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"disqusTitle": "California Officials Criticize Potential ICE Immigration Raids",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Feds-planning-massive-Northern-California-12502689.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">newspaper report\u003c/a> that said federal immigration officials are preparing to conduct massive raids in Northern California prompted a quick response from California Attorney General Xavier Becerra this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra acknowledged the federal government's jurisdiction over immigration enforcement, but said it must respect the state's laws and its right to determine how to keep Californians safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are not in the business of deportation, we are in the business of public safety,\" Becerra said. \"We will always work with our federal partners in every respect to go after drug dealers, human traffickers, potential terrorists. But Donald Trump should not ask us to be a deportation force for his immigration enforcement activities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a media briefing Thursday, the attorney general addressed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Feds-planning-massive-Northern-California-12502689.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> by the San Francisco Chronicle that quoted an anonymous source warning there could be more than 1,500 arrests in San Francisco and nearby cities. Becerra sought to tamp down fears and encourage immigrants to know their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"DLLvBJlccrfkiIcJVGlhC2hHqpDFIZ2n\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just know that California is doing all it can to provide everyone in this state with the types of protections of their rights and their privacy as we can,\" Becerra said, pointing to two new state laws that aim to protect undocumented immigrants from deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 54\u003c/a>, the so-called sanctuary state law, significantly limits who state and local law enforcement agencies can detain and hold at the request of federal immigration authorities. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB450\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 450\u003c/a> prohibits employers from agreeing to let immigration agents enter the workplace site without a judicial warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement declined to comment on possible raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the Oakland City Council voted to take the city's sanctuary law further and prohibit the police department from cooperating with any federal immigration enforcement operations, not even providing traffic control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That drew a reaction from ICE Deputy Director \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/leadership\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Thomas Homan\u003c/a>, who said in a statement the agency must make more arrests of criminal aliens on the street because state and local sanctuary laws prevent them from doing so in jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our officers are forced to make arrests in the community, where there is increased risk to the public and law enforcement officers, and where ICE will likely encounter other illegal aliens that weren't previously on our radar,\" Homan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"dzwwxz4p8WQduXpxtSV0BiOEtUZsWmGE\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley congressman Ro Khanna and House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said any large raids by ICE would amount to political retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Hard-working immigrants will be targeted and their families torn apart, simply for being Californians,\" Pelosi said. \"These raids will certainly not make Americans safer.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Eastman, a law professor at Chapman University in Orange County, said ICE is taking the right approach in potentially targeting San Francisco and other Bay Area cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you are an administration devoted to enforcing federal law and you're not getting any cooperation whatsoever from local officials, then devoting more resources to actually enforce federal law in those jurisdictions is perfectly appropriate,\" Eastman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, immigrant advocates in several Bay Area cities are on alert with rapid response networks prepared to offer legal assistance and other support services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marisela Esparza, who coordinates the rapid response network in San Francisco, said about 20 immigration attorneys are on standby in the city. Still, she doubted ICE would carry out such a large operation in the region since the agency's past sweeps under the Trump administration have been much smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I truly do not believe they are going to be arresting 1,500 people out on the streets in these potential raids,\" Esparza said. \"This is a scare tactic that ICE is using and has been using in the past to scare the community and drive more panic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Katie Orr and Billy Cruz contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Feds-planning-massive-Northern-California-12502689.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">newspaper report\u003c/a> that said federal immigration officials are preparing to conduct massive raids in Northern California prompted a quick response from California Attorney General Xavier Becerra this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra acknowledged the federal government's jurisdiction over immigration enforcement, but said it must respect the state's laws and its right to determine how to keep Californians safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are not in the business of deportation, we are in the business of public safety,\" Becerra said. \"We will always work with our federal partners in every respect to go after drug dealers, human traffickers, potential terrorists. But Donald Trump should not ask us to be a deportation force for his immigration enforcement activities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a media briefing Thursday, the attorney general addressed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Feds-planning-massive-Northern-California-12502689.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> by the San Francisco Chronicle that quoted an anonymous source warning there could be more than 1,500 arrests in San Francisco and nearby cities. Becerra sought to tamp down fears and encourage immigrants to know their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just know that California is doing all it can to provide everyone in this state with the types of protections of their rights and their privacy as we can,\" Becerra said, pointing to two new state laws that aim to protect undocumented immigrants from deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 54\u003c/a>, the so-called sanctuary state law, significantly limits who state and local law enforcement agencies can detain and hold at the request of federal immigration authorities. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB450\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 450\u003c/a> prohibits employers from agreeing to let immigration agents enter the workplace site without a judicial warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement declined to comment on possible raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the Oakland City Council voted to take the city's sanctuary law further and prohibit the police department from cooperating with any federal immigration enforcement operations, not even providing traffic control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That drew a reaction from ICE Deputy Director \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/leadership\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Thomas Homan\u003c/a>, who said in a statement the agency must make more arrests of criminal aliens on the street because state and local sanctuary laws prevent them from doing so in jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our officers are forced to make arrests in the community, where there is increased risk to the public and law enforcement officers, and where ICE will likely encounter other illegal aliens that weren't previously on our radar,\" Homan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley congressman Ro Khanna and House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said any large raids by ICE would amount to political retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Hard-working immigrants will be targeted and their families torn apart, simply for being Californians,\" Pelosi said. \"These raids will certainly not make Americans safer.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Eastman, a law professor at Chapman University in Orange County, said ICE is taking the right approach in potentially targeting San Francisco and other Bay Area cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you are an administration devoted to enforcing federal law and you're not getting any cooperation whatsoever from local officials, then devoting more resources to actually enforce federal law in those jurisdictions is perfectly appropriate,\" Eastman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, immigrant advocates in several Bay Area cities are on alert with rapid response networks prepared to offer legal assistance and other support services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marisela Esparza, who coordinates the rapid response network in San Francisco, said about 20 immigration attorneys are on standby in the city. Still, she doubted ICE would carry out such a large operation in the region since the agency's past sweeps under the Trump administration have been much smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I truly do not believe they are going to be arresting 1,500 people out on the streets in these potential raids,\" Esparza said. \"This is a scare tactic that ICE is using and has been using in the past to scare the community and drive more panic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Katie Orr and Billy Cruz contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "ICE Targets 7-Eleven Stores In Nationwide Immigration Raids",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal immigration enforcement agents raided 7-Eleven stores across the country early Wednesday, in search of employees who were in the U.S. illegally and managers who knowingly employed them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agents with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement conducted sweeps of 98 stores in 17 states and Washington, D.C., arresting 21 people on suspicion of being in the country illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Today's actions send a strong message to U.S. businesses that hire and employ an illegal workforce: ICE will enforce the law, and if you are found to be breaking the law, you will be held accountable,\" Thomas D. Homan, ICE's deputy director, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/statement-ice-deputy-director-thomas-d-homan-7-eleven-operation#wcm-survey-target-id\">said in a statement.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's the largest operation against a single employer since President Trump assumed office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sweeps come as ICE has stepped up arrests. From late January through August 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/08/22/545087674/fact-check-what-has-president-trump-done-to-fight-illegal-immigration\">arrests were up\u003c/a> more than 43 percent since the same period in 2016. But the agency deported fewer people in the 2017 fiscal year than in the year before, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/10/26/560257834/as-it-makes-more-arrests-ice-looks-for-more-detention-centers\">NPR's Laurel Wamsley notes,\u003c/a> \"because the group of people easiest to deport, those caught sneaking over the border illegally, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">dropped dramatically\u003c/a> after Trump took office.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homan, ICE's acting director, said immigration authorities are making an effort to target employers who hire unauthorized workers, in addition to the workers themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"ua8CMoTzQpAjVGBQMlyJLarUMHcviKvF\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Businesses that hire illegal workers are a pull factor for illegal immigration and we are working hard to remove this magnet,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Irving, Texas-based 7-Eleven said its stores are independently owned franchises and it was not responsible for hiring and verifying employment eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As part of the 7-Eleven franchise agreement, 7-Eleven requires all franchise business owners to comply with all federal, state and local employment laws,\" the company said in a statement. \"This obligation requires 7-Eleven franchisees to verify work eligibility in the U.S. for all of their prospective employees prior to hiring. 7-Eleven takes compliance with immigration laws seriously and has terminated the franchise agreements of franchisees convicted of violating these laws.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for limiting immigration applauded the decision to go after employers. \"People come here to find work. If they can't find work, they won't come,\" said Peter Nunez of the Center for Immigration Studies, which advocates stricter limits. \"No one questions that the way to stop illegal immigration is to stop them from getting jobs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities previously targeted 7-Eleven stores five years ago under the Obama administration, when New York prosecutors announced the arrest of nine people who operated stores in New York and Virginia, saying the owners obtained stolen Social Security numbers to put undocumented workers on the payroll. As WNYC's \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2013/06/18/192996791/feds-raid-7-eleven-stores-in-immigration-scam\">Ilya Marritz reported\u003c/a> at the time, \"when 7-Eleven sent out wage checks, the store owners kept most of the money for themselves.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials then blamed 7-Eleven for keeping poor track of its payroll system, which enabled the use of Social Security numbers for multiple people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE promises it's \"gearing up for ... large-scale compliance inspections\" this year, ICE's Homeland Security Investigations acting director Derek Benner told The Associated Press. \"It's not going to be limited to large companies or any particular industry — big, medium and small.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But going after employers is like \"playing whack-a-mole,\" immigration lawyer Amy Peck told the AP, saying that \"the employees scatter in the wind and go down the street and work for somebody else.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/10/us/7-eleven-raids-ice.html\">The New York Times noted\u003c/a> how the ICE operations compare to those under the George W. Bush and Obama administrations:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Under President George W. Bush, ICE grabbed headlines by rounding up unauthorized workers at meatpacking plants, fruit suppliers, car washes and residences. In a shift, the agency under President Barack Obama focused on catching border crossers, deporting convicted criminals and pursuing employers on paper, by inspecting the I-9 forms that employers are required to fill out and keep to verify their workers' eligibility.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>In 2008, authorities conducted some of the largest-ever workplace raids: In May, immigration agents arrested \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=90603031\">nearly 400 workers\u003c/a> at a meatpacking plant in Postville, Iowa. Three months later, federal officials arrested about \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=94365287\">600 workers\u003c/a> at a manufacturing plant in Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2013, during the second term of President Obama, the number of audits of employers doubled to more than 3,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the Bush administration's workplace raids \"did not create a large deterrence and it did nothing to solve the problem of the many undocumented workers who remain here contributing to our economy and supporting their families,\" Michael Kaufman of the American Civil Liberties Union told Gonzales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration policy has regained focus this week after President Trump held a meeting with lawmakers over the future of recipients of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program — young immigrants who were brought to the U.S. illegally as children. Trump called for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/01/09/576824141/trump-calls-for-bill-of-love-allowing-daca-recipients-to-remain\">\"bipartisan bill of love\"\u003c/a> to allow them to remain in the country after his administration rescinded the DACA program last year. He also said he was open to overhauling immigration policy on a larger level.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal immigration enforcement agents raided 7-Eleven stores across the country early Wednesday, in search of employees who were in the U.S. illegally and managers who knowingly employed them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agents with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement conducted sweeps of 98 stores in 17 states and Washington, D.C., arresting 21 people on suspicion of being in the country illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Today's actions send a strong message to U.S. businesses that hire and employ an illegal workforce: ICE will enforce the law, and if you are found to be breaking the law, you will be held accountable,\" Thomas D. Homan, ICE's deputy director, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/statement-ice-deputy-director-thomas-d-homan-7-eleven-operation#wcm-survey-target-id\">said in a statement.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's the largest operation against a single employer since President Trump assumed office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sweeps come as ICE has stepped up arrests. From late January through August 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/08/22/545087674/fact-check-what-has-president-trump-done-to-fight-illegal-immigration\">arrests were up\u003c/a> more than 43 percent since the same period in 2016. But the agency deported fewer people in the 2017 fiscal year than in the year before, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/10/26/560257834/as-it-makes-more-arrests-ice-looks-for-more-detention-centers\">NPR's Laurel Wamsley notes,\u003c/a> \"because the group of people easiest to deport, those caught sneaking over the border illegally, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">dropped dramatically\u003c/a> after Trump took office.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homan, ICE's acting director, said immigration authorities are making an effort to target employers who hire unauthorized workers, in addition to the workers themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Businesses that hire illegal workers are a pull factor for illegal immigration and we are working hard to remove this magnet,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Irving, Texas-based 7-Eleven said its stores are independently owned franchises and it was not responsible for hiring and verifying employment eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As part of the 7-Eleven franchise agreement, 7-Eleven requires all franchise business owners to comply with all federal, state and local employment laws,\" the company said in a statement. \"This obligation requires 7-Eleven franchisees to verify work eligibility in the U.S. for all of their prospective employees prior to hiring. 7-Eleven takes compliance with immigration laws seriously and has terminated the franchise agreements of franchisees convicted of violating these laws.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for limiting immigration applauded the decision to go after employers. \"People come here to find work. If they can't find work, they won't come,\" said Peter Nunez of the Center for Immigration Studies, which advocates stricter limits. \"No one questions that the way to stop illegal immigration is to stop them from getting jobs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities previously targeted 7-Eleven stores five years ago under the Obama administration, when New York prosecutors announced the arrest of nine people who operated stores in New York and Virginia, saying the owners obtained stolen Social Security numbers to put undocumented workers on the payroll. As WNYC's \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2013/06/18/192996791/feds-raid-7-eleven-stores-in-immigration-scam\">Ilya Marritz reported\u003c/a> at the time, \"when 7-Eleven sent out wage checks, the store owners kept most of the money for themselves.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials then blamed 7-Eleven for keeping poor track of its payroll system, which enabled the use of Social Security numbers for multiple people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE promises it's \"gearing up for ... large-scale compliance inspections\" this year, ICE's Homeland Security Investigations acting director Derek Benner told The Associated Press. \"It's not going to be limited to large companies or any particular industry — big, medium and small.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But going after employers is like \"playing whack-a-mole,\" immigration lawyer Amy Peck told the AP, saying that \"the employees scatter in the wind and go down the street and work for somebody else.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/10/us/7-eleven-raids-ice.html\">The New York Times noted\u003c/a> how the ICE operations compare to those under the George W. Bush and Obama administrations:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Under President George W. Bush, ICE grabbed headlines by rounding up unauthorized workers at meatpacking plants, fruit suppliers, car washes and residences. In a shift, the agency under President Barack Obama focused on catching border crossers, deporting convicted criminals and pursuing employers on paper, by inspecting the I-9 forms that employers are required to fill out and keep to verify their workers' eligibility.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>In 2008, authorities conducted some of the largest-ever workplace raids: In May, immigration agents arrested \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=90603031\">nearly 400 workers\u003c/a> at a meatpacking plant in Postville, Iowa. Three months later, federal officials arrested about \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=94365287\">600 workers\u003c/a> at a manufacturing plant in Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2013, during the second term of President Obama, the number of audits of employers doubled to more than 3,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the Bush administration's workplace raids \"did not create a large deterrence and it did nothing to solve the problem of the many undocumented workers who remain here contributing to our economy and supporting their families,\" Michael Kaufman of the American Civil Liberties Union told Gonzales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration policy has regained focus this week after President Trump held a meeting with lawmakers over the future of recipients of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program — young immigrants who were brought to the U.S. illegally as children. Trump called for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/01/09/576824141/trump-calls-for-bill-of-love-allowing-daca-recipients-to-remain\">\"bipartisan bill of love\"\u003c/a> to allow them to remain in the country after his administration rescinded the DACA program last year. He also said he was open to overhauling immigration policy on a larger level.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/09/29/ice-makes-arrests-to-send-a-message-to-cities-that-dont-cooperate/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">targeted “sanctuary cities” \u003c/a>in raids that led to 498 arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE Acting Director Tom Homan said these cities are “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/ice-arrests-over-450-federal-immigration-charges-during-operation-safe-city\">creating a magnet for illegal immigration\u003c/a>.” Philadelphia had the highest number of arrests with 107 people, followed by Los Angeles with 101.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanctuary city proponents argue that cooperating with ICE leads people to be less likely to help with local police investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/09/29/ice-makes-arrests-to-send-a-message-to-cities-that-dont-cooperate/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">targeted “sanctuary cities” \u003c/a>in raids that led to 498 arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE Acting Director Tom Homan said these cities are “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/ice-arrests-over-450-federal-immigration-charges-during-operation-safe-city\">creating a magnet for illegal immigration\u003c/a>.” Philadelphia had the highest number of arrests with 107 people, followed by Los Angeles with 101.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanctuary city proponents argue that cooperating with ICE leads people to be less likely to help with local police investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Sept. 15, 2017\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the state Senate and Assembly and now goes to the governor who has until Oct. 15 to decide whether to enact it into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Sept. 8, 2017\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s legislators amended a bill on Friday that would have phased out immigration detention contracts at private prisons. Now, the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SB 29\u003c/a>, would only bar local governments from renewing their contracts with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement if they sought to expand the number of beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are four privately run immigration detention facilities in California: Adelanto Correctional Facility north of San Bernardino, Mesa Verde Detention Facility in Bakersfield, Otay Mesa Detention Center near San Diego and the Imperial Regional Detention Facility south of Calexico. About 3,950 people were detained in those facilities on an average day in fiscal year 2017, according to data from ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would still prohibit local governments from entering into new contracts with ICE to hold detainees after Jan. 1, 2018. It also would hold the facilities to a higher standard of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, May 5, 2017\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Inauguration Day, Immigration and Customs Enforcement has detained thousands of undocumented immigrants across the country. But now the administration might have to scale back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new budget bill authorizes spending for only about 5,000 new detention beds and 100 additional immigration officers throughout the United States. Earlier this year, President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/17/immigration-judges-to-be-sent-to-border-detention-centers/\">had asked\u003c/a> for far more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, state legislators in California are also finding new ways to thwart detention expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump administration and their stated goal to deport millions of U.S. residents would require a mass expansion of detention centers,” says California state Sen. Ricardo Lara (D-Bell Gardens). “California would obviously be one of the major states that would be impacted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara has reintroduced a bill that would end private prison contracts in four California cities and would hold local counties and cities to a higher set of detention standards. But opponents say his plan would cost hundreds of jobs, while immigrant detainees would just go elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/05/immigration2.mp3\" title=\"Trump Administration and Lawmakers Tussle Over Detention Standards\" program=\"The California Report\" image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS22944_GettyImages-450371255-qut.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Immigration and the Budget Battle\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Following \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/13/us/detained-immigrants-may-face-harsher-conditions-under-trump.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">media reports\u003c/a> that the Trump administration was going to scrap Obama-era detention standards, congressional leaders are making funding for ICE contingent on keeping them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Obama administration established the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detention-standards/2011\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2011 Performance-Based National Detention Standards\u003c/a> for ICE to ensure that people awaiting their day in immigration court have access to legal services, medical and mental health care, recreation and a complaint process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE recently closed the division in charge of implementing those standards: the Office of Detention Policy and Planning. Kevin Landy, an Obama appointee, used to direct that work.\u003cbr>\n[contextly_sidebar id=”AoBtE9mz3Dxj2Jt0AupLumPTiYWdOGKg”]\u003cbr>\n“ICE detainees are powerless,” says Landy. “I think the federal government in this case needs to step up and make sure that it’s taking adequate care of the otherwise powerless people that it’s responsible for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landy worries about any easing of standards at a time when the federal government is arresting more immigrants who have no history of crime. He says he’s especially concerned because “individuals with no criminal convictions are particularly vulnerable to physical and sexual assault, especially when you’re housing them in facilities that also detain convicted criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detention facilities run by private companies and local jails would have to adhere to the 2011 standards if they significantly modify their current contracts or sign new ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, about two-thirds of adult detainees are covered by the higher 2011 standards, mostly at large private prisons. Some local jails are allowed to follow a looser set of rules. On an average day in November 40,875 people were detained by ICE across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>ICE Says Standards Are Sufficient\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In a statement, spokeswoman Danielle Bennett wrote “detainees in ICE custody reside in safe and secure environments and under appropriate conditions of confinement”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Responding to questions about whether the agency is loosening detention standards, Bennett acknowledges that officials are “examining a variety of detention models” to expand the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As new options are explored, ICE’s commitment to maintaining excellent facilities and providing first-class medical care to those in our custody remains unchanged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mary Small, policy director at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.detentionwatchnetwork.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Detention Watch Network\u003c/a>, says the current administration has shown it’s not too concerned about conditions for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve already signaled to their detention contractors that they don’t take this stuff seriously and it’s not important to them,” Small says. “And so they’ve given folks free rein to cut corners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, none of the California jails detaining immigrants for ICE have agreed to meet the agency’s 2011 level of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jails in Contra Costa, Orange, Sacramento, San Bernardino and Yuba counties all hold long-standing contracts with ICE, along with a handful of city jails in Los Angeles County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fiscal year 2016 those jails combined held on average nearly 1,400 immigrants a day, with thousands more passing through facilities every year, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/08/how-trump-could-detain-more-immigrants-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to data from ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In exchange, the counties and cities receive millions of dollars from ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>State Senator Says California Jails Must Improve Conditions\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California jails are facing complaints, even lawsuits, for allegedly neglecting or abusing detainees and violating their due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the most recent example, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3514968-Management-Alert-on-Issues-Requiring-Immediate.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ICE inspectors found\u003c/a> dirty moldy facilities at the Theo Lacy jail in Orange County, and rotten meat being served to detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Lara says the jails must do better. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">His bill\u003c/a> would force them to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Access to medication, being able to call an attorney, call family or a friend, to let them know where they are housed — these are all minimum rights that any person that’s incarcerated currently has,” says Lara. “But not if you’re an immigrant, refugee or asylum seeker in a detention center in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/05/20170504ctcr.mp3\" title=\"As State Lawmakers Look to Change Immigration Detention Policies, What Will Happen to Adelanto?\" program=\"The California Report\" image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cory Salzillo, with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.calsheriffs.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California State Sheriffs’ Association\u003c/a>, says it’s not the state’s job. ICE sets the standards for immigrant detainees with local jails, and those standards are written into legally binding contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salzillo says that as long as the federal government continues to detain immigrants, they have to go somewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Say the Contra Costa beds went away for whatever reason, then those people are ostensibly going to be housed in Yuba or Sacramento or Orange County or a private facility, or out of state. You squeeze a water balloon and it’s going to show up somewhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those contracts are also very financially appealing to local municipalities, according to Daniel Stagemen, research director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.jjay.cuny.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">John Jay College of Criminal Justice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Detentions are a really good way to fill those budget holes,” he says. “The temptation of this funding is going to be very difficult for some of these jurisdictions to resist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Ending Private Prison Contracts\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11440693\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11440693\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A family member walks into the Adelanto Detention Facility. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Lara’s bill would end some of those contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state senator says he is opposed to how some California cities contract with ICE to detain undocumented immigrants in facilities run by private companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration detention centers operate solely for the purpose to house immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers, which also make the local jurisdictions money, and I feel it’s just morally wrong for us to do that,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the bill passes, four California cities would be impacted: Adelanto, Calexico, Bakersfield and San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the high desert of Southern California, Adelanto is known as a prison town. It has more detention facilities than supermarkets.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\u003cstrong>Read Adelanto’s Letter of Opposition\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3696587-SB-1289-City-of-Adelanto-Oppose.html\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-thumbnail wp-image-11440832\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Screen-Shot-2017-05-04-at-6.18.45-PM-160x207.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"160\" height=\"207\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Screen-Shot-2017-05-04-at-6.18.45-PM-160x207.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Screen-Shot-2017-05-04-at-6.18.45-PM-240x311.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Screen-Shot-2017-05-04-at-6.18.45-PM-375x485.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Screen-Shot-2017-05-04-at-6.18.45-PM-520x673.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Screen-Shot-2017-05-04-at-6.18.45-PM.png 626w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For years Adelanto has depended on revenue from detention. The city of almost 33,000 receives about $4 million a month from Immigration and Customs Enforcement to hold detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the outside, Adelanto Detention Facility looks like a business park rising from the sand, rocks and scrub. It’s California’s biggest immigration detention facility, and can hold as many as 1,940 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the city of Adelanto holds the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3700660-Adelanto-ICE-Contract.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">contract\u003c/a> with ICE for the immigration detention facility, the private prison company \u003ca href=\"https://www.geogroup.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">GEO Group\u003c/a> owns and operates it. In fact, GEO Group owns and operates two out of the three penitentiaries within the city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a great rapport with GEO,” says City Councilman John “Bug” Woodard. “They do a great job for our country, for our state, for our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Advocates Troubled by Conditions at Adelanto Detention Facility\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But immigration advocates say they are very concerned about conditions at the Adelanto Detention Facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last five years, five people have died while detained at the Adelanto Detention Facility. Two of them died in the last six weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE’s own investigators found problems at the facility, including health care delays, poor record keeping and failures to properly report sexual assaults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3480650-Ddr-Morales.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal investigation\u003c/a> into one of the California deaths, inspectors noted that the person who died had waited more than a year to see a specialist, that the high turnover of medical staff led to inadequate care and that a dearth of laboratory services led to delays in treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Independent medical experts \u003ca href=\"https://www.hrw.org/report/2017/05/08/systemic-indifference/dangerous-substandard-medical-care-us-immigration-detention\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">for Human Rights Watch\u003c/a> analyzing ICE’s investigation found that the man probably suffered from the symptoms of cancer for two years.*\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocate Mary Small says that her organization has received a wide range of complaints about the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything from retaliatory punishment against people for demanding access to the law library and demanding the right to copy their legal documents, to some pretty serious medical complaints,” Small says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A New Kind of Economy?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11441930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11441930\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-1180x786.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-520x346.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adelanto City Council Member John “Bug” Woodard, Jr., is framed by the branches of a native creosote bush on undeveloped desert land in the “green zone”, an area designated by the city for the development of industrial scale marijuana cultivation. \u003ccite>(David McNew/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A new majority on the City Council is pushing a different kind of business: Marijuana. Last year Adelanto became one of the first places in California to legalize commercially grown weed, issuing dozens of permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, \u003ca href=\"http://www.ocregister.com/2016/02/15/prison-town-goes-to-pot-desert-city-adelanto-hopes-cultivating-marijuana-will-save-it/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">investors and celebrities\u003c/a> like Tommy Chong (of Cheech and Chong), Ky-Mani Marley, one of Bob Marley’s sons, and other high-profile musicians and athletes are stopping in the little city off Highway 395. Taxes could potentially provide more than $1 million a month to Adelanto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council is weighing offers for land for marijuana cultivation and from the GEO Group, Woodard says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year an \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB1289\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">identical bill\u003c/a> passed the state Assembly and Senate. Gov. Jerry Brown vetoed it, saying he wanted to see if the Department of Homeland Security would end for-profit contracts. At the time, the Obama administration was phasing out private prison contracts for federal detainees. Now, the Trump administration is on the opposite course. GEO Group’s stock is up 57 percent since January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woodard says that if Lara’s first bill had passed, it would have been disastrous for Adelanto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This city would be gone,” Woodard says. “You know we gotta pay for pensions and employees, I mean they would have to let off even more employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GEO detention facilities create about 500 full- and part-time jobs, Woodard wrote in a letter to the senator. The city also receives hundreds of thousands of dollars annually from property, sales and use taxes, an administration fee and funding for an additional law enforcement officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara thinks his bill will succeed this time because of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a completely different environment now,” Lara says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adelanto wouldn’t immediately lose its contract if SB 29 is signed into law. The bill phases out the contracts as they come up for renewal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The middle ground here is that we provide still an avenue for the detention of immigrants at the county level, where we can protect our rights, and we phase out with time the centers,” Lara says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Senate is set to vote at the end of May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>*This story was updated on May 8, 2017 with more information from a report by Human Rights Watch.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The president asked for more immigration detention beds and lower standards of care. Congress and California lawmakers are pushing back.",
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"title": "Could Congress and California Thwart Trump's Mass Immigration Detention Plans? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Sept. 15, 2017\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the state Senate and Assembly and now goes to the governor who has until Oct. 15 to decide whether to enact it into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Sept. 8, 2017\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s legislators amended a bill on Friday that would have phased out immigration detention contracts at private prisons. Now, the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SB 29\u003c/a>, would only bar local governments from renewing their contracts with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement if they sought to expand the number of beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are four privately run immigration detention facilities in California: Adelanto Correctional Facility north of San Bernardino, Mesa Verde Detention Facility in Bakersfield, Otay Mesa Detention Center near San Diego and the Imperial Regional Detention Facility south of Calexico. About 3,950 people were detained in those facilities on an average day in fiscal year 2017, according to data from ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would still prohibit local governments from entering into new contracts with ICE to hold detainees after Jan. 1, 2018. It also would hold the facilities to a higher standard of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, May 5, 2017\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Inauguration Day, Immigration and Customs Enforcement has detained thousands of undocumented immigrants across the country. But now the administration might have to scale back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new budget bill authorizes spending for only about 5,000 new detention beds and 100 additional immigration officers throughout the United States. Earlier this year, President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/17/immigration-judges-to-be-sent-to-border-detention-centers/\">had asked\u003c/a> for far more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, state legislators in California are also finding new ways to thwart detention expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump administration and their stated goal to deport millions of U.S. residents would require a mass expansion of detention centers,” says California state Sen. Ricardo Lara (D-Bell Gardens). “California would obviously be one of the major states that would be impacted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara has reintroduced a bill that would end private prison contracts in four California cities and would hold local counties and cities to a higher set of detention standards. But opponents say his plan would cost hundreds of jobs, while immigrant detainees would just go elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Immigration and the Budget Battle\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Following \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/13/us/detained-immigrants-may-face-harsher-conditions-under-trump.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">media reports\u003c/a> that the Trump administration was going to scrap Obama-era detention standards, congressional leaders are making funding for ICE contingent on keeping them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Obama administration established the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detention-standards/2011\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2011 Performance-Based National Detention Standards\u003c/a> for ICE to ensure that people awaiting their day in immigration court have access to legal services, medical and mental health care, recreation and a complaint process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE recently closed the division in charge of implementing those standards: the Office of Detention Policy and Planning. Kevin Landy, an Obama appointee, used to direct that work.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n“ICE detainees are powerless,” says Landy. “I think the federal government in this case needs to step up and make sure that it’s taking adequate care of the otherwise powerless people that it’s responsible for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landy worries about any easing of standards at a time when the federal government is arresting more immigrants who have no history of crime. He says he’s especially concerned because “individuals with no criminal convictions are particularly vulnerable to physical and sexual assault, especially when you’re housing them in facilities that also detain convicted criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detention facilities run by private companies and local jails would have to adhere to the 2011 standards if they significantly modify their current contracts or sign new ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, about two-thirds of adult detainees are covered by the higher 2011 standards, mostly at large private prisons. Some local jails are allowed to follow a looser set of rules. On an average day in November 40,875 people were detained by ICE across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>ICE Says Standards Are Sufficient\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In a statement, spokeswoman Danielle Bennett wrote “detainees in ICE custody reside in safe and secure environments and under appropriate conditions of confinement”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Responding to questions about whether the agency is loosening detention standards, Bennett acknowledges that officials are “examining a variety of detention models” to expand the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As new options are explored, ICE’s commitment to maintaining excellent facilities and providing first-class medical care to those in our custody remains unchanged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mary Small, policy director at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.detentionwatchnetwork.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Detention Watch Network\u003c/a>, says the current administration has shown it’s not too concerned about conditions for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve already signaled to their detention contractors that they don’t take this stuff seriously and it’s not important to them,” Small says. “And so they’ve given folks free rein to cut corners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, none of the California jails detaining immigrants for ICE have agreed to meet the agency’s 2011 level of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jails in Contra Costa, Orange, Sacramento, San Bernardino and Yuba counties all hold long-standing contracts with ICE, along with a handful of city jails in Los Angeles County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fiscal year 2016 those jails combined held on average nearly 1,400 immigrants a day, with thousands more passing through facilities every year, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/08/how-trump-could-detain-more-immigrants-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to data from ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In exchange, the counties and cities receive millions of dollars from ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>State Senator Says California Jails Must Improve Conditions\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California jails are facing complaints, even lawsuits, for allegedly neglecting or abusing detainees and violating their due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the most recent example, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3514968-Management-Alert-on-Issues-Requiring-Immediate.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ICE inspectors found\u003c/a> dirty moldy facilities at the Theo Lacy jail in Orange County, and rotten meat being served to detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Lara says the jails must do better. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">His bill\u003c/a> would force them to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Access to medication, being able to call an attorney, call family or a friend, to let them know where they are housed — these are all minimum rights that any person that’s incarcerated currently has,” says Lara. “But not if you’re an immigrant, refugee or asylum seeker in a detention center in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "As State Lawmakers Look to Change Immigration Detention Policies, What Will Happen to Adelanto?",
"program": "The California Report",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cory Salzillo, with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.calsheriffs.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California State Sheriffs’ Association\u003c/a>, says it’s not the state’s job. ICE sets the standards for immigrant detainees with local jails, and those standards are written into legally binding contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salzillo says that as long as the federal government continues to detain immigrants, they have to go somewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Say the Contra Costa beds went away for whatever reason, then those people are ostensibly going to be housed in Yuba or Sacramento or Orange County or a private facility, or out of state. You squeeze a water balloon and it’s going to show up somewhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those contracts are also very financially appealing to local municipalities, according to Daniel Stagemen, research director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.jjay.cuny.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">John Jay College of Criminal Justice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Detentions are a really good way to fill those budget holes,” he says. “The temptation of this funding is going to be very difficult for some of these jurisdictions to resist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Ending Private Prison Contracts\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11440693\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11440693\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25061_GettyImages-450371267-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A family member walks into the Adelanto Detention Facility. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Lara’s bill would end some of those contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state senator says he is opposed to how some California cities contract with ICE to detain undocumented immigrants in facilities run by private companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration detention centers operate solely for the purpose to house immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers, which also make the local jurisdictions money, and I feel it’s just morally wrong for us to do that,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the bill passes, four California cities would be impacted: Adelanto, Calexico, Bakersfield and San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the high desert of Southern California, Adelanto is known as a prison town. It has more detention facilities than supermarkets.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\u003cstrong>Read Adelanto’s Letter of Opposition\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3696587-SB-1289-City-of-Adelanto-Oppose.html\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-thumbnail wp-image-11440832\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Screen-Shot-2017-05-04-at-6.18.45-PM-160x207.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"160\" height=\"207\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Screen-Shot-2017-05-04-at-6.18.45-PM-160x207.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Screen-Shot-2017-05-04-at-6.18.45-PM-240x311.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Screen-Shot-2017-05-04-at-6.18.45-PM-375x485.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Screen-Shot-2017-05-04-at-6.18.45-PM-520x673.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Screen-Shot-2017-05-04-at-6.18.45-PM.png 626w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For years Adelanto has depended on revenue from detention. The city of almost 33,000 receives about $4 million a month from Immigration and Customs Enforcement to hold detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the outside, Adelanto Detention Facility looks like a business park rising from the sand, rocks and scrub. It’s California’s biggest immigration detention facility, and can hold as many as 1,940 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the city of Adelanto holds the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3700660-Adelanto-ICE-Contract.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">contract\u003c/a> with ICE for the immigration detention facility, the private prison company \u003ca href=\"https://www.geogroup.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">GEO Group\u003c/a> owns and operates it. In fact, GEO Group owns and operates two out of the three penitentiaries within the city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a great rapport with GEO,” says City Councilman John “Bug” Woodard. “They do a great job for our country, for our state, for our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Advocates Troubled by Conditions at Adelanto Detention Facility\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But immigration advocates say they are very concerned about conditions at the Adelanto Detention Facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last five years, five people have died while detained at the Adelanto Detention Facility. Two of them died in the last six weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE’s own investigators found problems at the facility, including health care delays, poor record keeping and failures to properly report sexual assaults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3480650-Ddr-Morales.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal investigation\u003c/a> into one of the California deaths, inspectors noted that the person who died had waited more than a year to see a specialist, that the high turnover of medical staff led to inadequate care and that a dearth of laboratory services led to delays in treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Independent medical experts \u003ca href=\"https://www.hrw.org/report/2017/05/08/systemic-indifference/dangerous-substandard-medical-care-us-immigration-detention\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">for Human Rights Watch\u003c/a> analyzing ICE’s investigation found that the man probably suffered from the symptoms of cancer for two years.*\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocate Mary Small says that her organization has received a wide range of complaints about the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything from retaliatory punishment against people for demanding access to the law library and demanding the right to copy their legal documents, to some pretty serious medical complaints,” Small says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A New Kind of Economy?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11441930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11441930\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-1180x786.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25063_GettyImages-607371924-qut-1-520x346.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adelanto City Council Member John “Bug” Woodard, Jr., is framed by the branches of a native creosote bush on undeveloped desert land in the “green zone”, an area designated by the city for the development of industrial scale marijuana cultivation. \u003ccite>(David McNew/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A new majority on the City Council is pushing a different kind of business: Marijuana. Last year Adelanto became one of the first places in California to legalize commercially grown weed, issuing dozens of permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, \u003ca href=\"http://www.ocregister.com/2016/02/15/prison-town-goes-to-pot-desert-city-adelanto-hopes-cultivating-marijuana-will-save-it/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">investors and celebrities\u003c/a> like Tommy Chong (of Cheech and Chong), Ky-Mani Marley, one of Bob Marley’s sons, and other high-profile musicians and athletes are stopping in the little city off Highway 395. Taxes could potentially provide more than $1 million a month to Adelanto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council is weighing offers for land for marijuana cultivation and from the GEO Group, Woodard says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year an \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB1289\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">identical bill\u003c/a> passed the state Assembly and Senate. Gov. Jerry Brown vetoed it, saying he wanted to see if the Department of Homeland Security would end for-profit contracts. At the time, the Obama administration was phasing out private prison contracts for federal detainees. Now, the Trump administration is on the opposite course. GEO Group’s stock is up 57 percent since January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woodard says that if Lara’s first bill had passed, it would have been disastrous for Adelanto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This city would be gone,” Woodard says. “You know we gotta pay for pensions and employees, I mean they would have to let off even more employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GEO detention facilities create about 500 full- and part-time jobs, Woodard wrote in a letter to the senator. The city also receives hundreds of thousands of dollars annually from property, sales and use taxes, an administration fee and funding for an additional law enforcement officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara thinks his bill will succeed this time because of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a completely different environment now,” Lara says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adelanto wouldn’t immediately lose its contract if SB 29 is signed into law. The bill phases out the contracts as they come up for renewal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The middle ground here is that we provide still an avenue for the detention of immigrants at the county level, where we can protect our rights, and we phase out with time the centers,” Lara says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Senate is set to vote at the end of May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>*This story was updated on May 8, 2017 with more information from a report by Human Rights Watch.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Back Into the Shadows: Immigrants Retreat From Needed Services as Deportation Fears Loom",
"title": "Back Into the Shadows: Immigrants Retreat From Needed Services as Deportation Fears Loom",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>On an April afternoon, Maria, paralyzed with fear, shrunk into herself, while her abusive husband told a judge hearing her restraining order case that she’s an illegal immigrant and a liar, who shouldn’t be here and who married him only for the visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was terrified. She was terrified that the judge was going to be like, ‘Oh, well, in that case, we’re calling ICE (U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement) right now,’ ” said Sophora Acheson, a manager at \u003ca href=\"http://www.rubysplace.org/wp/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ruby’s Place\u003c/a> in Hayward, the domestic violence shelter where Maria sought help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maria, a pseudonym, because Ruby’s Place doesn’t identify any of its clients, arrived at the shelter in March. Now in her early thirties, she came to Los Angeles from Mexico over a decade ago, and moved to Northern California to marry her now-husband, who she says turned out to be abusive and alcoholic. They wed in 2015, and she left her factory job before giving birth prematurely to her son last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11510515\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11510515\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sophora Acheson reviews the board tracking all families living at Ruby’s Place in the intake room. \u003ccite>(Virginia Fay/Peninsula Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Afraid that her husband had also begun physically abusing their 6-month-old baby, she came to Ruby’s Place. She says he threatened to report her and her parents’ undocumented status and to have her baby taken away, if she reported the abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After weeks of working with staff at Ruby’s Place, Maria overcame fears of deportation enough to seek a restraining order. Now, she worries about keeping custody of her son. Using a mother’s undocumented status against her in custody hearings is a typical move for an abuser, said Acheson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fear of deportation has always been a barrier to immigrants approaching law enforcement, especially for those who are undocumented. Compounding the issue, domestic and sexual violence are chronically under-reported across all demographics. In recent months, that fear has multiplied after President Trump’s pledges to crack down on illegal immigration and to build a wall along the Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11510514\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11510514\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The playground at Ruby’s Place is strewn with toys used by children staying at the shelter. \u003ccite>(Virginia Fay/Peninsula Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Julia Mass, an immigration lawyer for the ACLU, said, “What’s changed is the Trump administration has no priority enforcement, so they’re going to enforce against anybody they come across,” a policy that has raised anxiety for many immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in Northern California, where many cities and counties have designated themselves \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/04/06/long-history-of-sanctuary-laws-debate-in-san-francisco/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sanctuaries\u003c/a> — indicating local law enforcement will not work with ICE — fear is rife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants have retreated not just from law enforcement, but from services of all kinds. Parents are \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/04/03/safe-haven-schools-face-limitations-in-protecting-immigrant-students/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">afraid to send their children to school\u003c/a>, in case they’re taken in an ICE raid during the day and their kids have no one to return home to. Others fear using medical services — clinics note that some patients with chronic illnesses have stopped showing up for treatment. Even legal immigrants are afraid. In some areas, they’ve un-enrolled from \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/calfresh\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalFresh\u003c/a>, government food benefits available only to legal residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And many immigrant women across Northern California are too afraid to file for restraining orders, report abuse or seek U visas — predominately for victims of domestic and sexual violence —because those filings require working with law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acheson said before Trump took office, roughly half of their undocumented domestic violence clients were interested in working with police and filing for U visas. Now, “maybe 10 percent are willing or will request any sort of legal services,” she said. “And especially [if] they have to be in direct contact with the police and working with them for prosecution, they’ll flat out just say no, absolutely not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When survivors do come in for help, they are often so scared that they won’t stay more than a few days or a week, even packing up their belongings and bolting in the middle of the night, under cover of darkness. “We haven’t really seen that in the past. Maybe once in a blue moon that would happen,” said Acheson. “Now, one in five undocumented families that come in will only stay a week and then flee, because they feel that they’re safer running, than sort of being a ‘sitting duck’ as they’ve called it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/327145121&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police chiefs in \u003ca href=\"http://www.chron.com/news/houston-texas/houston/article/HPD-chief-announces-decrease-in-Hispanics-11053829.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Houston \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-immigrant-crime-reporting-drops-20170321-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> have both announced concerning decreases in reports of sexual and domestic violence by Latina women. According to the San Francisco Police Department, their unpublished data show a 14 percent decrease in reports of domestic violence by Hispanic women in the first three months of the year, compared to the same time period in the previous year. SFPD Sgt. Michael Andraychak said they couldn't attribute the drop to any particular reason, though they are aware of deportation concerns in the immigrant community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to reassure the community that victims or witnesses of any crime can come forward and report those incidents to the police, without concerns of their immigration status being questioned,” said Andraychak in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many other local law enforcement agencies, immigration lawyers and shelters say it’s too early in the new presidential administration to release conclusive data. But, from Livermore to Sacramento, organizations report observations of increased fears causing immigrants to retreat from the services they need, and the preliminary data they do have echoes the anecdotal reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented immigrants “are already so marginalized, and they’re getting nabbed by ICE and detained all the time, so it’s really scary for survivors of domestic violence … to come forward right now,” said Jill Zawisza, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.womaninc.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">WOMAN Inc.\u003c/a>, an organization that serves domestic violence survivors in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the election, WOMAN Inc. has received about 10 percent more calls to its domestic violence hotline and seen an increase in therapy appointments from people who don’t want to involve law enforcement. As women shy away from reporting crimes, they turn to others for help. “There’s definitely something going on,” said Zawisza. “A lot of people who want to connect, people who want to talk to someone, people who don’t want to interface with the police department for a myriad of reasons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But service providers, like WOMAN Inc., are uncertain about how to advise their clients. “We basically tell them that anytime they call the police department to their home or into their situation, that they’re losing an element of control,” said Zawisza. \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/11/14/defiant-san-francisco-vows-to-remain-sanctuary-city/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Given San Francisco’s sanctuary status\u003c/a>, she said undocumented immigrants have a better chance of safely interacting with law enforcement, but fear is still pervasive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t wholeheartedly assure people that they’re not going to get in trouble if they call the police department. It’s hard to know how to respond,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morgan Weibel, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.tahirih.org/locations/san-francisco-bay-area/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Bay Area office of Tahirih Justice Center\u003c/a>, which specializes in legal services for immigrant women, said this is a pressing moral issue for advocates. “The current climate and situation, for me at least, has taken away my personal feeling that I could responsibly tell someone you have absolutely nothing to fear,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local police departments are also concerned about how this climate is affecting their relationships with immigrant communities, and they’re conducting outreach to maintain communication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redwood City police Capt. John Spicer, who works closely with the immigrant community there, said his department has seen a noticeable dampening effect on victims’ and witnesses’ willingness to come forward, making it increasingly difficult for police to intervene. Such fear, he said, “means that crime is able to flourish a little more,” which impacts everyone’s safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This effect extends far beyond domestic and sexual violence survivors. “I don’t think it matters what the crime is. I think people will see law enforcement and the justice system as something that is now less accessible to them and potentially threatening to them, because they’re concerned that the federal government will somehow get that information and use it to deport them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early March, a man in Redwood City began shooting through the walls of his apartment and into neighbors’ homes in the middle of the night. Police came to the small, gray apartment complex, and began evacuating adjacent residences as the shooter’s gunshots blasted through walls, but one resident refused to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This person could hear gunshots and see officers in uniform, but was convinced that the entire situation was “a ruse being used by the federal government to get them out and take them into custody,” said Spicer. As an undocumented immigrant, “that person was in peril, because they really mistrusted any form of authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Getting a Driver's License\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fear of interacting with authorities is also affecting immigrants who want to obtain driver’s licenses. In January 2015, California passed a law, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/ab60\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AB 60\u003c/a>, allowing residents without Social Security numbers to get driver’s licenses. \u003ca href=\"https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/insights/should-states-give-drivers-licenses-unauthorized-residents\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A recent Stanford study\u003c/a> found that issuing licenses to undocumented immigrants decreased hit-and-run incidents and increased overall traffic safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, data provided from the DMV show a steady decrease in AB 60 licenses issued since the program went into effect, which the department attributes to an initial rush of applications when the program began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Gina Gates, who runs free Spanish-language driver’s education workshops for immigrants applying for AB 60 licenses in San Jose, has noted increased fear and reluctance to apply for licenses since Trump’s campaign — which may also explain the decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the election, she stopped offering classes while reaching out to elected officials and the DMV to see how the program might be affected under Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11510513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11510513\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"576\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-960x540.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-240x135.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-375x211.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of driver’s education students study at Gina Gates’ recent class in May, the first she’s held since the election. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Gina Gates)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gates said many immigrants are worried that, having given their addresses to the DMV to obtain licenses, ICE may find and arrest them. Some have even considering moving. Those who haven’t applied for licenses yet are more hesitant to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gates ran her first class since the election in late May, and although she said it went well, “everyone is feeling very attacked,\" and expressed worries about being deported if they give government officials their addresses. She’s updated her curriculum to include information about their rights when approached by ICE, and to encourage parents to make plans for their children in case they’re detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mass, the ACLU lawyer, said the risk of obtaining an AB 60 license varies case by case. “It’s a little different calculus,” she said. “Now we just say, it’s important to get a driver’s license, but it’s also important to know that getting a driver’s license might make it easier for federal immigration authorities to find you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gates will no longer list the locations or times of her classes online either, as she doesn't want that information to be available to federal immigration authorities. Instead, details of classes are circulated via word of mouth.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Anxiety Drives Down School Attendance\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"sc-dropcap\">U\u003c/span>ndocumented immigrants’ fears of deportation are acute in schools, too. In Alameda County, Assistant District Attorney Teresa Drenick has seen an uptick in immigrant families embroiled in habitual truancy cases. Rumors of ICE patrolling near schools in largely Hispanic neighborhoods inspired so much fear that parents kept their children home from school for extended periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Moms are worried that they’re going to drop their kids off in the morning and then get swept up by immigration authorities and not be there in the afternoon, so they’re scared to do it at all,” said Drenick in a May interview. Her priority was to work with families to keep children in class, rather than to prosecute truancy cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11510512\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11510512\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicole Knight references the Oakland Unified School District’s newly created Sanctuary District web page. \u003ccite>(Virginia Fay/Peninsula Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In response to deportation fears and anxiety in schools, Oakland’s Board of Education renewed \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/01/05/pre-inauguration-california-districts-declare-sanctuary-schools/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a resolution upholding the district as a sanctuary\u003c/a>. Nicole Knight, executive director of the district’s English language learner and multilingual achievement department, led the task force to execute the resolution’s ideals, including developing protocol in case ICE comes to campus, in case there is ICE activity in the community, or in case a student’s family member is detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the resolution was renewed, at least three families have had members detained. In each case, school staff collected details about the time and place of arrest and where the family member was held and reached out to immigrant rights organizations and attorneys to obtain legal help. At the same time, school staff made plans for a safe place for the children to stay until their parents were released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of its outreach campaign next year the district plans to plaster posters at all school sites in multiple languages affirming school as a sanctuary. In September, the district is holding a workshop for teachers to share best practices, process their own experiences, and create curricula that addresses trauma experienced by immigrants and other affected communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11510511\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-11510511\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-1020x765.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gloria Hernandez-Goff checks her phone at the Ravenswood Unified School District office. \u003ccite>(Virginia Fay/Peninsula Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gloria Hernandez-Goff, superintendent of the East Palo Alto Ravenswood District, said that while attendance has not dropped, students’ unease has increased dramatically, causing students to act out and cry in the classroom. Each school in the district has one mental health counselor, which Hernandez-Goff said is no longer enough to manage the mental health issues that have manifested this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ravenswood students recently completed yearly academic assessment tests. “Stress, and not having certain things in place in your everyday life, does affect your academic outcomes,” Hernandez-Goff said. “So I’m not really sure what to expect from the [test] results of this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Medical Services Go Unused\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The negative effects of anxiety on immigrants’ mental health extends past children. “It’s really traumatic. [We see] individuals who are going into forms of depression, individuals who now feel that they’re unwanted in the country they may have lived in for decades,” said Greg Garrett, chief of policy at \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedahealthconsortium.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alameda Health Consortium\u003c/a>, a private, nonprofit group of health centers. “And this is causing trauma, which is actually resulting in severe mental health issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the consortium has seen an increase in immigrants seeking mental health services, they’ve experienced a drop-off in other patients, including immigrants with chronic illnesses. In one instance, a cancer patient was in remission until she recently started showing signs of cancer again. But after two sessions, she stopped showing up for treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caseworkers eventually were able to make contact with her, and discovered she had a friend who was recently deported. Her fear of being similarly identified and detained if she continued using health services caused her to stop treatment for several months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have individuals putting their own lives at risk because of this fear,” said Garrett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kathleen Clanon, medical director of the Health Care Services Agency of Alameda County, said that though they’ve heard of immigrants hesitating to enroll or continue enrollment in health services, at their organization they've been able to leverage their existing relationships to prevent that from happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clanon said they're worried, though, about people who don’t have trusting relationships with doctors and are now not receiving any medical care. Measuring that absence is difficult, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Even Legal Residents Unenroll From Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"sc-dropcap\">I\u003c/span>n the first few months of the year, the San Francisco Human Services Agency began receiving an unusual number of calls. Suddenly, people were picking up the phone to unenroll from CalFresh benefits. Only legal residents are eligible for CalFresh. But even legal immigrants are feeling compelled to disconnect from government food assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A draft executive order leaked in January seeking to deport immigrants dependent on taxpayer help incited fear that \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/2017/03/28/deportation-fears-prompt-immigrants-to-cancel-food-stamps/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">legal immigrants would be deported for using social services\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That has concerned our immigrant population in terms of feeling safe about applying for CalFresh, because they don’t want that to be the reason they might be deported,” said Denise Boland, director of employment and benefits services at the Santa Clara County Social Services Agency. “So even legal immigrants are concerned now about CalFresh and don’t feel safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chandra Johnson, director of communications at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfhsa.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Human Services Agency\u003c/a>, said they can’t know for sure why people decline services, but households with at least one noncitizen were particularly likely to unenroll. Many mixed-status families are especially prone to disengage from services due to fear of family members being deported, even if the person receiving benefits has legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Due to the increase in mixed-status families unenrolling, and a slight decrease in applications from the same group, the San Francisco office has been reaching out to the community to ensure people know that policies have not changed, and anyone who was previously eligible for benefits still is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any time we think that families are turning away from nutrition benefits, or having to make some of those hard choices … in a city as expensive as San Francisco, in between housing or putting food on the table or [paying for] utilities or those sorts of things,” Johnson said, “it’s a concern to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11510519\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-11510519\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-1020x681.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-960x641.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-520x347.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Food is passed out at a Second Harvest Food Bank distribution site. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Second Harvest Food Bank)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.shfb.org/\">Second Harvest Food Bank\u003c/a>, which both distributes food through several programs independent of the government and helps people enroll in CalFresh at some of their facilities, has seen increased hesitancy in immigrants wanting to take government benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One family, of five legal refugees from Nepal living in Sunnyvale, came to the food pantry because they couldn't make ends meet. The family was paying $2,080 in monthly rent, but only bringing in a monthly income of $2,000. Second Harvest secured a translator and helped them fill out a CalFresh application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were ready to hit submit in completing the application, and then they decided they just didn’t want to put … their ability to stay here in jeopardy. And so they decided not to apply for CalFresh after all, which was kind of heartbreaking,” said Anna Dyer, Second Harvest’s director of client services. “It’s really tough to qualify for [CalFresh], because it’s only the lowest-income folks, so it means that they’re really, really struggling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Now?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"sc-dropcap\">I\u003c/span>ndependent and government agencies alike are struggling with how to counteract the fear of deportation that’s causing immigrants to retreat back into the shadows. Nonprofit service providers and local government branches from social services to police departments are partnering with immigration lawyers to orchestrate Know Your Rights events and educate the immigrant community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond encouraging immigrants to continue engaging with the services they need, which, by and large, they are still entitled to under current policies, many service providers find themselves at a loss for how to inspire confidence. Uncertainty of what the future will bring is a major driving force in the collective anxiety felt by immigrants, and, to a lesser degree, by the service providers themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lucy Barron lives in East Palo Alto and works in administration at Ravenswood Unified School District. Steep local housing prices have led her to live in a garage with her husband and five children. She and her family are especially conscious of being good neighbors so others in the area won’t have reason to seek their eviction by calling ICE, a threat she says many in her neighborhood grapple with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barron has legal status here, and volunteers with Ravenswood’s food services to help other immigrants, whether documented or not, get healthy food. Her husband, however, is undocumented, and is currently going through a court process with ICE with the potential of being deported. He is working with a lawyer to try to obtain legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to be ready for anything,” said. She begins to tear up as she contemplates the possibility of providing for her family without her husband’s income, or, worse, returning to Mexico, which she said is impossible given the violence there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She felt conditions for immigrants were improving under the previous administration, but now, “It’s like a bomb that’s going to explode pretty soon,” she said. “It’s just like nerves that you feel all the time. ‘OK, are we going to be OK today?’ That’s what it is … Now it’s more like we’re waiting for the worst.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On an April afternoon, Maria, paralyzed with fear, shrunk into herself, while her abusive husband told a judge hearing her restraining order case that she’s an illegal immigrant and a liar, who shouldn’t be here and who married him only for the visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was terrified. She was terrified that the judge was going to be like, ‘Oh, well, in that case, we’re calling ICE (U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement) right now,’ ” said Sophora Acheson, a manager at \u003ca href=\"http://www.rubysplace.org/wp/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ruby’s Place\u003c/a> in Hayward, the domestic violence shelter where Maria sought help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maria, a pseudonym, because Ruby’s Place doesn’t identify any of its clients, arrived at the shelter in March. Now in her early thirties, she came to Los Angeles from Mexico over a decade ago, and moved to Northern California to marry her now-husband, who she says turned out to be abusive and alcoholic. They wed in 2015, and she left her factory job before giving birth prematurely to her son last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11510515\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11510515\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2932-1024x768-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sophora Acheson reviews the board tracking all families living at Ruby’s Place in the intake room. \u003ccite>(Virginia Fay/Peninsula Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Afraid that her husband had also begun physically abusing their 6-month-old baby, she came to Ruby’s Place. She says he threatened to report her and her parents’ undocumented status and to have her baby taken away, if she reported the abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After weeks of working with staff at Ruby’s Place, Maria overcame fears of deportation enough to seek a restraining order. Now, she worries about keeping custody of her son. Using a mother’s undocumented status against her in custody hearings is a typical move for an abuser, said Acheson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fear of deportation has always been a barrier to immigrants approaching law enforcement, especially for those who are undocumented. Compounding the issue, domestic and sexual violence are chronically under-reported across all demographics. In recent months, that fear has multiplied after President Trump’s pledges to crack down on illegal immigration and to build a wall along the Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11510514\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11510514\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2877-1024x768.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The playground at Ruby’s Place is strewn with toys used by children staying at the shelter. \u003ccite>(Virginia Fay/Peninsula Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Julia Mass, an immigration lawyer for the ACLU, said, “What’s changed is the Trump administration has no priority enforcement, so they’re going to enforce against anybody they come across,” a policy that has raised anxiety for many immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in Northern California, where many cities and counties have designated themselves \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/04/06/long-history-of-sanctuary-laws-debate-in-san-francisco/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sanctuaries\u003c/a> — indicating local law enforcement will not work with ICE — fear is rife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants have retreated not just from law enforcement, but from services of all kinds. Parents are \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/04/03/safe-haven-schools-face-limitations-in-protecting-immigrant-students/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">afraid to send their children to school\u003c/a>, in case they’re taken in an ICE raid during the day and their kids have no one to return home to. Others fear using medical services — clinics note that some patients with chronic illnesses have stopped showing up for treatment. Even legal immigrants are afraid. In some areas, they’ve un-enrolled from \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/calfresh\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalFresh\u003c/a>, government food benefits available only to legal residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And many immigrant women across Northern California are too afraid to file for restraining orders, report abuse or seek U visas — predominately for victims of domestic and sexual violence —because those filings require working with law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acheson said before Trump took office, roughly half of their undocumented domestic violence clients were interested in working with police and filing for U visas. Now, “maybe 10 percent are willing or will request any sort of legal services,” she said. “And especially [if] they have to be in direct contact with the police and working with them for prosecution, they’ll flat out just say no, absolutely not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When survivors do come in for help, they are often so scared that they won’t stay more than a few days or a week, even packing up their belongings and bolting in the middle of the night, under cover of darkness. “We haven’t really seen that in the past. Maybe once in a blue moon that would happen,” said Acheson. “Now, one in five undocumented families that come in will only stay a week and then flee, because they feel that they’re safer running, than sort of being a ‘sitting duck’ as they’ve called it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/327145121&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police chiefs in \u003ca href=\"http://www.chron.com/news/houston-texas/houston/article/HPD-chief-announces-decrease-in-Hispanics-11053829.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Houston \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-immigrant-crime-reporting-drops-20170321-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> have both announced concerning decreases in reports of sexual and domestic violence by Latina women. According to the San Francisco Police Department, their unpublished data show a 14 percent decrease in reports of domestic violence by Hispanic women in the first three months of the year, compared to the same time period in the previous year. SFPD Sgt. Michael Andraychak said they couldn't attribute the drop to any particular reason, though they are aware of deportation concerns in the immigrant community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to reassure the community that victims or witnesses of any crime can come forward and report those incidents to the police, without concerns of their immigration status being questioned,” said Andraychak in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many other local law enforcement agencies, immigration lawyers and shelters say it’s too early in the new presidential administration to release conclusive data. But, from Livermore to Sacramento, organizations report observations of increased fears causing immigrants to retreat from the services they need, and the preliminary data they do have echoes the anecdotal reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented immigrants “are already so marginalized, and they’re getting nabbed by ICE and detained all the time, so it’s really scary for survivors of domestic violence … to come forward right now,” said Jill Zawisza, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.womaninc.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">WOMAN Inc.\u003c/a>, an organization that serves domestic violence survivors in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the election, WOMAN Inc. has received about 10 percent more calls to its domestic violence hotline and seen an increase in therapy appointments from people who don’t want to involve law enforcement. As women shy away from reporting crimes, they turn to others for help. “There’s definitely something going on,” said Zawisza. “A lot of people who want to connect, people who want to talk to someone, people who don’t want to interface with the police department for a myriad of reasons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But service providers, like WOMAN Inc., are uncertain about how to advise their clients. “We basically tell them that anytime they call the police department to their home or into their situation, that they’re losing an element of control,” said Zawisza. \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/11/14/defiant-san-francisco-vows-to-remain-sanctuary-city/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Given San Francisco’s sanctuary status\u003c/a>, she said undocumented immigrants have a better chance of safely interacting with law enforcement, but fear is still pervasive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t wholeheartedly assure people that they’re not going to get in trouble if they call the police department. It’s hard to know how to respond,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morgan Weibel, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.tahirih.org/locations/san-francisco-bay-area/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Bay Area office of Tahirih Justice Center\u003c/a>, which specializes in legal services for immigrant women, said this is a pressing moral issue for advocates. “The current climate and situation, for me at least, has taken away my personal feeling that I could responsibly tell someone you have absolutely nothing to fear,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local police departments are also concerned about how this climate is affecting their relationships with immigrant communities, and they’re conducting outreach to maintain communication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redwood City police Capt. John Spicer, who works closely with the immigrant community there, said his department has seen a noticeable dampening effect on victims’ and witnesses’ willingness to come forward, making it increasingly difficult for police to intervene. Such fear, he said, “means that crime is able to flourish a little more,” which impacts everyone’s safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This effect extends far beyond domestic and sexual violence survivors. “I don’t think it matters what the crime is. I think people will see law enforcement and the justice system as something that is now less accessible to them and potentially threatening to them, because they’re concerned that the federal government will somehow get that information and use it to deport them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early March, a man in Redwood City began shooting through the walls of his apartment and into neighbors’ homes in the middle of the night. Police came to the small, gray apartment complex, and began evacuating adjacent residences as the shooter’s gunshots blasted through walls, but one resident refused to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This person could hear gunshots and see officers in uniform, but was convinced that the entire situation was “a ruse being used by the federal government to get them out and take them into custody,” said Spicer. As an undocumented immigrant, “that person was in peril, because they really mistrusted any form of authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Getting a Driver's License\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fear of interacting with authorities is also affecting immigrants who want to obtain driver’s licenses. In January 2015, California passed a law, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/ab60\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AB 60\u003c/a>, allowing residents without Social Security numbers to get driver’s licenses. \u003ca href=\"https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/insights/should-states-give-drivers-licenses-unauthorized-residents\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A recent Stanford study\u003c/a> found that issuing licenses to undocumented immigrants decreased hit-and-run incidents and increased overall traffic safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, data provided from the DMV show a steady decrease in AB 60 licenses issued since the program went into effect, which the department attributes to an initial rush of applications when the program began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Gina Gates, who runs free Spanish-language driver’s education workshops for immigrants applying for AB 60 licenses in San Jose, has noted increased fear and reluctance to apply for licenses since Trump’s campaign — which may also explain the decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the election, she stopped offering classes while reaching out to elected officials and the DMV to see how the program might be affected under Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11510513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11510513\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"576\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-960x540.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-240x135.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-375x211.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/20170523_194416-1024x576-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of driver’s education students study at Gina Gates’ recent class in May, the first she’s held since the election. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Gina Gates)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gates said many immigrants are worried that, having given their addresses to the DMV to obtain licenses, ICE may find and arrest them. Some have even considering moving. Those who haven’t applied for licenses yet are more hesitant to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gates ran her first class since the election in late May, and although she said it went well, “everyone is feeling very attacked,\" and expressed worries about being deported if they give government officials their addresses. She’s updated her curriculum to include information about their rights when approached by ICE, and to encourage parents to make plans for their children in case they’re detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mass, the ACLU lawyer, said the risk of obtaining an AB 60 license varies case by case. “It’s a little different calculus,” she said. “Now we just say, it’s important to get a driver’s license, but it’s also important to know that getting a driver’s license might make it easier for federal immigration authorities to find you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gates will no longer list the locations or times of her classes online either, as she doesn't want that information to be available to federal immigration authorities. Instead, details of classes are circulated via word of mouth.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Anxiety Drives Down School Attendance\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"sc-dropcap\">U\u003c/span>ndocumented immigrants’ fears of deportation are acute in schools, too. In Alameda County, Assistant District Attorney Teresa Drenick has seen an uptick in immigrant families embroiled in habitual truancy cases. Rumors of ICE patrolling near schools in largely Hispanic neighborhoods inspired so much fear that parents kept their children home from school for extended periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Moms are worried that they’re going to drop their kids off in the morning and then get swept up by immigration authorities and not be there in the afternoon, so they’re scared to do it at all,” said Drenick in a May interview. Her priority was to work with families to keep children in class, rather than to prosecute truancy cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11510512\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11510512\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2967-1024x768-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicole Knight references the Oakland Unified School District’s newly created Sanctuary District web page. \u003ccite>(Virginia Fay/Peninsula Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In response to deportation fears and anxiety in schools, Oakland’s Board of Education renewed \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/01/05/pre-inauguration-california-districts-declare-sanctuary-schools/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a resolution upholding the district as a sanctuary\u003c/a>. Nicole Knight, executive director of the district’s English language learner and multilingual achievement department, led the task force to execute the resolution’s ideals, including developing protocol in case ICE comes to campus, in case there is ICE activity in the community, or in case a student’s family member is detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the resolution was renewed, at least three families have had members detained. In each case, school staff collected details about the time and place of arrest and where the family member was held and reached out to immigrant rights organizations and attorneys to obtain legal help. At the same time, school staff made plans for a safe place for the children to stay until their parents were released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of its outreach campaign next year the district plans to plaster posters at all school sites in multiple languages affirming school as a sanctuary. In September, the district is holding a workshop for teachers to share best practices, process their own experiences, and create curricula that addresses trauma experienced by immigrants and other affected communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11510511\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-11510511\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-1020x765.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/IMG_2857-1024x768.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gloria Hernandez-Goff checks her phone at the Ravenswood Unified School District office. \u003ccite>(Virginia Fay/Peninsula Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gloria Hernandez-Goff, superintendent of the East Palo Alto Ravenswood District, said that while attendance has not dropped, students’ unease has increased dramatically, causing students to act out and cry in the classroom. Each school in the district has one mental health counselor, which Hernandez-Goff said is no longer enough to manage the mental health issues that have manifested this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ravenswood students recently completed yearly academic assessment tests. “Stress, and not having certain things in place in your everyday life, does affect your academic outcomes,” Hernandez-Goff said. “So I’m not really sure what to expect from the [test] results of this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Medical Services Go Unused\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The negative effects of anxiety on immigrants’ mental health extends past children. “It’s really traumatic. [We see] individuals who are going into forms of depression, individuals who now feel that they’re unwanted in the country they may have lived in for decades,” said Greg Garrett, chief of policy at \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedahealthconsortium.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alameda Health Consortium\u003c/a>, a private, nonprofit group of health centers. “And this is causing trauma, which is actually resulting in severe mental health issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the consortium has seen an increase in immigrants seeking mental health services, they’ve experienced a drop-off in other patients, including immigrants with chronic illnesses. In one instance, a cancer patient was in remission until she recently started showing signs of cancer again. But after two sessions, she stopped showing up for treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caseworkers eventually were able to make contact with her, and discovered she had a friend who was recently deported. Her fear of being similarly identified and detained if she continued using health services caused her to stop treatment for several months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have individuals putting their own lives at risk because of this fear,” said Garrett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kathleen Clanon, medical director of the Health Care Services Agency of Alameda County, said that though they’ve heard of immigrants hesitating to enroll or continue enrollment in health services, at their organization they've been able to leverage their existing relationships to prevent that from happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clanon said they're worried, though, about people who don’t have trusting relationships with doctors and are now not receiving any medical care. Measuring that absence is difficult, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Even Legal Residents Unenroll From Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"sc-dropcap\">I\u003c/span>n the first few months of the year, the San Francisco Human Services Agency began receiving an unusual number of calls. Suddenly, people were picking up the phone to unenroll from CalFresh benefits. Only legal residents are eligible for CalFresh. But even legal immigrants are feeling compelled to disconnect from government food assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A draft executive order leaked in January seeking to deport immigrants dependent on taxpayer help incited fear that \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/2017/03/28/deportation-fears-prompt-immigrants-to-cancel-food-stamps/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">legal immigrants would be deported for using social services\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That has concerned our immigrant population in terms of feeling safe about applying for CalFresh, because they don’t want that to be the reason they might be deported,” said Denise Boland, director of employment and benefits services at the Santa Clara County Social Services Agency. “So even legal immigrants are concerned now about CalFresh and don’t feel safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chandra Johnson, director of communications at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfhsa.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Human Services Agency\u003c/a>, said they can’t know for sure why people decline services, but households with at least one noncitizen were particularly likely to unenroll. Many mixed-status families are especially prone to disengage from services due to fear of family members being deported, even if the person receiving benefits has legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Due to the increase in mixed-status families unenrolling, and a slight decrease in applications from the same group, the San Francisco office has been reaching out to the community to ensure people know that policies have not changed, and anyone who was previously eligible for benefits still is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any time we think that families are turning away from nutrition benefits, or having to make some of those hard choices … in a city as expensive as San Francisco, in between housing or putting food on the table or [paying for] utilities or those sorts of things,” Johnson said, “it’s a concern to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11510519\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-11510519\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-1020x681.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-960x641.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684-520x347.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/DSC2159-1024x684.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Food is passed out at a Second Harvest Food Bank distribution site. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Second Harvest Food Bank)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.shfb.org/\">Second Harvest Food Bank\u003c/a>, which both distributes food through several programs independent of the government and helps people enroll in CalFresh at some of their facilities, has seen increased hesitancy in immigrants wanting to take government benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One family, of five legal refugees from Nepal living in Sunnyvale, came to the food pantry because they couldn't make ends meet. The family was paying $2,080 in monthly rent, but only bringing in a monthly income of $2,000. Second Harvest secured a translator and helped them fill out a CalFresh application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were ready to hit submit in completing the application, and then they decided they just didn’t want to put … their ability to stay here in jeopardy. And so they decided not to apply for CalFresh after all, which was kind of heartbreaking,” said Anna Dyer, Second Harvest’s director of client services. “It’s really tough to qualify for [CalFresh], because it’s only the lowest-income folks, so it means that they’re really, really struggling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Now?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"sc-dropcap\">I\u003c/span>ndependent and government agencies alike are struggling with how to counteract the fear of deportation that’s causing immigrants to retreat back into the shadows. Nonprofit service providers and local government branches from social services to police departments are partnering with immigration lawyers to orchestrate Know Your Rights events and educate the immigrant community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond encouraging immigrants to continue engaging with the services they need, which, by and large, they are still entitled to under current policies, many service providers find themselves at a loss for how to inspire confidence. Uncertainty of what the future will bring is a major driving force in the collective anxiety felt by immigrants, and, to a lesser degree, by the service providers themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lucy Barron lives in East Palo Alto and works in administration at Ravenswood Unified School District. Steep local housing prices have led her to live in a garage with her husband and five children. She and her family are especially conscious of being good neighbors so others in the area won’t have reason to seek their eviction by calling ICE, a threat she says many in her neighborhood grapple with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barron has legal status here, and volunteers with Ravenswood’s food services to help other immigrants, whether documented or not, get healthy food. Her husband, however, is undocumented, and is currently going through a court process with ICE with the potential of being deported. He is working with a lawyer to try to obtain legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to be ready for anything,” said. She begins to tear up as she contemplates the possibility of providing for her family without her husband’s income, or, worse, returning to Mexico, which she said is impossible given the violence there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She felt conditions for immigrants were improving under the previous administration, but now, “It’s like a bomb that’s going to explode pretty soon,” she said. “It’s just like nerves that you feel all the time. ‘OK, are we going to be OK today?’ That’s what it is … Now it’s more like we’re waiting for the worst.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Donald Trump has promised to deport 2 million to 3 million people this year alone. To do so, the government typically must detain them first. But with the system already at capacity, where will all these new detainees go? A \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/08/how-trump-could-detain-more-immigrants-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\">KQED investigation found\u003c/a> the government can likely ramp up detention capacity quickly — and California’s jails could play a key part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11353298\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-800x1459.jpg\" alt=\"DetentionFiorePage1\" width=\"800\" height=\"1459\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-800x1459.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-160x292.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-1020x1860.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1.jpg 1920w, 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"excerpt": "President Trump has promised to deport up to 3 million people this year. To do so, ICE typically must detain them first. But with the system already at capacity, where will all these new detainees go?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Donald Trump has promised to deport 2 million to 3 million people this year alone. To do so, the government typically must detain them first. But with the system already at capacity, where will all these new detainees go? A \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/08/how-trump-could-detain-more-immigrants-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\">KQED investigation found\u003c/a> the government can likely ramp up detention capacity quickly — and California’s jails could play a key part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11353298\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-800x1459.jpg\" alt=\"DetentionFiorePage1\" width=\"800\" height=\"1459\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-800x1459.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-160x292.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-1020x1860.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1.jpg 1920w, 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srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage3-800x1930.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage3-160x386.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage3-1020x2460.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage3-1180x2846.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage3-960x2316.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage3-240x579.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage3-375x904.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage3-520x1254.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11353301\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage4-800x1883.jpg\" alt=\"DetentionFiorePage4\" width=\"800\" height=\"1883\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage4-800x1883.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage4-160x377.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage4-1020x2400.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage4.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage4-1180x2777.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage4-960x2259.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage4-240x565.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage4-375x882.jpg 375w, 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"slug": "how-trump-could-detain-more-immigrants-in-california",
"title": "Trump Wants to Detain More Immigrants. He Could -- With California's Help",
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"headTitle": "Trump Wants to Detain More Immigrants. He Could — With California’s Help | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">W\u003c/span>hen his three young children woke up in their small house in Oakland one morning a few weeks ago, Maguiber wasn’t home. That wasn’t so unusual. The 27-year-old dad worked long hours, juggling three different jobs cleaning in two hotels and a restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then the children’s mother told Kevin, 8, Gabriela, 4, and Christopher, 2, that their father had been taken away to jail. Before dawn that morning, two officers had knocked on the door. They said they were investigating a hit-and-run, and they asked to see Maguiber. (His attorney asked that we not use his last name until his immigration status is resolved.) He walked out to the driveway, while Yibi Heras, his wife, watched from the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was only after Maguiber took out his car registration that he realized the officers were Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents, not local police, she said. There had been no hit-and-run. The agents handcuffed Maguiber and put him into their SUV. They told Heras that her husband could call her later, after he had been booked into immigration detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”C4ITOQRcIe3FHuEqVzNlmBwj11UN7tic”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, President Donald Trump signed an executive order greatly expanding the categories of undocumented people that law enforcement officials should prioritize for deportation. Since then, thousands of people have been detained around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has promised to deport 2 million to 3 million people this year alone. For comparison, President Barack Obama deported \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/removal-statistics/2016\" target=\"_blank\">2.75 million people\u003c/a> over the course of eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to deport people, the government typically must detain them first. But if the system is already at capacity, where will all these new detainees go? A KQED investigation found the government can likely ramp up detention capacity quickly — and California’s jails could play a key part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/03/2017-03-09c-tcr.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS22944_GettyImages-450371255-qut-672x372.jpg\" Title=\"Trump Wants to Detain More Immigrants. He Could -- With California's Help\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new president has inherited a deportation system already straining to remove historically high numbers of people — though illegal immigration is just a fraction of what it was 10 or 15 years ago. On one typical day in November, 40,875 people in the United States were being held in detention — though ICE is budgeted for just \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/FY_2016_DHS_Budget_in_Brief.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">34,000 detention beds\u003c/a>, according to Immigration and Customs Enforcement data. ICE officials declined repeated requests to comment or answer questions for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3480644-17-0220-S1-Enforcement-of-the-Immigration-Laws.html\" target=\"_blank\">memo\u003c/a> that fleshes out President Trump’s executive order, Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly specified that the default for the new administration will be detention, rather than allowing people to be released, for example, on bond or with an ankle-worn GPS monitor, while they await their day in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That wait can take years, because immigration courts are so understaffed and there has been an increase in asylum cases. On average, all immigrants, detained and not, \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/438/\" target=\"_blank\">were waiting\u003c/a> for 677 days as of January 2017 for their case to be resolved in immigration court. In California, the average was 718 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11342699\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11342699\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\" Immigrants prepare to be unshackled and set free from the Adelanto Detention Facility. The facility is managed by the private GEO Group.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigrants prepare to be unshackled and set free from the Adelanto Detention Facility. The California facility is managed by the private prison company GEO Group. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Detention of Maguiber\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maguiber was born in Guatemala and has been living in the United States illegally for about a decade. His one offense (and the thing that may have put him on ICE’s radar) is a recent misdemeanor conviction for reckless driving. His lawyer believes that he may have come to ICE agents’ attention after he was booked or appeared in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That morning, Feb. 8, ICE agents took Maguiber to the West County Detention Facility, a county jail in Richmond, California. Like any other jail, its primary purpose is to hold people awaiting trial and inmates serving short sentences for low-level crimes. But Contra Costa County also rents 318 jail beds here to ICE. That makes the West County facility a small part of a vast and growing immigration detention system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE operates the largest federal detention system in the country. In 2015, it held almost twice as many people as the federal Bureau of Prisons, according to the Departments of Justice and Homeland Security. ICE runs its own detention centers in some parts of the country, but mostly it contracts out to private prison companies and local jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, 16 different jails and private prisons had contracts with ICE, and held 5,269 ICE detainees on a day in late 2016. Nationally, California holds the second-highest number of detainees, after Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive orders are meant to deter people from coming into the country illegally and discourage people like Maguiber, who was previously deported as a teenager, from returning again. Jessica Vaughan, director of \u003ca href=\"http://cis.org/\" target=\"_blank\">policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies\u003c/a>, a think tank that favors restricting immigration, believes that Trump’s plan for stronger immigration enforcement will prevent people from returning to the United States illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was necessary to do these executive orders to let these government agencies do their job and do the job that Americans expect them to do, which is to enforce the immigration laws we have,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many attorneys say it makes little sense to hold immigrants in prolonged detention. The vast majority, especially when they have an immigration lawyer, do appear for their day in immigration court as required, according to data from \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/438/\" target=\"_blank\">Syracuse University’s Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse\u003c/a> (known as TRAC) and a\u003ca href=\"http://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=9502&context=penn_law_review\" target=\"_blank\"> study by the University of Pennsylvania Law Review\u003c/a>. And attorneys emphasize that immigration detention is not supposed to be punitive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important to remember that these individuals are not serving time pursuant to a criminal conviction. Most of them have absolutely no criminal history at all,” said Denise L. Gilman, who directs the \u003ca href=\"https://law.utexas.edu/clinics/immigration/\" target=\"_blank\">Immigration Clinic\u003c/a> at the \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucdavis.edu/\" target=\"_blank\">University of Texas Law School\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yibi Heras says her husband is not a criminal. “Like all of us, he has made mistakes,” she said. “But he’s not dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heras is working hard to keep life as normal as possible for her children. Maguiber manages to call from jail almost every day, but the children are confused about why he can’t video chat with them as he used to do between his jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heras said her 4-year-old daughter, Gabriela, asked to move in with her father recently, saying she was ready to go as soon as she gathered up her toys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11342683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11342683\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Maguiber lived in the United States for more than 10 years. He was detained by ICE in February.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maguiber has lived in the United States for more than a decade. He was detained by ICE in February. \u003ccite>(Erasmo Martinez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California is poised to be a key part of ICE’s detention expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think California’s going to be ground zero when it comes to immigration removals during the Trump administration,” said Kevin Johnson, dean of the UC Davis School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While ICE may have reached the limits of its budgeted detention space, the KQED investigation found that, if new funds are made available, the agency could quickly expand detention to take advantage of idle bed space in jails and private prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Private Detention Companies See Profits in Trump Policies\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe majority of immigrant detainees in California and nationwide wind up in facilities run by for-profit companies, according to data from ICE released in December 2016. And, with President Trump’s heightened focus on deportation, these companies are seeing opportunities for expansion and profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the expansion began last year, as the Obama administration sought to respond to a continuing flow of children and families fleeing to the U.S. from Central America. \u003ca href=\"http://www.corecivic.com/\" target=\"_blank\">CoreCivic\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.geogroup.com/\" target=\"_blank\">GEO Group\u003c/a> and Emerald Correctional Management signed contracts in 2016 to open more facilities for immigrant detainees, which will supply an additional 3,087 beds.\u003cbr>\n[contextly_sidebar id=”GHhn8ekEkX5x6qPzPdgcPMzGQ1K8wnqK”]\u003cbr>\n“Our financial performance in the fourth quarter of 2016 was well above our initial forecast due, in large part, to heightened utilization by ICE across the portfolio,” CoreCivic CEO Damon Hininger told shareholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in February, executives at the two largest companies, CoreCivic and GEO Group, told their shareholders that they had many empty beds nationally — totaling 13,700 — into which ICE could move detainees immediately. (Roughly 500 of those beds are in California.) A vacant 3,000-bed detention center in Texas, owned by Management and Training Corp., could also reopen for ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason bed space is available is that the federal government last year determined that private prisons had inferior safety and security, and began phasing out their use. Three private prison companies currently hold contracts with the U.S. Bureau of Prisons for 27,000 beds — 2,200 of those are in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump Justice Department \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/02/23/516916688/private-prisons-back-in-mix-for-federal-inmates-as-sessions-rescinds-order\" target=\"_blank\">has since rescinded\u003c/a> the Obama administration’s decision not to use private prisons for federal inmates. But the number of federal inmates held in private prisons has been declining in recent years, so some of those beds could still become available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates question why prisons that were found to be substandard for federal prisoners can be considered safe for immigrant detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is [for-profit companies’] desperate interest to keep costs as low as possible, and they do that by skimping on food, on health care, on mental health care and anything else so that they can maximize their profits for every individual detained,” said Gilman, of the University of Texas Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, three people have died while detained at the Adelanto Correctional Facility, run by GEO Group in San Bernardino, California. \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3480649-adelantoCorrectionalFac-Adelanto-CA-Sept-18-20.html\" target=\"_blank\">ICE investigators\u003c/a> found problems at the facility, including health care delays, poor record keeping, bad communication between staff and failures to properly report sexual assaults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3480650-Ddr-Morales.html\" target=\"_blank\">federal investigation\u003c/a> into one of the California deaths, inspectors noted that the person who died had waited more than a year to see a specialist, that the high turnover of medical staff led to inadequate care and that a dearth of laboratory services led to delays in treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, after the \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/08/18/490498158/justice-department-will-phase-out-its-use-of-private-prisons\" target=\"_blank\">Bureau of Prisons decided\u003c/a> to stop using private prisons, Homeland Security officials asked an advisory council composed of government officials, attorneys, advocates and private prison executives to examine ICE’s reliance on private prisons. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3480651-DHS-HSAC-PIDF-Final-Report.html\" target=\"_blank\">council’s report concluded\u003c/a> that despite problems with private, for-profit detention, DHS must continue to rely on it to control costs and “handle sudden increases in detention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But about three-quarters of the members who approved the report took issue with that central recommendation. In a dissenting opinion they said the review showed conditions in private prisons were inferior to ICE-run detention, and suggested shifting away from a private prison model. The dissenters also encouraged further investigation to find “the most effective and humane approach,” to detention, including looking at alternatives to physically jailing people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout noborder\">\u003cspan style=\"font-family:Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 20px;\">Where Were People Detained in Fiscal Year 2016?\u003c/span>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"100%\" height=\"520\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://kqednews.carto.com/builder/9cb4f780-827c-412a-96f1-d29ccf160b1b/embed\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size:14px;\">Data from ICE. Fiscal year 2016 ran from Oct.1 2015 to Sept. 30, 2016. | Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tens of Thousands of Immigrants Detained in Local Jails\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn the same report, the council recommended that ICE reduce its reliance on another type of facility: local jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“County jails are, in general, the most problematic facilities for immigration detention,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local jails, like the one on Richmond, California, where Maguiber is in custody, held 25 percent of immigrant detainees last year, according to ICE. And, despite the council’s recommendation to avoid them, ICE is likely to rely more heavily on jails, as it seeks to lock up more people in the deportation process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would expect them to also look at expanding capacity by using space that’s not currently used in local jails that are already inspected and certified by ICE to be appropriate for immigration detention,” said Vaughan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A greater expansion into jails is likely to take place in many states, but California, in particular, has plenty of available jail beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California county jails with ICE contracts had, on average, nearly 2,500 open beds in 2015, but ICE had specifically contracted only for 530 of them, according to data from ICE and the state agency that regulates county jails. That doesn’t include open jail beds in local cities with ICE contracts, including Glendale, Pomona and Alhambra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, California is likely to have more jail space sitting empty soon. That’s because a 2012 criminal justice reform known as “realignment” gave counties money to expand their jails so they could accept some inmates from state prisons. Then, just as that building boom got underway, voters passed a measure in 2014 that reduced penalties for some crimes and led to a decrease of 9,000 inmates. So California counties are in the process of adding an estimated 10,000 beds, just as their jail populations are declining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-agxRB\" src=\"//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/agxRB/8/\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" webkitallowfullscreen=\"webkitallowfullscreen\" mozallowfullscreen=\"mozallowfullscreen\" oallowfullscreen=\"oallowfullscreen\" msallowfullscreen=\"msallowfullscreen\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\">if(\"undefined\"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"]={},window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"].embedDeltas={\"100\":1212,\"200\":829,\"300\":689,\"400\":675,\"500\":600,\"600\":600,\"700\":586,\"800\":586,\"900\":586,\"1000\":586},window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"].iframe=document.getElementById(\"datawrapper-chart-agxRB\"),window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+\"px\",window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(a){if(\"undefined\"!=typeof a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])for(var b in a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])if(\"agxRB\"==b)window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"].iframe.style.height=a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"][b]+\"px\"});\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 0.6255em;\">Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some local counties say they depend financially on their contracts with ICE. Contra Costa Sheriff David Livingston said that the county receives about $2 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That money goes to defray the cost of running the jail and reduce the operating cost to the taxpayers of Contra Costa County,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not always easy mixing immigrant detainees with jail inmates, however. ICE’s standards are higher for detainee health care and recreation time, for example. And the Homeland Security advisory council found that local officials are sometimes “resistant to changes” that require treating ICE detainees differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Immigration Court Slowdown Leaves Detainees in Detention for Longer\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the main reasons so many immigrants are detained in California is that the state has the largest immigration court workload in the country, analysts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And part of the reason that ICE needs more bed space is because it’s taking longer for detainees to get a court date. Sending more people into deportation proceedings — and declining to release them on bond — will exacerbate the need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently just 301 immigration judges nationwide — and they’re handling more than 542,000 pending cases, according to the Department of Justice and data from Syracuse University’s \u003ca href=\"http://<a%20href=\" target=\"_blank\">TRAC\u003c/a> research center. Even if the immigration courts didn’t accept a single additional case, it would take 2½ years to go through the backlog, according to TRAC. (The Department of Justice, which oversees immigration courts, is trying to speed up the system. It is working to fill 61 open positions, and requesting that Congress fund an additional 25 immigration judges.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waiting months or years for a hearing in detention can be extremely hard for detainees — and also for their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11345541\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11345541\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Yibi and Maguiber’s 8-year-old son, Kevin, is disabled and Yibi is worried about the financial burden her partner’s detention is causing.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yibi Heras cares for her disabled 8-year-old son, Kevin, and her two preschoolers. With Maguiber in detention, Heras is worried about how she will support her family. \u003ccite>(Erasmo Martinez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Right now Heras is trying to figure out how to support her family while her husband is detained. Her younger children, Gabriela and Christopher, are not yet in school, and her oldest, Kevin, has cerebral palsy and needs extra care. So Heras has her hands full as a stay-at-home mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stopped working because my oldest son had to have an operation,” she said. “But now I have to look for other resources to keep surviving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the help of a \u003cem>pro bono\u003c/em> lawyer, Heras and her husband are trying to keep him from being deported. An asylum officer found that Maguiber has grounds to request protection from deportation. His attorney has asked ICE to release him while he awaits his first hearing, which is scheduled for March 29. Heras says the court should not worry that Maguiber will flee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My husband has three children,” she said. “He wasn’t going to run away from them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Another Deportation Method: Expedited Removal\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe Trump administration has another tool to deport some undocumented immigrants, one that would put less strain on immigration courts and detention facilities, but that civil liberties advocates say will unfairly deprive people of their right to due process of law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy, called expedited removal, is a fast-track deportation without a hearing before an immigration judge. It was formerly applied only to unauthorized immigrants encountered within 100 miles of the border who had been in the country less than two weeks. Recently, Kelly expanded expedited removal to include people caught by agents anywhere in the United States who cannot prove that they have been in the country at least two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expedited removal would not apply to the majority of people living in the country illegally. The Pew Research Center estimates that two-thirds of the estimated 11.1 million undocumented people in the United States have been here for more than a decade. Maguiber is one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason that the Trump administration may be increasing expedited removals is to save money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security is already budgeted to spend $2.6 billion a year on ICE detention. Congress would have to appropriate more to expand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mary Small, the policy director for Detention Watch Network, says that Congress has a track record of paying for this type of enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the entirety of the Obama administration, Congress gave ICE more money than the president asked for in the president’s budget,” Small said. “There is a real willingness to throw large amounts of money at locking immigrants up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vaughan believes that while the initial cost to carry out Trump’s policies may be high, over time it will deter illegal immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people get the message that you’re not necessarily home free if you make it to the United States,” she said, “I think it’s pretty clear fewer people are going to come here illegally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, she says, people who are already here illegally may think about going home — when faced with these tougher consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Maguiber is ready to fight to stay in the country. His father named him after the hero of the 1980s TV show, “MacGyver,” that was popular across Latin America. Angus MacGyver was famous for his knack at getting himself out of tricky situations. Maguiber’s family isn’t looking for him to bust out of jail like an action hero, but they are hoping he’ll find a way out of this bind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was edited by Tyche Hendricks.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The president has promised to deport 2 to 3 million people this year alone. KQED investigates how an already straining immigration system could handle the surge.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">W\u003c/span>hen his three young children woke up in their small house in Oakland one morning a few weeks ago, Maguiber wasn’t home. That wasn’t so unusual. The 27-year-old dad worked long hours, juggling three different jobs cleaning in two hotels and a restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then the children’s mother told Kevin, 8, Gabriela, 4, and Christopher, 2, that their father had been taken away to jail. Before dawn that morning, two officers had knocked on the door. They said they were investigating a hit-and-run, and they asked to see Maguiber. (His attorney asked that we not use his last name until his immigration status is resolved.) He walked out to the driveway, while Yibi Heras, his wife, watched from the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was only after Maguiber took out his car registration that he realized the officers were Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents, not local police, she said. There had been no hit-and-run. The agents handcuffed Maguiber and put him into their SUV. They told Heras that her husband could call her later, after he had been booked into immigration detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, President Donald Trump signed an executive order greatly expanding the categories of undocumented people that law enforcement officials should prioritize for deportation. Since then, thousands of people have been detained around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has promised to deport 2 million to 3 million people this year alone. For comparison, President Barack Obama deported \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/removal-statistics/2016\" target=\"_blank\">2.75 million people\u003c/a> over the course of eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to deport people, the government typically must detain them first. But if the system is already at capacity, where will all these new detainees go? A KQED investigation found the government can likely ramp up detention capacity quickly — and California’s jails could play a key part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new president has inherited a deportation system already straining to remove historically high numbers of people — though illegal immigration is just a fraction of what it was 10 or 15 years ago. On one typical day in November, 40,875 people in the United States were being held in detention — though ICE is budgeted for just \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/FY_2016_DHS_Budget_in_Brief.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">34,000 detention beds\u003c/a>, according to Immigration and Customs Enforcement data. ICE officials declined repeated requests to comment or answer questions for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3480644-17-0220-S1-Enforcement-of-the-Immigration-Laws.html\" target=\"_blank\">memo\u003c/a> that fleshes out President Trump’s executive order, Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly specified that the default for the new administration will be detention, rather than allowing people to be released, for example, on bond or with an ankle-worn GPS monitor, while they await their day in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That wait can take years, because immigration courts are so understaffed and there has been an increase in asylum cases. On average, all immigrants, detained and not, \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/438/\" target=\"_blank\">were waiting\u003c/a> for 677 days as of January 2017 for their case to be resolved in immigration court. In California, the average was 718 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11342699\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11342699\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\" Immigrants prepare to be unshackled and set free from the Adelanto Detention Facility. The facility is managed by the private GEO Group.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS17233_GettyImages-450371241-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigrants prepare to be unshackled and set free from the Adelanto Detention Facility. The California facility is managed by the private prison company GEO Group. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Detention of Maguiber\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maguiber was born in Guatemala and has been living in the United States illegally for about a decade. His one offense (and the thing that may have put him on ICE’s radar) is a recent misdemeanor conviction for reckless driving. His lawyer believes that he may have come to ICE agents’ attention after he was booked or appeared in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That morning, Feb. 8, ICE agents took Maguiber to the West County Detention Facility, a county jail in Richmond, California. Like any other jail, its primary purpose is to hold people awaiting trial and inmates serving short sentences for low-level crimes. But Contra Costa County also rents 318 jail beds here to ICE. That makes the West County facility a small part of a vast and growing immigration detention system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE operates the largest federal detention system in the country. In 2015, it held almost twice as many people as the federal Bureau of Prisons, according to the Departments of Justice and Homeland Security. ICE runs its own detention centers in some parts of the country, but mostly it contracts out to private prison companies and local jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, 16 different jails and private prisons had contracts with ICE, and held 5,269 ICE detainees on a day in late 2016. Nationally, California holds the second-highest number of detainees, after Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive orders are meant to deter people from coming into the country illegally and discourage people like Maguiber, who was previously deported as a teenager, from returning again. Jessica Vaughan, director of \u003ca href=\"http://cis.org/\" target=\"_blank\">policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies\u003c/a>, a think tank that favors restricting immigration, believes that Trump’s plan for stronger immigration enforcement will prevent people from returning to the United States illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was necessary to do these executive orders to let these government agencies do their job and do the job that Americans expect them to do, which is to enforce the immigration laws we have,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many attorneys say it makes little sense to hold immigrants in prolonged detention. The vast majority, especially when they have an immigration lawyer, do appear for their day in immigration court as required, according to data from \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/438/\" target=\"_blank\">Syracuse University’s Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse\u003c/a> (known as TRAC) and a\u003ca href=\"http://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=9502&context=penn_law_review\" target=\"_blank\"> study by the University of Pennsylvania Law Review\u003c/a>. And attorneys emphasize that immigration detention is not supposed to be punitive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important to remember that these individuals are not serving time pursuant to a criminal conviction. Most of them have absolutely no criminal history at all,” said Denise L. Gilman, who directs the \u003ca href=\"https://law.utexas.edu/clinics/immigration/\" target=\"_blank\">Immigration Clinic\u003c/a> at the \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucdavis.edu/\" target=\"_blank\">University of Texas Law School\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yibi Heras says her husband is not a criminal. “Like all of us, he has made mistakes,” she said. “But he’s not dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heras is working hard to keep life as normal as possible for her children. Maguiber manages to call from jail almost every day, but the children are confused about why he can’t video chat with them as he used to do between his jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heras said her 4-year-old daughter, Gabriela, asked to move in with her father recently, saying she was ready to go as soon as she gathered up her toys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11342683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11342683\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Maguiber lived in the United States for more than 10 years. He was detained by ICE in February.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24471_ICE_4-qut-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maguiber has lived in the United States for more than a decade. He was detained by ICE in February. \u003ccite>(Erasmo Martinez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California is poised to be a key part of ICE’s detention expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think California’s going to be ground zero when it comes to immigration removals during the Trump administration,” said Kevin Johnson, dean of the UC Davis School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While ICE may have reached the limits of its budgeted detention space, the KQED investigation found that, if new funds are made available, the agency could quickly expand detention to take advantage of idle bed space in jails and private prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Private Detention Companies See Profits in Trump Policies\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe majority of immigrant detainees in California and nationwide wind up in facilities run by for-profit companies, according to data from ICE released in December 2016. And, with President Trump’s heightened focus on deportation, these companies are seeing opportunities for expansion and profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the expansion began last year, as the Obama administration sought to respond to a continuing flow of children and families fleeing to the U.S. from Central America. \u003ca href=\"http://www.corecivic.com/\" target=\"_blank\">CoreCivic\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.geogroup.com/\" target=\"_blank\">GEO Group\u003c/a> and Emerald Correctional Management signed contracts in 2016 to open more facilities for immigrant detainees, which will supply an additional 3,087 beds.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n“Our financial performance in the fourth quarter of 2016 was well above our initial forecast due, in large part, to heightened utilization by ICE across the portfolio,” CoreCivic CEO Damon Hininger told shareholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in February, executives at the two largest companies, CoreCivic and GEO Group, told their shareholders that they had many empty beds nationally — totaling 13,700 — into which ICE could move detainees immediately. (Roughly 500 of those beds are in California.) A vacant 3,000-bed detention center in Texas, owned by Management and Training Corp., could also reopen for ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason bed space is available is that the federal government last year determined that private prisons had inferior safety and security, and began phasing out their use. Three private prison companies currently hold contracts with the U.S. Bureau of Prisons for 27,000 beds — 2,200 of those are in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump Justice Department \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/02/23/516916688/private-prisons-back-in-mix-for-federal-inmates-as-sessions-rescinds-order\" target=\"_blank\">has since rescinded\u003c/a> the Obama administration’s decision not to use private prisons for federal inmates. But the number of federal inmates held in private prisons has been declining in recent years, so some of those beds could still become available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates question why prisons that were found to be substandard for federal prisoners can be considered safe for immigrant detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is [for-profit companies’] desperate interest to keep costs as low as possible, and they do that by skimping on food, on health care, on mental health care and anything else so that they can maximize their profits for every individual detained,” said Gilman, of the University of Texas Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, three people have died while detained at the Adelanto Correctional Facility, run by GEO Group in San Bernardino, California. \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3480649-adelantoCorrectionalFac-Adelanto-CA-Sept-18-20.html\" target=\"_blank\">ICE investigators\u003c/a> found problems at the facility, including health care delays, poor record keeping, bad communication between staff and failures to properly report sexual assaults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3480650-Ddr-Morales.html\" target=\"_blank\">federal investigation\u003c/a> into one of the California deaths, inspectors noted that the person who died had waited more than a year to see a specialist, that the high turnover of medical staff led to inadequate care and that a dearth of laboratory services led to delays in treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, after the \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/08/18/490498158/justice-department-will-phase-out-its-use-of-private-prisons\" target=\"_blank\">Bureau of Prisons decided\u003c/a> to stop using private prisons, Homeland Security officials asked an advisory council composed of government officials, attorneys, advocates and private prison executives to examine ICE’s reliance on private prisons. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3480651-DHS-HSAC-PIDF-Final-Report.html\" target=\"_blank\">council’s report concluded\u003c/a> that despite problems with private, for-profit detention, DHS must continue to rely on it to control costs and “handle sudden increases in detention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But about three-quarters of the members who approved the report took issue with that central recommendation. In a dissenting opinion they said the review showed conditions in private prisons were inferior to ICE-run detention, and suggested shifting away from a private prison model. The dissenters also encouraged further investigation to find “the most effective and humane approach,” to detention, including looking at alternatives to physically jailing people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout noborder\">\u003cspan style=\"font-family:Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 20px;\">Where Were People Detained in Fiscal Year 2016?\u003c/span>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"100%\" height=\"520\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://kqednews.carto.com/builder/9cb4f780-827c-412a-96f1-d29ccf160b1b/embed\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size:14px;\">Data from ICE. Fiscal year 2016 ran from Oct.1 2015 to Sept. 30, 2016. | Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tens of Thousands of Immigrants Detained in Local Jails\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn the same report, the council recommended that ICE reduce its reliance on another type of facility: local jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“County jails are, in general, the most problematic facilities for immigration detention,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local jails, like the one on Richmond, California, where Maguiber is in custody, held 25 percent of immigrant detainees last year, according to ICE. And, despite the council’s recommendation to avoid them, ICE is likely to rely more heavily on jails, as it seeks to lock up more people in the deportation process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would expect them to also look at expanding capacity by using space that’s not currently used in local jails that are already inspected and certified by ICE to be appropriate for immigration detention,” said Vaughan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A greater expansion into jails is likely to take place in many states, but California, in particular, has plenty of available jail beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California county jails with ICE contracts had, on average, nearly 2,500 open beds in 2015, but ICE had specifically contracted only for 530 of them, according to data from ICE and the state agency that regulates county jails. That doesn’t include open jail beds in local cities with ICE contracts, including Glendale, Pomona and Alhambra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, California is likely to have more jail space sitting empty soon. That’s because a 2012 criminal justice reform known as “realignment” gave counties money to expand their jails so they could accept some inmates from state prisons. Then, just as that building boom got underway, voters passed a measure in 2014 that reduced penalties for some crimes and led to a decrease of 9,000 inmates. So California counties are in the process of adding an estimated 10,000 beds, just as their jail populations are declining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-agxRB\" src=\"//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/agxRB/8/\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" webkitallowfullscreen=\"webkitallowfullscreen\" mozallowfullscreen=\"mozallowfullscreen\" oallowfullscreen=\"oallowfullscreen\" msallowfullscreen=\"msallowfullscreen\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\">if(\"undefined\"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"]={},window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"].embedDeltas={\"100\":1212,\"200\":829,\"300\":689,\"400\":675,\"500\":600,\"600\":600,\"700\":586,\"800\":586,\"900\":586,\"1000\":586},window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"].iframe=document.getElementById(\"datawrapper-chart-agxRB\"),window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+\"px\",window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(a){if(\"undefined\"!=typeof a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])for(var b in a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])if(\"agxRB\"==b)window.datawrapper[\"agxRB\"].iframe.style.height=a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"][b]+\"px\"});\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 0.6255em;\">Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some local counties say they depend financially on their contracts with ICE. Contra Costa Sheriff David Livingston said that the county receives about $2 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That money goes to defray the cost of running the jail and reduce the operating cost to the taxpayers of Contra Costa County,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not always easy mixing immigrant detainees with jail inmates, however. ICE’s standards are higher for detainee health care and recreation time, for example. And the Homeland Security advisory council found that local officials are sometimes “resistant to changes” that require treating ICE detainees differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Immigration Court Slowdown Leaves Detainees in Detention for Longer\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the main reasons so many immigrants are detained in California is that the state has the largest immigration court workload in the country, analysts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And part of the reason that ICE needs more bed space is because it’s taking longer for detainees to get a court date. Sending more people into deportation proceedings — and declining to release them on bond — will exacerbate the need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently just 301 immigration judges nationwide — and they’re handling more than 542,000 pending cases, according to the Department of Justice and data from Syracuse University’s \u003ca href=\"http://<a%20href=\" target=\"_blank\">TRAC\u003c/a> research center. Even if the immigration courts didn’t accept a single additional case, it would take 2½ years to go through the backlog, according to TRAC. (The Department of Justice, which oversees immigration courts, is trying to speed up the system. It is working to fill 61 open positions, and requesting that Congress fund an additional 25 immigration judges.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waiting months or years for a hearing in detention can be extremely hard for detainees — and also for their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11345541\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11345541\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Yibi and Maguiber’s 8-year-old son, Kevin, is disabled and Yibi is worried about the financial burden her partner’s detention is causing.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS24469_ICE_2-qut-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yibi Heras cares for her disabled 8-year-old son, Kevin, and her two preschoolers. With Maguiber in detention, Heras is worried about how she will support her family. \u003ccite>(Erasmo Martinez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Right now Heras is trying to figure out how to support her family while her husband is detained. Her younger children, Gabriela and Christopher, are not yet in school, and her oldest, Kevin, has cerebral palsy and needs extra care. So Heras has her hands full as a stay-at-home mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stopped working because my oldest son had to have an operation,” she said. “But now I have to look for other resources to keep surviving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the help of a \u003cem>pro bono\u003c/em> lawyer, Heras and her husband are trying to keep him from being deported. An asylum officer found that Maguiber has grounds to request protection from deportation. His attorney has asked ICE to release him while he awaits his first hearing, which is scheduled for March 29. Heras says the court should not worry that Maguiber will flee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My husband has three children,” she said. “He wasn’t going to run away from them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Another Deportation Method: Expedited Removal\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe Trump administration has another tool to deport some undocumented immigrants, one that would put less strain on immigration courts and detention facilities, but that civil liberties advocates say will unfairly deprive people of their right to due process of law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy, called expedited removal, is a fast-track deportation without a hearing before an immigration judge. It was formerly applied only to unauthorized immigrants encountered within 100 miles of the border who had been in the country less than two weeks. Recently, Kelly expanded expedited removal to include people caught by agents anywhere in the United States who cannot prove that they have been in the country at least two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expedited removal would not apply to the majority of people living in the country illegally. The Pew Research Center estimates that two-thirds of the estimated 11.1 million undocumented people in the United States have been here for more than a decade. Maguiber is one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason that the Trump administration may be increasing expedited removals is to save money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security is already budgeted to spend $2.6 billion a year on ICE detention. Congress would have to appropriate more to expand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mary Small, the policy director for Detention Watch Network, says that Congress has a track record of paying for this type of enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the entirety of the Obama administration, Congress gave ICE more money than the president asked for in the president’s budget,” Small said. “There is a real willingness to throw large amounts of money at locking immigrants up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vaughan believes that while the initial cost to carry out Trump’s policies may be high, over time it will deter illegal immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people get the message that you’re not necessarily home free if you make it to the United States,” she said, “I think it’s pretty clear fewer people are going to come here illegally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, she says, people who are already here illegally may think about going home — when faced with these tougher consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Maguiber is ready to fight to stay in the country. His father named him after the hero of the 1980s TV show, “MacGyver,” that was popular across Latin America. Angus MacGyver was famous for his knack at getting himself out of tricky situations. Maguiber’s family isn’t looking for him to bust out of jail like an action hero, but they are hoping he’ll find a way out of this bind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was edited by Tyche Hendricks.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "fresno-sheriffs-ice-partnership-may-give-a-glimpse-of-trump-era-deportations",
"title": "Fresno Sheriff's ICE Partnership May Give a Glimpse of Trump-Era Deportations",
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"headTitle": "Fresno Sheriff’s ICE Partnership May Give a Glimpse of Trump-Era Deportations | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the Fresno County Jail, Sgt. Elisa Magallanes walks a newly arrested man from a holding cell to a small locked booth where she’ll book him. She talks to him through a glass barrier with a small window in it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Where were you born at?” Magallanes asks.\u003c/span>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He says Mexico. “Are you a U.S. citizen?” He says he is. “I gotta give you this consent form,” she says, passing him a slip of paper. “It’s pertaining to ICE,” as in \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magallanes explains that ICE agents may come into the jail to interview the man, but he has the right not to speak with them. On the other side of the glass, the man nods. He doesn’t have any questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11342775\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11342775 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Sergeant Elisa Magallanes holds a consent form provided to inmates at the Fresno County Jail\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sgt. Elisa Magallanes holds a consent form provided to inmates at the Fresno County Jail\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She’s still getting used to explaining this — the jail only started using the consent forms Jan. 1, when a state law requiring them went into effect. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes they ask me questions as far as: ‘Am I getting deported?’ ” Magallanes says. “I explain to them, ‘At this time, no. But I do have to advise you that it is a possibility.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s more of a possibility here than in many California jails. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.fresnosheriff.org/645\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Fresno County Sheriff’s Department has a special partnership with ICE\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Immigration agents have unfettered access to the jail’s database. So the info that Magallanes collected at booking? They can see that — plus any details about charges or criminal history in the database.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on what agents find there, they decide who to question and who they’ll eventually put in deportation proceedings. The Fresno County Sheriff’s Department isn’t privy to how these decisions are made. And ICE didn’t provide any details about how the program works for this story. Correctional officers at the Fresno jail say ICE agents come into the jail at least twice per week with lists of inmates to interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, Edgar Torres was one of those inmates. He was lying in his bunk when he heard his inmate number blaring from a loudspeaker. He had a visitor, but he wasn’t expecting anyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A guard escorted him from his cell to an interview room — an uncomfortably tight space; it just fits two chairs and a small metal table attached to the wall.\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Inside the room, a man wearing a badge was waiting for him. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“He said ‘Do you know who I am?’ ” Torres explains, “I said ‘No.’ He said, ‘I’m ICE.’ ”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/03/2017-03-03b-tcr.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/151341-full-800x534.jpeg\" Title=\"Fresno Sheriff's ICE Partnership May Give a Glimpse of Trump-Era Deportations\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Torres was floored. This was before the jail started handing out those consent forms, so he didn’t know ICE might approach him in the jail, and he didn’t know he had a right to refuse the interview. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Torres says the agent handed him a paper to sign and told him, “I want you to sign this so you leave the country. You don’t belong in this county. We know you came in illegally.” \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE was right. Torres had been caught crossing the border almost a decade ago. He crossed again soon after and didn’t get caught. The agent was trying to get him to sign a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/tools/glossary/voluntary-departure\">voluntary departure\u003c/a> order. Despite the pressure, Torres says he wanted to fight to stay with his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has only one misdemeanor conviction on his record — but it’s a serious one: domestic violence. He and his wife have had a rocky relationship. They got in some bad fights and she got a restraining order. A judge ordered him to attend classes, but when he and his wife got back together he stopped going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his wife were working things out. They’d just had a baby last summer when Torres got pulled over for a broken tail light. He had a warrant because of the missed classes and ended up in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU attorney Angelica Salceda says this is a common scenario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“One of the biggest flaws of this program is that you can have someone who committed a mistake and they paid the price for it and turned their lives around. Then they get arrested for something minor,” she says.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re undocumented, or even a legal permanent resident, the consequence isn’t just jail time — it can mean deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11342773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11342773\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Interview rooms where ICE agents question inmates at the Fresno County Jail \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Interview rooms where ICE agents question inmates at the Fresno County Jail \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancano/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Salceda also worries people who get arrested — but are never actually charged or convicted — can end up getting deported. “Those are the types of practices that we think are incredibly problematic and that lead to separation of families and fear in our communities,” she says. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, ICE defended its practices in jails: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When criminal custody transfers occur outside the secure confines of a jail or prison, regardless of the security precautions we take, there are greater safety risks for all concerned — our arrest target, ICE officers, and the general public. It needlessly puts our personnel and innocent bystanders in harm’s way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Torres was in jail, he says ICE agents met with him three times. Every time the pressure to sign himself out of the country got worse. “They would grab me hard by the arm and sit me down,” he says. “They’d slam the papers down in front of me, making loud sounds to intimidate me. They’d say ‘You’re gonna sign, because if not you’re gonna be in prison. Do it for your own good. We’re coming for you anyway — we know your release date.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They weren’t bluffing. When Torres got out of jail, ICE representatives were waiting for him. He spent six months at a detention center. Eventually it was clear he wasn’t going to win his case. On the advice of his lawyer, Torres finally signed a voluntary removal order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”HRivJpoXYTzl64X6SvDbtdNu7AAqJ6nC”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my perspective it truly is a win-win,” says Fresno County Sheriff Margaret Mims. “It keeps people from being released back into our communities that have committed crimes — many times multiple crimes — and it keeps ICE in our jail and they don’t have to go out into the community, which raises fear among people that ICE may not be looking for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Mims launched her program in 2015, other California sheriffs followed her lead, including in Kern and Stanislaus Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t the only way police in our state work with ICE. Today, every jail in California — and around the country — shares fingerprints with immigration authorities. But local law enforcement agencies cooperate with federal immigration authorities to different degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It creates a very complex framework around California because there’s a lack of uniformity,” says \u003ca href=\"http://www.advancingjustice-alc.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a> attorney Saira Hussain. “People don’t always know, ‘If I end up in jail here, how will ICE try to access me?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one extreme, there are \u003ca href=\"http://sfgov.org/oceia/sanctuary-city-ordinance-0\" target=\"_blank\">counties like San Francisco with its strong sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>. ICE is allowed into the jails to conduct interviews only in rare instances there. Orange County sits at the other end of the spectrum. It’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/factsheets/287g\" target=\"_blank\">the only county in California that empowers sheriff’s deputies in jails to act as immigration agents\u003c/a> under a federal partnership called the 287(g) program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”2cBLJH43J267Vv1z2ggHNdDoy70UsBC6″]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between, there are counties like Fresno. Hussain says they may be a sign of what’s to come in the Trump age. “When the message from the administration to local law enforcement is, ‘We want you to help us deport people,’ I’d say that Fresno is already sort of setting that path to really just unfettered cooperation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edgar Torres is back in Mexico now. His mother, wife and 10-year-old daughter are still in Fresno, and they’re undocumented. His 5-month-old daughter, who’s also with her mom, is a U.S. citizen. “I wouldn’t wish this on anyone,” Torres says. “I’m thinking about them all the time. I can’t move on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His mother, Maria, is now the sole breadwinner for six people. She’s paying off more than $7,000 in legal fees for her son. Torres’ wife is severely depressed and his younger daughter is seeing a therapist, because she had started gnawing her fingertips raw.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now I’m just asking God for things to get better,” says Maria. “I know so many people are going through the same thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already limits how police can work with immigration authorities. But the state Legislature is weighing a bill that would tighten things further. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\" target=\"_blank\">The California Values Act\u003c/a> would bar Fresno — or any sheriff’s department — from dedicating any resources to immigration enforcement. And it would stop them from letting ICE into jails to do interviews.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the Fresno County Jail, Sgt. Elisa Magallanes walks a newly arrested man from a holding cell to a small locked booth where she’ll book him. She talks to him through a glass barrier with a small window in it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Where were you born at?” Magallanes asks.\u003c/span>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He says Mexico. “Are you a U.S. citizen?” He says he is. “I gotta give you this consent form,” she says, passing him a slip of paper. “It’s pertaining to ICE,” as in \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magallanes explains that ICE agents may come into the jail to interview the man, but he has the right not to speak with them. On the other side of the glass, the man nods. He doesn’t have any questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11342775\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11342775 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Sergeant Elisa Magallanes holds a consent form provided to inmates at the Fresno County Jail\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sgt. Elisa Magallanes holds a consent form provided to inmates at the Fresno County Jail\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She’s still getting used to explaining this — the jail only started using the consent forms Jan. 1, when a state law requiring them went into effect. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes they ask me questions as far as: ‘Am I getting deported?’ ” Magallanes says. “I explain to them, ‘At this time, no. But I do have to advise you that it is a possibility.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s more of a possibility here than in many California jails. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.fresnosheriff.org/645\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Fresno County Sheriff’s Department has a special partnership with ICE\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Immigration agents have unfettered access to the jail’s database. So the info that Magallanes collected at booking? They can see that — plus any details about charges or criminal history in the database.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on what agents find there, they decide who to question and who they’ll eventually put in deportation proceedings. The Fresno County Sheriff’s Department isn’t privy to how these decisions are made. And ICE didn’t provide any details about how the program works for this story. Correctional officers at the Fresno jail say ICE agents come into the jail at least twice per week with lists of inmates to interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, Edgar Torres was one of those inmates. He was lying in his bunk when he heard his inmate number blaring from a loudspeaker. He had a visitor, but he wasn’t expecting anyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A guard escorted him from his cell to an interview room — an uncomfortably tight space; it just fits two chairs and a small metal table attached to the wall.\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Inside the room, a man wearing a badge was waiting for him. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“He said ‘Do you know who I am?’ ” Torres explains, “I said ‘No.’ He said, ‘I’m ICE.’ ”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Torres was floored. This was before the jail started handing out those consent forms, so he didn’t know ICE might approach him in the jail, and he didn’t know he had a right to refuse the interview. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Torres says the agent handed him a paper to sign and told him, “I want you to sign this so you leave the country. You don’t belong in this county. We know you came in illegally.” \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE was right. Torres had been caught crossing the border almost a decade ago. He crossed again soon after and didn’t get caught. The agent was trying to get him to sign a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/tools/glossary/voluntary-departure\">voluntary departure\u003c/a> order. Despite the pressure, Torres says he wanted to fight to stay with his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has only one misdemeanor conviction on his record — but it’s a serious one: domestic violence. He and his wife have had a rocky relationship. They got in some bad fights and she got a restraining order. A judge ordered him to attend classes, but when he and his wife got back together he stopped going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his wife were working things out. They’d just had a baby last summer when Torres got pulled over for a broken tail light. He had a warrant because of the missed classes and ended up in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU attorney Angelica Salceda says this is a common scenario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“One of the biggest flaws of this program is that you can have someone who committed a mistake and they paid the price for it and turned their lives around. Then they get arrested for something minor,” she says.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re undocumented, or even a legal permanent resident, the consequence isn’t just jail time — it can mean deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11342773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11342773\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Interview rooms where ICE agents question inmates at the Fresno County Jail \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Interview rooms where ICE agents question inmates at the Fresno County Jail \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancano/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Salceda also worries people who get arrested — but are never actually charged or convicted — can end up getting deported. “Those are the types of practices that we think are incredibly problematic and that lead to separation of families and fear in our communities,” she says. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, ICE defended its practices in jails: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When criminal custody transfers occur outside the secure confines of a jail or prison, regardless of the security precautions we take, there are greater safety risks for all concerned — our arrest target, ICE officers, and the general public. It needlessly puts our personnel and innocent bystanders in harm’s way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Torres was in jail, he says ICE agents met with him three times. Every time the pressure to sign himself out of the country got worse. “They would grab me hard by the arm and sit me down,” he says. “They’d slam the papers down in front of me, making loud sounds to intimidate me. They’d say ‘You’re gonna sign, because if not you’re gonna be in prison. Do it for your own good. We’re coming for you anyway — we know your release date.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They weren’t bluffing. When Torres got out of jail, ICE representatives were waiting for him. He spent six months at a detention center. Eventually it was clear he wasn’t going to win his case. On the advice of his lawyer, Torres finally signed a voluntary removal order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my perspective it truly is a win-win,” says Fresno County Sheriff Margaret Mims. “It keeps people from being released back into our communities that have committed crimes — many times multiple crimes — and it keeps ICE in our jail and they don’t have to go out into the community, which raises fear among people that ICE may not be looking for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Mims launched her program in 2015, other California sheriffs followed her lead, including in Kern and Stanislaus Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t the only way police in our state work with ICE. Today, every jail in California — and around the country — shares fingerprints with immigration authorities. But local law enforcement agencies cooperate with federal immigration authorities to different degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It creates a very complex framework around California because there’s a lack of uniformity,” says \u003ca href=\"http://www.advancingjustice-alc.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a> attorney Saira Hussain. “People don’t always know, ‘If I end up in jail here, how will ICE try to access me?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one extreme, there are \u003ca href=\"http://sfgov.org/oceia/sanctuary-city-ordinance-0\" target=\"_blank\">counties like San Francisco with its strong sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>. ICE is allowed into the jails to conduct interviews only in rare instances there. Orange County sits at the other end of the spectrum. It’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/factsheets/287g\" target=\"_blank\">the only county in California that empowers sheriff’s deputies in jails to act as immigration agents\u003c/a> under a federal partnership called the 287(g) program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between, there are counties like Fresno. Hussain says they may be a sign of what’s to come in the Trump age. “When the message from the administration to local law enforcement is, ‘We want you to help us deport people,’ I’d say that Fresno is already sort of setting that path to really just unfettered cooperation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edgar Torres is back in Mexico now. His mother, wife and 10-year-old daughter are still in Fresno, and they’re undocumented. His 5-month-old daughter, who’s also with her mom, is a U.S. citizen. “I wouldn’t wish this on anyone,” Torres says. “I’m thinking about them all the time. I can’t move on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His mother, Maria, is now the sole breadwinner for six people. She’s paying off more than $7,000 in legal fees for her son. Torres’ wife is severely depressed and his younger daughter is seeing a therapist, because she had started gnawing her fingertips raw.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now I’m just asking God for things to get better,” says Maria. “I know so many people are going through the same thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already limits how police can work with immigration authorities. But the state Legislature is weighing a bill that would tighten things further. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\" target=\"_blank\">The California Values Act\u003c/a> would bar Fresno — or any sheriff’s department — from dedicating any resources to immigration enforcement. And it would stop them from letting ICE into jails to do interviews.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In oral arguments Wednesday, the U.S. Supreme Court appeared evenly split over a case out of California that sets some limits on long-term detention of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case, Jennings v. Rodriguez, deals with the rights of legal permanent residents who are subject to deportation because they’ve been convicted of crimes, and asylum seekers who have met the government’s initial criteria for protection from persecution. Both groups are subject to mandatory detention while they fight deportation in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are roughly 8,000 such detainees on any given day. They are among more than 400,000 immigrants detained by the Department of Homeland Security in the course of a year. Those numbers could increase if President-elect Donald Trump makes good on his pledge to deport millions of unauthorized immigrants and immigrants with criminal histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015 the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, in San Francisco, upheld a lower court ruling that said that these detainees are entitled to hearing before an immigration judge every six months to consider them for release while their immigration cases proceed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”fsgzknZwDBASwdQ688UeLyz2upaPBnpi”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahilan Arulanantham, an attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union, is representing the immigrants. He told the Supreme Court justices that some of his clients have spent years behind bars. He urged the justices to affirm that a bond hearing to consider release is a right under the Constitution’s due process clause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s all we are talking about, just the minimal requirement of a hearing in front of a neutral decision maker for people who have had very, very long periods of incarceration,” Arulanantham said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But U.S. Solicitor General Ian Gershengorn challenged the notion that the length of incarceration has any bearing on the constitutionality of detention, as long as the government is making reasonable progress at resolving a person’s immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Sonia Sotomayor asked the solicitor general what standard a court would apply to determine whether a person’s detention was unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We are in an upended world when we think 14 months or 19 months is a reasonable time to detain a person.’\u003ccite>Justice Sonia Sotomayor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Gershengorn said the court should ask: “Has there been some sort of unusual situation or misconduct on the part of the government, or delay on the part of the government, that suggests the purpose of detention was not to effectuate removal?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gershengorn said that immigrants who challenge their deportation may wind up detained for long stretches because the immigration system offers them a robust system of appeals, and those appeals take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told the justices that 90 percent of hearings before an immigration judge occur within 14 months, and 90 percent of immigration appeals proceedings are done within 19 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That prompted Sotomayor to respond: “We are in an upended world when we think 14 months or 19 months is a reasonable time to detain a person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Ninth Circuit held that immigrants must be released on bond unless the government can prove that they are a danger to public safety or a flight risk. Some of the justices took issue with that approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief Justice John Roberts noted that the appeals court’s decision shifts the burden off of the immigrant to provide proof that they are not a danger or a flight risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our job is to read the statute” Roberts quipped. “But we can’t just write a different statute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Samuel Alito suggested, “We could simply say the Ninth Circuit’s interpretation of the statute is wrong and remand [it back to the lower court] for further proceeding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking outside the courthouse after the hearing, the ACLU’s Arulanantham said that the ruling the eight justices reach could have a profound effect on thousands of immigrants in California and the other Western states in the Ninth Circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are thousands of people who have been released under these bond hearings,” he said, “who’ve returned to their families, who are out of prison, basically who are living their lives” while their cases proceed through immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arulanantham said a reversal of the Ninth Circuit’s decision could allow the government to round those people up again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court must rule on the Jennings v. Rodriguez by June, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In oral arguments Wednesday, the U.S. Supreme Court appeared evenly split over a case out of California that sets some limits on long-term detention of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case, Jennings v. Rodriguez, deals with the rights of legal permanent residents who are subject to deportation because they’ve been convicted of crimes, and asylum seekers who have met the government’s initial criteria for protection from persecution. Both groups are subject to mandatory detention while they fight deportation in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are roughly 8,000 such detainees on any given day. They are among more than 400,000 immigrants detained by the Department of Homeland Security in the course of a year. Those numbers could increase if President-elect Donald Trump makes good on his pledge to deport millions of unauthorized immigrants and immigrants with criminal histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015 the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, in San Francisco, upheld a lower court ruling that said that these detainees are entitled to hearing before an immigration judge every six months to consider them for release while their immigration cases proceed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahilan Arulanantham, an attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union, is representing the immigrants. He told the Supreme Court justices that some of his clients have spent years behind bars. He urged the justices to affirm that a bond hearing to consider release is a right under the Constitution’s due process clause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s all we are talking about, just the minimal requirement of a hearing in front of a neutral decision maker for people who have had very, very long periods of incarceration,” Arulanantham said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But U.S. Solicitor General Ian Gershengorn challenged the notion that the length of incarceration has any bearing on the constitutionality of detention, as long as the government is making reasonable progress at resolving a person’s immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Sonia Sotomayor asked the solicitor general what standard a court would apply to determine whether a person’s detention was unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We are in an upended world when we think 14 months or 19 months is a reasonable time to detain a person.’\u003ccite>Justice Sonia Sotomayor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Gershengorn said the court should ask: “Has there been some sort of unusual situation or misconduct on the part of the government, or delay on the part of the government, that suggests the purpose of detention was not to effectuate removal?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gershengorn said that immigrants who challenge their deportation may wind up detained for long stretches because the immigration system offers them a robust system of appeals, and those appeals take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told the justices that 90 percent of hearings before an immigration judge occur within 14 months, and 90 percent of immigration appeals proceedings are done within 19 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That prompted Sotomayor to respond: “We are in an upended world when we think 14 months or 19 months is a reasonable time to detain a person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Ninth Circuit held that immigrants must be released on bond unless the government can prove that they are a danger to public safety or a flight risk. Some of the justices took issue with that approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief Justice John Roberts noted that the appeals court’s decision shifts the burden off of the immigrant to provide proof that they are not a danger or a flight risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our job is to read the statute” Roberts quipped. “But we can’t just write a different statute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Samuel Alito suggested, “We could simply say the Ninth Circuit’s interpretation of the statute is wrong and remand [it back to the lower court] for further proceeding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking outside the courthouse after the hearing, the ACLU’s Arulanantham said that the ruling the eight justices reach could have a profound effect on thousands of immigrants in California and the other Western states in the Ninth Circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are thousands of people who have been released under these bond hearings,” he said, “who’ve returned to their families, who are out of prison, basically who are living their lives” while their cases proceed through immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arulanantham said a reversal of the Ninth Circuit’s decision could allow the government to round those people up again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court must rule on the Jennings v. Rodriguez by June, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "hundreds-of-migrant-teens-are-being-held-indefinitely-in-locked-detention",
"title": "Hundreds of Migrant Teens Are Being Held Indefinitely in Locked Detention",
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"content": "\u003cp>As Pablo Aguilar was waking up in his cell in \u003ca href=\"http://www.yolocounty.org/law-justice/probation/institutional-services/juvenile-detention-facility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Yolo County’s juvenile hall\u003c/a> in rural Northern California one recent Sunday morning, a white minivan was making its way toward him, up Interstate 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dawn illuminated the tomato fields across the road from the jail, but the 16-year-old likely didn’t see that. The only window in Pablo’s cell — roughly 6 inches tall by 2 feet long — was positioned so high in the cinderblock wall that he would have needed to stand on his concrete bunk to peek out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the minivan, his mother, Evelyn, watched the farmland of the Central Valley turn rosy, then golden, as the sun crested the mountains to the east. Evelyn, 38, had driven a portion of the 400-mile journey from Los Angeles, but now Mario, a friend from church, was at the wheel. Evelyn’s mother, Albertina, was dozing in the back seat. (We’ve agreed not to use their last names, because Evelyn is undocumented.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the trio reached Sacramento, they stopped at an IHOP for breakfast before driving the last 20 minutes to the jail in Woodland. The pancake stop has become a ritual of the journey, which they make every three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We leave Los Angeles at 2 in the morning,” Evelyn told me. “It’s a night when we don’t sleep, because of all the anticipation about seeing Pablo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo has been held in immigration custody for more than 21 months. He had just turned 15 when he left El Salvador in the hope of finding a safe haven with his mother in California. He made it across the Rio Grande but wound up in the hands of the Border Patrol. That was in June of 2014. He’s been locked up ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258066702&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Children Fleeing Violence\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo is one of more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-border-unaccompanied-children/fy-2016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">200,000 migrant kids\u003c/a> traveling without their parents who have been detained at the U.S.-Mexico border over the past five years. He’s part of a wave of Central American children fleeing violence, as \u003ca href=\"http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/B-Occasional-papers/SAS-OP23-Gangs-Central-America.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">criminal gangs in El Salvador and neighboring countries\u003c/a> have come to \u003ca href=\"http://lawg.org/action-center/lawg-blog/69-general/1579-el-salvadors-gang-violence-turf-wars-internal-battles-and-life-defined-by-invisible-borders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wield terrifying power\u003c/a> with impunity, and weak governments struggle to respond. That violence is a legacy of the civil wars of the 1980s, subsequent migrations to the United States and the deportation of gang members back to their home countries in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When adults are picked up at the border, they are dealt with by the Department of Homeland Security. But unaccompanied children are turned over to a different agency, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/programs/ucs\">Office of Refugee Resettlement\u003c/a>, in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. As the number of migrant kids has multiplied, ORR’s job has grown. In 2011, the agency took custody of 7,000 children. In 2014 it was 57,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder.png\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924343\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-10924343\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-800x266.png\" alt=\"Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder\" width=\"800\" height=\"266\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-800x266.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-400x133.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-1180x393.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-960x320.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of those kids spend about a month in a licensed ORR-funded shelter, and then they’re placed with a relative or another sponsor while they await their day in immigration court. But a small fraction — roughly 500 to 700 in any given year — are placed in jail-like settings: locked group homes or juvenile detention facilities, as Pablo has been. Those kids are held for two to three months, on average, but, like Pablo, some are detained much longer. Advocates say they become practically invisible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder.png\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924330\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-10924330\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-800x450.png\" alt=\"Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-800x450.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-400x225.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-1180x664.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-960x540.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for immigrant children say kids in ORR detention don’t have the legal protections they should. Many may be eligible for asylum or some other kind of protection. But \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/juvenile/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">half of them don’t even have a lawyer\u003c/a>. And prolonged detention can be psychologically damaging, according to child advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/BILLS-110hr7311enr/pdf/BILLS-110hr7311enr.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">By law\u003c/a>, children in immigration custody must be placed in the least restrictive setting that is in the best interest of the child. But they \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/children-entering-the-united-states-unaccompanied-section-1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">can be confined\u003c/a> if their behavior is disruptive or dangerous, if they’re considered an escape risk, if they have a criminal or delinquent history or if they’re merely suspected of criminal activity. Often that information is provided by the Border Patrol or Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the agency that is handing the child over to ORR. But advocates for immigrant kids say ORR makes placement decisions behind closed doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn says the government hasn’t told her why it won’t release her son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924032\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924032\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924032 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-800x742.jpg\" alt=\"Evelyn holds up a photo of herself visiting with her son Pablo when he was detained at a facility in Oregon in 2015. Her friend Mario is in the background of the photo.\" width=\"800\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-800x742.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-400x371.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-1920x1781.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-1180x1094.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-960x890.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Evelyn holds up a photo of herself visiting with her son, Pablo, when he was detained at a facility in Oregon in 2015. Her friend, Mario, is in the background of the photo. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Visiting Her Child\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her mother stepped out of the minivan into the parking lot of Yolo County’s juvenile hall, in sweatshirts and sneakers, a little bleary from the trip. They always arrive in Woodland early to maximize the visit. Evelyn showed me a stack of family photos she was bringing to Pablo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn told me she came to the United States a decade ago, seeing no other option to support her children as a single parent than to follow her own mother to L.A. She said she left Pablo and his older brother, William, in the care of her sister in their town of San Juan Nonualco, an hour outside the capital. She sent money to support them from the housecleaning business she built in L.A.\u003cbr>\n[contextly_sidebar id=”iZFAUJISIkRU4u8XQvN0zHZeKKt7Yll0″]\u003cbr>\nRed-winged blackbirds swooped along the fence row in Woodland and dogs barked at the Sheriff’s Department compound next door. But Evelyn’s mind was back in El Salvador. She told me about how her boys grew up with their cousins, attended a good school and played soccer. But the area where they lived grew sketchier after she left and gangs operated openly. The police were either intimidated or corrupted, she said. And teenagers were frequent targets of gang recruitment and coercion. Four years ago, something happened to William.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“William was 16 when I lost him, the same age Pablo is now,” Evelyn said. “One weekend I was driving to work when my sister called and said she had something bad to tell me. … She said, ‘Here’s what happened to William. The gang took him.’ He was always trying to steer clear of them. But they forced him. They disappeared with him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In anguish, she added, “As a mother I have hope that one day someone will tell me if he’s alive or not. I’m still hoping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo became physically sick after is brother disappeared, Evelyn told me. But she wasn’t there to take care of him. Two years later, when Pablo reached high school, Evelyn said her sister told her he was not safe. So the boy headed north to avoid his brother’s fate. But he never reached his mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in spite of her lack of immigration status, Evelyn walks right into the jail every three weeks in order to see her child and to finally have a chance to touch him. She and Albertina would have two hours in a family room with Pablo, followed by another two hours in the “no contact” visit area, speaking by phone with a glass partition between them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn gathered up the things she can take inside the jail: the photographs, her ID and her Bible. They always start the visit with a prayer. She pressed a buzzer and spoke into the intercom. A guard ushered the women into the lobby, and waved a metal detector wand over them. I wasn’t permitted to join them, so I watched through the plate glass as Evelyn and her mother disappeared through a heavy door into the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924042\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924042 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Yolo County Chief Probation Officer Brent Cardall, and Victoria Blacksmith, the case manager in charge of immigrant children in Office of Refugee Resettlement custody, give a tour of the county's juvenile detention facility on Jan. 15, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Yolo County Juvenile Detention Facility in Woodland, California, houses up to 30 immigrant children in secure confinement, part of a $4 million contract with the U.S. Office of Refugee Resettlement. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Inside the Cell\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On another day, I got an idea of what life is like for Pablo by visiting the facility with Brent Cardall, the Yolo County probation chief.\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003ci> \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He took me in through the “sally port,” the double set of steel doors, which are locked and unlocked remotely to prevent escape. He showed me the family room, where Evelyn visited with her son. And I saw a classroom, windowless but full of books, like the one where Pablo goes to school. Then we stepped into an empty cell, much like Pablo’s. It was about 8 feet by 12 feet, with a stainless steel toilet and sink, and that tiny window — what Cardall called “your normal cell-looking type of room.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really proud of our juvenile hall,” he told me. “We have a lot of great things going on.” He showed me murals on the walls, and talked about the volunteers who come in to work with the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The facility does look like a jail, but we are trying to make it more homelike,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yolo County has a $4 million contract to house up to 30 juveniles for the Office of Refugee Resettlement. That revenue helps Cardall cover the cost of general Probation Department staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Working for Pablo’s Release\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few miles down the road from the juvenile hall is the UC Davis law school. Professor Holly Cooper runs the immigration law clinic, and she and her students are working to gain Pablo’s release. When I visited, law students were drafting legal briefs, case notes spread across conference tables. The files for another immigrant kid, a 2-foot-tall stack of paperwork, teetered beside Cooper’s computer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper has devoted much of her career to minors in immigration custody, and her office walls are covered with artwork made by detained children. She told me Pablo has been transferred around the country by ORR so many times that no pro bono lawyer has had a chance to build a case for his release until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924051\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924051\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924051 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-800x564.jpg\" alt=\"Pablo Aguilar's mother Evelyn meets with Mercedes Castillo, an immigration lawyer in East Los Angeles on Feb. 8, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"564\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-800x564.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-400x282.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-1920x1355.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-1180x832.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-960x677.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pablo Aguilar’s mother, Evelyn, meets with Mercedes Castillo, an immigration lawyer in East Los Angeles, on Feb. 8, 2016. \u003ccite>(Tena Rubio/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He’s been in McAllen, Texas, he’s been in Miami, Florida, he’s been in Virginia, he’s been in Portland, Oregon, and now he’s out here in California,” she said. Pablo has been housed in the Woodland facility since September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government did appoint a so-called child advocate from the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://theyoungcenter.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Young Center for Immigrant Children’s Rights\u003c/a> to speak up for Pablo’s best interests. Cooper showed me the group’s recommendation: three times last year the advocate sent letters to ORR arguing that Pablo be released to his mom, or at least placed in a less restrictive shelter nearer Evelyn’s home. But ORR hasn’t acted. And Pablo is still locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crux of the problem, say Cooper and other advocates, is that ORR makes decisions at internal meetings about where children are placed and whether they’re released. And ORR doesn’t recognize courts as a place where children can challenge their detention. The upshot is that kids like Pablo, who have not been charged with a crime, can be jailed indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without any judicial or third-party oversight, ORR is both the jailer and the person who decides whether the kid is getting out,” said Cooper. “That’s a really dangerous power dynamic that is developing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “secure” and “staff-secure” lockups may indeed be the right placement for some children. But Cooper and other lawyers say there’s no way to know without an open proceeding. They note that adults in immigration custody have more access to due process, because they have the right to go before an immigration judge to contest their detention and request release on bond. Children do not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, says Jessica Jones, policy counsel at \u003ca href=\"http://lirs.org\">Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., children in other types of legal proceedings have more of a voice than kids in ORR confinement do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is so disturbing about this whole process is that unlike the juvenile justice system, where you have the involvement of the child’s attorney and the child themselves, they are completely left out of the process,” said Jones. “The child may have a parent in the country and they are often completely left out of the decision-making process. … ORR should do better by children and be meeting basic child welfare standards in care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos Holguin, of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhumanrights.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, is charged with monitoring the government’s treatment of minors in immigration custody, as part of a two-decade-old legal agreement known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/files/pdfs/immigrants/flores_v_meese_agreement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Flores Settlement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most advocates believe ORR is a better custodian than in the old days, before 2002, when detained migrant children were held by immigration agents. But Holguin, Jones, Cooper and other advocates around the country want better. They have been meeting with ORR officials, arguing for more transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The process itself is completely opaque,” said Holguin. “Most times there’s no written decision at all. There’s great delay before the decisions are actually released. And there’s no opportunity for the juvenile or the proposed custodian to review the evidence that the federal government is relying on to maintain the juvenile in custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>ORR Official Speaks Out\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three months of requesting an interview, I finally got to speak with the person who oversees ORR’s unaccompanied children’s program: Bobbie Gregg, the deputy director for children’s services in the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregg emphasized that the safety of children is her first priority. She said all children are assessed when they first arrive, and every 30 days that they’re in custody. The agency monitors the physical health and mental health of children and provides them with a legal orientation. And it posts \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/children-entering-the-united-states-unaccompanied\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">its policies\u003c/a> on its website in detail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when I asked Gregg about the lack of a system for children to challenge their detention, she told me instead about how parents or others who have been turned down as sponsors can appeal that decision to higher-ups within the agency. In Evelyn’s case, there’s nothing she can appeal, because ORR has still not made a decision on her fitness as a sponsor for Pablo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sponsor can make a request for information about the reason for the decision and can appeal from that decision,” said Gregg. “With respect to the child him or herself, children are kept informed through their case managers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR has been in hot water in recent months after a number of cases where officials failed to screen sponsors properly and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/failures-in-handling-unaccompanied-migrant-minors-have-led-to-trafficking/2016/01/26/c47de164-c138-11e5-9443-7074c3645405_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">children were released to labor traffickers\u003c/a> rather than relatives. That scandal led to Senate hearings, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/02-23-16%20Brown%20Testimony.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">investigation\u003c/a> by the Government Accountability Office and a series of reforms at ORR to tighten the vetting of sponsors before releasing children from custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Gregg about how a kid like Pablo could be detained for 21 months and bounced around the country between so many facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t speak to any particular child,” Gregg told me. “But for each child we’re making determinations based on the least restrictive setting for that child, taking into consideration that particular child’s safety, the safety to the community as well as the risk of flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Indefinite Custody\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What does it mean for a kid to be locked up for almost two years, with no clear idea why they’re being held or for how long?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holly Cooper, the UC Davis law professor, says one of the toughest things for kids in ORR detention is not knowing when they’ll be released. She said she’s also seen the pain caused by giving kids false hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indefinite custody,” she said. “And when you start telling kids, ‘You’ve been recommended for release. Your parent can come get you. Next week you’ll be out. Tomorrow you’ll be out,’ and it doesn’t happen? We’ve seen that that can be very psychologically harmful to the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened to another teenager Cooper and her students are representing: Rafael Armenta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael’s case is a little different. His mother brought him to the U.S. from Mexico as an infant, Cooper said, and he grew up in Southern California. In middle school, she said, he got involved with a rough crowd and ran afoul of the juvenile justice system. He served a sentence (the family doesn’t want to talk about the details) and then, had he been a U.S. citizen, he would have been released. But Rafael, who’s 16, is undocumented, so he was put in deportation proceedings and handed over to ORR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over several months the agency kept suggesting Rafael could be released to await his deportation hearing. Then officials backtracked over the holidays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Friday was New Year’s,” Cooper recalled. “And they called me. I was on a run actually: my New Year’s resolution to go running. And I got a call and I said, ‘You just need to tell me one way or the other. We need to know. He needs to know. He’s calling me eight times a day.’ And they said, ‘We’re denying it.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few weeks later, though, there was another reversal. In February, Rafael was released from the detention facility in Woodland. His mother and some cousins arrived to collect him, after making their own all-night drive from Southern California. He hugged his mom for the first time in seven months and walked out of the juvenile hall into the winter sunshine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924046\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924046\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10924046\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Rafael Armenta, 16, is released to his family from the Yolo County juvenile detention facility on Feb. 6, 2016, after seven months of immigration detention in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rafael Armenta, 16, and UC Davis law student Lesley Sedano, walk out of the Yolo County Juvenile Detention Facility on Feb. 6, 2016. Rafael was released to his family after seven months of immigration detention in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There in the parking lot, wearing a crewcut and a dazed smile, Rafael told me how good it felt to take off the jail uniform — khaki shorts and a brown T-shirt — and put on his own T-shirt and jeans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought this day was never going to come,” he said. “But it came.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked him what it felt like to be told repeatedly that he could go home and then to hear that he could not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a bad reaction to that,” Rafael said. “I’d go in a room and just do some inappropriate things, like hit the wall and stuff like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We talked a little longer, but Rafael was anxious to go. So he and his mother and his three cousins piled into the family car, and headed home to Orange County. In the weeks that followed, Rafael would reacquaint himself with his younger brother and sister and enroll in high school, where he hoped to stay clear of trouble. He said he had covered so much coursework in detention that his teachers told him he’d be going in as a 12th-grader. Holly Cooper and her law students would keep in touch and help him fight to stay in the U.S. legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper told me she has seen kids who have harmed themselves, including cutting themselves, in response to the powerlessness of indefinite detention. An official at the Yolo County juvenile hall said that they routinely have kids on suicide watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juvenile justice experts say ORR’s secure detention may not be intended as a form of punishment, but it is punishing by nature. Barry Krisberg, a criminologist at UC Berkeley and an expert in juvenile detention, said that’s especially true for children who have been through traumatic experiences already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The consequences of secure detention are generally quite bad,” said Krisberg. “Increasingly what we understand is that secure custody — and it doesn’t really matter whether it’s staff-secure or there’s razor wire on the outside — is a toxic experience for youth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Bobbie Gregg at ORR if she was concerned about the psychological toll of prolonged detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re very mindful that this is a special population with special needs,” she answered. “Having said that, we’re also very mindful of our responsibility as their custodian while they’re in care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>End of a Visit\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The afternoon was almost gone when Evelyn and her mother emerged from the juvenile hall in Woodland. Pablo was glad to see her, she told me, and happy to get the photos. With no end in sight to Pablo’s confinement, they rely on faith to keep going, she said. But it’s not easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258034455″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003ccite>Listen to the full Reveal episode above with an extended version of this story.\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be honest: I walk out and part of me is still inside,” she said. “I want to take him with me. I want so badly to take him with me…. I go, and half of me leaves but half of me stays here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn would return in three weeks’ time. She and her mom and her friend Mario would drive through the night, 400 miles up the length of California. And she’ll keep coming back, until the day when she gets to take her son home with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported in collaboration with the public radio program \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Reveal: from The Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a> and PRX. You can hear an extended version of this story and subscribe to the Reveal podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/kids-crossing-borders-alone/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-400x178.png\" alt=\"reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi\" width=\"400\" height=\"178\" class=\"aligncenter size-thumbnail wp-image-10927629\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-400x178.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-800x357.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-1920x856.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-1180x526.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-960x428.png 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As Pablo Aguilar was waking up in his cell in \u003ca href=\"http://www.yolocounty.org/law-justice/probation/institutional-services/juvenile-detention-facility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Yolo County’s juvenile hall\u003c/a> in rural Northern California one recent Sunday morning, a white minivan was making its way toward him, up Interstate 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dawn illuminated the tomato fields across the road from the jail, but the 16-year-old likely didn’t see that. The only window in Pablo’s cell — roughly 6 inches tall by 2 feet long — was positioned so high in the cinderblock wall that he would have needed to stand on his concrete bunk to peek out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the minivan, his mother, Evelyn, watched the farmland of the Central Valley turn rosy, then golden, as the sun crested the mountains to the east. Evelyn, 38, had driven a portion of the 400-mile journey from Los Angeles, but now Mario, a friend from church, was at the wheel. Evelyn’s mother, Albertina, was dozing in the back seat. (We’ve agreed not to use their last names, because Evelyn is undocumented.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the trio reached Sacramento, they stopped at an IHOP for breakfast before driving the last 20 minutes to the jail in Woodland. The pancake stop has become a ritual of the journey, which they make every three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We leave Los Angeles at 2 in the morning,” Evelyn told me. “It’s a night when we don’t sleep, because of all the anticipation about seeing Pablo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo has been held in immigration custody for more than 21 months. He had just turned 15 when he left El Salvador in the hope of finding a safe haven with his mother in California. He made it across the Rio Grande but wound up in the hands of the Border Patrol. That was in June of 2014. He’s been locked up ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258066702&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Children Fleeing Violence\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo is one of more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-border-unaccompanied-children/fy-2016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">200,000 migrant kids\u003c/a> traveling without their parents who have been detained at the U.S.-Mexico border over the past five years. He’s part of a wave of Central American children fleeing violence, as \u003ca href=\"http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/B-Occasional-papers/SAS-OP23-Gangs-Central-America.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">criminal gangs in El Salvador and neighboring countries\u003c/a> have come to \u003ca href=\"http://lawg.org/action-center/lawg-blog/69-general/1579-el-salvadors-gang-violence-turf-wars-internal-battles-and-life-defined-by-invisible-borders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wield terrifying power\u003c/a> with impunity, and weak governments struggle to respond. That violence is a legacy of the civil wars of the 1980s, subsequent migrations to the United States and the deportation of gang members back to their home countries in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When adults are picked up at the border, they are dealt with by the Department of Homeland Security. But unaccompanied children are turned over to a different agency, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/programs/ucs\">Office of Refugee Resettlement\u003c/a>, in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. As the number of migrant kids has multiplied, ORR’s job has grown. In 2011, the agency took custody of 7,000 children. In 2014 it was 57,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder.png\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924343\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-10924343\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-800x266.png\" alt=\"Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder\" width=\"800\" height=\"266\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-800x266.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-400x133.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-1180x393.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-960x320.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of those kids spend about a month in a licensed ORR-funded shelter, and then they’re placed with a relative or another sponsor while they await their day in immigration court. But a small fraction — roughly 500 to 700 in any given year — are placed in jail-like settings: locked group homes or juvenile detention facilities, as Pablo has been. Those kids are held for two to three months, on average, but, like Pablo, some are detained much longer. Advocates say they become practically invisible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder.png\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924330\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-10924330\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-800x450.png\" alt=\"Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-800x450.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-400x225.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-1180x664.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-960x540.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for immigrant children say kids in ORR detention don’t have the legal protections they should. Many may be eligible for asylum or some other kind of protection. But \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/juvenile/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">half of them don’t even have a lawyer\u003c/a>. And prolonged detention can be psychologically damaging, according to child advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/BILLS-110hr7311enr/pdf/BILLS-110hr7311enr.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">By law\u003c/a>, children in immigration custody must be placed in the least restrictive setting that is in the best interest of the child. But they \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/children-entering-the-united-states-unaccompanied-section-1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">can be confined\u003c/a> if their behavior is disruptive or dangerous, if they’re considered an escape risk, if they have a criminal or delinquent history or if they’re merely suspected of criminal activity. Often that information is provided by the Border Patrol or Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the agency that is handing the child over to ORR. But advocates for immigrant kids say ORR makes placement decisions behind closed doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn says the government hasn’t told her why it won’t release her son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924032\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924032\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924032 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-800x742.jpg\" alt=\"Evelyn holds up a photo of herself visiting with her son Pablo when he was detained at a facility in Oregon in 2015. Her friend Mario is in the background of the photo.\" width=\"800\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-800x742.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-400x371.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-1920x1781.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-1180x1094.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-960x890.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Evelyn holds up a photo of herself visiting with her son, Pablo, when he was detained at a facility in Oregon in 2015. Her friend, Mario, is in the background of the photo. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Visiting Her Child\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her mother stepped out of the minivan into the parking lot of Yolo County’s juvenile hall, in sweatshirts and sneakers, a little bleary from the trip. They always arrive in Woodland early to maximize the visit. Evelyn showed me a stack of family photos she was bringing to Pablo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn told me she came to the United States a decade ago, seeing no other option to support her children as a single parent than to follow her own mother to L.A. She said she left Pablo and his older brother, William, in the care of her sister in their town of San Juan Nonualco, an hour outside the capital. She sent money to support them from the housecleaning business she built in L.A.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nRed-winged blackbirds swooped along the fence row in Woodland and dogs barked at the Sheriff’s Department compound next door. But Evelyn’s mind was back in El Salvador. She told me about how her boys grew up with their cousins, attended a good school and played soccer. But the area where they lived grew sketchier after she left and gangs operated openly. The police were either intimidated or corrupted, she said. And teenagers were frequent targets of gang recruitment and coercion. Four years ago, something happened to William.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“William was 16 when I lost him, the same age Pablo is now,” Evelyn said. “One weekend I was driving to work when my sister called and said she had something bad to tell me. … She said, ‘Here’s what happened to William. The gang took him.’ He was always trying to steer clear of them. But they forced him. They disappeared with him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In anguish, she added, “As a mother I have hope that one day someone will tell me if he’s alive or not. I’m still hoping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo became physically sick after is brother disappeared, Evelyn told me. But she wasn’t there to take care of him. Two years later, when Pablo reached high school, Evelyn said her sister told her he was not safe. So the boy headed north to avoid his brother’s fate. But he never reached his mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in spite of her lack of immigration status, Evelyn walks right into the jail every three weeks in order to see her child and to finally have a chance to touch him. She and Albertina would have two hours in a family room with Pablo, followed by another two hours in the “no contact” visit area, speaking by phone with a glass partition between them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn gathered up the things she can take inside the jail: the photographs, her ID and her Bible. They always start the visit with a prayer. She pressed a buzzer and spoke into the intercom. A guard ushered the women into the lobby, and waved a metal detector wand over them. I wasn’t permitted to join them, so I watched through the plate glass as Evelyn and her mother disappeared through a heavy door into the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924042\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924042 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Yolo County Chief Probation Officer Brent Cardall, and Victoria Blacksmith, the case manager in charge of immigrant children in Office of Refugee Resettlement custody, give a tour of the county's juvenile detention facility on Jan. 15, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Yolo County Juvenile Detention Facility in Woodland, California, houses up to 30 immigrant children in secure confinement, part of a $4 million contract with the U.S. Office of Refugee Resettlement. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Inside the Cell\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On another day, I got an idea of what life is like for Pablo by visiting the facility with Brent Cardall, the Yolo County probation chief.\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003ci> \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He took me in through the “sally port,” the double set of steel doors, which are locked and unlocked remotely to prevent escape. He showed me the family room, where Evelyn visited with her son. And I saw a classroom, windowless but full of books, like the one where Pablo goes to school. Then we stepped into an empty cell, much like Pablo’s. It was about 8 feet by 12 feet, with a stainless steel toilet and sink, and that tiny window — what Cardall called “your normal cell-looking type of room.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really proud of our juvenile hall,” he told me. “We have a lot of great things going on.” He showed me murals on the walls, and talked about the volunteers who come in to work with the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The facility does look like a jail, but we are trying to make it more homelike,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yolo County has a $4 million contract to house up to 30 juveniles for the Office of Refugee Resettlement. That revenue helps Cardall cover the cost of general Probation Department staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Working for Pablo’s Release\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few miles down the road from the juvenile hall is the UC Davis law school. Professor Holly Cooper runs the immigration law clinic, and she and her students are working to gain Pablo’s release. When I visited, law students were drafting legal briefs, case notes spread across conference tables. The files for another immigrant kid, a 2-foot-tall stack of paperwork, teetered beside Cooper’s computer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper has devoted much of her career to minors in immigration custody, and her office walls are covered with artwork made by detained children. She told me Pablo has been transferred around the country by ORR so many times that no pro bono lawyer has had a chance to build a case for his release until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924051\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924051\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924051 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-800x564.jpg\" alt=\"Pablo Aguilar's mother Evelyn meets with Mercedes Castillo, an immigration lawyer in East Los Angeles on Feb. 8, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"564\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-800x564.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-400x282.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-1920x1355.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-1180x832.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-960x677.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pablo Aguilar’s mother, Evelyn, meets with Mercedes Castillo, an immigration lawyer in East Los Angeles, on Feb. 8, 2016. \u003ccite>(Tena Rubio/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He’s been in McAllen, Texas, he’s been in Miami, Florida, he’s been in Virginia, he’s been in Portland, Oregon, and now he’s out here in California,” she said. Pablo has been housed in the Woodland facility since September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government did appoint a so-called child advocate from the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://theyoungcenter.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Young Center for Immigrant Children’s Rights\u003c/a> to speak up for Pablo’s best interests. Cooper showed me the group’s recommendation: three times last year the advocate sent letters to ORR arguing that Pablo be released to his mom, or at least placed in a less restrictive shelter nearer Evelyn’s home. But ORR hasn’t acted. And Pablo is still locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crux of the problem, say Cooper and other advocates, is that ORR makes decisions at internal meetings about where children are placed and whether they’re released. And ORR doesn’t recognize courts as a place where children can challenge their detention. The upshot is that kids like Pablo, who have not been charged with a crime, can be jailed indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without any judicial or third-party oversight, ORR is both the jailer and the person who decides whether the kid is getting out,” said Cooper. “That’s a really dangerous power dynamic that is developing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “secure” and “staff-secure” lockups may indeed be the right placement for some children. But Cooper and other lawyers say there’s no way to know without an open proceeding. They note that adults in immigration custody have more access to due process, because they have the right to go before an immigration judge to contest their detention and request release on bond. Children do not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, says Jessica Jones, policy counsel at \u003ca href=\"http://lirs.org\">Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., children in other types of legal proceedings have more of a voice than kids in ORR confinement do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is so disturbing about this whole process is that unlike the juvenile justice system, where you have the involvement of the child’s attorney and the child themselves, they are completely left out of the process,” said Jones. “The child may have a parent in the country and they are often completely left out of the decision-making process. … ORR should do better by children and be meeting basic child welfare standards in care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos Holguin, of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhumanrights.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, is charged with monitoring the government’s treatment of minors in immigration custody, as part of a two-decade-old legal agreement known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/files/pdfs/immigrants/flores_v_meese_agreement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Flores Settlement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most advocates believe ORR is a better custodian than in the old days, before 2002, when detained migrant children were held by immigration agents. But Holguin, Jones, Cooper and other advocates around the country want better. They have been meeting with ORR officials, arguing for more transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The process itself is completely opaque,” said Holguin. “Most times there’s no written decision at all. There’s great delay before the decisions are actually released. And there’s no opportunity for the juvenile or the proposed custodian to review the evidence that the federal government is relying on to maintain the juvenile in custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>ORR Official Speaks Out\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three months of requesting an interview, I finally got to speak with the person who oversees ORR’s unaccompanied children’s program: Bobbie Gregg, the deputy director for children’s services in the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregg emphasized that the safety of children is her first priority. She said all children are assessed when they first arrive, and every 30 days that they’re in custody. The agency monitors the physical health and mental health of children and provides them with a legal orientation. And it posts \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/children-entering-the-united-states-unaccompanied\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">its policies\u003c/a> on its website in detail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when I asked Gregg about the lack of a system for children to challenge their detention, she told me instead about how parents or others who have been turned down as sponsors can appeal that decision to higher-ups within the agency. In Evelyn’s case, there’s nothing she can appeal, because ORR has still not made a decision on her fitness as a sponsor for Pablo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sponsor can make a request for information about the reason for the decision and can appeal from that decision,” said Gregg. “With respect to the child him or herself, children are kept informed through their case managers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR has been in hot water in recent months after a number of cases where officials failed to screen sponsors properly and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/failures-in-handling-unaccompanied-migrant-minors-have-led-to-trafficking/2016/01/26/c47de164-c138-11e5-9443-7074c3645405_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">children were released to labor traffickers\u003c/a> rather than relatives. That scandal led to Senate hearings, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/02-23-16%20Brown%20Testimony.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">investigation\u003c/a> by the Government Accountability Office and a series of reforms at ORR to tighten the vetting of sponsors before releasing children from custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Gregg about how a kid like Pablo could be detained for 21 months and bounced around the country between so many facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t speak to any particular child,” Gregg told me. “But for each child we’re making determinations based on the least restrictive setting for that child, taking into consideration that particular child’s safety, the safety to the community as well as the risk of flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Indefinite Custody\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What does it mean for a kid to be locked up for almost two years, with no clear idea why they’re being held or for how long?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holly Cooper, the UC Davis law professor, says one of the toughest things for kids in ORR detention is not knowing when they’ll be released. She said she’s also seen the pain caused by giving kids false hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indefinite custody,” she said. “And when you start telling kids, ‘You’ve been recommended for release. Your parent can come get you. Next week you’ll be out. Tomorrow you’ll be out,’ and it doesn’t happen? We’ve seen that that can be very psychologically harmful to the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened to another teenager Cooper and her students are representing: Rafael Armenta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael’s case is a little different. His mother brought him to the U.S. from Mexico as an infant, Cooper said, and he grew up in Southern California. In middle school, she said, he got involved with a rough crowd and ran afoul of the juvenile justice system. He served a sentence (the family doesn’t want to talk about the details) and then, had he been a U.S. citizen, he would have been released. But Rafael, who’s 16, is undocumented, so he was put in deportation proceedings and handed over to ORR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over several months the agency kept suggesting Rafael could be released to await his deportation hearing. Then officials backtracked over the holidays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Friday was New Year’s,” Cooper recalled. “And they called me. I was on a run actually: my New Year’s resolution to go running. And I got a call and I said, ‘You just need to tell me one way or the other. We need to know. He needs to know. He’s calling me eight times a day.’ And they said, ‘We’re denying it.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few weeks later, though, there was another reversal. In February, Rafael was released from the detention facility in Woodland. His mother and some cousins arrived to collect him, after making their own all-night drive from Southern California. He hugged his mom for the first time in seven months and walked out of the juvenile hall into the winter sunshine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924046\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924046\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10924046\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Rafael Armenta, 16, is released to his family from the Yolo County juvenile detention facility on Feb. 6, 2016, after seven months of immigration detention in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rafael Armenta, 16, and UC Davis law student Lesley Sedano, walk out of the Yolo County Juvenile Detention Facility on Feb. 6, 2016. Rafael was released to his family after seven months of immigration detention in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There in the parking lot, wearing a crewcut and a dazed smile, Rafael told me how good it felt to take off the jail uniform — khaki shorts and a brown T-shirt — and put on his own T-shirt and jeans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought this day was never going to come,” he said. “But it came.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked him what it felt like to be told repeatedly that he could go home and then to hear that he could not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a bad reaction to that,” Rafael said. “I’d go in a room and just do some inappropriate things, like hit the wall and stuff like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We talked a little longer, but Rafael was anxious to go. So he and his mother and his three cousins piled into the family car, and headed home to Orange County. In the weeks that followed, Rafael would reacquaint himself with his younger brother and sister and enroll in high school, where he hoped to stay clear of trouble. He said he had covered so much coursework in detention that his teachers told him he’d be going in as a 12th-grader. Holly Cooper and her law students would keep in touch and help him fight to stay in the U.S. legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper told me she has seen kids who have harmed themselves, including cutting themselves, in response to the powerlessness of indefinite detention. An official at the Yolo County juvenile hall said that they routinely have kids on suicide watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juvenile justice experts say ORR’s secure detention may not be intended as a form of punishment, but it is punishing by nature. Barry Krisberg, a criminologist at UC Berkeley and an expert in juvenile detention, said that’s especially true for children who have been through traumatic experiences already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The consequences of secure detention are generally quite bad,” said Krisberg. “Increasingly what we understand is that secure custody — and it doesn’t really matter whether it’s staff-secure or there’s razor wire on the outside — is a toxic experience for youth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Bobbie Gregg at ORR if she was concerned about the psychological toll of prolonged detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re very mindful that this is a special population with special needs,” she answered. “Having said that, we’re also very mindful of our responsibility as their custodian while they’re in care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>End of a Visit\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The afternoon was almost gone when Evelyn and her mother emerged from the juvenile hall in Woodland. Pablo was glad to see her, she told me, and happy to get the photos. With no end in sight to Pablo’s confinement, they rely on faith to keep going, she said. But it’s not easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258034455″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258034455″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ccite>Listen to the full Reveal episode above with an extended version of this story.\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be honest: I walk out and part of me is still inside,” she said. “I want to take him with me. I want so badly to take him with me…. I go, and half of me leaves but half of me stays here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn would return in three weeks’ time. She and her mom and her friend Mario would drive through the night, 400 miles up the length of California. And she’ll keep coming back, until the day when she gets to take her son home with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported in collaboration with the public radio program \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Reveal: from The Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a> and PRX. You can hear an extended version of this story and subscribe to the Reveal podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/kids-crossing-borders-alone/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
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