a painting by Song Byeok.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1111\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-800x1111.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-160x222.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-1020x1417.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-864x1200.jpg 864w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-1920x2667.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-1180x1639.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-960x1333.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-240x333.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-375x521.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Dictator-Kim-Jung-Eun_70cmx50cm_Acryl-on-canvas_2017-520x722.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kim Jong Un as Hitler in a painting by Song Byeok. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Song Byeok)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For his part, Song said he hopes to get his message across to North Korean nationals permitted to work in places outside North Korea, like China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said these people have internet access, so they could view his work online. But so far he hasn’t had any art shows in China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before coming to San Francisco, “Longing for Freedom” was previously exhibited in Los Angeles, and plans are currently being developed to take it to other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://minnesotastreetproject.com/exhibitions/1275-minnesota-st/song-byeok-longing-freedom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Song Byeok’s “Longing for Freedom” runs through Nov. 30 at Minnesota Street Project in San Francisco.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>One of the biggest questions that will be answered on election night is, “Which party will control the House of Representatives?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats need a net pickup of 23 seats to gain a majority, and the party is targeting seven California seats now held by Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, it could come down to California results Tuesday night to determine who wins the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watch the animated video above for a look at the candidates and issues voters are considering in those contested races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]E[/dropcap]ven if you don’t follow Central Valley politics closely, you’ve probably still heard of Republican congressman Devin Nunes. As chair of the House Intelligence Committee, Nunes has helped defend President Trump throughout the Robert Mueller investigation into Russia’s meddling in the 2016 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nunes has leveraged his high-profile role as Trump’s defender-in-chief to help collect a massive campaign war chest — $17 million — for a race in California’s 22nd Congressional District, which includes Tulare and Fresno counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nunes’ notoriety has also helped his opponent, Democrat Andrew Janz. With help from progressive groups like Red to Blue California, the Fresno prosecutor has raised more than $8 million, an enormous sum for a challenger in a race within one of California’s most poverty-stricken regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that cash makes this the most expensive congressional race in the country this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his first election in 2002, Nunes has been easily re-elected seven times despite not having held a town hall meeting here in years. With little help from his Democratic Party, Janz has mounted the strongest challenge Nunes has faced since he first entered office in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like Democrats have never tried to win here,” says Janz. “Nunes has not done his constitutional obligation, which is to be a check on Donald Trump in the executive branch. So I really think that we need a representative from the valley that is willing to go to Washington and challenge the status quo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nunes has skipped every opportunity to debate his opponent this election. Nonetheless, he \u003cem>is\u003c/em> raising bushels of money, bringing in over five times more than he raised two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Tuesday night at a bar a few blocks away from Nunes’ district office in Visalia, a group of men were having drinks before heading to a Nunes campaign fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702570\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/GettyImages-1030088898-e1540947914500.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702570\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/GettyImages-1030088898-800x567.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"567\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Campaign signs for Tulare County Rep. Devin Nunes, who is facing a stronger-than-expected challenge from Democrat Andrew Janz in the midterm elections. \u003ccite>(Mark Ralston/AFP-Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Retired dairy farmer Jack Price doesn’t mind that Nunes isn’t debating his opponent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think Devin Nunes will win,” Price says. “Because he understands what the valley needs. The valley needs everything that’s important for agriculture. Is that water? Yes. Is that milk prices? Yes. And Devin has supported all of those.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why would you go to a public hearing where the people that march on this street walk around saying, ‘Devin Nunes is not my Congressman, President Trump is not (my president).’ … Why would you want that kind of conversation?” asks Brad Maaske, a Visalia real estate broker and general contractor who also supports Nunes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the valley, agriculture really is still king. And candidates who are seen as supportive of agriculture for the most part do tend to win,” says Fresno State University political science Professor Thomas Holyoke. “No issue is more important than water, and Congressman Nunes has built his career around the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702592\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702592\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-800x563.jpg\" alt=\"President Trump shakes hands with Rep. Devin Nunes as House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy looks on, after signing a presidential memorandum focused on sending more water to farmers in the Central Valley.\" width=\"800\" height=\"563\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-800x563.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-1020x718.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-1200x844.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-1180x830.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-960x676.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-240x169.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-375x264.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-520x366.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump shakes hands with Rep. Devin Nunes as House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy looks on, after signing a presidential memorandum focused on sending more water to farmers in the Central Valley. \u003ccite>(NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nunes recently lost the support of the district’s biggest newspaper, the Fresno Bee, which had endorsed him in every previous election since 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement to endorse his opponent this year came just weeks after Nunes’ campaign sent a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696756/is-rep-devin-nunes-at-war-with-his-local-newspaper\">38-page magazine\u003c/a> to voters in his district accusing the Bee of unethical and inaccurate reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The congressman’s campaign did not respond to repeated interview requests for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Evergreen Garden Center in Clovis, as customers browse drought-tolerant plants, an ad paid for by the Nunes campaign played on the radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702571\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/GettyImages-1008463520-e1540948233836.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702571\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/GettyImages-1008463520-800x537.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"537\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew Janz, a Fresno County prosecutor trying to unseat Rep. Devin Nunes, at a July rally in Clovis. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“President Trump and Devin Nunes are standing up to the environmental extremists who cut off our water,” the ad says. “After his visits to the valley, the president understood the role our Central Valley serves in feeding the nation and the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Geoffrey Callow, who works at the nursery, says he voted for Nunes in the past — by mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callow believed the congressman was Latino because of his last name. Nunes and several other local congressmen, including \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/biography/\">Rep. David Valadao\u003c/a>, R-Hanford, and \u003ca href=\"https://costa.house.gov/media-center/press-releases/costa-continues-work-strengthen-american-portuguese-relationship\">Rep. Jim Costa\u003c/a>, D-Merced, come from dairy farming families that came to the Central Valley from Portugal’s Azores Islands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw ‘Nunes’ and I’m Hispanic, so I thought, ‘Oh — he’s gonna be for us.’ But then Trump got elected and I kind of realized what (Nunes) is about,” Callow says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people aren’t familiar with what’s going on, and there’s a large Hispanic population here in Fresno. I think they’re automatically going to go towards a name that they recognize and feel comfortable with, and that’s worrisome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callow supports Janz, whom he sees as the only way to make a change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, I don’t know a ton about Andrew Janz. I just know he’s not Devin Nunes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno State’s Holyoke predicts the outcome of the race will come down to voter turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the more rural agricultural voters are pretty good about coming out and voting,” he says. “They’re reliable voters. While a lot of the urban voters in the Fresno area, they’re not so reliable. If (Janz) can get his voter base turned out to a high degree, if the Republican voter base is depressed, Janz could win. I still think the chances are that Congressman Nunes will win, but I \u003cem>can\u003c/em> see a scenario where Andrew Janz wins.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Both Rep. Devin Nunes, a key ally of President Trump, and his Democratic challenger, Andrew Janz, have attracted huge amounts of campaign funding. ",
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"title": "The Nation's Most Expensive Congressional Race Is in the Central Valley | KQED",
"description": "Both Rep. Devin Nunes, a key ally of President Trump, and his Democratic challenger, Andrew Janz, have attracted huge amounts of campaign funding. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">E\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ven if you don’t follow Central Valley politics closely, you’ve probably still heard of Republican congressman Devin Nunes. As chair of the House Intelligence Committee, Nunes has helped defend President Trump throughout the Robert Mueller investigation into Russia’s meddling in the 2016 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nunes has leveraged his high-profile role as Trump’s defender-in-chief to help collect a massive campaign war chest — $17 million — for a race in California’s 22nd Congressional District, which includes Tulare and Fresno counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nunes’ notoriety has also helped his opponent, Democrat Andrew Janz. With help from progressive groups like Red to Blue California, the Fresno prosecutor has raised more than $8 million, an enormous sum for a challenger in a race within one of California’s most poverty-stricken regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that cash makes this the most expensive congressional race in the country this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his first election in 2002, Nunes has been easily re-elected seven times despite not having held a town hall meeting here in years. With little help from his Democratic Party, Janz has mounted the strongest challenge Nunes has faced since he first entered office in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like Democrats have never tried to win here,” says Janz. “Nunes has not done his constitutional obligation, which is to be a check on Donald Trump in the executive branch. So I really think that we need a representative from the valley that is willing to go to Washington and challenge the status quo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nunes has skipped every opportunity to debate his opponent this election. Nonetheless, he \u003cem>is\u003c/em> raising bushels of money, bringing in over five times more than he raised two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Tuesday night at a bar a few blocks away from Nunes’ district office in Visalia, a group of men were having drinks before heading to a Nunes campaign fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702570\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/GettyImages-1030088898-e1540947914500.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702570\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/GettyImages-1030088898-800x567.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"567\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Campaign signs for Tulare County Rep. Devin Nunes, who is facing a stronger-than-expected challenge from Democrat Andrew Janz in the midterm elections. \u003ccite>(Mark Ralston/AFP-Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Retired dairy farmer Jack Price doesn’t mind that Nunes isn’t debating his opponent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think Devin Nunes will win,” Price says. “Because he understands what the valley needs. The valley needs everything that’s important for agriculture. Is that water? Yes. Is that milk prices? Yes. And Devin has supported all of those.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why would you go to a public hearing where the people that march on this street walk around saying, ‘Devin Nunes is not my Congressman, President Trump is not (my president).’ … Why would you want that kind of conversation?” asks Brad Maaske, a Visalia real estate broker and general contractor who also supports Nunes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the valley, agriculture really is still king. And candidates who are seen as supportive of agriculture for the most part do tend to win,” says Fresno State University political science Professor Thomas Holyoke. “No issue is more important than water, and Congressman Nunes has built his career around the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702592\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702592\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-800x563.jpg\" alt=\"President Trump shakes hands with Rep. Devin Nunes as House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy looks on, after signing a presidential memorandum focused on sending more water to farmers in the Central Valley.\" width=\"800\" height=\"563\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-800x563.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-1020x718.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-1200x844.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-1180x830.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-960x676.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-240x169.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-375x264.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/TrumpNunes-520x366.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump shakes hands with Rep. Devin Nunes as House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy looks on, after signing a presidential memorandum focused on sending more water to farmers in the Central Valley. \u003ccite>(NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nunes recently lost the support of the district’s biggest newspaper, the Fresno Bee, which had endorsed him in every previous election since 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement to endorse his opponent this year came just weeks after Nunes’ campaign sent a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696756/is-rep-devin-nunes-at-war-with-his-local-newspaper\">38-page magazine\u003c/a> to voters in his district accusing the Bee of unethical and inaccurate reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The congressman’s campaign did not respond to repeated interview requests for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Evergreen Garden Center in Clovis, as customers browse drought-tolerant plants, an ad paid for by the Nunes campaign played on the radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702571\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/GettyImages-1008463520-e1540948233836.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702571\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/GettyImages-1008463520-800x537.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"537\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew Janz, a Fresno County prosecutor trying to unseat Rep. Devin Nunes, at a July rally in Clovis. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“President Trump and Devin Nunes are standing up to the environmental extremists who cut off our water,” the ad says. “After his visits to the valley, the president understood the role our Central Valley serves in feeding the nation and the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Geoffrey Callow, who works at the nursery, says he voted for Nunes in the past — by mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callow believed the congressman was Latino because of his last name. Nunes and several other local congressmen, including \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/biography/\">Rep. David Valadao\u003c/a>, R-Hanford, and \u003ca href=\"https://costa.house.gov/media-center/press-releases/costa-continues-work-strengthen-american-portuguese-relationship\">Rep. Jim Costa\u003c/a>, D-Merced, come from dairy farming families that came to the Central Valley from Portugal’s Azores Islands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw ‘Nunes’ and I’m Hispanic, so I thought, ‘Oh — he’s gonna be for us.’ But then Trump got elected and I kind of realized what (Nunes) is about,” Callow says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people aren’t familiar with what’s going on, and there’s a large Hispanic population here in Fresno. I think they’re automatically going to go towards a name that they recognize and feel comfortable with, and that’s worrisome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callow supports Janz, whom he sees as the only way to make a change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, I don’t know a ton about Andrew Janz. I just know he’s not Devin Nunes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno State’s Holyoke predicts the outcome of the race will come down to voter turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the more rural agricultural voters are pretty good about coming out and voting,” he says. “They’re reliable voters. While a lot of the urban voters in the Fresno area, they’re not so reliable. If (Janz) can get his voter base turned out to a high degree, if the Republican voter base is depressed, Janz could win. I still think the chances are that Congressman Nunes will win, but I \u003cem>can\u003c/em> see a scenario where Andrew Janz wins.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-cheese-makers-hit-hard-by-u-s-mexico-trade-war",
"title": "California Cheesemakers Hit Hard by U.S.-Mexico Trade War",
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"content": "\u003cp>After President Trump slapped tariffs on aluminum and steel coming from the European Union, Canada and Mexico in May, Mexico responded with tariffs of its own on U.S-made cheese and a slew of other products in retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), the successor to NAFTA, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/01/business/trump-nafta-usmca-differences.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">agreed upon\u003c/a> by the U.S., Canada and Mexico earlier this month. But it didn’t do anything to address Trump’s metals tariffs, and cheese remains a part of the United States’ trade war with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exports are an increasingly important way California’s cheese processors make money. And because Mexico represents a huge chunk of those exports, they’re feeling the pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, almost a third of the state’s dairy products were exported to Mexico, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/PDFs/2017AgExports.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the California Department of Food and Agriculture. Canada is a distant second, followed by China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Peluso Cheese manufacturing facility in the Central Valley city of Los Banos, three women grind Cotija Molido into a crumble that’s used in traditional Mexican and Central American cooking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women stand as they work in a small refrigerated room cordoned off from the rest of the building with a plastic curtain. Before it leaves this part of the facility, the cheese will be bagged, labeled and boxed for shipping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cotija Molido is one of several cheeses — along with Oaxaca and Panela — that Peluso sells to consumers south of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rene Reynoso, Peluso’s chief operating officer, said they ship 40,000 pounds of cheese to Mexico each month. He’d been planning to increase that by a factor of five, to 200,000 pounds of cheese per month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then, he hit the brakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We basically saw everything that was going on with the trade wars and we said ‘uh-oh.’ That’s going to create problems for our business,” Reynoso said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico has enacted tariffs of as much as 25 percent on cheese made in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mexican people living in Mexico won’t be able to afford this cheese. They’re going to feel that the price is too high for their budgets,” Reynoso said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peluso Cheese is shelving its once ambitious expansion plans. Plans to add 10 to 12 people to the staff of 35 are on hold. And for those who already had jobs, they’re getting fewer hours each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702478\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702478\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-800x598.jpg\" alt=\"Bags of Cotija Molido cheese at the Peluso Cheese facility, ready for shipping.\" width=\"800\" height=\"598\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-800x598.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-1020x763.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-1200x898.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-1180x883.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-960x718.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-375x280.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-520x389.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bags of Cotija Molido cheese at the Peluso Cheese facility, ready for shipping. \u003ccite>(Lily Jamali/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Reynoso thinks in the long run, he and others will benefit from Trump’s trade war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do support his decision to even the playing field on trade,” Reynoso said. “A lot of countries have taken advantage of the United States, and past presidents weren’t actually doing anything about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the short term, Mexico’s tariffs have hit the dairy industry hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the National Milk Producers Federation \u003ca href=\"http://www.nmpf.org/latest-news/press-releases/oct-2018/oct-24-nmpf-asks-usda-bolster-dairy-aid-package\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue to highlight its estimate that milk producers have experienced more than $1 billion in lost income since May to tariff retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Hilmar Cheese Company, a large cheese processor in Turlock that sells to brands and restaurants around the world, CEO David Ahlem says there could be long-term impacts as his customers look for a short-term fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My fear is that this will have long-term impacts in the supply chain as they go and look for cheese from other places, whether that’s the European Union or Australia and New Zealand, and believe you me, they’re standing at the door ready to fill those markets and sell them some cheese.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, once those customers go elsewhere, they might not come back, even after the trade wars are done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Mexico represents a huge chunk of California’s cheese exports - and its tariffs on U.S.-made cheese have the state’s producers feeling the pressure.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After President Trump slapped tariffs on aluminum and steel coming from the European Union, Canada and Mexico in May, Mexico responded with tariffs of its own on U.S-made cheese and a slew of other products in retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), the successor to NAFTA, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/01/business/trump-nafta-usmca-differences.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">agreed upon\u003c/a> by the U.S., Canada and Mexico earlier this month. But it didn’t do anything to address Trump’s metals tariffs, and cheese remains a part of the United States’ trade war with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exports are an increasingly important way California’s cheese processors make money. And because Mexico represents a huge chunk of those exports, they’re feeling the pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, almost a third of the state’s dairy products were exported to Mexico, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/PDFs/2017AgExports.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the California Department of Food and Agriculture. Canada is a distant second, followed by China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Peluso Cheese manufacturing facility in the Central Valley city of Los Banos, three women grind Cotija Molido into a crumble that’s used in traditional Mexican and Central American cooking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women stand as they work in a small refrigerated room cordoned off from the rest of the building with a plastic curtain. Before it leaves this part of the facility, the cheese will be bagged, labeled and boxed for shipping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cotija Molido is one of several cheeses — along with Oaxaca and Panela — that Peluso sells to consumers south of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rene Reynoso, Peluso’s chief operating officer, said they ship 40,000 pounds of cheese to Mexico each month. He’d been planning to increase that by a factor of five, to 200,000 pounds of cheese per month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then, he hit the brakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We basically saw everything that was going on with the trade wars and we said ‘uh-oh.’ That’s going to create problems for our business,” Reynoso said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico has enacted tariffs of as much as 25 percent on cheese made in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mexican people living in Mexico won’t be able to afford this cheese. They’re going to feel that the price is too high for their budgets,” Reynoso said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peluso Cheese is shelving its once ambitious expansion plans. Plans to add 10 to 12 people to the staff of 35 are on hold. And for those who already had jobs, they’re getting fewer hours each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702478\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702478\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-800x598.jpg\" alt=\"Bags of Cotija Molido cheese at the Peluso Cheese facility, ready for shipping.\" width=\"800\" height=\"598\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-800x598.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-1020x763.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-1200x898.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-1180x883.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-960x718.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-375x280.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-520x389.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bags of Cotija Molido cheese at the Peluso Cheese facility, ready for shipping. \u003ccite>(Lily Jamali/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Reynoso thinks in the long run, he and others will benefit from Trump’s trade war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do support his decision to even the playing field on trade,” Reynoso said. “A lot of countries have taken advantage of the United States, and past presidents weren’t actually doing anything about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the short term, Mexico’s tariffs have hit the dairy industry hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the National Milk Producers Federation \u003ca href=\"http://www.nmpf.org/latest-news/press-releases/oct-2018/oct-24-nmpf-asks-usda-bolster-dairy-aid-package\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue to highlight its estimate that milk producers have experienced more than $1 billion in lost income since May to tariff retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Hilmar Cheese Company, a large cheese processor in Turlock that sells to brands and restaurants around the world, CEO David Ahlem says there could be long-term impacts as his customers look for a short-term fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My fear is that this will have long-term impacts in the supply chain as they go and look for cheese from other places, whether that’s the European Union or Australia and New Zealand, and believe you me, they’re standing at the door ready to fill those markets and sell them some cheese.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, once those customers go elsewhere, they might not come back, even after the trade wars are done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Sen. Dianne Feinstein\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein visits KQED for a one-on-one interview with KQED Senior Politics and Government Editor Scott Shafer. She talks about her high-profile role in the Kavanaugh hearings, including what she would have done differently. She also discusses the Saudi crisis, and comes out in favor of San Francisco’s Proposition C that aims to address the city’s homeless issue by taxing big businesses. Currently the longest-serving woman senator, Feinstein doesn’t shy away from addressing her age and why she believes she’s still fit to serve for a fifth term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pipe bomb scare reached Northern California today, as two suspicious packages addressed to Sen. Kamala Harris and billionaire Democratic activist Tom Steyer were found in Burlingame and Sacramento. The still-developing story has sent ripples across Capitol Hill and the country in the runup to midterm elections. Meanwhile, President Trump considers closing the U.S. border as the caravan of Central American migrants continues trekking north. Plus, we look at the latest in a closely watched midterm election contest in the Central Valley’s 10th Congressional District between incumbent Republican Jeff Denham and Democratic challenger Josh Harder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle senior political writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sean Walsh, Republican political consultant\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Anand Giridharadas’ “Winners Take All”\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We sit down with journalist and author Anand Giridharadas, who says many contemporary do-gooders fight for social change only if it doesn’t hurt their private wealth and powerful positions. In his new book, “Winners Take All: The Elite Charade of Changing the World,” Giridharadas argues that despite Silicon Valley’s idealistic language, tech companies and philanthropists are too invested in the status quo, from cozy relationships with Saudi investors to corporations that resist taxes to fund homeless services in San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Sen. Dianne Feinstein\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein visits KQED for a one-on-one interview with KQED Senior Politics and Government Editor Scott Shafer. She talks about her high-profile role in the Kavanaugh hearings, including what she would have done differently. She also discusses the Saudi crisis, and comes out in favor of San Francisco’s Proposition C that aims to address the city’s homeless issue by taxing big businesses. Currently the longest-serving woman senator, Feinstein doesn’t shy away from addressing her age and why she believes she’s still fit to serve for a fifth term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pipe bomb scare reached Northern California today, as two suspicious packages addressed to Sen. Kamala Harris and billionaire Democratic activist Tom Steyer were found in Burlingame and Sacramento. The still-developing story has sent ripples across Capitol Hill and the country in the runup to midterm elections. Meanwhile, President Trump considers closing the U.S. border as the caravan of Central American migrants continues trekking north. Plus, we look at the latest in a closely watched midterm election contest in the Central Valley’s 10th Congressional District between incumbent Republican Jeff Denham and Democratic challenger Josh Harder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle senior political writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sean Walsh, Republican political consultant\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Anand Giridharadas’ “Winners Take All”\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We sit down with journalist and author Anand Giridharadas, who says many contemporary do-gooders fight for social change only if it doesn’t hurt their private wealth and powerful positions. In his new book, “Winners Take All: The Elite Charade of Changing the World,” Giridharadas argues that despite Silicon Valley’s idealistic language, tech companies and philanthropists are too invested in the status quo, from cozy relationships with Saudi investors to corporations that resist taxes to fund homeless services in San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former Rohnert Park police Sgt. Jacy Tatum testified in a federal civil trial Wednesday, while he remains under a separate investigation probing the ex-drug cop’s credibility and his prolific seizures of cash and marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cstrong>‘He’s making this up as he goes along, and I know this because he’s done it before.’\u003c/strong>\u003ccite>Arturo González,\u003cbr>\nPlaintiffs’ attorney\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit filed against the city and three of its officers, including Tatum, by Elva and Raul Barajas in 2014 raises further questions about the Rohnert Park Department of Public Safety’s policies and oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple alleges that Tatum, now-retired Officer David Rodriguez and Officer Matthew Snodgrass illegally searched their home in 2014. Tatum entered through the home’s back door with his gun drawn, while the other officers talked with Raul Barajas at the front door. All three officers testified Wednesday that the search was a routine compliance check on the couple’s adult son, Edgar Perez, who was on probation.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Mystery Informant\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple’s attorney, Arturo González, began by questioning Tatum about an earlier contact with Perez outside the same home in 2010. That incident ended with a physical fight between Perez, Tatum and Rodriguez, who used a Taser on Perez before taking him into custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>González wanted to know why Tatum approached Perez while he was playing catch outside the home with his younger brother. And why did his story about the arrest change?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tatum’s original police report and later in testimony at criminal court, he said that he was driving by in his patrol car and stopped because he noticed Perez was sweaty and thought he was on drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in federal court Wednesday, both Tatum and Rodriguez testified there was a different reason they contacted Perez: A criminal informant told Tatum he would take the then-officer to his drug dealer.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11673412/highway-robbery-drivers-allege-rohnert-park-police-illegally-seized-cannabis-cash\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">‘Highway Robbery’: Drivers Allege Rohnert Park Police Illegally Seized Cannabis, Cash\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11673412/highway-robbery-drivers-allege-rohnert-park-police-illegally-seized-cannabis-cash\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS31344_IMG_3493-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">Allegations of questionable traffic stops and illegally seized cash and marijuana by Rohnert Park police.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I said hop in,” Tatum said. “I have tinted windows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum said the informant led Tatum to the home of Edgar Perez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>González anticipated Tatum’s shifting account before his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s making this up as he goes along,” González told Magistrate Judge Sallie Kim before the jury was brought in. “And I know this because he’s done it before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum testified that he got out of the patrol car and told Perez that he was investigating a hit-and-run involving Perez’s vehicle. This wasn’t true, but Tatum said it was a “ruse” to disguise the reason he was there and “de-escalate” the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t work. When Rodriguez arrived on the scene, he said Perez was clearly aggravated. Then Tatum tried to do a field sobriety test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s when the fight started,” Rodriguez testified. “He tried to punch me and he missed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the altercation, Rodriguez used a Taser on Perez’s neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That also didn’t work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were losing,” Rodriguez said. They called a third officer to assist, and Perez was arrested and taken to the hospital and then to jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez initially faced battery and possession charges — officers found four grams of methamphetamine in his pocket, defense attorney Scott Lewis said in his opening statement Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez pleaded no contest to drug possession and resisting arrest. He was sentenced to probation, which included a condition that officers could search his residence at any time during the day or at a reasonable hour of the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shifting Testimony\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When González asked Tatum on Wednesday why he did not mention the informant in a criminal court hearing related to Perez’s case, the ex-cop repeatedly said he did not recall testifying that the reason for the stop was Perez’s sweaty appearance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So González showed the former officer a transcript of the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Does this refresh your recollection?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is what the transcript said,” Tatum said. “I do not remember testifying to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700572/ex-rohnert-park-police-officer-skips-court-because-kqed-might-be-there-we-were\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Ex-Rohnert Park Police Officer Skips Court ‘Because KQED Might Be There’ (We Were)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700572/ex-rohnert-park-police-officer-skips-court-because-kqed-might-be-there-we-were\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/tatum-screenshot.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>González asked both Tatum and Rodriguez why they also didn’t mention an informant in police reports about the 2010 arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both said they were protecting the informant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the drug business if someone tells the police that you sold them drugs and then they get arrested and go to jail … you’re going to be mad at that person who told the police about you,” Rodriguez said. “And sometimes people retaliate by using violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez said he didn’t know the informant’s name because the man was Tatum’s informant. Tatum said he did not know the informant’s name either. Neither officer could point to any records that could conclusively corroborate their testimony about the informant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Credibility Questioned\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve testified untruthfully under oath, haven’t you?” González asked Tatum at one point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courtroom fell silent as Tatum paused for a long moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What are you referring to?” he finally answered. “I’m not sure. If you can refer to a certain point or case?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re aware of the fact you testified untruthfully in Superior Court in Sonoma County?” the lawyer asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis then objected, and the judge told González to move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11673412/highway-robbery-drivers-allege-rohnert-park-police-illegally-seized-cannabis-cash\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED investigation\u003c/a> found Tatum has had issues with credibility dating back to at least 2015, when his shifting testimony about the probable cause for a traffic stop led a judge to dismiss the case. In a 2016 case, four Sonoma County defense attorneys submitted affidavits declaring that they had reason to question Tatum’s credibility. In another case, Tatum’s reason for an arrest was disproved by body-camera footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11678122/documentation-missing-for-at-least-800-pounds-of-marijuana-seized-by-rohnert-park-police\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Records Missing for at Least 800 Pounds of Marijuana Seized by Rohnert Park Police\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11678122/documentation-missing-for-at-least-800-pounds-of-marijuana-seized-by-rohnert-park-police\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/rohnertpot_final001-1180x631.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">Officers wrote in police reports that they ordered seized marijuana destroyed, but court records ordering the destruction are missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>He was placed on the “Brady list” of officers with credibility issues kept by the Sonoma County District Attorney’s Office, according to four defense attorneys. Being on the Brady list meant, after that case, prosecutors had a duty to disclose evidence of Tatum’s past dishonest testimony to defense attorneys, who can use it to attack his credibility if he’s called as a witness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the judge in the Barajas case excluded evidence related to any cases that came after the 2014 probation search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum’s personal lawyer, Stuart Hanlon, said he didn’t know the particulars of the ex-cop’s previous issues with credibility on the stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know of any case where his credibility has been proven to be false or bad,” Hanlon said. “You know there are \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/8517253-181/rohnert-park-officials-tight-lipped-over?sba=AAS\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">stories\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/8422963-181/former-rohnert-park-sergeant-under?sba=AAS\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Press Democrat\u003c/a> basically talking about \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/8438487-181/former-sergeant-under-investigation-led?sba=AAS\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a lot of stuff\u003c/a>, but my contact with Jacy, which is clearly not on the streets and highways and houses, is that he’s very, very direct and honest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hanlon is a criminal lawyer, but he said he is not representing Tatum in any active criminal case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum said he had no comment when asked to speak about the case outside the federal courtroom on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately it will be up to the jury in the Barajas case to decide if they believe the ex-officer’s account of the 2014 search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘Sanctity of One’s Home’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More broadly, the jury will have to weigh a key constitutional question: Even if Perez waives his Fourth Amendment rights, does that mean his parents waive their rights as well?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case is about the sanctity of one’s home,” González argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 4, 2014, Tatum recruited then-Officer David Rodriguez and Officer Matthew Snodgrass to conduct two probation searches. At a previous house they visited, the officers found drugs and ammunition, according to their testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Rohnert Park had disbanded a specialized unit that conducted probation searches, due to budget cuts, defense attorney Lewis said. It became every officer’s responsibility to stop by probationers’ homes and search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they arrived at the Barajas home, the officers assumed different roles, Lewis said. Rodriguez, the “contact officer,” knocked on the front door. Snodgrass backed him up as cover. Tatum, the “catch officer,” was watching other exits.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cstrong>‘I’d never bet my life or my partner’s life on a drug dealer.’\u003c/strong>\u003ccite>Jacy Tatum,\u003cbr>\nFormer Rohnert Park police sergeant\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Tatum walked around the back of the house and entered through a sliding glass door, with his gun drawn, according to his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going into a house through the back door with a gun drawn is a big deal,” González said in his opening statement Tuesday, arguing it was unnecessary and dangerous in this case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum testified that he pulled his gun because it was dark in the remodeled garage where he entered and the gun had a flashlight on it, but also because he believed Perez had a gun. Tatum said he holstered his gun before the family noticed him behind them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum said he had pulled Perez over a couple of times in the past and found him in possession of either methamphetamine or a meth pipe, but Tatum didn’t report the probation violation because Perez was his informant. Tatum testified that they had each other’s cellphone numbers and they spoke every month or two.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he’s your informant and he’s cordial with you, why did you have to go to his house with your gun drawn?” González asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People that use drugs change, sir,” Tatum said. “And I’d never bet my life or my partner’s life on a drug dealer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Tatum was inside, Raul Barajas let Rodriguez and Snodgrass into the home. The officers searched every room in the house, for a total of about five minutes, officers said. They didn’t find Perez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>González said Rohnert Park’s practice of searching an entire home during probation checks is illegal: Officers are allowed to search only the probationer’s room and any common areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This search was unreasonable for multiple reasons,” González said, arguing that the city’s lack of policies specifically concerning probation searches gives officers too much latitude.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That leads to abuse,” González said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis said that after officers at the front door provided “knock-and-notice,” Tatum had every right to enter the probationer’s home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three officers testified that they felt they were abiding by state law during the search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a somewhat rare example, the jury is considering a federal claim alleging Rohnert Park failed to properly train and supervise its employees, in addition to claims against the officers themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez did not take the stand on Wednesday. González said he is getting treatment for addiction and that he may still testify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point during his testimony, Tatum was overcome with emotion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis had asked him when he had started working as a police officer. Tatum paused for several moments before answering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“2005,” he said finally, as he wiped tears from his face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum left his job in June amid the city’s investigation into questionable seizures of marijuana and cash along Highway 101.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Former Rohnert Park police Sgt. Jacy Tatum testified in a federal civil trial Wednesday, while he remains under a separate investigation probing the ex-drug cop’s credibility and his prolific seizures of cash and marijuana.",
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"title": "Ex-Cop’s Credibility Is Key Question in Federal Suit Against Rohnert Park | KQED",
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"headline": "Ex-Cop’s Credibility Is Key Question in Federal Suit Against Rohnert Park",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former Rohnert Park police Sgt. Jacy Tatum testified in a federal civil trial Wednesday, while he remains under a separate investigation probing the ex-drug cop’s credibility and his prolific seizures of cash and marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cstrong>‘He’s making this up as he goes along, and I know this because he’s done it before.’\u003c/strong>\u003ccite>Arturo González,\u003cbr>\nPlaintiffs’ attorney\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit filed against the city and three of its officers, including Tatum, by Elva and Raul Barajas in 2014 raises further questions about the Rohnert Park Department of Public Safety’s policies and oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple alleges that Tatum, now-retired Officer David Rodriguez and Officer Matthew Snodgrass illegally searched their home in 2014. Tatum entered through the home’s back door with his gun drawn, while the other officers talked with Raul Barajas at the front door. All three officers testified Wednesday that the search was a routine compliance check on the couple’s adult son, Edgar Perez, who was on probation.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Mystery Informant\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple’s attorney, Arturo González, began by questioning Tatum about an earlier contact with Perez outside the same home in 2010. That incident ended with a physical fight between Perez, Tatum and Rodriguez, who used a Taser on Perez before taking him into custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>González wanted to know why Tatum approached Perez while he was playing catch outside the home with his younger brother. And why did his story about the arrest change?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tatum’s original police report and later in testimony at criminal court, he said that he was driving by in his patrol car and stopped because he noticed Perez was sweaty and thought he was on drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in federal court Wednesday, both Tatum and Rodriguez testified there was a different reason they contacted Perez: A criminal informant told Tatum he would take the then-officer to his drug dealer.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11673412/highway-robbery-drivers-allege-rohnert-park-police-illegally-seized-cannabis-cash\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">‘Highway Robbery’: Drivers Allege Rohnert Park Police Illegally Seized Cannabis, Cash\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11673412/highway-robbery-drivers-allege-rohnert-park-police-illegally-seized-cannabis-cash\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS31344_IMG_3493-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">Allegations of questionable traffic stops and illegally seized cash and marijuana by Rohnert Park police.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I said hop in,” Tatum said. “I have tinted windows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum said the informant led Tatum to the home of Edgar Perez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>González anticipated Tatum’s shifting account before his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s making this up as he goes along,” González told Magistrate Judge Sallie Kim before the jury was brought in. “And I know this because he’s done it before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum testified that he got out of the patrol car and told Perez that he was investigating a hit-and-run involving Perez’s vehicle. This wasn’t true, but Tatum said it was a “ruse” to disguise the reason he was there and “de-escalate” the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t work. When Rodriguez arrived on the scene, he said Perez was clearly aggravated. Then Tatum tried to do a field sobriety test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s when the fight started,” Rodriguez testified. “He tried to punch me and he missed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the altercation, Rodriguez used a Taser on Perez’s neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That also didn’t work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were losing,” Rodriguez said. They called a third officer to assist, and Perez was arrested and taken to the hospital and then to jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez initially faced battery and possession charges — officers found four grams of methamphetamine in his pocket, defense attorney Scott Lewis said in his opening statement Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez pleaded no contest to drug possession and resisting arrest. He was sentenced to probation, which included a condition that officers could search his residence at any time during the day or at a reasonable hour of the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shifting Testimony\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When González asked Tatum on Wednesday why he did not mention the informant in a criminal court hearing related to Perez’s case, the ex-cop repeatedly said he did not recall testifying that the reason for the stop was Perez’s sweaty appearance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So González showed the former officer a transcript of the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Does this refresh your recollection?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is what the transcript said,” Tatum said. “I do not remember testifying to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700572/ex-rohnert-park-police-officer-skips-court-because-kqed-might-be-there-we-were\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Ex-Rohnert Park Police Officer Skips Court ‘Because KQED Might Be There’ (We Were)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700572/ex-rohnert-park-police-officer-skips-court-because-kqed-might-be-there-we-were\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/tatum-screenshot.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>González asked both Tatum and Rodriguez why they also didn’t mention an informant in police reports about the 2010 arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both said they were protecting the informant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the drug business if someone tells the police that you sold them drugs and then they get arrested and go to jail … you’re going to be mad at that person who told the police about you,” Rodriguez said. “And sometimes people retaliate by using violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez said he didn’t know the informant’s name because the man was Tatum’s informant. Tatum said he did not know the informant’s name either. Neither officer could point to any records that could conclusively corroborate their testimony about the informant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Credibility Questioned\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve testified untruthfully under oath, haven’t you?” González asked Tatum at one point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courtroom fell silent as Tatum paused for a long moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What are you referring to?” he finally answered. “I’m not sure. If you can refer to a certain point or case?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re aware of the fact you testified untruthfully in Superior Court in Sonoma County?” the lawyer asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis then objected, and the judge told González to move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11673412/highway-robbery-drivers-allege-rohnert-park-police-illegally-seized-cannabis-cash\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED investigation\u003c/a> found Tatum has had issues with credibility dating back to at least 2015, when his shifting testimony about the probable cause for a traffic stop led a judge to dismiss the case. In a 2016 case, four Sonoma County defense attorneys submitted affidavits declaring that they had reason to question Tatum’s credibility. In another case, Tatum’s reason for an arrest was disproved by body-camera footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11678122/documentation-missing-for-at-least-800-pounds-of-marijuana-seized-by-rohnert-park-police\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Records Missing for at Least 800 Pounds of Marijuana Seized by Rohnert Park Police\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11678122/documentation-missing-for-at-least-800-pounds-of-marijuana-seized-by-rohnert-park-police\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/rohnertpot_final001-1180x631.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">Officers wrote in police reports that they ordered seized marijuana destroyed, but court records ordering the destruction are missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>He was placed on the “Brady list” of officers with credibility issues kept by the Sonoma County District Attorney’s Office, according to four defense attorneys. Being on the Brady list meant, after that case, prosecutors had a duty to disclose evidence of Tatum’s past dishonest testimony to defense attorneys, who can use it to attack his credibility if he’s called as a witness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the judge in the Barajas case excluded evidence related to any cases that came after the 2014 probation search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum’s personal lawyer, Stuart Hanlon, said he didn’t know the particulars of the ex-cop’s previous issues with credibility on the stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know of any case where his credibility has been proven to be false or bad,” Hanlon said. “You know there are \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/8517253-181/rohnert-park-officials-tight-lipped-over?sba=AAS\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">stories\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/8422963-181/former-rohnert-park-sergeant-under?sba=AAS\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Press Democrat\u003c/a> basically talking about \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/8438487-181/former-sergeant-under-investigation-led?sba=AAS\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a lot of stuff\u003c/a>, but my contact with Jacy, which is clearly not on the streets and highways and houses, is that he’s very, very direct and honest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hanlon is a criminal lawyer, but he said he is not representing Tatum in any active criminal case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum said he had no comment when asked to speak about the case outside the federal courtroom on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately it will be up to the jury in the Barajas case to decide if they believe the ex-officer’s account of the 2014 search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘Sanctity of One’s Home’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More broadly, the jury will have to weigh a key constitutional question: Even if Perez waives his Fourth Amendment rights, does that mean his parents waive their rights as well?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case is about the sanctity of one’s home,” González argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 4, 2014, Tatum recruited then-Officer David Rodriguez and Officer Matthew Snodgrass to conduct two probation searches. At a previous house they visited, the officers found drugs and ammunition, according to their testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Rohnert Park had disbanded a specialized unit that conducted probation searches, due to budget cuts, defense attorney Lewis said. It became every officer’s responsibility to stop by probationers’ homes and search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they arrived at the Barajas home, the officers assumed different roles, Lewis said. Rodriguez, the “contact officer,” knocked on the front door. Snodgrass backed him up as cover. Tatum, the “catch officer,” was watching other exits.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cstrong>‘I’d never bet my life or my partner’s life on a drug dealer.’\u003c/strong>\u003ccite>Jacy Tatum,\u003cbr>\nFormer Rohnert Park police sergeant\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Tatum walked around the back of the house and entered through a sliding glass door, with his gun drawn, according to his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going into a house through the back door with a gun drawn is a big deal,” González said in his opening statement Tuesday, arguing it was unnecessary and dangerous in this case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum testified that he pulled his gun because it was dark in the remodeled garage where he entered and the gun had a flashlight on it, but also because he believed Perez had a gun. Tatum said he holstered his gun before the family noticed him behind them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum said he had pulled Perez over a couple of times in the past and found him in possession of either methamphetamine or a meth pipe, but Tatum didn’t report the probation violation because Perez was his informant. Tatum testified that they had each other’s cellphone numbers and they spoke every month or two.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he’s your informant and he’s cordial with you, why did you have to go to his house with your gun drawn?” González asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People that use drugs change, sir,” Tatum said. “And I’d never bet my life or my partner’s life on a drug dealer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Tatum was inside, Raul Barajas let Rodriguez and Snodgrass into the home. The officers searched every room in the house, for a total of about five minutes, officers said. They didn’t find Perez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>González said Rohnert Park’s practice of searching an entire home during probation checks is illegal: Officers are allowed to search only the probationer’s room and any common areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This search was unreasonable for multiple reasons,” González said, arguing that the city’s lack of policies specifically concerning probation searches gives officers too much latitude.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That leads to abuse,” González said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis said that after officers at the front door provided “knock-and-notice,” Tatum had every right to enter the probationer’s home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three officers testified that they felt they were abiding by state law during the search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a somewhat rare example, the jury is considering a federal claim alleging Rohnert Park failed to properly train and supervise its employees, in addition to claims against the officers themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez did not take the stand on Wednesday. González said he is getting treatment for addiction and that he may still testify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point during his testimony, Tatum was overcome with emotion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis had asked him when he had started working as a police officer. Tatum paused for several moments before answering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“2005,” he said finally, as he wiped tears from his face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum left his job in June amid the city’s investigation into questionable seizures of marijuana and cash along Highway 101.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s vast 49th Congressional District stretches along the coast of southern Orange and northern San Diego counties — and now it’s a key battleground in the fight for control of the House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not that long ago, this was a safe GOP seat. But for several reasons, it’s not anymore. First, the district’s population is \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/blog/tectonic-shifts-in-orange-county/\">less white and more Latino\u003c/a> than it used to be. Additionally, fewer voters there are registering as Republicans. Finally, the electorate was growing increasingly dissatisfied with Republican congressman Darrell Issa (R-Vista), who won his 2016 re-election by just over 1,600 votes, beating a relatively unknown Democrat with many fewer resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, perhaps realizing he couldn’t turn back the rising tide of dissatisfaction, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11641219/california-rep-darrell-issa-to-retire-adding-to-record-gop-exodus-from-congress\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Issa announced he would not seek another term\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC San Diego political science professor Thad Kousser said the unexpectedly close election in 2016 energized Issa’s opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After his narrow re-election, a huge amount of activist energy led to a major voter registration drive in the district that accelerated the impact of demographic shifts on the makeup of the electorate,” Kousser said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that Issa’s retirement, combined with massive Democratic spending in the 2018 cycle, have turned this into a “leaning-Democratic district.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And heading into the final stretch before the election, polls show that Democrat Mike Levin seems to have the upper hand against his Republican opponent. Levin, an environmental attorney, is making climate change a central part of his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve done a lot in California, very proactive, to reduce our greenhouse gas footprint. And at the same time we’ve grown the economy,” he said. “So I always have to push back on those who don’t think that you can grow the economy and protect the environment at the same time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levin may be tapping into something coastal residents care about in a district where the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689367/nuclear-regulatory-commission-to-conduct-inspection-after-near-miss-at-san-onofre\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">now-closed San Onofre Nuclear Power Plant\u003c/a> is located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levin has raised over $4 million and seems to have the wind at his back. Driving north on Interstate 5 at rush hour, it’s not uncommon to see campaign volunteers gathered on overpasses, holding large “Levin for Congress” banners and waving to commuters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine political science professor Graeme Boushey said there’s strong support for progressive-tilting positions in California on issues like health care, immigration reform and gun control. He said that puts Republicans candidates in swing districts like the 49th in a tough spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For them to tack to the left effectively risks alienating a base that they desperately need to turn out in this election,” he said. “There remains very high Republican support for Donald Trump among these voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Diane Harkey, Levin’s opponent, is endorsed by President Trump. She was asked to run for the seat by congressman Issa, and was reluctant at first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he first called me, I told him he was nuts,” she said. “I said absolutely not. I’m not going to be the one that runs in the flipped 49th.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after thinking it over, Harkey decided to jump in. The former state assemblywoman said California is hurting itself by resisting so many of Trump’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s gone way too far,” she said. “I mean the tax reform could have been much better to California had, in fact, we had two senators at the table and any Congress people negotiating for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bakersfield Republican Kevin McCarthy — the House majority leader — helped push the tax bill through, and all but two of the 14 Republican members of Congress from California voted for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Harkey argued a vote for her means California would have even more of a say on federal policies affecting the state. She’s hoping that message keeps her head above water in what Democrats are hoping is a large blue wave.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s vast 49th Congressional District stretches along the coast of southern Orange and northern San Diego counties — and now it’s a key battleground in the fight for control of the House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not that long ago, this was a safe GOP seat. But for several reasons, it’s not anymore. First, the district’s population is \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/blog/tectonic-shifts-in-orange-county/\">less white and more Latino\u003c/a> than it used to be. Additionally, fewer voters there are registering as Republicans. Finally, the electorate was growing increasingly dissatisfied with Republican congressman Darrell Issa (R-Vista), who won his 2016 re-election by just over 1,600 votes, beating a relatively unknown Democrat with many fewer resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, perhaps realizing he couldn’t turn back the rising tide of dissatisfaction, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11641219/california-rep-darrell-issa-to-retire-adding-to-record-gop-exodus-from-congress\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Issa announced he would not seek another term\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC San Diego political science professor Thad Kousser said the unexpectedly close election in 2016 energized Issa’s opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After his narrow re-election, a huge amount of activist energy led to a major voter registration drive in the district that accelerated the impact of demographic shifts on the makeup of the electorate,” Kousser said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that Issa’s retirement, combined with massive Democratic spending in the 2018 cycle, have turned this into a “leaning-Democratic district.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And heading into the final stretch before the election, polls show that Democrat Mike Levin seems to have the upper hand against his Republican opponent. Levin, an environmental attorney, is making climate change a central part of his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve done a lot in California, very proactive, to reduce our greenhouse gas footprint. And at the same time we’ve grown the economy,” he said. “So I always have to push back on those who don’t think that you can grow the economy and protect the environment at the same time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levin may be tapping into something coastal residents care about in a district where the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689367/nuclear-regulatory-commission-to-conduct-inspection-after-near-miss-at-san-onofre\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">now-closed San Onofre Nuclear Power Plant\u003c/a> is located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levin has raised over $4 million and seems to have the wind at his back. Driving north on Interstate 5 at rush hour, it’s not uncommon to see campaign volunteers gathered on overpasses, holding large “Levin for Congress” banners and waving to commuters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine political science professor Graeme Boushey said there’s strong support for progressive-tilting positions in California on issues like health care, immigration reform and gun control. He said that puts Republicans candidates in swing districts like the 49th in a tough spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For them to tack to the left effectively risks alienating a base that they desperately need to turn out in this election,” he said. “There remains very high Republican support for Donald Trump among these voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Diane Harkey, Levin’s opponent, is endorsed by President Trump. She was asked to run for the seat by congressman Issa, and was reluctant at first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he first called me, I told him he was nuts,” she said. “I said absolutely not. I’m not going to be the one that runs in the flipped 49th.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after thinking it over, Harkey decided to jump in. The former state assemblywoman said California is hurting itself by resisting so many of Trump’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s gone way too far,” she said. “I mean the tax reform could have been much better to California had, in fact, we had two senators at the table and any Congress people negotiating for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bakersfield Republican Kevin McCarthy — the House majority leader — helped push the tax bill through, and all but two of the 14 Republican members of Congress from California voted for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Harkey argued a vote for her means California would have even more of a say on federal policies affecting the state. She’s hoping that message keeps her head above water in what Democrats are hoping is a large blue wave.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Republicans running in Nevada’s hotly contested races for governor and U.S. Senate are taking aim at a common target as they try to maintain GOP control of the seats: California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more Californians have poured across the state line over the past few years, many of them escaping sky-high housing costs, some Nevada Republicans fear a state that already has become a political battleground will begin to resemble its deep blue neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GOP candidates are appealing to conservative voters with warnings about life in California: sanctuary cities, crippling business regulations, out-of-control housing prices and a worsening homeless crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Sen. Dean Heller, who is in a tight re-election battle against Democratic Rep. Jacky Rosen, has highlighted his opponent’s support from California billionaire Tom Steyer and Hollywood celebrities, while warning on Twitter that the state could become “CaliforNevada” if Rosen is elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians on the right have for years demonized California as a conservative’s worst nightmare. In 2003, as a joke, a Republican state lawmaker in Nevada requested a bill be drafted to rename the state “East California,” along with making The Beatles’ song “Taxman” the official state song.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California-bashing takes on added weight in Nevada, which has seen a greater-than-normal wave of Californians recently as housing prices and rents have soared in the Golden State. At the same time, transplants from Silicon Valley have followed Tesla, Apple and other California-grown companies as they have expanded in the Reno area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, with California emerging as a political bulwark against the Trump administration, the state has become a political bugaboo for conservatives around the country. They paint it as a cautionary tale of taxes, regulation, environmentalism and illegal immigration run amok.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Georgia, Republican candidate for governor Brian Kemp has cast his Democratic opponent, Stacey Abrams, as a tool of “billionaires and socialists who want to turn Georgia into California.” Texas Gov. Greg Abbott this summer declared that “California appears to have raised the leadership in the United States of America for socialism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican State Leadership Committee, which works on electing Republicans to state offices around the country, declared in a campaign email that California has turned into a “liberal wasteland” of “garbage-strewn streets, never-ending tax increases, and lax immigration laws” that Democrats would replicate if they took control of state legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Nevada, California has become a special source of angst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have long made up at least one-third of new residents to Nevada, but this year are on track to comprise 40 percent of new residents, according to drivers’ license data from the Nevada Department of Motor Vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That influx comes as Nevada has been trending more Democratic in its politics over the last decade, swinging for the Democrat in the past three presidential elections and giving Democrats full control of the Legislature in 2016 — the first time since 1992.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether the latest California influx will move the state firmly into the Democratic column this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevada’s races are at the center of the political universe again this year: The U.S. Senate race is a pivotal one for determining whether Republicans maintain control of that chamber, and whichever party wins the governor’s seat will have veto power over legislative and congressional redistricting following the 2020 Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people left California because of what they didn’t like, but then they got to Nevada and said, ‘Oh, in California, we had this. Oh, in California we had that.’ The things that they left, they want to bring here,” said Chuck Muth, a conservative activist and blogger in Las Vegas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think everybody has known about it, but now the candidates at the top of the Republican ticket are actually making a campaign issue out of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the governor’s race, Nevada’s Republican attorney general, Adam Laxalt, has frequently included anti-California messages in campaign appearances and statements, even when endorsing other candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laxalt cites sanctuary cities and burdensome regulations as ill-considered California policies that Nevada should avoid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you think it should be a crime in a restaurant to give you a straw when you’re trying to have a drink? How about cancer warnings on your coffee?” Laxalt said at a campaign appearance in May. “These are things we’re seeing in our neighbor, California. These are the things I’m willing to fight against so Nevada does not become like California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told The Associated Press that while there’s a concern that Californians moving to the state could import liberal politics, he meets new Nevada residents “all the time that have decided that they’re utterly fed up with California” and “a lot of the just really extreme liberal policies that continue to flourish in that state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his main worry is that Nevada progressives will see California as a model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He cited the 2017 session of the Democratic-led Legislature as an example of the state “going the way of California.” Republican Gov. Brian Sandoval, a moderate, nearly set a state record by vetoing 41 bills.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Republicans running in Nevada’s hotly contested races for governor and U.S. Senate are taking aim at a common target as they try to maintain GOP control of the seats: California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more Californians have poured across the state line over the past few years, many of them escaping sky-high housing costs, some Nevada Republicans fear a state that already has become a political battleground will begin to resemble its deep blue neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GOP candidates are appealing to conservative voters with warnings about life in California: sanctuary cities, crippling business regulations, out-of-control housing prices and a worsening homeless crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Sen. Dean Heller, who is in a tight re-election battle against Democratic Rep. Jacky Rosen, has highlighted his opponent’s support from California billionaire Tom Steyer and Hollywood celebrities, while warning on Twitter that the state could become “CaliforNevada” if Rosen is elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians on the right have for years demonized California as a conservative’s worst nightmare. In 2003, as a joke, a Republican state lawmaker in Nevada requested a bill be drafted to rename the state “East California,” along with making The Beatles’ song “Taxman” the official state song.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California-bashing takes on added weight in Nevada, which has seen a greater-than-normal wave of Californians recently as housing prices and rents have soared in the Golden State. At the same time, transplants from Silicon Valley have followed Tesla, Apple and other California-grown companies as they have expanded in the Reno area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, with California emerging as a political bulwark against the Trump administration, the state has become a political bugaboo for conservatives around the country. They paint it as a cautionary tale of taxes, regulation, environmentalism and illegal immigration run amok.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Georgia, Republican candidate for governor Brian Kemp has cast his Democratic opponent, Stacey Abrams, as a tool of “billionaires and socialists who want to turn Georgia into California.” Texas Gov. Greg Abbott this summer declared that “California appears to have raised the leadership in the United States of America for socialism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican State Leadership Committee, which works on electing Republicans to state offices around the country, declared in a campaign email that California has turned into a “liberal wasteland” of “garbage-strewn streets, never-ending tax increases, and lax immigration laws” that Democrats would replicate if they took control of state legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Nevada, California has become a special source of angst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have long made up at least one-third of new residents to Nevada, but this year are on track to comprise 40 percent of new residents, according to drivers’ license data from the Nevada Department of Motor Vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That influx comes as Nevada has been trending more Democratic in its politics over the last decade, swinging for the Democrat in the past three presidential elections and giving Democrats full control of the Legislature in 2016 — the first time since 1992.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether the latest California influx will move the state firmly into the Democratic column this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevada’s races are at the center of the political universe again this year: The U.S. Senate race is a pivotal one for determining whether Republicans maintain control of that chamber, and whichever party wins the governor’s seat will have veto power over legislative and congressional redistricting following the 2020 Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people left California because of what they didn’t like, but then they got to Nevada and said, ‘Oh, in California, we had this. Oh, in California we had that.’ The things that they left, they want to bring here,” said Chuck Muth, a conservative activist and blogger in Las Vegas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think everybody has known about it, but now the candidates at the top of the Republican ticket are actually making a campaign issue out of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the governor’s race, Nevada’s Republican attorney general, Adam Laxalt, has frequently included anti-California messages in campaign appearances and statements, even when endorsing other candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laxalt cites sanctuary cities and burdensome regulations as ill-considered California policies that Nevada should avoid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you think it should be a crime in a restaurant to give you a straw when you’re trying to have a drink? How about cancer warnings on your coffee?” Laxalt said at a campaign appearance in May. “These are things we’re seeing in our neighbor, California. These are the things I’m willing to fight against so Nevada does not become like California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told The Associated Press that while there’s a concern that Californians moving to the state could import liberal politics, he meets new Nevada residents “all the time that have decided that they’re utterly fed up with California” and “a lot of the just really extreme liberal policies that continue to flourish in that state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his main worry is that Nevada progressives will see California as a model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He cited the 2017 session of the Democratic-led Legislature as an example of the state “going the way of California.” Republican Gov. Brian Sandoval, a moderate, nearly set a state record by vetoing 41 bills.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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