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"content": "\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#Transcript\">View Full Episode Transcript\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Before her historic Speakership, even before she got to the House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi worked for years outside the spotlight as an official in the California Democratic party while she raised her family in San Francisco. That was until 1987, when tragic circumstances led her to do something she hadn’t considered before: run for Congress. Her first hurdle? A city in crisis and a motivated opponent from a community impacted by a deadly epidemic.\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"Transcript\">Episode Transcript \u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Hi, I’m Scott Schafer. I’ve been covering politics for nearly 30 years, especially here in San Francisco. As a reporter, I’ve watched a lot of people rise from San Francisco into the national arena. Gavin Newsom, Kamala Harris, Dianne Feinstein. But no one has fascinated me more than Nancy Pelosi, trailblazer, power broker, lightning rod, first woman ever speaker of the house. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Tonight on Express, the campaigning has been intense. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: I remember watching her way back in 1987. That was the first time she was running for Congress here in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: We do have 14 candidates here, so can we keep this discussion on an even scale? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is from a televised debate hosted here at KQED, the public media outlet where I work. All the candidates are sitting on risers, lots of poofy, teased hair, wide-framed glasses, and Pelosi is in the front row, perfect blowout, wearing a purple blazer. [00:00:57][15.8]\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: I think this is the most hilarious thing that a woman can come into this district from outside of it and buy this election. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: [00:01:04] Pelosi’s critics, mostly other Democrats, call her a wealthy socialite. They say she’s the establishment pick. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: And what we have is we have, in this election, somebody saying, the machine backs me, I’ve got a million bucks, I don’t live in your district, I have never met many of your slobs, but I’m going to be your new leader because I got bucks and I’m powerful. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: How can she relate to people like me a single-parent working mother? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Let’s let Nancy talk. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: I don’t think you have to be sick to be a doctor or poor to understand the problems of the poor. I have spent my life committed to the ideals of the Democratic Party. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It’s an interesting moment, Pelosi turns their argument around, saying that she’s the right candidate precisely because she’s been working behind the scenes. She knows the game inside out. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: I believe that I will be the best and most effective representative for San Francisco because I have worked in that arena for 25 years, both at the local, state, and national level. I have work with the members of Congress long before they went to Congress and long since. I have persuaded them on votes, both by one-on-one persuasion and by mobilizing in their districts.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Last year, Pelosi announced she was retiring. As a journalist, I started thinking about how she went from being relatively unknown to one of the most formidable politicians of her generation, and about the role she’s played leading up to this political moment, a moment where faith in the Democratic Party and public trust in U.S. Institutions are at their lowest in decades. And she agreed to talk, a series of five interviews. Okay, we’re gonna put you right there I wear the red light.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Unfortunately, this is not visual because I got off the plane. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Our first interview, she had just gotten off a cross-country flight, she was also nursing a cold, but I knew how to get things started on the right foot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I’m glad I’m seeing that. I’m going to go right into it, okay? I think I should test them.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Nancy Pelosi is kind of a tough interview. I’ve done it many times before, usually about a political issue. She’s always warm and gracious until you ask something that annoys her and then she lets you know it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I don’t feel that way at all. I don’t even know why you’re asking that question. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She can be loyal to her talking points. Frustrating. How do you want people to remember your legacy?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Not so fast on the legacy. We have to win the house, which we will do. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She’ll completely deny the premise of your question. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: No, I didn’t oppose it for many years. I posed it when they suggested it, and then Kalka said they won it and I supported it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But I figured this is the time, right now, before she leaves office, to really reckon with the force that is Nancy Pelosi. From KQED, this is The Speaker, how Nancy Pelosi changed the face of power. This is the inside story of her rise and what she did when she got there, as told by the people who were in the rooms where it all happened.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Anna Eshoo: Nancy always would talk about winning and how to win. I said, Mr. President, we’re so excited about doing health care, but understand this, it’s going to be carpet bombing, take no prisoners, you name it, total warfare.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: She is comfortable with power and exercising it. Nancy exists in the arena. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: I’ve often described it with a little bit tongue-in-cheek, because I’m not going to accuse anybody. I want to make clear here that I’m not slandering anybody, I’m not accusing anybody of any criminal activity, but she reminded me of a mafia boss. That’s how she ran the place.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: They were going to get a bullet in my effing brain. You know, they used the F word a lot about me throughout the whole thing. They were gonna hang Vice President Gallows for him.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Today, how Nancy Pelosi got to Congress. She had been the ultimate insider, working for years as a high-up official in the Democratic Party, forged by San Francisco politics. But also an outsider, a woman, a mother of five kids, behind the scenes. Had you not ever considered running with her?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I had zero interest in running for office. Why? It was like, did you not want to go skydiving? I didn’t even think of it. I loved public service, and I was the ultimate volunteer, the chair of the California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: There she was, diligently working behind the scenes, until a twist of fate tested what she was made of. Nancy Pelosi never planned to run for public office, but in 1987, San Francisco’s congresswoman, Sala Burton, was dying. She was a big woman. She was, like, shrunk up on cancer. That’s John Burton, Sala’s brother-in-law, part of the family’s political operation. Let me set the scene here. The congresswoman is on her deathbed. She hasn’t yet endorsed a successor, but her endorsement is priceless. Her family has held this seat since the \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Burton: She calls the group of us back to her hospital bed, where she’s just like, and she tells us, I’m not going to run again. I’d like you to support Nancy Pelosi. She starts going into Nancy Pelosi, she’s operational. She’s right on the issue. She says, she said, he said, and I walk out, she says, is she bullshitting or what?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: John Burton didn’t see Nancy Pelosi as a candidate. She was the Democratic fundraiser, organizer, behind the scenes. But Sawa saw it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Burton: Something else. She saw in Nancy Pelosi a tough, strong, determined, liberal, caring for people person. I mean, it was just, I walked out and I said, holy my God. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: She said to me, I’m going to ask you if you will run for my seat, and I need to know your answer now.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi told Salah she had to check with her family first. She had five kids. By 1987, only one was still living at home.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: My daughter Alexandra, she says, mother, what teenage girl does not want her mother out of the house three nights of the week? Then she said, get a life.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Maybe her youngest daughter didn’t really see it, but Pelosi definitely had a life. She moved her family to San Francisco in 1969, just a couple years after the Summer of Love, a time when the city was home to artists like Janis Joplin and the Grateful Dead, Jefferson Airplane. Pelosi was hardly a member of the counterculture, but insists she loves the Gratiful Dead. For those first few years, she had her hands full with the kids.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Especially, I have five and six years to have to understand. Sometimes I didn’t even wash my face. Being a mom is probably the best preparation for anything because you are multitasking all of the time.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But politics was in her DNA. She’d grown up in a political family. Her dad became the mayor of Baltimore when she was just seven. San Francisco is her husband Paul’s hometown. The year they moved back, his brother Ron was on the board of supervisors. They lived down the street from San Francisco mayor Joe Alioto.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When people came and saw our house, they would say, oh, this is a big house. We’ll have lots of political events here.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: And you did.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And we did. How do you turn people down then? And my kids were so cute as they were getting a little bit bigger, they were making the hors d’oeuvres and serving the hors-d’oeuves and the rest of that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She started taking on more political stuff, organizing volunteers, hosting candidates in her home, raising money. She became a prolific fundraiser for Democratic candidates. In 1976, California Governor Jerry Brown decided to run for president. A left coast challenge to Jimmy Carter.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Jerry Brown: Ten years of problems in Vietnam and Watergate and all the scandals you read about in the FBI and the CIA. I think people, I think the people are ready for a new generation of leadership.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Brown entered the race pretty late in the game, but Pelosi used her Baltimore political connections to help him win Maryland’s Democratic primary. Here’s another candidate, Barbara Mikulski. Pelosi helped her win a Senate seat.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Barbara Mikulski: [00:09:44] I was out there going earring to earring with Linda Chavez. She had Ronald Reagan, and I had Nancy Pelosi.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: By 1981, Pelosi was chair of the California Democratic Party, in charge of getting Democrats elected all across the state. She had a reputation for being relentless, but she was also known for her personal touch. When Nancy talked to you, you felt like you were the center of the world. That’s Art Agnos, a former mayor of San Francisco and also, by the way, my ex-boss. I worked on his staff from 1986 to 1992. That was before I became a reporter for KQED in 1998. Anyway, Art remembers going over to Pelosi’s house for dinner back in the 70s. He was just a staffer himself back then. She invited us to her home for dinner with Leo, who was the main person. Art’s talking about Leo McCarthy. McCarthy was the speaker of the state assembly. That’s California’s version of the House of Representatives. She made sure that… \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Art Agnos: I brought my kids? No one ever said bring your kids. Pelosi even had her kids babysitting his kids, taking them upstairs to the bedroom, playing games. Her kids are taking care of my kids. I was the staff guy. She generated a kind of loyalty and love from my family that came from her attentive, thoughtful, sweet interest in us.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is what Sala Burton saw in Nancy Pelosi, according to Art.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Sala Burton anointed Nancy Pelosi to be her successor. After she died on February 1st, there would be a primary just two months later, in April, to pick the top candidate for each party. So now the race was on. Sala’s brother-in-law, John Burton, would run Pelosi’s campaign and they would use the Burton playbook.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Phil Burton: No person is an island under themselves. We all need each other and we’ve got each other, I promise you that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s Phil Burton, John’s older brother, Sal’s husband, a chain-smoking giant in San Francisco politics. The Burton political machine specialized in something that seems pretty standard today — coalition politics. They mobilized groups other politicians overlooked. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Their coalition was gay. It wasn’t LGBT as it is today, but you know, it was, it wasn’t called that. Gay, African-American, labor.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Phil Burton put it a little differently.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Phil Burton: I’ve got the support of the gays and the cops as well, ain’t that a bitch? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: We ran everything at that day’s game. We were the most diverse operation politically in this city, period. And Nancy was a part of that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s another former San Francisco mayor.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: I’m Willie Brown, period. I was part of Phil Burton’s operation. What do you remember about her? Well, I just remember that she was a very attractive woman. Oh, very opinionated, I must say.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She sort of had an unlikely friendship with John, who once accidentally left cocaine in the pocket of a suit he sent to the dry cleaners.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: In the drinking world. John was all the things that you wouldn’t even think Nancy would know about. But they had a friendship.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Close with the Burtons, raised campaign funds for them, but she also helped their rivals within the party.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: I’m telling you.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She had her whole body in both camps.” Her campaign chose the slogan, a voice that will be heard. Her campaign promised all the other candidates could talk, but with her connections and her experience, she would be the most effective at doing things in Congress. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: It was not like she was going to be the next Jesse Jackson. No, Nancy was the pro who was going to help orchestrate the process.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She pulled together a team of field captains who had experience with the United Farm Workers Union to set up her ground game. An army of volunteers knocked on doors, made phone calls, staffed campaign events and signed up other volunteers to get out the vote on election day. At one point, Pelosi’s brother Tommy came to visit campaign headquarters in San Francisco. He’d been the mayor of Baltimore just like their father.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And he said, Daddy sent me to make sure that you had your ground game in place. So I said, well, come see what it is.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: On sheets of butcher paper, Pelosi and her team had mapped out the strategy in true Burton fashion. They had divided up the city into factions and were seeing how they could make a winning coalition, gaming out worst-case scenarios.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Every black vote, Asian, gay vote, the lefties, if we give them every possible vote, not that they would get every possible, Nancy loses by a couple thousand votes. We have sent our troops out to get 5,000 more votes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Their team sent targeted mailers to different communities—Italian, African American, gay—and they quietly slipped some to Republicans. John Burton again. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Burton: I’d go to things with her, go to that, and just watch her. One time some group was kind of screwing over her and walked out and she says, don’t worry, we will show them how truly unimportant they are after the election.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But, she wasn’t going to take a single vote for granted. Before she ran for the House in 1987, Pelosi had run in one other election inside the party for chair of the Democratic National Committee. That’s the group that coordinates strategy, establishes the Democratic Party platform. She lost. And she learned a lesson she never forgot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I had done everything in the party and worked with many people. People that I had worked with forever were making terrible statements about me.\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi said she was the target of all sorts of attacks, including sexist ones. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: So when I ran for Congress, and people would call me and say, did you see what someone so said? I said, yeah, don’t bother me with that. If you’re concerned about that, get on the phone and make some calls, walk some precincts, but don’t think I care about what somebody else says. And I would not have realized that had I not seen how Democrats treated Democrats when I run for the other office.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Democrats against Democrats, a knife fight in a phone booth. That’s what Pelosi was entering in the primary. Against a motivated opponent fighting for a city reeling from a deadly epidemic.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Where did it go?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is an old news clip from 1987. A singer charms a crowd with a famous Judy Garland cover.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Politics in San Francisco, a fundraiser in a cabaret that caters to gays. At this event, the candidate is gay as well, Democrat Harry Britt.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The bar is packed with gay and lesbian supporters. The sign at the door reads, We’re just wild about Harry Britt.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: While he would be a political outsider elsewhere in the country with his progressive agenda, he fits in easily in San Francisco. Liberal credentials are essential. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Harry Britt was a San Francisco supervisor and Nancy Pelosi’s toughest rival. He was soft-spoken, with a serious tone, kind of an intellectual, a little socially awkward. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: I’m from Texas and I come from a family of Southerners. I was a Methodist minister for a major part of my life and that was\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That was Britt in a TV interview. He never intended to run for office. Like Pelosi, he was more behind the scenes. In 1977, he volunteered to help elect Harvey Milk to the board of supervisors. Milk was the first openly gay person elected in California.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harvey Milk: There are 15 million lesbian and gay men waiting to hear your voice! We are coming out of the closet! When are you going to come out of yours?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The next year, Harvey Milk was assassinated, along with the mayor at the time, George Moscone. The killer was Dan White. He had been on the board of supervisors with Milk. A year before he died, Harvey milk made a recording. A list of people he would want to replace him if he were assassinated. And who was on that list?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harvey Milk: The third choice I would have would be Harry Britt, who most people don’t know, but I’ve watched Harry, and Harry’s been involved with three campaigns, and I’ve watched Harry grow and grow and grow, and a very, very dedicated and strong person. One who will not be pushed around. One who understands where the movement is and where it must go. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Harry Britt again.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: Harvey’s gone, but all of us who cared about him and the things that he stood for realize now that it’s our job.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: The murders unified, made us cohesive, and that translated into political muscle. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Tom Amiano was active in the gay rights movement, friends with Harvey Milk, and Harry.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: Harvey was very charismatic and out there, and Harry was just a steady, even presence.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In the early 80s, the community was still reeling from the assassinations, and then another deadly threat emerged. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: AIDS was rampant. Every day somebody died. Every day you saw somebody with purple splotches or you’d say, hey, what happened to Michael? He was supposed to show. You didn’t hear, he died.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: I moved to San Francisco in 1981, just as some gay men started coming down with some unusual symptoms. Thrush or yeast infections in the throat that wouldn’t go away, fungal infections in the lungs, lesions on the skin, weight loss. Doctors didn’t know why, but soon they were dying. As the casualties mounted, so did the fear. There was no test for the virus yet. We didn’t even know it was a virus. Many of us were worried, afraid we had this ticking time bomb inside of us. But there was nothing to do but be careful and wait. It escalated quickly. By 1984, it became common to see people with full blown AIDS emaciated, looking old beyond their years, covered with purple splotches, Kaposi sarcoma. We’d see men who looked to be at death’s door, slowly walking or shuffling around the Castro neighborhood. There were funerals, lots of funerals, many for people in their 20s, 30s, and 40s. It was a slow motion disaster. But it seemed no one in Washington cared. Harry Britt again. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: So I think it’s legitimate for us to point out that the people who care the most about AIDS and certainly the gay community which cares in a passionate way about AIDS is very united behind my candidacy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: These were the stakes of the 87th Special Election. In that Congressional race, many saw Harry Britt, not Pelosi, as the champion the gay community needed in Washington. It was also a chance to make history.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: It was beyond who’s Harry Britt, it was beyond whose Nancy Pelosi. It was that we might get an openly gay member of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s Gwen Craig. She came to San Francisco in 1975. She worked closely with Milk and would become involved in Harry Britt’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: The nonchalance, it seemed, of Congress and the executive administrations just was maddening.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The CDC first published an article describing five young gay patients in Los Angeles whose immune systems suddenly failed in 1981. But President Reagan didn’t publicly address the crisis for four years, only then because he was asked about it. By 1987, nearly 2,000 San Franciscans had died of AIDS. I remember a lot of people in the gay community thought that Pelosi, a wealthy, straight, white woman, wasn’t the best person to fight for them in Washington. The Brit campaign didn’t hold back. Here’s one ad they ran.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival Ad: Inspector Riley, Missing Person Squad. Yeah, we’ve heard that report. No, we haven’t seen Nancy Pelosi. That’s why she’s a missing person. Nobody has seen Nancy. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Britt’s campaign sent out mailers calling her a dilettante.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Most people didn’t know what that meant.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi again. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And they said, does that mean you’re a debut talent? Aren’t you old to be a debut? They did one piece.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: Call that referred to Nancy Pelosi as party girl because she came from being head of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Gwen Craig again, Lesbian Activist. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: I didn’t like that piece at all.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: What was it that you didn’t like about it?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: Well, I thought it was rather misogynist. You know, I though it was sexist. I thought that it belittled her in a way because of her gender. So I became then uncomfortable with my support of Harry for a while after that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: They warned us it would be brutal, and it would a bloodbath, and I’d be sorry I ever got in the race, but I wasn’t frightened by any of that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi did something in 1987 that she rarely does. She agreed to a televised debate a week before the election, right here at KQED. Pelosi was the front-runner. She had a lot to lose.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Nancy Pelosi, a Democratic Party insider, runs ahead in recent polls. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Harry Britt was close on her heels. In addition to being part of the gay movement, he was a democratic socialist. He believed in challenging corporate power structures, and once tried to rein in wealthy landlords with commercial rent control.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: A gay activist who is to the left of his chief opponents. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Just before the debate, Pelosi’s campaign threatened to pull out. Her staff was worried the other candidates would gang up on her.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Calm down a little bit.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It was a free for all, with all 14 candidates left, right and center. It made for great live television.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Mr. Zur, this is not a forum for you just to make a speech. At this point in this discussion, we are—you’ve got a lot of words in.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The moderators asked if her critics were right, that she was out of touch. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: But there are a lot of people who seem to be disturbed by, I guess, where you come from. The idea of your wealth and your connections among the well-to-do. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: And Harry Britt questioned whether she could be trusted to fight for everyday people.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: How can you be an effective advocate for consumer issues like keeping interest rates low on credit cards when you’ve gotten money from banks and savings and loan associations? How can really fight to get oil companies to clean up toxic waste when you got money from Chevron and Getty and all these people? I challenge Nancy Pelosi who has never had to stand up to that kind of pressure.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Based on available campaign finance records, we couldn’t verify if Pelosi took money from Chevron for her campaign. But members of the influential Getty family, her family friends who made their fortune in oil, did donate $5,000 to her congressional campaign. But Pelosi pointed her finger and returned fire.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Harry, have you taken any PAC money? Have you taken a PAC money. I have not taken any money. Any PAC money, have any you taken PAC money \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Britt’s campaign was mostly grassroots funded, but Pelosi? Her campaign spent around a million dollars, more than the other 13 candidates combined. Pelosi also self-funded, giving more than $200,000 to her own campaign.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: How can she relate to people like me, a single parent, working mother, or somebody else?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Another candidate, San Francisco City Supervisor Carol Rue Silver, jumped in. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Problems are different. She’s never met a payroll. She has never had to worry about child care. She has not had a kid in a public school. She never worried about the things that worry most of the people in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Let’s let Nancy answer.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: First of all, my ability to fund my own campaign to the extent that I can and to raise money over 1,500 contributors to my campaign gives me an independence that none of my candidates, I believe, share, especially the four supervisors who were reported this week to have received $1,000 each from the Embarcadero Center and then voted to give them a street this week. So if you want to talk about independence, let’s talk about Independence.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi knew that she needed to do something to neutralize the idea that she was beholden to wealthy interests. So she counterpunched by saying to her opponents, well, you’re not exactly pure either. According to federal campaign fundraising data, each of the four city supervisors did receive a thousand dollar contribution from the CEO of the Embarcadero Center. That’s a set of high-rise office buildings downtown. We couldn’t verify the claim that he got a favor in return. But she’s doing something here by implying that. She’s undercutting them. It’s a classic campaign tactic, pointing out the hypocrisy in your opponent’s charge. After the primary, that same CEO gave $1,000 to Pelosi’s campaign for Congress. That’s politics. Pelosi has always argued that the PAC money she took was from Democratic allies who cared about regular people. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Labor unions, from the Nurses Association, from organizations dedicated to the election of women to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: To her, raising money was just a means to an end. This was the late 80s. Money was changing politics as we knew it, and Pelosi was going to do everything she needed to do to win. You didn’t take any of that personally.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: No, I mean it’s a campaign. What do you expect?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival: There was a special election here in San Francisco today to fill a congressional seat left empty by the death of congresswoman Sala Burton.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: As the election got close, Pelosi had dropped in the polls, so election day was a nail-biter. Britt needed a big turnout in the predominantly gay Castro neighborhood, and he got that. But in the end, he could not overcome Pelosi’s ground game.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival: And here in San Francisco, the Democrat Nancy Pelosi defeated Harry Britt, a city supervisor who is gay.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Under rules for special elections like this one, the top contender from each party would move on to a runoff in June. Britt was out. Gwen Craig and Tom Amiano again. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: People took it pretty hard. They were really disappointed, because I think a lot of people thought, we’re gonna actually get an openly gay person going to Congress. That’s going to be such a huge step forward.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: We’re all in a little bit of despair. You know, who is this woman? What does she know?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: After she won the primary, Pelosi called a meeting with AIDS activists. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: It wasn’t milquetoast ones, you know, it was angry ones. And they met with her. And I’m not saying that the reaction was 100% positive. I know that she shed some tears and I’m sure that they were sincere. But to the hard-bitten, we didn’t want tears.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Britt wasn’t the only person who understood the magnitude of the crisis. Pelosi also knew people who died of the disease, family friends, political staffers, people in her community.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: People were dying and I was visiting people in the hospital that we were close to and they were robust young men out there and then they were like a bag of bones in the hospitals, a bag a bones.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: During the election, Pelosi had also promised action on AIDS.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival: We want to stop spending money on a big defense budget and instead address it to the most important crisis of our time, the AIDS crisis.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In the runoff, Pelosi easily defeated the Republican. She was on her way to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival of Pelosi’s Swearing In: Without objection, the gentlewoman from California is reckoned.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival of Pelosi’s Swearing In: Thank you very much for your kind remarks and to all of you. It’s a very sentimental day for me as you can see.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: When a new member of Congress is first sworn in, it’s kind of rare for them to say anything of note, let alone something controversial. But on that day, in June of 1987, Pelosi, sounding a little nervous, surprised everyone.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival of Pelosi’s Swearing In: And now we must take the leadership, of course, in the crisis of AIDS, and I look forward to working with you on that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Now Brit’s supporters would have to put their faith in the person who defeated him. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: On a foggy morning in 1989, protesters unfurled a banner across the Golden Gate Bridge reading AIDS equals genocide, silence equals death, calling out the newly elected president and former Vice President George H.W. Bush.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: They blocked traffic for more than an hour. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I was one of the persons that sat on the bridge on January 31st, 1989. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: It was so cold.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Since 1988 Mike Shriver had been organizing with act up a direct action group focused on AIDS.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: During Pelosi’s first full term in Congress, the deaths continued unabated. There was no vaccine, no cure, limited treatment. So people took to the bridge.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: It’s one of the proudest moments of my life, actually. And as we were being pulled one person at a time to being arrested, my mentor, he said to me, if I could feel the way that I feel right now, I will live forever. I will survive the epidemic.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: By 1988, Shriver and his peers had started focusing on how to change policy. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: This whole cadre of ACT UP individuals taught themselves how to become experts in research, experts in policy, experts in drug development. I happened to go down the track of the public health policy stuff.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: He remembers a meeting with Nancy Pelosi. He was there with someone who needed access to an experimental AIDS treatment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I got to sit there in the room and he talked to Mrs. Pelosi and he said, I didn’t vote for you, but you’re my representative and I expect that you’ll take care of me. And she looked him deadpan and said, absolutely, that is my job.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It was our purpose. That’s just the way it was. It wasn’t like, I really hope you will do this. This is absolutely urgent that you do this.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: When I asked Pelosi about her support for AIDS funding, she was very matter of fact about it. To her, it seemed like a no-brainer.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Was not prepared for discrimination. Now these people were not anti-gay, they just thought the rest of the room was.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: For sure, Pelosi had solid allies, like California Congressmembers Barbara Boxer and Henry Waxman from Los Angeles. But they faced opposition because of the stigma of AIDS. And then activists had an idea.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Cleve Jones came to my house with Art Agnos when I’m a newly elected member of Congress and says he has this idea that people will make a quilt for their loved ones. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Cleve Jones was a young activist who had worked for Harvey Milk. He later went on to mobilize the community to respond to HIV AIDS and co-created what became known as the AIDS Memorial Quilt. Tens of thousands of panels, handcrafted with care, by mothers and fathers, brothers, co-workers, friends, lovers and spouses, sewn into three by six foot panels. Panels for everyone, from musicians like Freddie Mercury of Queen and Sylvester. To political activists and artists like Keith Haring and Robert Mapplethorpe, to others who lived quieter lives but whose death crushed those who loved them. Jones had a vision. He wanted to spread huge sections of the quilt out on the National Mall in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Enormous quilts, enormous, big as the mall. Pelosi was on board to help bring the quilt to DC, but there was a hitch.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: The National Park Service says, we’ll give you a corner where you can have a few patches. Can you imagine? So I said, well, they’re certainly not gonna do that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She asked the National Park Service, why can’t we display the full quilt? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It’s gonna kill the grass, but why? Because if you have something on the grass for more than 20 minutes, it kills the grass.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi had an idea.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We have hundreds of people, we can pick it up every 20 minutes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The National Park Service caved, and on October 11, 1987, the AIDS quilt was first displayed in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It was so beautiful.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – AIDS memorial quilt: Bill Cathcart. Bob Greenwood.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Across the National Mall, the names of the fallen echoed as Cleve Jones read some of them. I was there then.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – AIDS memorial quilt: Douglas Lowery.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi was one of the few members of Congress there. Even then, she was laser-focused. She told a reporter for GayUSA…\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Now, the first day I… \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Became a member, I became a co-sponsor of the Gay Civil Rights Bill, Ted Weiss’ bill, and we have a few pieces of legislation regarding AIDS, more money for AIDS, confidentiality, non-discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: At a time when HIV AIDS still felt like a death sentence, Nancy Pelosi helped change the prognosis. Pelosi co-authored the Ryan White Care Act. Ryan White was a teenager from Indiana who had hemophilia. He got AIDS from a medical treatment. After his diagnosis, his school banned him from attending class. To some lawmakers, White was someone they could help without worrying about attacks by religious zealots who thought AIDS was God’s punishment of gay men and IV drug users. Pelosi understood this. Former San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos again.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Art Agnos: She looked like the all-American woman. She was, she is beautiful. She had lovely kids, she had a handsome husband. What the hell is she doing with these weird people? When she showed up, she looks like us. How come she’s talking like that? And I think that gave her a entree to discussing AIDS, gay people, all the kinds of issues that are important to us in San Francisco. They listened because she looked like them.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Ryan White Care Act passed in 1990. It created a financial safety net for people with HIV who were underinsured. She also helped push through a bill that allocated funds that people with HIV could use for housing.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I got to go with her, and I’m sitting there watching her work.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s the conference between the House and Senate that divides up government funding. Mike Shriver remembers one instance.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: The very first year that she got the most significant increase for HIV prevention was a year that a senator from Pennsylvania looked for some money for substance abuse treatment that he needed.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That Senator, Arlen Specter, promised Nancy Pelosi he would restore her funding for HIV programs the next year. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: He made the commitment to her and he did it. For her, you know, you live up to your word. And if you don’t remember your word, I’ll tell you what you told me. And I thought, that’s magic.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Mike Shriver lives with HIV.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I relied on Ryan White funding for my care and for my dental care and had I not had that, I would not have had access to the drugs that eventually had become what continue to keep me alive and keep me in remission with my HIV disease.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: So you’re saying she’s the reason you’re still here?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I absolutely believe that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: There’s this one thing Mike told me that really stuck with me. He was telling me about a text exchange he had with Nancy after a health emergency in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I had just emailed her the day before talking about finishing my IVIG infusion, which took five consecutive days, which just flattened me out. And she wrote back, Michael, loved getting your promising report. Love you, Nancy. A couple of emojis and then thank you. I’m so lucky, I am so privileged. I do not ever underestimate, like I don’t take this for granted. Nancy is not really good about receiving compliments. It’s not her favorite thing to experience and I’ve had to do it a couple of times and realize I know this is gonna piss you off or it’s gonna make you a little bit mad but I need you to hear how important it is of what you’ve done for us. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: When Pelosi ran in 1987, her slogan was a voice that will be heard. And when Nancy Pelosi became the first woman Speaker of the House\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: San Francisco for giving me the privilege.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She brought it back home.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When I ran, my slogan was, a voice that will be heard. I think they’ve heard us. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It took nearly 20 years, but Pelosi was on a path to becoming the first woman ever elected House Speaker. Next time on the speaker.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I don’t see a plan here to win.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: If you win, you get to set the table. Nancy Pelosi’s path to the top. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Barbara Boxer: One of those days on the plane, we were talking about, what is your dream in politics? And she said, I want to be Speaker of the House.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: You had to have some chutzpah at that point in her career to say I want to be speaker.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Barbara Boxer: Chutzpah doesn’t begin to describe it. It was impossible.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Speaker is a production of KQED in San Francisco and distributed by NPR. It’s hosted and reported by me, Scott Shafer. Co-reported and produced by Ariella Markowitz. It’s edited by Padmini Raghunath. Final mix and sound design by Christopher Beale. Additional mixing by Brendan Willard. Fact checking by Mark Betancourt. Additional editing from Anna Sussman and Jen Chien, KQED’s director of podcasts. Original theme song composed by Cedric Wilson. Additional music from APM. Maha Sanad is KQED’s podcast engagement producer. Ethan Toven-Lindsey is KQED’s editor-in-chief. Special thanks to our partners from the Oral History Center at the University of California, Berkeley. Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television, and radio artists, San Francisco, Northern California Local. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Before her historic Speakership, even before she got to the House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi worked for years outside the spotlight as an official in the California Democratic party while she raised her family in San Francisco. That was until 1987, when tragic circumstances led her to do something she hadn’t considered before: run for Congress. Her first hurdle? A city in crisis and a motivated opponent from a community impacted by a deadly epidemic.\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Before her historic Speakership, even before she got to the House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi worked for years outside the spotlight as an official in the California Democratic party while she raised her family in San Francisco. That was until 1987, when tragic circumstances led her to do something she hadn’t considered before: run for Congress. Her first hurdle? A city in crisis and a motivated opponent from a community impacted by a deadly epidemic.\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Hi, I’m Scott Schafer. I’ve been covering politics for nearly 30 years, especially here in San Francisco. As a reporter, I’ve watched a lot of people rise from San Francisco into the national arena. Gavin Newsom, Kamala Harris, Dianne Feinstein. But no one has fascinated me more than Nancy Pelosi, trailblazer, power broker, lightning rod, first woman ever speaker of the house. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Hi, I’m Scott Schafer. I’ve been covering politics for nearly 30 years, especially here in San Francisco. As a reporter, I’ve watched a lot of people rise from San Francisco into the national arena. Gavin Newsom, Kamala Harris, Dianne Feinstein. But no one has fascinated me more than Nancy Pelosi, trailblazer, power broker, lightning rod, first woman ever speaker of the house. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Tonight on Express, the campaigning has been intense. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: I remember watching her way back in 1987. That was the first time she was running for Congress here in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: We do have 14 candidates here, so can we keep this discussion on an even scale? \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is from a televised debate hosted here at KQED, the public media outlet where I work. All the candidates are sitting on risers, lots of poofy, teased hair, wide-framed glasses, and Pelosi is in the front row, perfect blowout, wearing a purple blazer. [00:00:57][15.8]\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is from a televised debate hosted here at KQED, the public media outlet where I work. All the candidates are sitting on risers, lots of poofy, teased hair, wide-framed glasses, and Pelosi is in the front row, perfect blowout, wearing a purple blazer. [00:00:57][15.8]\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: I think this is the most hilarious thing that a woman can come into this district from outside of it and buy this election. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: [00:01:04] Pelosi’s critics, mostly other Democrats, call her a wealthy socialite. They say she’s the establishment pick. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: And what we have is we have, in this election, somebody saying, the machine backs me, I’ve got a million bucks, I don’t live in your district, I have never met many of your slobs, but I’m going to be your new leader because I got bucks and I’m powerful. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: And what we have is we have, in this election, somebody saying, the machine backs me, I’ve got a million bucks, I don’t live in your district, I have never met many of your slobs, but I’m going to be your new leader because I got bucks and I’m powerful. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: I don’t think you have to be sick to be a doctor or poor to understand the problems of the poor. I have spent my life committed to the ideals of the Democratic Party. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It’s an interesting moment, Pelosi turns their argument around, saying that she’s the right candidate precisely because she’s been working behind the scenes. She knows the game inside out. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: I believe that I will be the best and most effective representative for San Francisco because I have worked in that arena for 25 years, both at the local, state, and national level. I have work with the members of Congress long before they went to Congress and long since. I have persuaded them on votes, both by one-on-one persuasion and by mobilizing in their districts.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: I believe that I will be the best and most effective representative for San Francisco because I have worked in that arena for 25 years, both at the local, state, and national level. I have work with the members of Congress long before they went to Congress and long since. I have persuaded them on votes, both by one-on-one persuasion and by mobilizing in their districts.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Last year, Pelosi announced she was retiring. As a journalist, I started thinking about how she went from being relatively unknown to one of the most formidable politicians of her generation, and about the role she’s played leading up to this political moment, a moment where faith in the Democratic Party and public trust in U.S. Institutions are at their lowest in decades. And she agreed to talk, a series of five interviews. Okay, we’re gonna put you right there I wear the red light.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Last year, Pelosi announced she was retiring. As a journalist, I started thinking about how she went from being relatively unknown to one of the most formidable politicians of her generation, and about the role she’s played leading up to this political moment, a moment where faith in the Democratic Party and public trust in U.S. Institutions are at their lowest in decades. And she agreed to talk, a series of five interviews. Okay, we’re gonna put you right there I wear the red light.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Unfortunately, this is not visual because I got off the plane. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Nancy Pelosi is kind of a tough interview. I’ve done it many times before, usually about a political issue. She’s always warm and gracious until you ask something that annoys her and then she lets you know it.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I don’t feel that way at all. I don’t even know why you’re asking that question. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She can be loyal to her talking points. Frustrating. How do you want people to remember your legacy?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Not so fast on the legacy. We have to win the house, which we will do. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She’ll completely deny the premise of your question. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: No, I didn’t oppose it for many years. I posed it when they suggested it, and then Kalka said they won it and I supported it.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But I figured this is the time, right now, before she leaves office, to really reckon with the force that is Nancy Pelosi. From KQED, this is The Speaker, how Nancy Pelosi changed the face of power. This is the inside story of her rise and what she did when she got there, as told by the people who were in the rooms where it all happened.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Anna Eshoo: Nancy always would talk about winning and how to win. I said, Mr. President, we’re so excited about doing health care, but understand this, it’s going to be carpet bombing, take no prisoners, you name it, total warfare.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Anna Eshoo: Nancy always would talk about winning and how to win. I said, Mr. President, we’re so excited about doing health care, but understand this, it’s going to be carpet bombing, take no prisoners, you name it, total warfare.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: She is comfortable with power and exercising it. Nancy exists in the arena. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: I’ve often described it with a little bit tongue-in-cheek, because I’m not going to accuse anybody. I want to make clear here that I’m not slandering anybody, I’m not accusing anybody of any criminal activity, but she reminded me of a mafia boss. That’s how she ran the place.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: They were going to get a bullet in my effing brain. You know, they used the F word a lot about me throughout the whole thing. They were gonna hang Vice President Gallows for him.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Today, how Nancy Pelosi got to Congress. She had been the ultimate insider, working for years as a high-up official in the Democratic Party, forged by San Francisco politics. But also an outsider, a woman, a mother of five kids, behind the scenes. Had you not ever considered running with her?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I had zero interest in running for office. Why? It was like, did you not want to go skydiving? I didn’t even think of it. I loved public service, and I was the ultimate volunteer, the chair of the California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I had zero interest in running for office. Why? It was like, did you not want to go skydiving? I didn’t even think of it. I loved public service, and I was the ultimate volunteer, the chair of the California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: There she was, diligently working behind the scenes, until a twist of fate tested what she was made of. Nancy Pelosi never planned to run for public office, but in 1987, San Francisco’s congresswoman, Sala Burton, was dying. She was a big woman. She was, like, shrunk up on cancer. That’s John Burton, Sala’s brother-in-law, part of the family’s political operation. Let me set the scene here. The congresswoman is on her deathbed. She hasn’t yet endorsed a successor, but her endorsement is priceless. Her family has held this seat since the \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: There she was, diligently working behind the scenes, until a twist of fate tested what she was made of. Nancy Pelosi never planned to run for public office, but in 1987, San Francisco’s congresswoman, Sala Burton, was dying. She was a big woman. She was, like, shrunk up on cancer. That’s John Burton, Sala’s brother-in-law, part of the family’s political operation. Let me set the scene here. The congresswoman is on her deathbed. She hasn’t yet endorsed a successor, but her endorsement is priceless. Her family has held this seat since the \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>John Burton: She calls the group of us back to her hospital bed, where she’s just like, and she tells us, I’m not going to run again. I’d like you to support Nancy Pelosi. She starts going into Nancy Pelosi, she’s operational. She’s right on the issue. She says, she said, he said, and I walk out, she says, is she bullshitting or what?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>John Burton: She calls the group of us back to her hospital bed, where she’s just like, and she tells us, I’m not going to run again. I’d like you to support Nancy Pelosi. She starts going into Nancy Pelosi, she’s operational. She’s right on the issue. She says, she said, he said, and I walk out, she says, is she bullshitting or what?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: John Burton didn’t see Nancy Pelosi as a candidate. She was the Democratic fundraiser, organizer, behind the scenes. But Sawa saw it.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>John Burton: Something else. She saw in Nancy Pelosi a tough, strong, determined, liberal, caring for people person. I mean, it was just, I walked out and I said, holy my God. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: She said to me, I’m going to ask you if you will run for my seat, and I need to know your answer now.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi told Salah she had to check with her family first. She had five kids. By 1987, only one was still living at home.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: My daughter Alexandra, she says, mother, what teenage girl does not want her mother out of the house three nights of the week? Then she said, get a life.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Maybe her youngest daughter didn’t really see it, but Pelosi definitely had a life. She moved her family to San Francisco in 1969, just a couple years after the Summer of Love, a time when the city was home to artists like Janis Joplin and the Grateful Dead, Jefferson Airplane. Pelosi was hardly a member of the counterculture, but insists she loves the Gratiful Dead. For those first few years, she had her hands full with the kids.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Maybe her youngest daughter didn’t really see it, but Pelosi definitely had a life. She moved her family to San Francisco in 1969, just a couple years after the Summer of Love, a time when the city was home to artists like Janis Joplin and the Grateful Dead, Jefferson Airplane. Pelosi was hardly a member of the counterculture, but insists she loves the Gratiful Dead. For those first few years, she had her hands full with the kids.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Especially, I have five and six years to have to understand. Sometimes I didn’t even wash my face. Being a mom is probably the best preparation for anything because you are multitasking all of the time.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Especially, I have five and six years to have to understand. Sometimes I didn’t even wash my face. Being a mom is probably the best preparation for anything because you are multitasking all of the time.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But politics was in her DNA. She’d grown up in a political family. Her dad became the mayor of Baltimore when she was just seven. San Francisco is her husband Paul’s hometown. The year they moved back, his brother Ron was on the board of supervisors. They lived down the street from San Francisco mayor Joe Alioto.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But politics was in her DNA. She’d grown up in a political family. Her dad became the mayor of Baltimore when she was just seven. San Francisco is her husband Paul’s hometown. The year they moved back, his brother Ron was on the board of supervisors. They lived down the street from San Francisco mayor Joe Alioto.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When people came and saw our house, they would say, oh, this is a big house. We’ll have lots of political events here.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: And you did.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And we did. How do you turn people down then? And my kids were so cute as they were getting a little bit bigger, they were making the hors d’oeuvres and serving the hors-d’oeuves and the rest of that.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And we did. How do you turn people down then? And my kids were so cute as they were getting a little bit bigger, they were making the hors d’oeuvres and serving the hors-d’oeuves and the rest of that.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She started taking on more political stuff, organizing volunteers, hosting candidates in her home, raising money. She became a prolific fundraiser for Democratic candidates. In 1976, California Governor Jerry Brown decided to run for president. A left coast challenge to Jimmy Carter.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She started taking on more political stuff, organizing volunteers, hosting candidates in her home, raising money. She became a prolific fundraiser for Democratic candidates. In 1976, California Governor Jerry Brown decided to run for president. A left coast challenge to Jimmy Carter.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Jerry Brown: Ten years of problems in Vietnam and Watergate and all the scandals you read about in the FBI and the CIA. I think people, I think the people are ready for a new generation of leadership.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Jerry Brown: Ten years of problems in Vietnam and Watergate and all the scandals you read about in the FBI and the CIA. I think people, I think the people are ready for a new generation of leadership.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Brown entered the race pretty late in the game, but Pelosi used her Baltimore political connections to help him win Maryland’s Democratic primary. Here’s another candidate, Barbara Mikulski. Pelosi helped her win a Senate seat.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Brown entered the race pretty late in the game, but Pelosi used her Baltimore political connections to help him win Maryland’s Democratic primary. Here’s another candidate, Barbara Mikulski. Pelosi helped her win a Senate seat.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Barbara Mikulski: [00:09:44] I was out there going earring to earring with Linda Chavez. She had Ronald Reagan, and I had Nancy Pelosi.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: By 1981, Pelosi was chair of the California Democratic Party, in charge of getting Democrats elected all across the state. She had a reputation for being relentless, but she was also known for her personal touch. When Nancy talked to you, you felt like you were the center of the world. That’s Art Agnos, a former mayor of San Francisco and also, by the way, my ex-boss. I worked on his staff from 1986 to 1992. That was before I became a reporter for KQED in 1998. Anyway, Art remembers going over to Pelosi’s house for dinner back in the 70s. He was just a staffer himself back then. She invited us to her home for dinner with Leo, who was the main person. Art’s talking about Leo McCarthy. McCarthy was the speaker of the state assembly. That’s California’s version of the House of Representatives. She made sure that… \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: By 1981, Pelosi was chair of the California Democratic Party, in charge of getting Democrats elected all across the state. She had a reputation for being relentless, but she was also known for her personal touch. When Nancy talked to you, you felt like you were the center of the world. That’s Art Agnos, a former mayor of San Francisco and also, by the way, my ex-boss. I worked on his staff from 1986 to 1992. That was before I became a reporter for KQED in 1998. Anyway, Art remembers going over to Pelosi’s house for dinner back in the 70s. He was just a staffer himself back then. She invited us to her home for dinner with Leo, who was the main person. Art’s talking about Leo McCarthy. McCarthy was the speaker of the state assembly. That’s California’s version of the House of Representatives. She made sure that… \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Art Agnos: I brought my kids? No one ever said bring your kids. Pelosi even had her kids babysitting his kids, taking them upstairs to the bedroom, playing games. Her kids are taking care of my kids. I was the staff guy. She generated a kind of loyalty and love from my family that came from her attentive, thoughtful, sweet interest in us.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Art Agnos: I brought my kids? No one ever said bring your kids. Pelosi even had her kids babysitting his kids, taking them upstairs to the bedroom, playing games. Her kids are taking care of my kids. I was the staff guy. She generated a kind of loyalty and love from my family that came from her attentive, thoughtful, sweet interest in us.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is what Sala Burton saw in Nancy Pelosi, according to Art.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Sala Burton anointed Nancy Pelosi to be her successor. After she died on February 1st, there would be a primary just two months later, in April, to pick the top candidate for each party. So now the race was on. Sala’s brother-in-law, John Burton, would run Pelosi’s campaign and they would use the Burton playbook.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Sala Burton anointed Nancy Pelosi to be her successor. After she died on February 1st, there would be a primary just two months later, in April, to pick the top candidate for each party. So now the race was on. Sala’s brother-in-law, John Burton, would run Pelosi’s campaign and they would use the Burton playbook.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Phil Burton: No person is an island under themselves. We all need each other and we’ve got each other, I promise you that.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s Phil Burton, John’s older brother, Sal’s husband, a chain-smoking giant in San Francisco politics. The Burton political machine specialized in something that seems pretty standard today — coalition politics. They mobilized groups other politicians overlooked. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s Phil Burton, John’s older brother, Sal’s husband, a chain-smoking giant in San Francisco politics. The Burton political machine specialized in something that seems pretty standard today — coalition politics. They mobilized groups other politicians overlooked. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Their coalition was gay. It wasn’t LGBT as it is today, but you know, it was, it wasn’t called that. Gay, African-American, labor.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Their coalition was gay. It wasn’t LGBT as it is today, but you know, it was, it wasn’t called that. Gay, African-American, labor.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Phil Burton put it a little differently.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Phil Burton: I’ve got the support of the gays and the cops as well, ain’t that a bitch? \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: We ran everything at that day’s game. We were the most diverse operation politically in this city, period. And Nancy was a part of that.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: We ran everything at that day’s game. We were the most diverse operation politically in this city, period. And Nancy was a part of that.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s another former San Francisco mayor.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s another former San Francisco mayor.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: I’m Willie Brown, period. I was part of Phil Burton’s operation. What do you remember about her? Well, I just remember that she was a very attractive woman. Oh, very opinionated, I must say.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: I’m Willie Brown, period. I was part of Phil Burton’s operation. What do you remember about her? Well, I just remember that she was a very attractive woman. Oh, very opinionated, I must say.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She sort of had an unlikely friendship with John, who once accidentally left cocaine in the pocket of a suit he sent to the dry cleaners.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: In the drinking world. John was all the things that you wouldn’t even think Nancy would know about. But they had a friendship.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Close with the Burtons, raised campaign funds for them, but she also helped their rivals within the party.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: I’m telling you.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She had her whole body in both camps.” Her campaign chose the slogan, a voice that will be heard. Her campaign promised all the other candidates could talk, but with her connections and her experience, she would be the most effective at doing things in Congress. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She had her whole body in both camps.” Her campaign chose the slogan, a voice that will be heard. Her campaign promised all the other candidates could talk, but with her connections and her experience, she would be the most effective at doing things in Congress. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: It was not like she was going to be the next Jesse Jackson. No, Nancy was the pro who was going to help orchestrate the process.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She pulled together a team of field captains who had experience with the United Farm Workers Union to set up her ground game. An army of volunteers knocked on doors, made phone calls, staffed campaign events and signed up other volunteers to get out the vote on election day. At one point, Pelosi’s brother Tommy came to visit campaign headquarters in San Francisco. He’d been the mayor of Baltimore just like their father.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She pulled together a team of field captains who had experience with the United Farm Workers Union to set up her ground game. An army of volunteers knocked on doors, made phone calls, staffed campaign events and signed up other volunteers to get out the vote on election day. At one point, Pelosi’s brother Tommy came to visit campaign headquarters in San Francisco. He’d been the mayor of Baltimore just like their father.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And he said, Daddy sent me to make sure that you had your ground game in place. So I said, well, come see what it is.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: On sheets of butcher paper, Pelosi and her team had mapped out the strategy in true Burton fashion. They had divided up the city into factions and were seeing how they could make a winning coalition, gaming out worst-case scenarios.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Every black vote, Asian, gay vote, the lefties, if we give them every possible vote, not that they would get every possible, Nancy loses by a couple thousand votes. We have sent our troops out to get 5,000 more votes.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Every black vote, Asian, gay vote, the lefties, if we give them every possible vote, not that they would get every possible, Nancy loses by a couple thousand votes. We have sent our troops out to get 5,000 more votes.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Their team sent targeted mailers to different communities—Italian, African American, gay—and they quietly slipped some to Republicans. John Burton again. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>John Burton: I’d go to things with her, go to that, and just watch her. One time some group was kind of screwing over her and walked out and she says, don’t worry, we will show them how truly unimportant they are after the election.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>John Burton: I’d go to things with her, go to that, and just watch her. One time some group was kind of screwing over her and walked out and she says, don’t worry, we will show them how truly unimportant they are after the election.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But, she wasn’t going to take a single vote for granted. Before she ran for the House in 1987, Pelosi had run in one other election inside the party for chair of the Democratic National Committee. That’s the group that coordinates strategy, establishes the Democratic Party platform. She lost. And she learned a lesson she never forgot.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But, she wasn’t going to take a single vote for granted. Before she ran for the House in 1987, Pelosi had run in one other election inside the party for chair of the Democratic National Committee. That’s the group that coordinates strategy, establishes the Democratic Party platform. She lost. And she learned a lesson she never forgot.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I had done everything in the party and worked with many people. People that I had worked with forever were making terrible statements about me.\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi said she was the target of all sorts of attacks, including sexist ones. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: So when I ran for Congress, and people would call me and say, did you see what someone so said? I said, yeah, don’t bother me with that. If you’re concerned about that, get on the phone and make some calls, walk some precincts, but don’t think I care about what somebody else says. And I would not have realized that had I not seen how Democrats treated Democrats when I run for the other office.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: So when I ran for Congress, and people would call me and say, did you see what someone so said? I said, yeah, don’t bother me with that. If you’re concerned about that, get on the phone and make some calls, walk some precincts, but don’t think I care about what somebody else says. And I would not have realized that had I not seen how Democrats treated Democrats when I run for the other office.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Democrats against Democrats, a knife fight in a phone booth. That’s what Pelosi was entering in the primary. Against a motivated opponent fighting for a city reeling from a deadly epidemic.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Democrats against Democrats, a knife fight in a phone booth. That’s what Pelosi was entering in the primary. Against a motivated opponent fighting for a city reeling from a deadly epidemic.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Where did it go?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is an old news clip from 1987. A singer charms a crowd with a famous Judy Garland cover.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Politics in San Francisco, a fundraiser in a cabaret that caters to gays. At this event, the candidate is gay as well, Democrat Harry Britt.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Politics in San Francisco, a fundraiser in a cabaret that caters to gays. At this event, the candidate is gay as well, Democrat Harry Britt.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The bar is packed with gay and lesbian supporters. The sign at the door reads, We’re just wild about Harry Britt.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: While he would be a political outsider elsewhere in the country with his progressive agenda, he fits in easily in San Francisco. Liberal credentials are essential. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: While he would be a political outsider elsewhere in the country with his progressive agenda, he fits in easily in San Francisco. Liberal credentials are essential. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Harry Britt was a San Francisco supervisor and Nancy Pelosi’s toughest rival. He was soft-spoken, with a serious tone, kind of an intellectual, a little socially awkward. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Harry Britt was a San Francisco supervisor and Nancy Pelosi’s toughest rival. He was soft-spoken, with a serious tone, kind of an intellectual, a little socially awkward. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: I’m from Texas and I come from a family of Southerners. I was a Methodist minister for a major part of my life and that was\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That was Britt in a TV interview. He never intended to run for office. Like Pelosi, he was more behind the scenes. In 1977, he volunteered to help elect Harvey Milk to the board of supervisors. Milk was the first openly gay person elected in California.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That was Britt in a TV interview. He never intended to run for office. Like Pelosi, he was more behind the scenes. In 1977, he volunteered to help elect Harvey Milk to the board of supervisors. Milk was the first openly gay person elected in California.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Harvey Milk: There are 15 million lesbian and gay men waiting to hear your voice! We are coming out of the closet! When are you going to come out of yours?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The next year, Harvey Milk was assassinated, along with the mayor at the time, George Moscone. The killer was Dan White. He had been on the board of supervisors with Milk. A year before he died, Harvey milk made a recording. A list of people he would want to replace him if he were assassinated. And who was on that list?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The next year, Harvey Milk was assassinated, along with the mayor at the time, George Moscone. The killer was Dan White. He had been on the board of supervisors with Milk. A year before he died, Harvey milk made a recording. A list of people he would want to replace him if he were assassinated. And who was on that list?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Harvey Milk: The third choice I would have would be Harry Britt, who most people don’t know, but I’ve watched Harry, and Harry’s been involved with three campaigns, and I’ve watched Harry grow and grow and grow, and a very, very dedicated and strong person. One who will not be pushed around. One who understands where the movement is and where it must go. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Harvey Milk: The third choice I would have would be Harry Britt, who most people don’t know, but I’ve watched Harry, and Harry’s been involved with three campaigns, and I’ve watched Harry grow and grow and grow, and a very, very dedicated and strong person. One who will not be pushed around. One who understands where the movement is and where it must go. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Harry Britt again.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: Harvey’s gone, but all of us who cared about him and the things that he stood for realize now that it’s our job.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: The murders unified, made us cohesive, and that translated into political muscle. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: The murders unified, made us cohesive, and that translated into political muscle. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Tom Amiano was active in the gay rights movement, friends with Harvey Milk, and Harry.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: Harvey was very charismatic and out there, and Harry was just a steady, even presence.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In the early 80s, the community was still reeling from the assassinations, and then another deadly threat emerged. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: AIDS was rampant. Every day somebody died. Every day you saw somebody with purple splotches or you’d say, hey, what happened to Michael? He was supposed to show. You didn’t hear, he died.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: I moved to San Francisco in 1981, just as some gay men started coming down with some unusual symptoms. Thrush or yeast infections in the throat that wouldn’t go away, fungal infections in the lungs, lesions on the skin, weight loss. Doctors didn’t know why, but soon they were dying. As the casualties mounted, so did the fear. There was no test for the virus yet. We didn’t even know it was a virus. Many of us were worried, afraid we had this ticking time bomb inside of us. But there was nothing to do but be careful and wait. It escalated quickly. By 1984, it became common to see people with full blown AIDS emaciated, looking old beyond their years, covered with purple splotches, Kaposi sarcoma. We’d see men who looked to be at death’s door, slowly walking or shuffling around the Castro neighborhood. There were funerals, lots of funerals, many for people in their 20s, 30s, and 40s. It was a slow motion disaster. But it seemed no one in Washington cared. Harry Britt again. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: I moved to San Francisco in 1981, just as some gay men started coming down with some unusual symptoms. Thrush or yeast infections in the throat that wouldn’t go away, fungal infections in the lungs, lesions on the skin, weight loss. Doctors didn’t know why, but soon they were dying. As the casualties mounted, so did the fear. There was no test for the virus yet. We didn’t even know it was a virus. Many of us were worried, afraid we had this ticking time bomb inside of us. But there was nothing to do but be careful and wait. It escalated quickly. By 1984, it became common to see people with full blown AIDS emaciated, looking old beyond their years, covered with purple splotches, Kaposi sarcoma. We’d see men who looked to be at death’s door, slowly walking or shuffling around the Castro neighborhood. There were funerals, lots of funerals, many for people in their 20s, 30s, and 40s. It was a slow motion disaster. But it seemed no one in Washington cared. Harry Britt again. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: So I think it’s legitimate for us to point out that the people who care the most about AIDS and certainly the gay community which cares in a passionate way about AIDS is very united behind my candidacy.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: So I think it’s legitimate for us to point out that the people who care the most about AIDS and certainly the gay community which cares in a passionate way about AIDS is very united behind my candidacy.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: These were the stakes of the 87th Special Election. In that Congressional race, many saw Harry Britt, not Pelosi, as the champion the gay community needed in Washington. It was also a chance to make history.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: These were the stakes of the 87th Special Election. In that Congressional race, many saw Harry Britt, not Pelosi, as the champion the gay community needed in Washington. It was also a chance to make history.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: It was beyond who’s Harry Britt, it was beyond whose Nancy Pelosi. It was that we might get an openly gay member of Congress.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s Gwen Craig. She came to San Francisco in 1975. She worked closely with Milk and would become involved in Harry Britt’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: The nonchalance, it seemed, of Congress and the executive administrations just was maddening.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The CDC first published an article describing five young gay patients in Los Angeles whose immune systems suddenly failed in 1981. But President Reagan didn’t publicly address the crisis for four years, only then because he was asked about it. By 1987, nearly 2,000 San Franciscans had died of AIDS. I remember a lot of people in the gay community thought that Pelosi, a wealthy, straight, white woman, wasn’t the best person to fight for them in Washington. The Brit campaign didn’t hold back. Here’s one ad they ran.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The CDC first published an article describing five young gay patients in Los Angeles whose immune systems suddenly failed in 1981. But President Reagan didn’t publicly address the crisis for four years, only then because he was asked about it. By 1987, nearly 2,000 San Franciscans had died of AIDS. I remember a lot of people in the gay community thought that Pelosi, a wealthy, straight, white woman, wasn’t the best person to fight for them in Washington. The Brit campaign didn’t hold back. Here’s one ad they ran.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival Ad: Inspector Riley, Missing Person Squad. Yeah, we’ve heard that report. No, we haven’t seen Nancy Pelosi. That’s why she’s a missing person. Nobody has seen Nancy. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival Ad: Inspector Riley, Missing Person Squad. Yeah, we’ve heard that report. No, we haven’t seen Nancy Pelosi. That’s why she’s a missing person. Nobody has seen Nancy. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Britt’s campaign sent out mailers calling her a dilettante.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Most people didn’t know what that meant.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi again. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And they said, does that mean you’re a debut talent? Aren’t you old to be a debut? They did one piece.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: Call that referred to Nancy Pelosi as party girl because she came from being head of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Gwen Craig again, Lesbian Activist. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Gwen Craig again, Lesbian Activist. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: I didn’t like that piece at all.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: What was it that you didn’t like about it?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: Well, I thought it was rather misogynist. You know, I though it was sexist. I thought that it belittled her in a way because of her gender. So I became then uncomfortable with my support of Harry for a while after that.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: Well, I thought it was rather misogynist. You know, I though it was sexist. I thought that it belittled her in a way because of her gender. So I became then uncomfortable with my support of Harry for a while after that.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: They warned us it would be brutal, and it would a bloodbath, and I’d be sorry I ever got in the race, but I wasn’t frightened by any of that.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: They warned us it would be brutal, and it would a bloodbath, and I’d be sorry I ever got in the race, but I wasn’t frightened by any of that.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi did something in 1987 that she rarely does. She agreed to a televised debate a week before the election, right here at KQED. Pelosi was the front-runner. She had a lot to lose.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi did something in 1987 that she rarely does. She agreed to a televised debate a week before the election, right here at KQED. Pelosi was the front-runner. She had a lot to lose.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Nancy Pelosi, a Democratic Party insider, runs ahead in recent polls. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Nancy Pelosi, a Democratic Party insider, runs ahead in recent polls. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Harry Britt was close on her heels. In addition to being part of the gay movement, he was a democratic socialist. He believed in challenging corporate power structures, and once tried to rein in wealthy landlords with commercial rent control.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Harry Britt was close on her heels. In addition to being part of the gay movement, he was a democratic socialist. He believed in challenging corporate power structures, and once tried to rein in wealthy landlords with commercial rent control.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: A gay activist who is to the left of his chief opponents. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: A gay activist who is to the left of his chief opponents. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Just before the debate, Pelosi’s campaign threatened to pull out. Her staff was worried the other candidates would gang up on her.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Just before the debate, Pelosi’s campaign threatened to pull out. Her staff was worried the other candidates would gang up on her.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Calm down a little bit.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Calm down a little bit.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It was a free for all, with all 14 candidates left, right and center. It made for great live television.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It was a free for all, with all 14 candidates left, right and center. It made for great live television.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Mr. Zur, this is not a forum for you just to make a speech. At this point in this discussion, we are—you’ve got a lot of words in.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Mr. Zur, this is not a forum for you just to make a speech. At this point in this discussion, we are—you’ve got a lot of words in.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The moderators asked if her critics were right, that she was out of touch. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The moderators asked if her critics were right, that she was out of touch. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: But there are a lot of people who seem to be disturbed by, I guess, where you come from. The idea of your wealth and your connections among the well-to-do. \u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: But there are a lot of people who seem to be disturbed by, I guess, where you come from. The idea of your wealth and your connections among the well-to-do. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: And Harry Britt questioned whether she could be trusted to fight for everyday people.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: And Harry Britt questioned whether she could be trusted to fight for everyday people.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: How can you be an effective advocate for consumer issues like keeping interest rates low on credit cards when you’ve gotten money from banks and savings and loan associations? How can really fight to get oil companies to clean up toxic waste when you got money from Chevron and Getty and all these people? I challenge Nancy Pelosi who has never had to stand up to that kind of pressure.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: How can you be an effective advocate for consumer issues like keeping interest rates low on credit cards when you’ve gotten money from banks and savings and loan associations? How can really fight to get oil companies to clean up toxic waste when you got money from Chevron and Getty and all these people? I challenge Nancy Pelosi who has never had to stand up to that kind of pressure.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Based on available campaign finance records, we couldn’t verify if Pelosi took money from Chevron for her campaign. But members of the influential Getty family, her family friends who made their fortune in oil, did donate $5,000 to her congressional campaign. But Pelosi pointed her finger and returned fire.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Based on available campaign finance records, we couldn’t verify if Pelosi took money from Chevron for her campaign. But members of the influential Getty family, her family friends who made their fortune in oil, did donate $5,000 to her congressional campaign. But Pelosi pointed her finger and returned fire.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Harry, have you taken any PAC money? Have you taken a PAC money. I have not taken any money. Any PAC money, have any you taken PAC money \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Harry, have you taken any PAC money? Have you taken a PAC money. I have not taken any money. Any PAC money, have any you taken PAC money \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Britt’s campaign was mostly grassroots funded, but Pelosi? Her campaign spent around a million dollars, more than the other 13 candidates combined. Pelosi also self-funded, giving more than $200,000 to her own campaign.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Britt’s campaign was mostly grassroots funded, but Pelosi? Her campaign spent around a million dollars, more than the other 13 candidates combined. Pelosi also self-funded, giving more than $200,000 to her own campaign.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: How can she relate to people like me, a single parent, working mother, or somebody else?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: How can she relate to people like me, a single parent, working mother, or somebody else?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Another candidate, San Francisco City Supervisor Carol Rue Silver, jumped in. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Another candidate, San Francisco City Supervisor Carol Rue Silver, jumped in. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Problems are different. She’s never met a payroll. She has never had to worry about child care. She has not had a kid in a public school. She never worried about the things that worry most of the people in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Problems are different. She’s never met a payroll. She has never had to worry about child care. She has not had a kid in a public school. She never worried about the things that worry most of the people in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Let’s let Nancy answer.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Let’s let Nancy answer.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: First of all, my ability to fund my own campaign to the extent that I can and to raise money over 1,500 contributors to my campaign gives me an independence that none of my candidates, I believe, share, especially the four supervisors who were reported this week to have received $1,000 each from the Embarcadero Center and then voted to give them a street this week. So if you want to talk about independence, let’s talk about Independence.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: First of all, my ability to fund my own campaign to the extent that I can and to raise money over 1,500 contributors to my campaign gives me an independence that none of my candidates, I believe, share, especially the four supervisors who were reported this week to have received $1,000 each from the Embarcadero Center and then voted to give them a street this week. So if you want to talk about independence, let’s talk about Independence.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi knew that she needed to do something to neutralize the idea that she was beholden to wealthy interests. So she counterpunched by saying to her opponents, well, you’re not exactly pure either. According to federal campaign fundraising data, each of the four city supervisors did receive a thousand dollar contribution from the CEO of the Embarcadero Center. That’s a set of high-rise office buildings downtown. We couldn’t verify the claim that he got a favor in return. But she’s doing something here by implying that. She’s undercutting them. It’s a classic campaign tactic, pointing out the hypocrisy in your opponent’s charge. After the primary, that same CEO gave $1,000 to Pelosi’s campaign for Congress. That’s politics. Pelosi has always argued that the PAC money she took was from Democratic allies who cared about regular people. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi knew that she needed to do something to neutralize the idea that she was beholden to wealthy interests. So she counterpunched by saying to her opponents, well, you’re not exactly pure either. According to federal campaign fundraising data, each of the four city supervisors did receive a thousand dollar contribution from the CEO of the Embarcadero Center. That’s a set of high-rise office buildings downtown. We couldn’t verify the claim that he got a favor in return. But she’s doing something here by implying that. She’s undercutting them. It’s a classic campaign tactic, pointing out the hypocrisy in your opponent’s charge. After the primary, that same CEO gave $1,000 to Pelosi’s campaign for Congress. That’s politics. Pelosi has always argued that the PAC money she took was from Democratic allies who cared about regular people. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Labor unions, from the Nurses Association, from organizations dedicated to the election of women to Congress.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Labor unions, from the Nurses Association, from organizations dedicated to the election of women to Congress.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: To her, raising money was just a means to an end. This was the late 80s. Money was changing politics as we knew it, and Pelosi was going to do everything she needed to do to win. You didn’t take any of that personally.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: To her, raising money was just a means to an end. This was the late 80s. Money was changing politics as we knew it, and Pelosi was going to do everything she needed to do to win. You didn’t take any of that personally.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: No, I mean it’s a campaign. What do you expect?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: No, I mean it’s a campaign. What do you expect?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival: There was a special election here in San Francisco today to fill a congressional seat left empty by the death of congresswoman Sala Burton.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival: There was a special election here in San Francisco today to fill a congressional seat left empty by the death of congresswoman Sala Burton.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: As the election got close, Pelosi had dropped in the polls, so election day was a nail-biter. Britt needed a big turnout in the predominantly gay Castro neighborhood, and he got that. But in the end, he could not overcome Pelosi’s ground game.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: As the election got close, Pelosi had dropped in the polls, so election day was a nail-biter. Britt needed a big turnout in the predominantly gay Castro neighborhood, and he got that. But in the end, he could not overcome Pelosi’s ground game.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival: And here in San Francisco, the Democrat Nancy Pelosi defeated Harry Britt, a city supervisor who is gay.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival: And here in San Francisco, the Democrat Nancy Pelosi defeated Harry Britt, a city supervisor who is gay.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Under rules for special elections like this one, the top contender from each party would move on to a runoff in June. Britt was out. Gwen Craig and Tom Amiano again. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Under rules for special elections like this one, the top contender from each party would move on to a runoff in June. Britt was out. Gwen Craig and Tom Amiano again. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: People took it pretty hard. They were really disappointed, because I think a lot of people thought, we’re gonna actually get an openly gay person going to Congress. That’s going to be such a huge step forward.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: People took it pretty hard. They were really disappointed, because I think a lot of people thought, we’re gonna actually get an openly gay person going to Congress. That’s going to be such a huge step forward.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: We’re all in a little bit of despair. You know, who is this woman? What does she know?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: We’re all in a little bit of despair. You know, who is this woman? What does she know?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: After she won the primary, Pelosi called a meeting with AIDS activists. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: It wasn’t milquetoast ones, you know, it was angry ones. And they met with her. And I’m not saying that the reaction was 100% positive. I know that she shed some tears and I’m sure that they were sincere. But to the hard-bitten, we didn’t want tears.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: It wasn’t milquetoast ones, you know, it was angry ones. And they met with her. And I’m not saying that the reaction was 100% positive. I know that she shed some tears and I’m sure that they were sincere. But to the hard-bitten, we didn’t want tears.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Britt wasn’t the only person who understood the magnitude of the crisis. Pelosi also knew people who died of the disease, family friends, political staffers, people in her community.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Britt wasn’t the only person who understood the magnitude of the crisis. Pelosi also knew people who died of the disease, family friends, political staffers, people in her community.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: People were dying and I was visiting people in the hospital that we were close to and they were robust young men out there and then they were like a bag of bones in the hospitals, a bag a bones.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: People were dying and I was visiting people in the hospital that we were close to and they were robust young men out there and then they were like a bag of bones in the hospitals, a bag a bones.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: During the election, Pelosi had also promised action on AIDS.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival: We want to stop spending money on a big defense budget and instead address it to the most important crisis of our time, the AIDS crisis.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival: We want to stop spending money on a big defense budget and instead address it to the most important crisis of our time, the AIDS crisis.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In the runoff, Pelosi easily defeated the Republican. She was on her way to Congress.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In the runoff, Pelosi easily defeated the Republican. She was on her way to Congress.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival of Pelosi’s Swearing In: Without objection, the gentlewoman from California is reckoned.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival of Pelosi’s Swearing In: Without objection, the gentlewoman from California is reckoned.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival of Pelosi’s Swearing In: Thank you very much for your kind remarks and to all of you. It’s a very sentimental day for me as you can see.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>Archival of Pelosi’s Swearing In: Thank you very much for your kind remarks and to all of you. It’s a very sentimental day for me as you can see.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: When a new member of Congress is first sworn in, it’s kind of rare for them to say anything of note, let alone something controversial. But on that day, in June of 1987, Pelosi, sounding a little nervous, surprised everyone.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: When a new member of Congress is first sworn in, it’s kind of rare for them to say anything of note, let alone something controversial. But on that day, in June of 1987, Pelosi, sounding a little nervous, surprised everyone.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival of Pelosi’s Swearing In: And now we must take the leadership, of course, in the crisis of AIDS, and I look forward to working with you on that.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival of Pelosi’s Swearing In: And now we must take the leadership, of course, in the crisis of AIDS, and I look forward to working with you on that.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Now Brit’s supporters would have to put their faith in the person who defeated him. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: On a foggy morning in 1989, protesters unfurled a banner across the Golden Gate Bridge reading AIDS equals genocide, silence equals death, calling out the newly elected president and former Vice President George H.W. Bush.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: On a foggy morning in 1989, protesters unfurled a banner across the Golden Gate Bridge reading AIDS equals genocide, silence equals death, calling out the newly elected president and former Vice President George H.W. Bush.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: They blocked traffic for more than an hour. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I was one of the persons that sat on the bridge on January 31st, 1989. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: It was so cold.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Since 1988 Mike Shriver had been organizing with act up a direct action group focused on AIDS.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: During Pelosi’s first full term in Congress, the deaths continued unabated. There was no vaccine, no cure, limited treatment. So people took to the bridge.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: It’s one of the proudest moments of my life, actually. And as we were being pulled one person at a time to being arrested, my mentor, he said to me, if I could feel the way that I feel right now, I will live forever. I will survive the epidemic.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: By 1988, Shriver and his peers had started focusing on how to change policy. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: This whole cadre of ACT UP individuals taught themselves how to become experts in research, experts in policy, experts in drug development. I happened to go down the track of the public health policy stuff.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: He remembers a meeting with Nancy Pelosi. He was there with someone who needed access to an experimental AIDS treatment.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I got to sit there in the room and he talked to Mrs. Pelosi and he said, I didn’t vote for you, but you’re my representative and I expect that you’ll take care of me. And she looked him deadpan and said, absolutely, that is my job.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It was our purpose. That’s just the way it was. It wasn’t like, I really hope you will do this. This is absolutely urgent that you do this.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: When I asked Pelosi about her support for AIDS funding, she was very matter of fact about it. To her, it seemed like a no-brainer.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Was not prepared for discrimination. Now these people were not anti-gay, they just thought the rest of the room was.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: For sure, Pelosi had solid allies, like California Congressmembers Barbara Boxer and Henry Waxman from Los Angeles. But they faced opposition because of the stigma of AIDS. And then activists had an idea.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Cleve Jones came to my house with Art Agnos when I’m a newly elected member of Congress and says he has this idea that people will make a quilt for their loved ones. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Cleve Jones was a young activist who had worked for Harvey Milk. He later went on to mobilize the community to respond to HIV AIDS and co-created what became known as the AIDS Memorial Quilt. Tens of thousands of panels, handcrafted with care, by mothers and fathers, brothers, co-workers, friends, lovers and spouses, sewn into three by six foot panels. Panels for everyone, from musicians like Freddie Mercury of Queen and Sylvester. To political activists and artists like Keith Haring and Robert Mapplethorpe, to others who lived quieter lives but whose death crushed those who loved them. Jones had a vision. He wanted to spread huge sections of the quilt out on the National Mall in Washington.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Cleve Jones was a young activist who had worked for Harvey Milk. He later went on to mobilize the community to respond to HIV AIDS and co-created what became known as the AIDS Memorial Quilt. Tens of thousands of panels, handcrafted with care, by mothers and fathers, brothers, co-workers, friends, lovers and spouses, sewn into three by six foot panels. Panels for everyone, from musicians like Freddie Mercury of Queen and Sylvester. To political activists and artists like Keith Haring and Robert Mapplethorpe, to others who lived quieter lives but whose death crushed those who loved them. Jones had a vision. He wanted to spread huge sections of the quilt out on the National Mall in Washington.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Enormous quilts, enormous, big as the mall. Pelosi was on board to help bring the quilt to DC, but there was a hitch.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: The National Park Service says, we’ll give you a corner where you can have a few patches. Can you imagine? So I said, well, they’re certainly not gonna do that.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: The National Park Service says, we’ll give you a corner where you can have a few patches. Can you imagine? So I said, well, they’re certainly not gonna do that.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She asked the National Park Service, why can’t we display the full quilt? \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It’s gonna kill the grass, but why? Because if you have something on the grass for more than 20 minutes, it kills the grass.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi had an idea.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We have hundreds of people, we can pick it up every 20 minutes.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The National Park Service caved, and on October 11, 1987, the AIDS quilt was first displayed in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It was so beautiful.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – AIDS memorial quilt: Bill Cathcart. Bob Greenwood.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival – AIDS memorial quilt: Bill Cathcart. Bob Greenwood.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Across the National Mall, the names of the fallen echoed as Cleve Jones read some of them. I was there then.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – AIDS memorial quilt: Douglas Lowery.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi was one of the few members of Congress there. Even then, she was laser-focused. She told a reporter for GayUSA…\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Now, the first day I… \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Became a member, I became a co-sponsor of the Gay Civil Rights Bill, Ted Weiss’ bill, and we have a few pieces of legislation regarding AIDS, more money for AIDS, confidentiality, non-discrimination.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: At a time when HIV AIDS still felt like a death sentence, Nancy Pelosi helped change the prognosis. Pelosi co-authored the Ryan White Care Act. Ryan White was a teenager from Indiana who had hemophilia. He got AIDS from a medical treatment. After his diagnosis, his school banned him from attending class. To some lawmakers, White was someone they could help without worrying about attacks by religious zealots who thought AIDS was God’s punishment of gay men and IV drug users. Pelosi understood this. Former San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos again.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: At a time when HIV AIDS still felt like a death sentence, Nancy Pelosi helped change the prognosis. Pelosi co-authored the Ryan White Care Act. Ryan White was a teenager from Indiana who had hemophilia. He got AIDS from a medical treatment. After his diagnosis, his school banned him from attending class. To some lawmakers, White was someone they could help without worrying about attacks by religious zealots who thought AIDS was God’s punishment of gay men and IV drug users. Pelosi understood this. Former San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos again.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Art Agnos: She looked like the all-American woman. She was, she is beautiful. She had lovely kids, she had a handsome husband. What the hell is she doing with these weird people? When she showed up, she looks like us. How come she’s talking like that? And I think that gave her a entree to discussing AIDS, gay people, all the kinds of issues that are important to us in San Francisco. They listened because she looked like them.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Art Agnos: She looked like the all-American woman. She was, she is beautiful. She had lovely kids, she had a handsome husband. What the hell is she doing with these weird people? When she showed up, she looks like us. How come she’s talking like that? And I think that gave her a entree to discussing AIDS, gay people, all the kinds of issues that are important to us in San Francisco. They listened because she looked like them.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Ryan White Care Act passed in 1990. It created a financial safety net for people with HIV who were underinsured. She also helped push through a bill that allocated funds that people with HIV could use for housing.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Ryan White Care Act passed in 1990. It created a financial safety net for people with HIV who were underinsured. She also helped push through a bill that allocated funds that people with HIV could use for housing.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I got to go with her, and I’m sitting there watching her work.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s the conference between the House and Senate that divides up government funding. Mike Shriver remembers one instance.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s the conference between the House and Senate that divides up government funding. Mike Shriver remembers one instance.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: The very first year that she got the most significant increase for HIV prevention was a year that a senator from Pennsylvania looked for some money for substance abuse treatment that he needed.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: The very first year that she got the most significant increase for HIV prevention was a year that a senator from Pennsylvania looked for some money for substance abuse treatment that he needed.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That Senator, Arlen Specter, promised Nancy Pelosi he would restore her funding for HIV programs the next year. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: He made the commitment to her and he did it. For her, you know, you live up to your word. And if you don’t remember your word, I’ll tell you what you told me. And I thought, that’s magic.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: He made the commitment to her and he did it. For her, you know, you live up to your word. And if you don’t remember your word, I’ll tell you what you told me. And I thought, that’s magic.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Mike Shriver lives with HIV.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I relied on Ryan White funding for my care and for my dental care and had I not had that, I would not have had access to the drugs that eventually had become what continue to keep me alive and keep me in remission with my HIV disease.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I relied on Ryan White funding for my care and for my dental care and had I not had that, I would not have had access to the drugs that eventually had become what continue to keep me alive and keep me in remission with my HIV disease.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: So you’re saying she’s the reason you’re still here?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I absolutely believe that.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: There’s this one thing Mike told me that really stuck with me. He was telling me about a text exchange he had with Nancy after a health emergency in 2022.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I had just emailed her the day before talking about finishing my IVIG infusion, which took five consecutive days, which just flattened me out. And she wrote back, Michael, loved getting your promising report. Love you, Nancy. A couple of emojis and then thank you. I’m so lucky, I am so privileged. I do not ever underestimate, like I don’t take this for granted. Nancy is not really good about receiving compliments. It’s not her favorite thing to experience and I’ve had to do it a couple of times and realize I know this is gonna piss you off or it’s gonna make you a little bit mad but I need you to hear how important it is of what you’ve done for us. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I had just emailed her the day before talking about finishing my IVIG infusion, which took five consecutive days, which just flattened me out. And she wrote back, Michael, loved getting your promising report. Love you, Nancy. A couple of emojis and then thank you. I’m so lucky, I am so privileged. I do not ever underestimate, like I don’t take this for granted. Nancy is not really good about receiving compliments. It’s not her favorite thing to experience and I’ve had to do it a couple of times and realize I know this is gonna piss you off or it’s gonna make you a little bit mad but I need you to hear how important it is of what you’ve done for us. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: When Pelosi ran in 1987, her slogan was a voice that will be heard. And when Nancy Pelosi became the first woman Speaker of the House\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: San Francisco for giving me the privilege.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She brought it back home.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When I ran, my slogan was, a voice that will be heard. I think they’ve heard us. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It took nearly 20 years, but Pelosi was on a path to becoming the first woman ever elected House Speaker. Next time on the speaker.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I don’t see a plan here to win.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: If you win, you get to set the table. Nancy Pelosi’s path to the top. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Speaker is a production of KQED in San Francisco and distributed by NPR. It’s hosted and reported by me, Scott Shafer. Co-reported and produced by Ariella Markowitz. It’s edited by Padmini Raghunath. Final mix and sound design by Christopher Beale. Additional mixing by Brendan Willard. Fact checking by Mark Betancourt. Additional editing from Anna Sussman and Jen Chien, KQED’s director of podcasts. Original theme song composed by Cedric Wilson. Additional music from APM. Maha Sanad is KQED’s podcast engagement producer. Ethan Toven-Lindsey is KQED’s editor-in-chief. Special thanks to our partners from the Oral History Center at the University of California, Berkeley. Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television, and radio artists, San Francisco, Northern California Local. \u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#Transcript\">View Full Episode Transcript\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Before her historic Speakership, even before she got to the House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi worked for years outside the spotlight as an official in the California Democratic party while she raised her family in San Francisco. That was until 1987, when tragic circumstances led her to do something she hadn’t considered before: run for Congress. Her first hurdle? A city in crisis and a motivated opponent from a community impacted by a deadly epidemic.\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"Transcript\">Episode Transcript \u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Hi, I’m Scott Schafer. I’ve been covering politics for nearly 30 years, especially here in San Francisco. As a reporter, I’ve watched a lot of people rise from San Francisco into the national arena. Gavin Newsom, Kamala Harris, Dianne Feinstein. But no one has fascinated me more than Nancy Pelosi, trailblazer, power broker, lightning rod, first woman ever speaker of the house. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Tonight on Express, the campaigning has been intense. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: I remember watching her way back in 1987. That was the first time she was running for Congress here in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: We do have 14 candidates here, so can we keep this discussion on an even scale? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is from a televised debate hosted here at KQED, the public media outlet where I work. All the candidates are sitting on risers, lots of poofy, teased hair, wide-framed glasses, and Pelosi is in the front row, perfect blowout, wearing a purple blazer. [00:00:57][15.8]\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: I think this is the most hilarious thing that a woman can come into this district from outside of it and buy this election. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: [00:01:04] Pelosi’s critics, mostly other Democrats, call her a wealthy socialite. They say she’s the establishment pick. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: And what we have is we have, in this election, somebody saying, the machine backs me, I’ve got a million bucks, I don’t live in your district, I have never met many of your slobs, but I’m going to be your new leader because I got bucks and I’m powerful. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: How can she relate to people like me a single-parent working mother? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Let’s let Nancy talk. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: I don’t think you have to be sick to be a doctor or poor to understand the problems of the poor. I have spent my life committed to the ideals of the Democratic Party. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It’s an interesting moment, Pelosi turns their argument around, saying that she’s the right candidate precisely because she’s been working behind the scenes. She knows the game inside out. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: I believe that I will be the best and most effective representative for San Francisco because I have worked in that arena for 25 years, both at the local, state, and national level. I have work with the members of Congress long before they went to Congress and long since. I have persuaded them on votes, both by one-on-one persuasion and by mobilizing in their districts.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Last year, Pelosi announced she was retiring. As a journalist, I started thinking about how she went from being relatively unknown to one of the most formidable politicians of her generation, and about the role she’s played leading up to this political moment, a moment where faith in the Democratic Party and public trust in U.S. Institutions are at their lowest in decades. And she agreed to talk, a series of five interviews. Okay, we’re gonna put you right there I wear the red light.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Unfortunately, this is not visual because I got off the plane. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Our first interview, she had just gotten off a cross-country flight, she was also nursing a cold, but I knew how to get things started on the right foot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I’m glad I’m seeing that. I’m going to go right into it, okay? I think I should test them.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Nancy Pelosi is kind of a tough interview. I’ve done it many times before, usually about a political issue. She’s always warm and gracious until you ask something that annoys her and then she lets you know it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I don’t feel that way at all. I don’t even know why you’re asking that question. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She can be loyal to her talking points. Frustrating. How do you want people to remember your legacy?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Not so fast on the legacy. We have to win the house, which we will do. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She’ll completely deny the premise of your question. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: No, I didn’t oppose it for many years. I posed it when they suggested it, and then Kalka said they won it and I supported it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But I figured this is the time, right now, before she leaves office, to really reckon with the force that is Nancy Pelosi. From KQED, this is The Speaker, how Nancy Pelosi changed the face of power. This is the inside story of her rise and what she did when she got there, as told by the people who were in the rooms where it all happened.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Anna Eshoo: Nancy always would talk about winning and how to win. I said, Mr. President, we’re so excited about doing health care, but understand this, it’s going to be carpet bombing, take no prisoners, you name it, total warfare.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: She is comfortable with power and exercising it. Nancy exists in the arena. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: I’ve often described it with a little bit tongue-in-cheek, because I’m not going to accuse anybody. I want to make clear here that I’m not slandering anybody, I’m not accusing anybody of any criminal activity, but she reminded me of a mafia boss. That’s how she ran the place.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: They were going to get a bullet in my effing brain. You know, they used the F word a lot about me throughout the whole thing. They were gonna hang Vice President Gallows for him.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Today, how Nancy Pelosi got to Congress. She had been the ultimate insider, working for years as a high-up official in the Democratic Party, forged by San Francisco politics. But also an outsider, a woman, a mother of five kids, behind the scenes. Had you not ever considered running with her?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I had zero interest in running for office. Why? It was like, did you not want to go skydiving? I didn’t even think of it. I loved public service, and I was the ultimate volunteer, the chair of the California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: There she was, diligently working behind the scenes, until a twist of fate tested what she was made of. Nancy Pelosi never planned to run for public office, but in 1987, San Francisco’s congresswoman, Sala Burton, was dying. She was a big woman. She was, like, shrunk up on cancer. That’s John Burton, Sala’s brother-in-law, part of the family’s political operation. Let me set the scene here. The congresswoman is on her deathbed. She hasn’t yet endorsed a successor, but her endorsement is priceless. Her family has held this seat since the \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Burton: She calls the group of us back to her hospital bed, where she’s just like, and she tells us, I’m not going to run again. I’d like you to support Nancy Pelosi. She starts going into Nancy Pelosi, she’s operational. She’s right on the issue. She says, she said, he said, and I walk out, she says, is she bullshitting or what?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: John Burton didn’t see Nancy Pelosi as a candidate. She was the Democratic fundraiser, organizer, behind the scenes. But Sawa saw it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Burton: Something else. She saw in Nancy Pelosi a tough, strong, determined, liberal, caring for people person. I mean, it was just, I walked out and I said, holy my God. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: She said to me, I’m going to ask you if you will run for my seat, and I need to know your answer now.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi told Salah she had to check with her family first. She had five kids. By 1987, only one was still living at home.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: My daughter Alexandra, she says, mother, what teenage girl does not want her mother out of the house three nights of the week? Then she said, get a life.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Maybe her youngest daughter didn’t really see it, but Pelosi definitely had a life. She moved her family to San Francisco in 1969, just a couple years after the Summer of Love, a time when the city was home to artists like Janis Joplin and the Grateful Dead, Jefferson Airplane. Pelosi was hardly a member of the counterculture, but insists she loves the Gratiful Dead. For those first few years, she had her hands full with the kids.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Especially, I have five and six years to have to understand. Sometimes I didn’t even wash my face. Being a mom is probably the best preparation for anything because you are multitasking all of the time.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But politics was in her DNA. She’d grown up in a political family. Her dad became the mayor of Baltimore when she was just seven. San Francisco is her husband Paul’s hometown. The year they moved back, his brother Ron was on the board of supervisors. They lived down the street from San Francisco mayor Joe Alioto.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When people came and saw our house, they would say, oh, this is a big house. We’ll have lots of political events here.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: And you did.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And we did. How do you turn people down then? And my kids were so cute as they were getting a little bit bigger, they were making the hors d’oeuvres and serving the hors-d’oeuves and the rest of that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She started taking on more political stuff, organizing volunteers, hosting candidates in her home, raising money. She became a prolific fundraiser for Democratic candidates. In 1976, California Governor Jerry Brown decided to run for president. A left coast challenge to Jimmy Carter.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Jerry Brown: Ten years of problems in Vietnam and Watergate and all the scandals you read about in the FBI and the CIA. I think people, I think the people are ready for a new generation of leadership.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Brown entered the race pretty late in the game, but Pelosi used her Baltimore political connections to help him win Maryland’s Democratic primary. Here’s another candidate, Barbara Mikulski. Pelosi helped her win a Senate seat.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Barbara Mikulski: [00:09:44] I was out there going earring to earring with Linda Chavez. She had Ronald Reagan, and I had Nancy Pelosi.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: By 1981, Pelosi was chair of the California Democratic Party, in charge of getting Democrats elected all across the state. She had a reputation for being relentless, but she was also known for her personal touch. When Nancy talked to you, you felt like you were the center of the world. That’s Art Agnos, a former mayor of San Francisco and also, by the way, my ex-boss. I worked on his staff from 1986 to 1992. That was before I became a reporter for KQED in 1998. Anyway, Art remembers going over to Pelosi’s house for dinner back in the 70s. He was just a staffer himself back then. She invited us to her home for dinner with Leo, who was the main person. Art’s talking about Leo McCarthy. McCarthy was the speaker of the state assembly. That’s California’s version of the House of Representatives. She made sure that… \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Art Agnos: I brought my kids? No one ever said bring your kids. Pelosi even had her kids babysitting his kids, taking them upstairs to the bedroom, playing games. Her kids are taking care of my kids. I was the staff guy. She generated a kind of loyalty and love from my family that came from her attentive, thoughtful, sweet interest in us.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is what Sala Burton saw in Nancy Pelosi, according to Art.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Sala Burton anointed Nancy Pelosi to be her successor. After she died on February 1st, there would be a primary just two months later, in April, to pick the top candidate for each party. So now the race was on. Sala’s brother-in-law, John Burton, would run Pelosi’s campaign and they would use the Burton playbook.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Phil Burton: No person is an island under themselves. We all need each other and we’ve got each other, I promise you that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s Phil Burton, John’s older brother, Sal’s husband, a chain-smoking giant in San Francisco politics. The Burton political machine specialized in something that seems pretty standard today — coalition politics. They mobilized groups other politicians overlooked. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Their coalition was gay. It wasn’t LGBT as it is today, but you know, it was, it wasn’t called that. Gay, African-American, labor.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Phil Burton put it a little differently.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Phil Burton: I’ve got the support of the gays and the cops as well, ain’t that a bitch? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: We ran everything at that day’s game. We were the most diverse operation politically in this city, period. And Nancy was a part of that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s another former San Francisco mayor.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: I’m Willie Brown, period. I was part of Phil Burton’s operation. What do you remember about her? Well, I just remember that she was a very attractive woman. Oh, very opinionated, I must say.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She sort of had an unlikely friendship with John, who once accidentally left cocaine in the pocket of a suit he sent to the dry cleaners.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: In the drinking world. John was all the things that you wouldn’t even think Nancy would know about. But they had a friendship.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Close with the Burtons, raised campaign funds for them, but she also helped their rivals within the party.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: I’m telling you.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She had her whole body in both camps.” Her campaign chose the slogan, a voice that will be heard. Her campaign promised all the other candidates could talk, but with her connections and her experience, she would be the most effective at doing things in Congress. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Willie Brown: It was not like she was going to be the next Jesse Jackson. No, Nancy was the pro who was going to help orchestrate the process.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She pulled together a team of field captains who had experience with the United Farm Workers Union to set up her ground game. An army of volunteers knocked on doors, made phone calls, staffed campaign events and signed up other volunteers to get out the vote on election day. At one point, Pelosi’s brother Tommy came to visit campaign headquarters in San Francisco. He’d been the mayor of Baltimore just like their father.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And he said, Daddy sent me to make sure that you had your ground game in place. So I said, well, come see what it is.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: On sheets of butcher paper, Pelosi and her team had mapped out the strategy in true Burton fashion. They had divided up the city into factions and were seeing how they could make a winning coalition, gaming out worst-case scenarios.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Every black vote, Asian, gay vote, the lefties, if we give them every possible vote, not that they would get every possible, Nancy loses by a couple thousand votes. We have sent our troops out to get 5,000 more votes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Their team sent targeted mailers to different communities—Italian, African American, gay—and they quietly slipped some to Republicans. John Burton again. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Burton: I’d go to things with her, go to that, and just watch her. One time some group was kind of screwing over her and walked out and she says, don’t worry, we will show them how truly unimportant they are after the election.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But, she wasn’t going to take a single vote for granted. Before she ran for the House in 1987, Pelosi had run in one other election inside the party for chair of the Democratic National Committee. That’s the group that coordinates strategy, establishes the Democratic Party platform. She lost. And she learned a lesson she never forgot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I had done everything in the party and worked with many people. People that I had worked with forever were making terrible statements about me.\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi said she was the target of all sorts of attacks, including sexist ones. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: So when I ran for Congress, and people would call me and say, did you see what someone so said? I said, yeah, don’t bother me with that. If you’re concerned about that, get on the phone and make some calls, walk some precincts, but don’t think I care about what somebody else says. And I would not have realized that had I not seen how Democrats treated Democrats when I run for the other office.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Democrats against Democrats, a knife fight in a phone booth. That’s what Pelosi was entering in the primary. Against a motivated opponent fighting for a city reeling from a deadly epidemic.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Where did it go?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is an old news clip from 1987. A singer charms a crowd with a famous Judy Garland cover.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Politics in San Francisco, a fundraiser in a cabaret that caters to gays. At this event, the candidate is gay as well, Democrat Harry Britt.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The bar is packed with gay and lesbian supporters. The sign at the door reads, We’re just wild about Harry Britt.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: While he would be a political outsider elsewhere in the country with his progressive agenda, he fits in easily in San Francisco. Liberal credentials are essential. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Harry Britt was a San Francisco supervisor and Nancy Pelosi’s toughest rival. He was soft-spoken, with a serious tone, kind of an intellectual, a little socially awkward. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: I’m from Texas and I come from a family of Southerners. I was a Methodist minister for a major part of my life and that was\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That was Britt in a TV interview. He never intended to run for office. Like Pelosi, he was more behind the scenes. In 1977, he volunteered to help elect Harvey Milk to the board of supervisors. Milk was the first openly gay person elected in California.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harvey Milk: There are 15 million lesbian and gay men waiting to hear your voice! We are coming out of the closet! When are you going to come out of yours?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The next year, Harvey Milk was assassinated, along with the mayor at the time, George Moscone. The killer was Dan White. He had been on the board of supervisors with Milk. A year before he died, Harvey milk made a recording. A list of people he would want to replace him if he were assassinated. And who was on that list?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harvey Milk: The third choice I would have would be Harry Britt, who most people don’t know, but I’ve watched Harry, and Harry’s been involved with three campaigns, and I’ve watched Harry grow and grow and grow, and a very, very dedicated and strong person. One who will not be pushed around. One who understands where the movement is and where it must go. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Harry Britt again.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: Harvey’s gone, but all of us who cared about him and the things that he stood for realize now that it’s our job.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: The murders unified, made us cohesive, and that translated into political muscle. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Tom Amiano was active in the gay rights movement, friends with Harvey Milk, and Harry.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: Harvey was very charismatic and out there, and Harry was just a steady, even presence.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In the early 80s, the community was still reeling from the assassinations, and then another deadly threat emerged. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: AIDS was rampant. Every day somebody died. Every day you saw somebody with purple splotches or you’d say, hey, what happened to Michael? He was supposed to show. You didn’t hear, he died.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: I moved to San Francisco in 1981, just as some gay men started coming down with some unusual symptoms. Thrush or yeast infections in the throat that wouldn’t go away, fungal infections in the lungs, lesions on the skin, weight loss. Doctors didn’t know why, but soon they were dying. As the casualties mounted, so did the fear. There was no test for the virus yet. We didn’t even know it was a virus. Many of us were worried, afraid we had this ticking time bomb inside of us. But there was nothing to do but be careful and wait. It escalated quickly. By 1984, it became common to see people with full blown AIDS emaciated, looking old beyond their years, covered with purple splotches, Kaposi sarcoma. We’d see men who looked to be at death’s door, slowly walking or shuffling around the Castro neighborhood. There were funerals, lots of funerals, many for people in their 20s, 30s, and 40s. It was a slow motion disaster. But it seemed no one in Washington cared. Harry Britt again. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: So I think it’s legitimate for us to point out that the people who care the most about AIDS and certainly the gay community which cares in a passionate way about AIDS is very united behind my candidacy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: These were the stakes of the 87th Special Election. In that Congressional race, many saw Harry Britt, not Pelosi, as the champion the gay community needed in Washington. It was also a chance to make history.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: It was beyond who’s Harry Britt, it was beyond whose Nancy Pelosi. It was that we might get an openly gay member of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s Gwen Craig. She came to San Francisco in 1975. She worked closely with Milk and would become involved in Harry Britt’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: The nonchalance, it seemed, of Congress and the executive administrations just was maddening.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The CDC first published an article describing five young gay patients in Los Angeles whose immune systems suddenly failed in 1981. But President Reagan didn’t publicly address the crisis for four years, only then because he was asked about it. By 1987, nearly 2,000 San Franciscans had died of AIDS. I remember a lot of people in the gay community thought that Pelosi, a wealthy, straight, white woman, wasn’t the best person to fight for them in Washington. The Brit campaign didn’t hold back. Here’s one ad they ran.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival Ad: Inspector Riley, Missing Person Squad. Yeah, we’ve heard that report. No, we haven’t seen Nancy Pelosi. That’s why she’s a missing person. Nobody has seen Nancy. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Britt’s campaign sent out mailers calling her a dilettante.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Most people didn’t know what that meant.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi again. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And they said, does that mean you’re a debut talent? Aren’t you old to be a debut? They did one piece.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: Call that referred to Nancy Pelosi as party girl because she came from being head of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Gwen Craig again, Lesbian Activist. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: I didn’t like that piece at all.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: What was it that you didn’t like about it?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: Well, I thought it was rather misogynist. You know, I though it was sexist. I thought that it belittled her in a way because of her gender. So I became then uncomfortable with my support of Harry for a while after that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: They warned us it would be brutal, and it would a bloodbath, and I’d be sorry I ever got in the race, but I wasn’t frightened by any of that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi did something in 1987 that she rarely does. She agreed to a televised debate a week before the election, right here at KQED. Pelosi was the front-runner. She had a lot to lose.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Nancy Pelosi, a Democratic Party insider, runs ahead in recent polls. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Harry Britt was close on her heels. In addition to being part of the gay movement, he was a democratic socialist. He believed in challenging corporate power structures, and once tried to rein in wealthy landlords with commercial rent control.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: A gay activist who is to the left of his chief opponents. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Just before the debate, Pelosi’s campaign threatened to pull out. Her staff was worried the other candidates would gang up on her.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Calm down a little bit.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It was a free for all, with all 14 candidates left, right and center. It made for great live television.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Mr. Zur, this is not a forum for you just to make a speech. At this point in this discussion, we are—you’ve got a lot of words in.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The moderators asked if her critics were right, that she was out of touch. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: But there are a lot of people who seem to be disturbed by, I guess, where you come from. The idea of your wealth and your connections among the well-to-do. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: And Harry Britt questioned whether she could be trusted to fight for everyday people.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harry Britt: How can you be an effective advocate for consumer issues like keeping interest rates low on credit cards when you’ve gotten money from banks and savings and loan associations? How can really fight to get oil companies to clean up toxic waste when you got money from Chevron and Getty and all these people? I challenge Nancy Pelosi who has never had to stand up to that kind of pressure.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Based on available campaign finance records, we couldn’t verify if Pelosi took money from Chevron for her campaign. But members of the influential Getty family, her family friends who made their fortune in oil, did donate $5,000 to her congressional campaign. But Pelosi pointed her finger and returned fire.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Harry, have you taken any PAC money? Have you taken a PAC money. I have not taken any money. Any PAC money, have any you taken PAC money \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Britt’s campaign was mostly grassroots funded, but Pelosi? Her campaign spent around a million dollars, more than the other 13 candidates combined. Pelosi also self-funded, giving more than $200,000 to her own campaign.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: How can she relate to people like me, a single parent, working mother, or somebody else?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Another candidate, San Francisco City Supervisor Carol Rue Silver, jumped in. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Problems are different. She’s never met a payroll. She has never had to worry about child care. She has not had a kid in a public school. She never worried about the things that worry most of the people in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Let’s let Nancy answer.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: First of all, my ability to fund my own campaign to the extent that I can and to raise money over 1,500 contributors to my campaign gives me an independence that none of my candidates, I believe, share, especially the four supervisors who were reported this week to have received $1,000 each from the Embarcadero Center and then voted to give them a street this week. So if you want to talk about independence, let’s talk about Independence.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi knew that she needed to do something to neutralize the idea that she was beholden to wealthy interests. So she counterpunched by saying to her opponents, well, you’re not exactly pure either. According to federal campaign fundraising data, each of the four city supervisors did receive a thousand dollar contribution from the CEO of the Embarcadero Center. That’s a set of high-rise office buildings downtown. We couldn’t verify the claim that he got a favor in return. But she’s doing something here by implying that. She’s undercutting them. It’s a classic campaign tactic, pointing out the hypocrisy in your opponent’s charge. After the primary, that same CEO gave $1,000 to Pelosi’s campaign for Congress. That’s politics. Pelosi has always argued that the PAC money she took was from Democratic allies who cared about regular people. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: Labor unions, from the Nurses Association, from organizations dedicated to the election of women to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: To her, raising money was just a means to an end. This was the late 80s. Money was changing politics as we knew it, and Pelosi was going to do everything she needed to do to win. You didn’t take any of that personally.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: No, I mean it’s a campaign. What do you expect?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival: There was a special election here in San Francisco today to fill a congressional seat left empty by the death of congresswoman Sala Burton.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: As the election got close, Pelosi had dropped in the polls, so election day was a nail-biter. Britt needed a big turnout in the predominantly gay Castro neighborhood, and he got that. But in the end, he could not overcome Pelosi’s ground game.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival: And here in San Francisco, the Democrat Nancy Pelosi defeated Harry Britt, a city supervisor who is gay.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Under rules for special elections like this one, the top contender from each party would move on to a runoff in June. Britt was out. Gwen Craig and Tom Amiano again. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gwenn Craig: People took it pretty hard. They were really disappointed, because I think a lot of people thought, we’re gonna actually get an openly gay person going to Congress. That’s going to be such a huge step forward.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: We’re all in a little bit of despair. You know, who is this woman? What does she know?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: After she won the primary, Pelosi called a meeting with AIDS activists. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tom Ammiano: It wasn’t milquetoast ones, you know, it was angry ones. And they met with her. And I’m not saying that the reaction was 100% positive. I know that she shed some tears and I’m sure that they were sincere. But to the hard-bitten, we didn’t want tears.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Britt wasn’t the only person who understood the magnitude of the crisis. Pelosi also knew people who died of the disease, family friends, political staffers, people in her community.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: People were dying and I was visiting people in the hospital that we were close to and they were robust young men out there and then they were like a bag of bones in the hospitals, a bag a bones.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: During the election, Pelosi had also promised action on AIDS.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival: We want to stop spending money on a big defense budget and instead address it to the most important crisis of our time, the AIDS crisis.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In the runoff, Pelosi easily defeated the Republican. She was on her way to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival of Pelosi’s Swearing In: Without objection, the gentlewoman from California is reckoned.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival of Pelosi’s Swearing In: Thank you very much for your kind remarks and to all of you. It’s a very sentimental day for me as you can see.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: When a new member of Congress is first sworn in, it’s kind of rare for them to say anything of note, let alone something controversial. But on that day, in June of 1987, Pelosi, sounding a little nervous, surprised everyone.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival of Pelosi’s Swearing In: And now we must take the leadership, of course, in the crisis of AIDS, and I look forward to working with you on that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Now Brit’s supporters would have to put their faith in the person who defeated him. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: On a foggy morning in 1989, protesters unfurled a banner across the Golden Gate Bridge reading AIDS equals genocide, silence equals death, calling out the newly elected president and former Vice President George H.W. Bush.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: They blocked traffic for more than an hour. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I was one of the persons that sat on the bridge on January 31st, 1989. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: It was so cold.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Since 1988 Mike Shriver had been organizing with act up a direct action group focused on AIDS.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: During Pelosi’s first full term in Congress, the deaths continued unabated. There was no vaccine, no cure, limited treatment. So people took to the bridge.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: It’s one of the proudest moments of my life, actually. And as we were being pulled one person at a time to being arrested, my mentor, he said to me, if I could feel the way that I feel right now, I will live forever. I will survive the epidemic.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: By 1988, Shriver and his peers had started focusing on how to change policy. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: This whole cadre of ACT UP individuals taught themselves how to become experts in research, experts in policy, experts in drug development. I happened to go down the track of the public health policy stuff.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: He remembers a meeting with Nancy Pelosi. He was there with someone who needed access to an experimental AIDS treatment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I got to sit there in the room and he talked to Mrs. Pelosi and he said, I didn’t vote for you, but you’re my representative and I expect that you’ll take care of me. And she looked him deadpan and said, absolutely, that is my job.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It was our purpose. That’s just the way it was. It wasn’t like, I really hope you will do this. This is absolutely urgent that you do this.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: When I asked Pelosi about her support for AIDS funding, she was very matter of fact about it. To her, it seemed like a no-brainer.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Was not prepared for discrimination. Now these people were not anti-gay, they just thought the rest of the room was.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: For sure, Pelosi had solid allies, like California Congressmembers Barbara Boxer and Henry Waxman from Los Angeles. But they faced opposition because of the stigma of AIDS. And then activists had an idea.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Cleve Jones came to my house with Art Agnos when I’m a newly elected member of Congress and says he has this idea that people will make a quilt for their loved ones. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Cleve Jones was a young activist who had worked for Harvey Milk. He later went on to mobilize the community to respond to HIV AIDS and co-created what became known as the AIDS Memorial Quilt. Tens of thousands of panels, handcrafted with care, by mothers and fathers, brothers, co-workers, friends, lovers and spouses, sewn into three by six foot panels. Panels for everyone, from musicians like Freddie Mercury of Queen and Sylvester. To political activists and artists like Keith Haring and Robert Mapplethorpe, to others who lived quieter lives but whose death crushed those who loved them. Jones had a vision. He wanted to spread huge sections of the quilt out on the National Mall in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Enormous quilts, enormous, big as the mall. Pelosi was on board to help bring the quilt to DC, but there was a hitch.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>KQED 1987 Debate Package: The National Park Service says, we’ll give you a corner where you can have a few patches. Can you imagine? So I said, well, they’re certainly not gonna do that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She asked the National Park Service, why can’t we display the full quilt? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It’s gonna kill the grass, but why? Because if you have something on the grass for more than 20 minutes, it kills the grass.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi had an idea.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We have hundreds of people, we can pick it up every 20 minutes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The National Park Service caved, and on October 11, 1987, the AIDS quilt was first displayed in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It was so beautiful.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – AIDS memorial quilt: Bill Cathcart. Bob Greenwood.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Across the National Mall, the names of the fallen echoed as Cleve Jones read some of them. I was there then.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – AIDS memorial quilt: Douglas Lowery.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi was one of the few members of Congress there. Even then, she was laser-focused. She told a reporter for GayUSA…\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Now, the first day I… \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Became a member, I became a co-sponsor of the Gay Civil Rights Bill, Ted Weiss’ bill, and we have a few pieces of legislation regarding AIDS, more money for AIDS, confidentiality, non-discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: At a time when HIV AIDS still felt like a death sentence, Nancy Pelosi helped change the prognosis. Pelosi co-authored the Ryan White Care Act. Ryan White was a teenager from Indiana who had hemophilia. He got AIDS from a medical treatment. After his diagnosis, his school banned him from attending class. To some lawmakers, White was someone they could help without worrying about attacks by religious zealots who thought AIDS was God’s punishment of gay men and IV drug users. Pelosi understood this. Former San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos again.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Art Agnos: She looked like the all-American woman. She was, she is beautiful. She had lovely kids, she had a handsome husband. What the hell is she doing with these weird people? When she showed up, she looks like us. How come she’s talking like that? And I think that gave her a entree to discussing AIDS, gay people, all the kinds of issues that are important to us in San Francisco. They listened because she looked like them.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Ryan White Care Act passed in 1990. It created a financial safety net for people with HIV who were underinsured. She also helped push through a bill that allocated funds that people with HIV could use for housing.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I got to go with her, and I’m sitting there watching her work.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s the conference between the House and Senate that divides up government funding. Mike Shriver remembers one instance.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: The very first year that she got the most significant increase for HIV prevention was a year that a senator from Pennsylvania looked for some money for substance abuse treatment that he needed.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That Senator, Arlen Specter, promised Nancy Pelosi he would restore her funding for HIV programs the next year. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: He made the commitment to her and he did it. For her, you know, you live up to your word. And if you don’t remember your word, I’ll tell you what you told me. And I thought, that’s magic.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Mike Shriver lives with HIV.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I relied on Ryan White funding for my care and for my dental care and had I not had that, I would not have had access to the drugs that eventually had become what continue to keep me alive and keep me in remission with my HIV disease.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: So you’re saying she’s the reason you’re still here?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I absolutely believe that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: There’s this one thing Mike told me that really stuck with me. He was telling me about a text exchange he had with Nancy after a health emergency in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mike Shriver: I had just emailed her the day before talking about finishing my IVIG infusion, which took five consecutive days, which just flattened me out. And she wrote back, Michael, loved getting your promising report. Love you, Nancy. A couple of emojis and then thank you. I’m so lucky, I am so privileged. I do not ever underestimate, like I don’t take this for granted. Nancy is not really good about receiving compliments. It’s not her favorite thing to experience and I’ve had to do it a couple of times and realize I know this is gonna piss you off or it’s gonna make you a little bit mad but I need you to hear how important it is of what you’ve done for us. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: When Pelosi ran in 1987, her slogan was a voice that will be heard. And when Nancy Pelosi became the first woman Speaker of the House\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: San Francisco for giving me the privilege.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She brought it back home.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When I ran, my slogan was, a voice that will be heard. I think they’ve heard us. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It took nearly 20 years, but Pelosi was on a path to becoming the first woman ever elected House Speaker. Next time on the speaker.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I don’t see a plan here to win.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: If you win, you get to set the table. Nancy Pelosi’s path to the top. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Barbara Boxer: One of those days on the plane, we were talking about, what is your dream in politics? And she said, I want to be Speaker of the House.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: You had to have some chutzpah at that point in her career to say I want to be speaker.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Barbara Boxer: Chutzpah doesn’t begin to describe it. It was impossible.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Speaker is a production of KQED in San Francisco and distributed by NPR. It’s hosted and reported by me, Scott Shafer. Co-reported and produced by Ariella Markowitz. It’s edited by Padmini Raghunath. Final mix and sound design by Christopher Beale. Additional mixing by Brendan Willard. Fact checking by Mark Betancourt. Additional editing from Anna Sussman and Jen Chien, KQED’s director of podcasts. Original theme song composed by Cedric Wilson. Additional music from APM. Maha Sanad is KQED’s podcast engagement producer. Ethan Toven-Lindsey is KQED’s editor-in-chief. Special thanks to our partners from the Oral History Center at the University of California, Berkeley. Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television, and radio artists, San Francisco, Northern California Local. \u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "progressive-aisha-wahab-wins-east-bay-special-election-for-congress",
"title": "Progressive Aisha Wahab Wins East Bay Special Election for Congress",
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"headTitle": "Progressive Aisha Wahab Wins East Bay Special Election for Congress | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/aisha-wahab\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a> has won a contentious special election for former Rep. Eric Swalwell’s House seat in the East Bay. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wahab leads fellow Democrat Melissa Hernandez, a member of the BART board of directors, 53% to 47% in the 14th Congressional District, expanding her narrow \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095863/contentious-east-bay-special-election-for-congress-comes-to-a-close\">election night margin\u003c/a> to more than 6,000 votes. The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> called the race after the latest results were released Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The win allows Wahab to run as an incumbent in November, when she will again face Hernandez on the ballot for a full two-year term. The race, which pitted the progressive Wahab against the more moderate Hernandez, drew \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095020/aisha-wahab-to-file-fec-complaint-over-alleged-election-interference-in-race-for-swalwell-seat\">millions in outside spending\u003c/a> — much of it from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in support of Hernandez. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wahab will become the nation’s first Afghan American member of Congress. The former Hayward council member has represented parts of the East Bay and South Bay in the state Legislature since 2022. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12083964\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Rep. Eric Swalwell addresses the press event in Hayward on March 9, 2026. (Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This victory belongs to the voters who made clear that our district cannot be bought,” Wahab said in a statement. “From foster care to Congress, this journey shows the possibility of the American Dream.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Wahab and Hernandez were already running for a full term in the 14th District when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079800/eric-swalwell-allegations-resign-congress-california-governor-race-who-is-running-primary\">Swalwell resigned from the seat\u003c/a> in April, in the face of multiple allegations of sexual assault that arose during his campaign for governor. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called a special election for June 16 to fill the seat, and a number of congressional Democrats pushed for candidates to clear the way for a caretaker to claim an outright majority and take office immediately in a divided Congress. Wahab resisted the effort and described it as out of touch with the district. She finished first with 43% of the vote, with Hernandez trailing in second with 17%.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“In just 63 days, we closed a gap from 26,000 to 6,000 votes by sharing our message of lowering housing costs, creating jobs, and supporting strong public safety,” Hernandez said in a statement after Thursday’s results. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The race heated up in the nine weeks between the primary and Tuesday’s runoff. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>AIPAC spent $2.4 million to boost Hernandez through its super PAC, United Democracy Project. That group also contributed over $1.5 million this year to BOLD America, a separate super PAC that has spent over $2 million to help Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The spending came after Wahab said in a candidate forum that she believed that Israel’s actions against the Palestinian people constituted a genocide. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Both campaigns head into the general election with reason for optimism. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wahab will be the incumbent and can count on a higher turnout that could allow her to activate younger voters and progressives. AIPAC’s political spending, meanwhile, has become a flashpoint in Democrat vs. Democrat races across the country. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I believe that AIPAC has been nothing but racist and prejudiced in this effort,” Wahab told KQED on election night. “I support our Jewish constituents and really want to serve everybody — human rights is not a zero-sum game.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The November election will take place with slightly different district lines, under changes approved by California voters last year in Proposition 50. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Hernandez pointed to the fact that the new 14th District will add more than 26,000 voters in Dublin, where she served as mayor and city council member. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This district has changed,” Hernandez said in an interview. “Folks know my leadership and what we’ve done in the city of Dublin.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turnout in Tuesday’s primary sits at just 23%, with an unknown number of ballots left to count. That’s lower than the 29% of voters who cast ballots in the June 16 special primary election and the 37% of voters who participated in the regularly scheduled June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/aisha-wahab\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a> has won a contentious special election for former Rep. Eric Swalwell’s House seat in the East Bay. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Wahab leads fellow Democrat Melissa Hernandez, a member of the BART board of directors, 53% to 47% in the 14th Congressional District, expanding her narrow \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095863/contentious-east-bay-special-election-for-congress-comes-to-a-close\">election night margin\u003c/a> to more than 6,000 votes. The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> called the race after the latest results were released Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Wahab leads fellow Democrat Melissa Hernandez, a member of the BART board of directors, 53% to 47% in the 14th Congressional District, expanding her narrow \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095863/contentious-east-bay-special-election-for-congress-comes-to-a-close\">election night margin\u003c/a> to more than 6,000 votes. The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> called the race after the latest results were released Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The win allows Wahab to run as an incumbent in November, when she will again face Hernandez on the ballot for a full two-year term. The race, which pitted the progressive Wahab against the more moderate Hernandez, drew \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095020/aisha-wahab-to-file-fec-complaint-over-alleged-election-interference-in-race-for-swalwell-seat\">millions in outside spending\u003c/a> — much of it from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in support of Hernandez. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The win allows Wahab to run as an incumbent in November, when she will again face Hernandez on the ballot for a full two-year term. The race, which pitted the progressive Wahab against the more moderate Hernandez, drew \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095020/aisha-wahab-to-file-fec-complaint-over-alleged-election-interference-in-race-for-swalwell-seat\">millions in outside spending\u003c/a> — much of it from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in support of Hernandez. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Wahab will become the nation’s first Afghan American member of Congress. The former Hayward council member has represented parts of the East Bay and South Bay in the state Legislature since 2022. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Wahab will become the nation’s first Afghan American member of Congress. The former Hayward council member has represented parts of the East Bay and South Bay in the state Legislature since 2022. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12083964\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Rep. Eric Swalwell addresses the press event in Hayward on March 9, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“This victory belongs to the voters who made clear that our district cannot be bought,” Wahab said in a statement. “From foster care to Congress, this journey shows the possibility of the American Dream.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“This victory belongs to the voters who made clear that our district cannot be bought,” Wahab said in a statement. “From foster care to Congress, this journey shows the possibility of the American Dream.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Both Wahab and Hernandez were already running for a full term in the 14th District when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079800/eric-swalwell-allegations-resign-congress-california-governor-race-who-is-running-primary\">Swalwell resigned from the seat\u003c/a> in April, in the face of multiple allegations of sexual assault that arose during his campaign for governor. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Both Wahab and Hernandez were already running for a full term in the 14th District when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079800/eric-swalwell-allegations-resign-congress-california-governor-race-who-is-running-primary\">Swalwell resigned from the seat\u003c/a> in April, in the face of multiple allegations of sexual assault that arose during his campaign for governor. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called a special election for June 16 to fill the seat, and a number of congressional Democrats pushed for candidates to clear the way for a caretaker to claim an outright majority and take office immediately in a divided Congress. Wahab resisted the effort and described it as out of touch with the district. She finished first with 43% of the vote, with Hernandez trailing in second with 17%.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called a special election for June 16 to fill the seat, and a number of congressional Democrats pushed for candidates to clear the way for a caretaker to claim an outright majority and take office immediately in a divided Congress. Wahab resisted the effort and described it as out of touch with the district. She finished first with 43% of the vote, with Hernandez trailing in second with 17%.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“In just 63 days, we closed a gap from 26,000 to 6,000 votes by sharing our message of lowering housing costs, creating jobs, and supporting strong public safety,” Hernandez said in a statement after Thursday’s results. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“In just 63 days, we closed a gap from 26,000 to 6,000 votes by sharing our message of lowering housing costs, creating jobs, and supporting strong public safety,” Hernandez said in a statement after Thursday’s results. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The race heated up in the nine weeks between the primary and Tuesday’s runoff. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>AIPAC spent $2.4 million to boost Hernandez through its super PAC, United Democracy Project. That group also contributed over $1.5 million this year to BOLD America, a separate super PAC that has spent over $2 million to help Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The spending came after Wahab said in a candidate forum that she believed that Israel’s actions against the Palestinian people constituted a genocide. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Both campaigns head into the general election with reason for optimism. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Wahab will be the incumbent and can count on a higher turnout that could allow her to activate younger voters and progressives. AIPAC’s political spending, meanwhile, has become a flashpoint in Democrat vs. Democrat races across the country. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I believe that AIPAC has been nothing but racist and prejudiced in this effort,” Wahab told KQED on election night. “I support our Jewish constituents and really want to serve everybody — human rights is not a zero-sum game.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I believe that AIPAC has been nothing but racist and prejudiced in this effort,” Wahab told KQED on election night. “I support our Jewish constituents and really want to serve everybody — human rights is not a zero-sum game.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The November election will take place with slightly different district lines, under changes approved by California voters last year in Proposition 50. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Hernandez pointed to the fact that the new 14th District will add more than 26,000 voters in Dublin, where she served as mayor and city council member. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“This district has changed,” Hernandez said in an interview. “Folks know my leadership and what we’ve done in the city of Dublin.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“This district has changed,” Hernandez said in an interview. “Folks know my leadership and what we’ve done in the city of Dublin.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Turnout in Tuesday’s primary sits at just 23%, with an unknown number of ballots left to count. That’s lower than the 29% of voters who cast ballots in the June 16 special primary election and the 37% of voters who participated in the regularly scheduled June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Wahab will become the nation’s first Afghan American Congress member after winning the seat formerly held by Eric Swalwell.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/aisha-wahab\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a> has won a contentious special election for former Rep. Eric Swalwell’s House seat in the East Bay. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wahab leads fellow Democrat Melissa Hernandez, a member of the BART board of directors, 53% to 47% in the 14th Congressional District, expanding her narrow \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095863/contentious-east-bay-special-election-for-congress-comes-to-a-close\">election night margin\u003c/a> to more than 6,000 votes. The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> called the race after the latest results were released Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The win allows Wahab to run as an incumbent in November, when she will again face Hernandez on the ballot for a full two-year term. The race, which pitted the progressive Wahab against the more moderate Hernandez, drew \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095020/aisha-wahab-to-file-fec-complaint-over-alleged-election-interference-in-race-for-swalwell-seat\">millions in outside spending\u003c/a> — much of it from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in support of Hernandez. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wahab will become the nation’s first Afghan American member of Congress. The former Hayward council member has represented parts of the East Bay and South Bay in the state Legislature since 2022. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12083964\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260309-DEAF-DEPORTEE-MD-05_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Rep. Eric Swalwell addresses the press event in Hayward on March 9, 2026. (Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This victory belongs to the voters who made clear that our district cannot be bought,” Wahab said in a statement. “From foster care to Congress, this journey shows the possibility of the American Dream.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Wahab and Hernandez were already running for a full term in the 14th District when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079800/eric-swalwell-allegations-resign-congress-california-governor-race-who-is-running-primary\">Swalwell resigned from the seat\u003c/a> in April, in the face of multiple allegations of sexual assault that arose during his campaign for governor. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called a special election for June 16 to fill the seat, and a number of congressional Democrats pushed for candidates to clear the way for a caretaker to claim an outright majority and take office immediately in a divided Congress. Wahab resisted the effort and described it as out of touch with the district. She finished first with 43% of the vote, with Hernandez trailing in second with 17%.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“In just 63 days, we closed a gap from 26,000 to 6,000 votes by sharing our message of lowering housing costs, creating jobs, and supporting strong public safety,” Hernandez said in a statement after Thursday’s results. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The race heated up in the nine weeks between the primary and Tuesday’s runoff. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>AIPAC spent $2.4 million to boost Hernandez through its super PAC, United Democracy Project. That group also contributed over $1.5 million this year to BOLD America, a separate super PAC that has spent over $2 million to help Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The spending came after Wahab said in a candidate forum that she believed that Israel’s actions against the Palestinian people constituted a genocide. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Both campaigns head into the general election with reason for optimism. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wahab will be the incumbent and can count on a higher turnout that could allow her to activate younger voters and progressives. AIPAC’s political spending, meanwhile, has become a flashpoint in Democrat vs. Democrat races across the country. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I believe that AIPAC has been nothing but racist and prejudiced in this effort,” Wahab told KQED on election night. “I support our Jewish constituents and really want to serve everybody — human rights is not a zero-sum game.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The November election will take place with slightly different district lines, under changes approved by California voters last year in Proposition 50. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Hernandez pointed to the fact that the new 14th District will add more than 26,000 voters in Dublin, where she served as mayor and city council member. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This district has changed,” Hernandez said in an interview. “Folks know my leadership and what we’ve done in the city of Dublin.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turnout in Tuesday’s primary sits at just 23%, with an unknown number of ballots left to count. That’s lower than the 29% of voters who cast ballots in the June 16 special primary election and the 37% of voters who participated in the regularly scheduled June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003ch3 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">Here are the morning’s top stories on Tuesday, August 18, 2026\u003c/h3>\n\n\n\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>A California lifeguard and the boy he rescued off the coast of Santa Cruz last month were reunited at the White House yesterday, as the president honored both as heroes.\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>Governor Gavin Newsom has set a goal to add 2.5 million new units to California’s housing stock by 2030.\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>A state bill heading for a final vote as early as this week would permanently extend a fund to help oil industry workers affected by California’s transition away from fossil fuels.\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>A federal judge in Oakland is weighing whether a Trump administration plan to replace a network of seasoned legal aid organizations with new groups is an adequate way to represent unaccompanied children in immigration court.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2026/08/california-rhna-housing-affordable-progress/\">State Housing Goals Are Not Being Met\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Every eight years, state housing regulators give cities and counties across California an especially dreaded homework assignment: Make a plan for a bunch of new homes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration assigns localities goals to hit at four different affordability levels. Collectively, the numbers represent the housing department’s best estimate of the number of new homes needed to match any expected population growth and to chip away at the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/09/california-housing-shortage/\">decades-in-the-making shortage\u003c/a> of affordable places to live.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But, less than a third of cities and counties are on track to permit enough “above moderate” units, the category that typically refers to market-rate housing, according to data submitted by locals to the state housing department. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Only five jurisdictions in the entire state are permitting at a pace to hit all four income targets. Four are the lightly populated unincorporated bits of small, mostly rural counties: Plumas, Napa, Yolo and Mono. The fifth is Placerville, a town of roughly 11,000 people in the Sierra foothills east of Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Oil Workers Await Final Vote on Funding Bill\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A fund to help oil industry workers affected by California’s transition away from fossil fuels could be permanently extended as early as this week, if AB 2157 passes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>‘The Displaced Oil and Gas Worker Fund pays up to $15,000 dollars for education, or on the job training to transition to other industries. The program is currently set to end July 1st, 2027.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The fund aims to help the state’s oil workers, who have reeled from refinery closures in the state. From 2020 to 2021, two refinery closures led to more than 600 full time workers losing employment. In April of this year, 282 Valero employees lost their jobs when the oil giant closed its Benicia refinery.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Advocates for oil and gas workers are urging lawmakers to make the fund –which sunsets next year–permanent. The legislature has until the end of the month to decide.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Unaccompanied Migrant Kids May Soon Face Legal Gap\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Legal aid groups said they will continue to represent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">unaccompanied immigrant children\u003c/a> in the Bay Area even after the Trump administration shifted federal funding away from seasoned service providers to a controversial anti-trafficking group.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services awarded a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/08/12/nx-s1-5929456/migrant-children-our-rescue\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">$158 million contract —\u003c/a> which could grow to $244 million — to Our Rescue, a Utah-based anti-human-trafficking group whose founder was accused of sexual exploitation and whose current director led Homeland Security Investigations, a branch of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, during the first Trump administration. The group touts its expertise assisting law enforcement with sting operations, but advocates say it lacks experience representing children in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Katrina Logan, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://clsepa.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Community Legal Services in East Palo Alto,\u003c/a> said her team of lawyers and social workers is not walking away from the 33 children they represent, even though their contract funded by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services expired July 31.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our attorneys have been doing this type of law for many years. They’ve developed the expertise,” Logan said. “They understand how to support clients. So it’s definitely tough to be losing this funding.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In a declaration last week, the government said it was looking for additional contractors to provide legal representation for kids and trying to work out a transitional contract with the \u003ca href=\"https://acaciajustice.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Acacia Center for Justice\u003c/a> (which holds the master contract on behalf of Community Legal Services ) to “support an orderly transition of cases to new legal service providers, including \u003ca href=\"https://ourrescue.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Our Rescue\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Only five jurisdictions in the entire state are permitting at a pace to hit all four income targets. Four are the lightly populated unincorporated bits of small, mostly rural counties: Plumas, Napa, Yolo and Mono. The fifth is Placerville, a town of roughly 11,000 people in the Sierra foothills east of Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>A fund to help oil industry workers affected by California’s transition away from fossil fuels could be permanently extended as early as this week, if AB 2157 passes.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>‘The Displaced Oil and Gas Worker Fund pays up to $15,000 dollars for education, or on the job training to transition to other industries. The program is currently set to end July 1st, 2027.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The fund aims to help the state’s oil workers, who have reeled from refinery closures in the state. From 2020 to 2021, two refinery closures led to more than 600 full time workers losing employment. In April of this year, 282 Valero employees lost their jobs when the oil giant closed its Benicia refinery.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Katrina Logan, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://clsepa.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Community Legal Services in East Palo Alto,\u003c/a> said her team of lawyers and social workers is not walking away from the 33 children they represent, even though their contract funded by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services expired July 31.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Our attorneys have been doing this type of law for many years. They’ve developed the expertise,” Logan said. “They understand how to support clients. So it’s definitely tough to be losing this funding.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In a declaration last week, the government said it was looking for additional contractors to provide legal representation for kids and trying to work out a transitional contract with the \u003ca href=\"https://acaciajustice.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Acacia Center for Justice\u003c/a> (which holds the master contract on behalf of Community Legal Services ) to “support an orderly transition of cases to new legal service providers, including \u003ca href=\"https://ourrescue.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Our Rescue\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Legal aid organizations that represent unaccompanied children in immigration court may soon be replaced.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch3 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">Here are the morning’s top stories on Tuesday, August 18, 2026\u003c/h3>\n\n\n\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>A California lifeguard and the boy he rescued off the coast of Santa Cruz last month were reunited at the White House yesterday, as the president honored both as heroes.\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>Governor Gavin Newsom has set a goal to add 2.5 million new units to California’s housing stock by 2030.\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>A state bill heading for a final vote as early as this week would permanently extend a fund to help oil industry workers affected by California’s transition away from fossil fuels.\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>A federal judge in Oakland is weighing whether a Trump administration plan to replace a network of seasoned legal aid organizations with new groups is an adequate way to represent unaccompanied children in immigration court.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2026/08/california-rhna-housing-affordable-progress/\">State Housing Goals Are Not Being Met\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Every eight years, state housing regulators give cities and counties across California an especially dreaded homework assignment: Make a plan for a bunch of new homes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration assigns localities goals to hit at four different affordability levels. Collectively, the numbers represent the housing department’s best estimate of the number of new homes needed to match any expected population growth and to chip away at the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/09/california-housing-shortage/\">decades-in-the-making shortage\u003c/a> of affordable places to live.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But, less than a third of cities and counties are on track to permit enough “above moderate” units, the category that typically refers to market-rate housing, according to data submitted by locals to the state housing department. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Only five jurisdictions in the entire state are permitting at a pace to hit all four income targets. Four are the lightly populated unincorporated bits of small, mostly rural counties: Plumas, Napa, Yolo and Mono. The fifth is Placerville, a town of roughly 11,000 people in the Sierra foothills east of Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Oil Workers Await Final Vote on Funding Bill\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A fund to help oil industry workers affected by California’s transition away from fossil fuels could be permanently extended as early as this week, if AB 2157 passes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>‘The Displaced Oil and Gas Worker Fund pays up to $15,000 dollars for education, or on the job training to transition to other industries. The program is currently set to end July 1st, 2027.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The fund aims to help the state’s oil workers, who have reeled from refinery closures in the state. From 2020 to 2021, two refinery closures led to more than 600 full time workers losing employment. In April of this year, 282 Valero employees lost their jobs when the oil giant closed its Benicia refinery.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Advocates for oil and gas workers are urging lawmakers to make the fund –which sunsets next year–permanent. The legislature has until the end of the month to decide.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Unaccompanied Migrant Kids May Soon Face Legal Gap\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Legal aid groups said they will continue to represent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">unaccompanied immigrant children\u003c/a> in the Bay Area even after the Trump administration shifted federal funding away from seasoned service providers to a controversial anti-trafficking group.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services awarded a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/08/12/nx-s1-5929456/migrant-children-our-rescue\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">$158 million contract —\u003c/a> which could grow to $244 million — to Our Rescue, a Utah-based anti-human-trafficking group whose founder was accused of sexual exploitation and whose current director led Homeland Security Investigations, a branch of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, during the first Trump administration. The group touts its expertise assisting law enforcement with sting operations, but advocates say it lacks experience representing children in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Katrina Logan, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://clsepa.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Community Legal Services in East Palo Alto,\u003c/a> said her team of lawyers and social workers is not walking away from the 33 children they represent, even though their contract funded by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services expired July 31.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our attorneys have been doing this type of law for many years. They’ve developed the expertise,” Logan said. “They understand how to support clients. So it’s definitely tough to be losing this funding.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In a declaration last week, the government said it was looking for additional contractors to provide legal representation for kids and trying to work out a transitional contract with the \u003ca href=\"https://acaciajustice.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Acacia Center for Justice\u003c/a> (which holds the master contract on behalf of Community Legal Services ) to “support an orderly transition of cases to new legal service providers, including \u003ca href=\"https://ourrescue.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Our Rescue\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "a-simple-way-to-prevent-homelessness-is-growing-in-san-francisco-is-it-sustainable",
"title": "A Simple Way to Prevent Homelessness Is Growing in San Francisco. Is It Sustainable?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Esmeralda Celis didn’t know how her family would survive last winter. Her husband, who worked multiple restaurant jobs, was suddenly forced to leave the country for several months due to his immigration status. She was left to care for their four children for months without income in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, one of the country’s most expensive places to live.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Once we hit January, I was scrambling to figure out how I’m going to pay for these bills, how I’m going to provide for my children, how I’m going to keep the roof over their head,” said Celis, who lives in a two-bedroom apartment near Civic Center. “It was extremely stressful. They saw mom in shambles.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Unsure of where to go, she told a counselor at her child’s school about their situation. They connected her with Compass Family Services, one of several nonprofits that recently received an injection of private philanthropic funding to help families on the brink of homelessness stay put. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The nonprofit stepped in to cover her $2,600 monthly rent from January through May, tiding them over until Celis’ husband came back and could return to work. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The instability of not having a home or roof would have been detrimental for my children,” said Celis, whose daughter has cystic fibrosis and requires breathing treatments and frequent medical visits. “This definitely helped with the stability and, more than anything, keeping my children’s peace.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12093706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Esmeralda Celis and her three children Pedro, 9, Josio, 3, and Aribelle, 11, pose for a photo at the Helen Diller Civic Center Playground in San Francisco on July 29, 2026. (Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Celis’ experience is growing increasingly common as the cost of living in San Francisco has skyrocketed, most recently driven by the artificial intelligence boom. The average cost of a two-bedroom apartment in the city is now $6,382, according to Zillow, up about $1,759 since last year. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083310/fewer-people-are-sleeping-on-san-francisco-streets-but-family-homelessness-is-up\">Families experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> increased by 15% since 2024, according to the latest point-in-time count of the city’s homelessness population. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/2026-point-in-time-count-preliminary-results\">actual number of people\u003c/a> in families experiencing homelessness increased by 34%, from 1,103 people in 2024 to 1,474 people in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the city has a vast network of support services for people experiencing homelessness, it’s now increasingly looking at how to prevent people from losing housing by offering support before an eviction notice hits or families are forced to leave. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Tipping Point Community, a philanthropic organization started by Mayor Daniel Lurie before he entered office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029619/luries-nonprofit-giving-san-francisco-11-million-prevent-family-homelessness\">donated $11 million last year\u003c/a> toward a yearlong pilot project targeting family homelessness with a focus on prevention. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nonprofits receiving the funding included Compass Family Services, Mission Economic Development Agency, APA Family Support Services, Mission Neighborhood Centers and Glide. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>These groups have all worked in the community for several years, and are using the pilot program funds to help families cover a financial shock that might cause them to lose their home, whether that’s a pileup of medical bills or car maintenance so they can continue getting to work. The short-term relief has varied in amount and duration depending on a family’s situation, but has ranged from a few hundred dollars to thousands of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nearly 900 families in San Francisco have been supported through the pilot program so far. The pilot has extended another six months to the end of 2026, after which there will be an external analysis on the outcomes of the effort, according to Tipping Point executive director Sam Cobbs. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We’re serving people who wouldn’t have traditionally touched the family homelessness system until much later on,” Cobbs said. “These organizations that we work with are incredible and, as we anticipated, are the first line of defense for families when they’re facing eviction or run into trouble.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The prevention-focused approach is gaining steam in communities around the country, largely fueled by private dollars and local government spending. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>There are no federal funding streams for this kind of homelessness prevention, and federal funding for affordable housing has declined in recent years as the cost of living has gone up. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Supporters say it’s a more cost-effective approach to other downstream homelessness solutions like adding new permanent supportive housing, which can cost upward of $600,000 per unit. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 2024, Santa Clara County adopted a homelessness prevention system modeled by the San Jose-based nonprofit Destination: Home into its broader public safety net. It now provides around 2,500 households at risk of homelessness per year with prevention assistance. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Studies on the effort have shown that the upstream support can dramatically slow the pace of families entering homelessness. In Santa Clara County, 93% of families who received services early remained housed. Less than 10% became homeless two years later. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1367\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12082708\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-1536x1060.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference on housing and homelessness in San Francisco, California, on Sept. 19, 2024. (Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Overwhelmingly, people who receive that assistance are not showing up later in homeless shelters or street outreach programs, which suggests that the short-term assistance is really effective at helping folks maintain their housing or housing stability,” said Ryan Finnegan, deputy director of research for the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>San Francisco does have a rental assistance program, called ERAP, and the pilot is seeking to find ways to improve that system to better serve families facing homelessness. In addition to funding the nonprofits’ work, Tipping Point is helping the city build a database of its homelessness response systems to better coordinate resources. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But as the approach gains traction across the increasingly expensive Bay Area, some limitations are emerging. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One issue is simply finding the families who might benefit the most from the assistance. Programs often target families based on information in social services databases, or find families through existing nonprofits and networks on the ground, like Celis’ school counselor. But making actual connections can be difficult. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“They do have the challenge of reaching people effectively, because who really answers unknown phone calls from the county government, you know, and especially if it’s people who really are facing a lot of disruptions to their housing stability,” Finnegan said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12093703\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-3-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Esmeralda Celis hugs her daughter Josio, 3, at the Helen Diller Civic Center Playground in San Francisco on July 29, 2026. (Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Then once short-term assistance dries up, Finnegan said, many families who are living on thin margins may still struggle to get by. In 2025, researchers at the Terner Center \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/navigating-the-post-subsidy-cliff-considerations-for-families-approaching-the-end-of-rapid-rehousing/\">found\u003c/a> that as rental assistance programs ended, some families doubled up with other relatives, moved or faced threats of eviction.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The theory is that their incomes hopefully rise over time to meet the market rents, but in a place like the Bay Area where market rent is so high, that doesn’t really happen very often,” Finnegan said. “Maybe that one-time assistance helps them stay out of shelters for a year. And then in that second year, they’re back where they were.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Jennifer Loving, who runs Destination: Home, said that prevention has been a success in many cities looking to slow the rate of homelessness. Part of that has been the local governments’ investment into prevention on a wider scale. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our partnership is deeply rooted with the city of San José and the county of Santa Clara, and they both contribute dollars to our system-wide prevention model. But it didn’t start out that way,” Loving said. “If we would have tried to sustain this with only private dollars, it wouldn’t be sustainable.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In addition to prevention assistance, Santa Clara County has also been exploring guaranteed income pilots to help families longer-term. Loving said many families receiving the assistance ultimately need help digging out of poverty.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The underlying issue, Loving said, is that many working families simply can’t afford today’s housing market. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Frankly the thing that’s the best for everybody is rent they can afford,” Loving said. “Affordable housing is always going to be the number one most important issue. But production, development and funding for deeply affordable housing dried up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In its most recent budget, San Francisco agreed to fund more than 700 additional \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087973/with-family-homelessness-up-san-francisco-looks-to-extend-short-term-rental-subsidies\">short-term rental subsidies\u003c/a>, which typically cover families for between two and five years, plus 75 long-term subsidies after a push from housing advocates. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“People are realizing that philanthropy can only go so far. And this is the perfect use of philanthropy. You have flexible dollars to try something, understand what works and what doesn’t work. Then work with the government to scale what works,” Cobbs said. “Everything that we’ve done here has been hand in hand with San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>For Celis, the short-term rental relief was a lifeline, allowing her to avoid debt and keep the family’s housing situation steady.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But she said the city must do more to bring down the cost of housing for families like hers, who want to stay in a sanctuary city that’s close to their friends and doctors. Supporters of such assistance also point out that the approach helps preserve the diversity and breadth of the community, from gardeners to daycare employees and restaurant workers who don’t make sky-high tech salaries. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Celis is hoping to one day secure a larger unit through the city’s housing lottery system. She’s waited years already.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a crisis out here,” Celis said. “The city really needs to hold their word to make it affordable, or we’re going to have more families leaving.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Esmeralda Celis didn’t know how her family would survive last winter. Her husband, who worked multiple restaurant jobs, was suddenly forced to leave the country for several months due to his immigration status. She was left to care for their four children for months without income in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, one of the country’s most expensive places to live.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Esmeralda Celis didn’t know how her family would survive last winter. Her husband, who worked multiple restaurant jobs, was suddenly forced to leave the country for several months due to his immigration status. She was left to care for their four children for months without income in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, one of the country’s most expensive places to live.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Once we hit January, I was scrambling to figure out how I’m going to pay for these bills, how I’m going to provide for my children, how I’m going to keep the roof over their head,” said Celis, who lives in a two-bedroom apartment near Civic Center. “It was extremely stressful. They saw mom in shambles.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Once we hit January, I was scrambling to figure out how I’m going to pay for these bills, how I’m going to provide for my children, how I’m going to keep the roof over their head,” said Celis, who lives in a two-bedroom apartment near Civic Center. “It was extremely stressful. They saw mom in shambles.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Unsure of where to go, she told a counselor at her child’s school about their situation. They connected her with Compass Family Services, one of several nonprofits that recently received an injection of private philanthropic funding to help families on the brink of homelessness stay put. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Unsure of where to go, she told a counselor at her child’s school about their situation. They connected her with Compass Family Services, one of several nonprofits that recently received an injection of private philanthropic funding to help families on the brink of homelessness stay put. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The nonprofit stepped in to cover her $2,600 monthly rent from January through May, tiding them over until Celis’ husband came back and could return to work. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The nonprofit stepped in to cover her $2,600 monthly rent from January through May, tiding them over until Celis’ husband came back and could return to work. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The instability of not having a home or roof would have been detrimental for my children,” said Celis, whose daughter has cystic fibrosis and requires breathing treatments and frequent medical visits. “This definitely helped with the stability and, more than anything, keeping my children’s peace.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“The instability of not having a home or roof would have been detrimental for my children,” said Celis, whose daughter has cystic fibrosis and requires breathing treatments and frequent medical visits. “This definitely helped with the stability and, more than anything, keeping my children’s peace.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12093706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Esmeralda Celis and her three children Pedro, 9, Josio, 3, and Aribelle, 11, pose for a photo at the Helen Diller Civic Center Playground in San Francisco on July 29, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12093706\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Esmeralda Celis and her three children Pedro, 9, Josio, 3, and Aribelle, 11, pose for a photo at the Helen Diller Civic Center Playground in San Francisco on July 29, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Celis’ experience is growing increasingly common as the cost of living in San Francisco has skyrocketed, most recently driven by the artificial intelligence boom. The average cost of a two-bedroom apartment in the city is now $6,382, according to Zillow, up about $1,759 since last year. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083310/fewer-people-are-sleeping-on-san-francisco-streets-but-family-homelessness-is-up\">Families experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> increased by 15% since 2024, according to the latest point-in-time count of the city’s homelessness population. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/2026-point-in-time-count-preliminary-results\">actual number of people\u003c/a> in families experiencing homelessness increased by 34%, from 1,103 people in 2024 to 1,474 people in 2026.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Celis’ experience is growing increasingly common as the cost of living in San Francisco has skyrocketed, most recently driven by the artificial intelligence boom. The average cost of a two-bedroom apartment in the city is now $6,382, according to Zillow, up about $1,759 since last year. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083310/fewer-people-are-sleeping-on-san-francisco-streets-but-family-homelessness-is-up\">Families experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> increased by 15% since 2024, according to the latest point-in-time count of the city’s homelessness population. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/2026-point-in-time-count-preliminary-results\">actual number of people\u003c/a> in families experiencing homelessness increased by 34%, from 1,103 people in 2024 to 1,474 people in 2026.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>While the city has a vast network of support services for people experiencing homelessness, it’s now increasingly looking at how to prevent people from losing housing by offering support before an eviction notice hits or families are forced to leave. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>While the city has a vast network of support services for people experiencing homelessness, it’s now increasingly looking at how to prevent people from losing housing by offering support before an eviction notice hits or families are forced to leave. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Tipping Point Community, a philanthropic organization started by Mayor Daniel Lurie before he entered office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029619/luries-nonprofit-giving-san-francisco-11-million-prevent-family-homelessness\">donated $11 million last year\u003c/a> toward a yearlong pilot project targeting family homelessness with a focus on prevention. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The Tipping Point Community, a philanthropic organization started by Mayor Daniel Lurie before he entered office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029619/luries-nonprofit-giving-san-francisco-11-million-prevent-family-homelessness\">donated $11 million last year\u003c/a> toward a yearlong pilot project targeting family homelessness with a focus on prevention. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nonprofits receiving the funding included Compass Family Services, Mission Economic Development Agency, APA Family Support Services, Mission Neighborhood Centers and Glide. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nonprofits receiving the funding included Compass Family Services, Mission Economic Development Agency, APA Family Support Services, Mission Neighborhood Centers and Glide. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>These groups have all worked in the community for several years, and are using the pilot program funds to help families cover a financial shock that might cause them to lose their home, whether that’s a pileup of medical bills or car maintenance so they can continue getting to work. The short-term relief has varied in amount and duration depending on a family’s situation, but has ranged from a few hundred dollars to thousands of dollars.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>These groups have all worked in the community for several years, and are using the pilot program funds to help families cover a financial shock that might cause them to lose their home, whether that’s a pileup of medical bills or car maintenance so they can continue getting to work. The short-term relief has varied in amount and duration depending on a family’s situation, but has ranged from a few hundred dollars to thousands of dollars.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nearly 900 families in San Francisco have been supported through the pilot program so far. The pilot has extended another six months to the end of 2026, after which there will be an external analysis on the outcomes of the effort, according to Tipping Point executive director Sam Cobbs. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nearly 900 families in San Francisco have been supported through the pilot program so far. The pilot has extended another six months to the end of 2026, after which there will be an external analysis on the outcomes of the effort, according to Tipping Point executive director Sam Cobbs. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We’re serving people who wouldn’t have traditionally touched the family homelessness system until much later on,” Cobbs said. “These organizations that we work with are incredible and, as we anticipated, are the first line of defense for families when they’re facing eviction or run into trouble.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“We’re serving people who wouldn’t have traditionally touched the family homelessness system until much later on,” Cobbs said. “These organizations that we work with are incredible and, as we anticipated, are the first line of defense for families when they’re facing eviction or run into trouble.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The prevention-focused approach is gaining steam in communities around the country, largely fueled by private dollars and local government spending. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The prevention-focused approach is gaining steam in communities around the country, largely fueled by private dollars and local government spending. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>There are no federal funding streams for this kind of homelessness prevention, and federal funding for affordable housing has declined in recent years as the cost of living has gone up. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>There are no federal funding streams for this kind of homelessness prevention, and federal funding for affordable housing has declined in recent years as the cost of living has gone up. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Supporters say it’s a more cost-effective approach to other downstream homelessness solutions like adding new permanent supportive housing, which can cost upward of $600,000 per unit. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Supporters say it’s a more cost-effective approach to other downstream homelessness solutions like adding new permanent supportive housing, which can cost upward of $600,000 per unit. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 2024, Santa Clara County adopted a homelessness prevention system modeled by the San Jose-based nonprofit Destination: Home into its broader public safety net. It now provides around 2,500 households at risk of homelessness per year with prevention assistance. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In 2024, Santa Clara County adopted a homelessness prevention system modeled by the San Jose-based nonprofit Destination: Home into its broader public safety net. It now provides around 2,500 households at risk of homelessness per year with prevention assistance. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Studies on the effort have shown that the upstream support can dramatically slow the pace of families entering homelessness. In Santa Clara County, 93% of families who received services early remained housed. Less than 10% became homeless two years later. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Studies on the effort have shown that the upstream support can dramatically slow the pace of families entering homelessness. In Santa Clara County, 93% of families who received services early remained housed. Less than 10% became homeless two years later. \u003c/p>\n"
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"srcset": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-1536x1060.jpg 1536w",
"sizes": "(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12082708\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-1536x1060.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference on housing and homelessness in San Francisco, California, on Sept. 19, 2024. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Overwhelmingly, people who receive that assistance are not showing up later in homeless shelters or street outreach programs, which suggests that the short-term assistance is really effective at helping folks maintain their housing or housing stability,” said Ryan Finnegan, deputy director of research for the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Overwhelmingly, people who receive that assistance are not showing up later in homeless shelters or street outreach programs, which suggests that the short-term assistance is really effective at helping folks maintain their housing or housing stability,” said Ryan Finnegan, deputy director of research for the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>San Francisco does have a rental assistance program, called ERAP, and the pilot is seeking to find ways to improve that system to better serve families facing homelessness. In addition to funding the nonprofits’ work, Tipping Point is helping the city build a database of its homelessness response systems to better coordinate resources. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>San Francisco does have a rental assistance program, called ERAP, and the pilot is seeking to find ways to improve that system to better serve families facing homelessness. In addition to funding the nonprofits’ work, Tipping Point is helping the city build a database of its homelessness response systems to better coordinate resources. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>But as the approach gains traction across the increasingly expensive Bay Area, some limitations are emerging. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>But as the approach gains traction across the increasingly expensive Bay Area, some limitations are emerging. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>One issue is simply finding the families who might benefit the most from the assistance. Programs often target families based on information in social services databases, or find families through existing nonprofits and networks on the ground, like Celis’ school counselor. But making actual connections can be difficult. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>One issue is simply finding the families who might benefit the most from the assistance. Programs often target families based on information in social services databases, or find families through existing nonprofits and networks on the ground, like Celis’ school counselor. But making actual connections can be difficult. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“They do have the challenge of reaching people effectively, because who really answers unknown phone calls from the county government, you know, and especially if it’s people who really are facing a lot of disruptions to their housing stability,” Finnegan said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“They do have the challenge of reaching people effectively, because who really answers unknown phone calls from the county government, you know, and especially if it’s people who really are facing a lot of disruptions to their housing stability,” Finnegan said.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12093703\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-3-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Esmeralda Celis hugs her daughter Josio, 3, at the Helen Diller Civic Center Playground in San Francisco on July 29, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Then once short-term assistance dries up, Finnegan said, many families who are living on thin margins may still struggle to get by. In 2025, researchers at the Terner Center \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/navigating-the-post-subsidy-cliff-considerations-for-families-approaching-the-end-of-rapid-rehousing/\">found\u003c/a> that as rental assistance programs ended, some families doubled up with other relatives, moved or faced threats of eviction.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Then once short-term assistance dries up, Finnegan said, many families who are living on thin margins may still struggle to get by. In 2025, researchers at the Terner Center \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/navigating-the-post-subsidy-cliff-considerations-for-families-approaching-the-end-of-rapid-rehousing/\">found\u003c/a> that as rental assistance programs ended, some families doubled up with other relatives, moved or faced threats of eviction.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The theory is that their incomes hopefully rise over time to meet the market rents, but in a place like the Bay Area where market rent is so high, that doesn’t really happen very often,” Finnegan said. “Maybe that one-time assistance helps them stay out of shelters for a year. And then in that second year, they’re back where they were.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“The theory is that their incomes hopefully rise over time to meet the market rents, but in a place like the Bay Area where market rent is so high, that doesn’t really happen very often,” Finnegan said. “Maybe that one-time assistance helps them stay out of shelters for a year. And then in that second year, they’re back where they were.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Jennifer Loving, who runs Destination: Home, said that prevention has been a success in many cities looking to slow the rate of homelessness. Part of that has been the local governments’ investment into prevention on a wider scale. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Jennifer Loving, who runs Destination: Home, said that prevention has been a success in many cities looking to slow the rate of homelessness. Part of that has been the local governments’ investment into prevention on a wider scale. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Our partnership is deeply rooted with the city of San José and the county of Santa Clara, and they both contribute dollars to our system-wide prevention model. But it didn’t start out that way,” Loving said. “If we would have tried to sustain this with only private dollars, it wouldn’t be sustainable.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Our partnership is deeply rooted with the city of San José and the county of Santa Clara, and they both contribute dollars to our system-wide prevention model. But it didn’t start out that way,” Loving said. “If we would have tried to sustain this with only private dollars, it wouldn’t be sustainable.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In addition to prevention assistance, Santa Clara County has also been exploring guaranteed income pilots to help families longer-term. Loving said many families receiving the assistance ultimately need help digging out of poverty.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The underlying issue, Loving said, is that many working families simply can’t afford today’s housing market. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Frankly the thing that’s the best for everybody is rent they can afford,” Loving said. “Affordable housing is always going to be the number one most important issue. But production, development and funding for deeply affordable housing dried up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Frankly the thing that’s the best for everybody is rent they can afford,” Loving said. “Affordable housing is always going to be the number one most important issue. But production, development and funding for deeply affordable housing dried up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In its most recent budget, San Francisco agreed to fund more than 700 additional \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087973/with-family-homelessness-up-san-francisco-looks-to-extend-short-term-rental-subsidies\">short-term rental subsidies\u003c/a>, which typically cover families for between two and five years, plus 75 long-term subsidies after a push from housing advocates. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In its most recent budget, San Francisco agreed to fund more than 700 additional \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087973/with-family-homelessness-up-san-francisco-looks-to-extend-short-term-rental-subsidies\">short-term rental subsidies\u003c/a>, which typically cover families for between two and five years, plus 75 long-term subsidies after a push from housing advocates. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“People are realizing that philanthropy can only go so far. And this is the perfect use of philanthropy. You have flexible dollars to try something, understand what works and what doesn’t work. Then work with the government to scale what works,” Cobbs said. “Everything that we’ve done here has been hand in hand with San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>For Celis, the short-term rental relief was a lifeline, allowing her to avoid debt and keep the family’s housing situation steady.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>But she said the city must do more to bring down the cost of housing for families like hers, who want to stay in a sanctuary city that’s close to their friends and doctors. Supporters of such assistance also point out that the approach helps preserve the diversity and breadth of the community, from gardeners to daycare employees and restaurant workers who don’t make sky-high tech salaries. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Celis is hoping to one day secure a larger unit through the city’s housing lottery system. She’s waited years already.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“It’s a crisis out here,” Celis said. “The city really needs to hold their word to make it affordable, or we’re going to have more families leaving.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“It’s a crisis out here,” Celis said. “The city really needs to hold their word to make it affordable, or we’re going to have more families leaving.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"excerpt": "Families say rental assistance is a crucial lifeline in an increasingly expensive city, but the need is growing. \n",
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"title": "A Simple Way to Prevent Homelessness Is Growing in San Francisco. Is It Sustainable? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Esmeralda Celis didn’t know how her family would survive last winter. Her husband, who worked multiple restaurant jobs, was suddenly forced to leave the country for several months due to his immigration status. She was left to care for their four children for months without income in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, one of the country’s most expensive places to live.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Once we hit January, I was scrambling to figure out how I’m going to pay for these bills, how I’m going to provide for my children, how I’m going to keep the roof over their head,” said Celis, who lives in a two-bedroom apartment near Civic Center. “It was extremely stressful. They saw mom in shambles.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Unsure of where to go, she told a counselor at her child’s school about their situation. They connected her with Compass Family Services, one of several nonprofits that recently received an injection of private philanthropic funding to help families on the brink of homelessness stay put. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The nonprofit stepped in to cover her $2,600 monthly rent from January through May, tiding them over until Celis’ husband came back and could return to work. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The instability of not having a home or roof would have been detrimental for my children,” said Celis, whose daughter has cystic fibrosis and requires breathing treatments and frequent medical visits. “This definitely helped with the stability and, more than anything, keeping my children’s peace.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12093706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Esmeralda Celis and her three children Pedro, 9, Josio, 3, and Aribelle, 11, pose for a photo at the Helen Diller Civic Center Playground in San Francisco on July 29, 2026. (Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Celis’ experience is growing increasingly common as the cost of living in San Francisco has skyrocketed, most recently driven by the artificial intelligence boom. The average cost of a two-bedroom apartment in the city is now $6,382, according to Zillow, up about $1,759 since last year. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083310/fewer-people-are-sleeping-on-san-francisco-streets-but-family-homelessness-is-up\">Families experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> increased by 15% since 2024, according to the latest point-in-time count of the city’s homelessness population. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/2026-point-in-time-count-preliminary-results\">actual number of people\u003c/a> in families experiencing homelessness increased by 34%, from 1,103 people in 2024 to 1,474 people in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the city has a vast network of support services for people experiencing homelessness, it’s now increasingly looking at how to prevent people from losing housing by offering support before an eviction notice hits or families are forced to leave. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Tipping Point Community, a philanthropic organization started by Mayor Daniel Lurie before he entered office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029619/luries-nonprofit-giving-san-francisco-11-million-prevent-family-homelessness\">donated $11 million last year\u003c/a> toward a yearlong pilot project targeting family homelessness with a focus on prevention. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nonprofits receiving the funding included Compass Family Services, Mission Economic Development Agency, APA Family Support Services, Mission Neighborhood Centers and Glide. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>These groups have all worked in the community for several years, and are using the pilot program funds to help families cover a financial shock that might cause them to lose their home, whether that’s a pileup of medical bills or car maintenance so they can continue getting to work. The short-term relief has varied in amount and duration depending on a family’s situation, but has ranged from a few hundred dollars to thousands of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nearly 900 families in San Francisco have been supported through the pilot program so far. The pilot has extended another six months to the end of 2026, after which there will be an external analysis on the outcomes of the effort, according to Tipping Point executive director Sam Cobbs. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We’re serving people who wouldn’t have traditionally touched the family homelessness system until much later on,” Cobbs said. “These organizations that we work with are incredible and, as we anticipated, are the first line of defense for families when they’re facing eviction or run into trouble.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The prevention-focused approach is gaining steam in communities around the country, largely fueled by private dollars and local government spending. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>There are no federal funding streams for this kind of homelessness prevention, and federal funding for affordable housing has declined in recent years as the cost of living has gone up. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Supporters say it’s a more cost-effective approach to other downstream homelessness solutions like adding new permanent supportive housing, which can cost upward of $600,000 per unit. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 2024, Santa Clara County adopted a homelessness prevention system modeled by the San Jose-based nonprofit Destination: Home into its broader public safety net. It now provides around 2,500 households at risk of homelessness per year with prevention assistance. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Studies on the effort have shown that the upstream support can dramatically slow the pace of families entering homelessness. In Santa Clara County, 93% of families who received services early remained housed. Less than 10% became homeless two years later. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1367\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12082708\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-1536x1060.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference on housing and homelessness in San Francisco, California, on Sept. 19, 2024. (Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Overwhelmingly, people who receive that assistance are not showing up later in homeless shelters or street outreach programs, which suggests that the short-term assistance is really effective at helping folks maintain their housing or housing stability,” said Ryan Finnegan, deputy director of research for the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>San Francisco does have a rental assistance program, called ERAP, and the pilot is seeking to find ways to improve that system to better serve families facing homelessness. In addition to funding the nonprofits’ work, Tipping Point is helping the city build a database of its homelessness response systems to better coordinate resources. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But as the approach gains traction across the increasingly expensive Bay Area, some limitations are emerging. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One issue is simply finding the families who might benefit the most from the assistance. Programs often target families based on information in social services databases, or find families through existing nonprofits and networks on the ground, like Celis’ school counselor. But making actual connections can be difficult. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“They do have the challenge of reaching people effectively, because who really answers unknown phone calls from the county government, you know, and especially if it’s people who really are facing a lot of disruptions to their housing stability,” Finnegan said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12093703\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/20260729_SFFamiliesPilot_GC-3-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Esmeralda Celis hugs her daughter Josio, 3, at the Helen Diller Civic Center Playground in San Francisco on July 29, 2026. (Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Then once short-term assistance dries up, Finnegan said, many families who are living on thin margins may still struggle to get by. In 2025, researchers at the Terner Center \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/navigating-the-post-subsidy-cliff-considerations-for-families-approaching-the-end-of-rapid-rehousing/\">found\u003c/a> that as rental assistance programs ended, some families doubled up with other relatives, moved or faced threats of eviction.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The theory is that their incomes hopefully rise over time to meet the market rents, but in a place like the Bay Area where market rent is so high, that doesn’t really happen very often,” Finnegan said. “Maybe that one-time assistance helps them stay out of shelters for a year. And then in that second year, they’re back where they were.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Jennifer Loving, who runs Destination: Home, said that prevention has been a success in many cities looking to slow the rate of homelessness. Part of that has been the local governments’ investment into prevention on a wider scale. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our partnership is deeply rooted with the city of San José and the county of Santa Clara, and they both contribute dollars to our system-wide prevention model. But it didn’t start out that way,” Loving said. “If we would have tried to sustain this with only private dollars, it wouldn’t be sustainable.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In addition to prevention assistance, Santa Clara County has also been exploring guaranteed income pilots to help families longer-term. Loving said many families receiving the assistance ultimately need help digging out of poverty.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The underlying issue, Loving said, is that many working families simply can’t afford today’s housing market. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Frankly the thing that’s the best for everybody is rent they can afford,” Loving said. “Affordable housing is always going to be the number one most important issue. But production, development and funding for deeply affordable housing dried up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In its most recent budget, San Francisco agreed to fund more than 700 additional \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087973/with-family-homelessness-up-san-francisco-looks-to-extend-short-term-rental-subsidies\">short-term rental subsidies\u003c/a>, which typically cover families for between two and five years, plus 75 long-term subsidies after a push from housing advocates. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“People are realizing that philanthropy can only go so far. And this is the perfect use of philanthropy. You have flexible dollars to try something, understand what works and what doesn’t work. Then work with the government to scale what works,” Cobbs said. “Everything that we’ve done here has been hand in hand with San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>For Celis, the short-term rental relief was a lifeline, allowing her to avoid debt and keep the family’s housing situation steady.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But she said the city must do more to bring down the cost of housing for families like hers, who want to stay in a sanctuary city that’s close to their friends and doctors. Supporters of such assistance also point out that the approach helps preserve the diversity and breadth of the community, from gardeners to daycare employees and restaurant workers who don’t make sky-high tech salaries. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Celis is hoping to one day secure a larger unit through the city’s housing lottery system. She’s waited years already.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a crisis out here,” Celis said. “The city really needs to hold their word to make it affordable, or we’re going to have more families leaving.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "not-all-california-schools-get-the-same-civics-lessons-heres-why",
"title": "Not All California Schools Get the Same Civics Lessons. Here's Why",
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"headTitle": "Not All California Schools Get the Same Civics Lessons. Here’s Why | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>At some high schools in California, civics is everywhere. It’s part of science and history classes. It’s after school at student council and newspaper meetings. It even happens outside of school, on field trips to the Capitol and volunteer projects in the community. And after four years, it’s recognized with a gold seal on students’ diplomas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But most California high school students don’t have those opportunities. Lower-income students and those in politically mixed — or “purple” — areas where parent pushback is more common often miss out on a comprehensive education on how government works and why it matters. \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2023/07/12/voter-turnout-2018-2022/\">Voter turnout\u003c/a> among adults nationwide might reflect that disparity in civic engagement, although there are many factors that influence people’s decision to vote and be civically engaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high, as \u003ca href=\"https://sps.columbia.edu/news/real-impact-fake-news-rise-political-misinformation-and-how-we-can-combat-its-influence\">misinformation\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/be/cc/rd/index.asp\">mistrust in government\u003c/a> are on the rise, and the country reflects on a particularly divisive election season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when we need civics the most, it’s become harder to deliver for everyone,” said Joseph Kahne, an education professor at UC Riverside who’s extensively studied civics education in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All high school students in California are required to take a one-semester government course to graduate. But there’s wide variation in how schools teach that class. For example, some of those classes include hands-on projects that show how the Constitution is relevant today, while others adhere to dry textbook material that’s less engaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many lower-income students don’t have access to extracurricular activities, the backbone of civics education outside the classroom. Schools that mostly serve lower-income students are \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/commentary/2024/03/many-high-schools-across-the-united-states-offer-limited.html\">less likely to have those activities\u003c/a> because they typically require resources like a faculty advisor or money for materials. Nearly 60% of wealthier schools, for example, have a student news outlet, while only 39% of lower-income schools do, \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/commentary/2024/03/many-high-schools-across-the-united-states-offer-limited.html\">RAND found\u003c/a>. Eighty-five percent of wealthier schools have a student council, but only 73% of lower-income schools do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even at wealthier schools, there’s a disparity in who participates. Lower-income students tend to have after-school jobs or family obligations, so they can’t take advantage of the same opportunities as their wealthier classmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Civics education needs to be woven into the existing school day, in all subjects, so it’s accessible to all students,” said Michelle Herczog, program director of Californians for Civic Learning, which promotes civic education for all grades. “That’s the only way to make it equitable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inequities are reflected in adults’ rates of civic engagement nationwide. Americans from both parties who are financially secure are \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/urban-wire/civic-engagement-higher-among-americans-who-are-financially-secure#:~:text=In%20a%20nationally%20representative%20survey,those%20who%20are%20financially%20insecure.\">more likely to vote, volunteer\u003c/a>, trust election results and support democracy, according to the Urban Institute. Latinos are especially affected. According to the Latino Policy and Politics Institute at UCLA, Latinos have the lowest voter registration rate of any ethnic group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that some groups of people are less likely to be civically engaged. It isn’t fair to have your voice not heard,” Kahne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Empathy and activism in San Lorenzo\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some schools that serve low-income students have embraced civics education even without a surplus of funding. Students in Judy Smith’s civics classes at San Lorenzo High in the East Bay spend their days delving into issues they care about: homelessness, air pollution, police brutality, drug abuse and other topics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After spending a few weeks learning the nuts-and-bolts of government and democracy, students pick their research topics and set about their plans for addressing the issues. They grill politicians, survey their classmates, write letters to government officials and present their findings to the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent morning, students were busy debating the subtleties of various policies, and poring over survey results. In a week they were scheduled to make their presentations in the school library, and Smith encouraged them to wear professional attire for the occasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armando Espinoza, a senior, said the class has been life-changing. His group was looking into gun violence and its impact on young people, exploring existing laws and legal failures to restrict firearms, especially ghost guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the beginning of the year, it was like, oh, this is just for a grade,” he said. “But as I started learning more, I got engaged in how this problem affects our community. No teenager should have to live through a shooting. For me, it’s been empowering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019090\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019090\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_2.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_2-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A student works on their storyboard about gun violence, during government and economics teacher Judy Smith’s 3rd period government class at San Lorenzo High School in San Lorenzo on Dec. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Florence Middleton for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His classmate Moniba Hussain said she chose the topic because gun violence is what drove her family from Oakland to the quiet, working-class community of San Lorenzo. Talking to politicians and debating laws with her classmates brought the issue into focus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We learn that it could be us someday, affected by a shooting,” Hussain said. “This class has pushed us to be more passionate about issues in our community. We learn how issues affect people. We learn empathy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was so inspired by the class, in fact, she’s decided to become a lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, another group of students was researching domestic violence against immigrant women, an issue that resonates in a community where more than a third of families are immigrants. Surveying more than 120 classmates, the students learned that 59% had either been a victim of domestic violence or knew someone who was, yet very few knew that there was help available for women who need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That told them that outreach needed improvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women need to know there’s support for them, that they won’t be deported,” said senior Shary Cetino. “But what we learned is that there really needs to be more outreach and awareness. That’s what we’re hoping for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushback from parents\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For students in politically mixed areas of California, the obstacle isn’t money — it’s often parents. Purple areas tend to see more political conflicts, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/07/trans-youth-california/\">which often play out at schools\u003c/a> in the form of parental protests over “woke” curriculum, trans students’ rights or so-called culture war issues. In a 2023 RAND survey, two-thirds of teachers nationwide said they limit discussions of politics and social issues in the classroom for fear of being attacked by parents and not supported by their administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Among some parents, on the left and right, there’s a fear that civics education includes indoctrination,” said Keri Doggett, vice president of Teach Democracy, which promotes civic education. “Both Democrats and Republicans support civics education. So it’s important, now maybe more than ever, to provide a balanced point of view with multiple perspectives so students can reach their own conclusions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shawn Healy, senior policy director at the nonprofit iCivics, which provides civics curriculum, said that declining trust in institutions is at the crux of the debate. Why teach about elections, for example, if elections are rigged? But civics education “is not about teaching blind allegiance to these institutions,” he said, “It’s about improving these institutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019096\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019096\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_3.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_3-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Lorenzo High School teacher Judy Smith teaches her 3rd period government class in San Lorenzo on Dec. 3, 2024, as they develop civic action infographics on topics ranging from gun violence to vaping. \u003ccite>(Florence Middleton for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That’s what makes this work difficult,” Healy added. “There’s a sense that there’s a political agenda, that schools are trying to lead students in one direction or another. The reaction has been to pull back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing controversial issues in class is a core part of civics education, Healy said. It’s how students learn to articulate their viewpoints about important issues, listen to those they don’t agree with and even occasionally change their minds. Avoiding classroom debates is “educational malpractice,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Giving students a voice\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Sierra Vista Middle School in Covina in the San Gabriel Valley, social studies teacher Sheila Edwards has been able to minimize pushback from parents by inviting them into the classroom, sharing lesson plans and generally being transparent about what happens in the classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edwards leads her classes in monthly “civil dialogues,” where students study multiple sides of an issue, such as Supreme Court rulings or the practice of reciting the Pledge of Allegiance in school, and then debate their viewpoints. The general rules, created by students, are that speakers should be polite, attack ideas and not people, and not monopolize the discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When students create their own guidelines and lead the conversations, I’ve found that they really buy into it,” Edwards said. “When you give them a voice, they will use it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_4.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_4-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_4-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_4-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Posters on the wall in the classroom of government and economics teacher, Judy Smith, at San Lorenzo High School in San Lorenzo on Dec. 3, 2024. Smith challenges her students to do innovative civic engagement projects like interviewing local politicians about social issues and creating civic action infographics. \u003ccite>(Florence Middleton for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As an adviser for the National Constitution Center, a national civics education organization, Edwards has trained hundreds of teachers to lead class discussions of contentious issues. She advises teachers to stick to the facts, whether it’s curriculum standards or primary sources like party platforms or the Declaration of Independence, rather than focus on individuals. If a student says they like a politician, for example, she asks them to talk about specific issues instead of their support for the person generally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, it’s always dicey discussing issues like gun control or LGBTQ rights in classrooms, she said, especially in conservative areas. She often hears from teachers who feel beleaguered because of pushback from parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a hard time to be a teacher, social studies teachers in particular,” said Edwards, who’s been a teacher for three decades. “We are on the hot seat. But I like to think of it as an opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Struggles in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, 24 states have strengthened their civics education programs in the past few years, and the federal government has quadrupled its grant money for civics education in the last decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The picture in California is less rosy.[aside tag='education' label='More Education Coverage']Five years ago, California adopted a “seal of civic engagement” for high school students as an incentive for schools to beef up their civics programs. Modeled on the state’s popular seal of biliteracy, the civics seal allows students to receive a badge on their diplomas indicating that they understand how government and citizenship works, and have researched and taken action on a problem that affects their community. The seal is meant to make the student more competitive on college and job applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But last year, just 2% — or 11,000 — of graduating seniors \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/pl/hssstateseal.asp\">received a seal\u003c/a>. Only 86 districts, out of 1,000, participated. The state paperwork is fairly simple, Herczog said, but money and potential backlash from parents is often a deterrent. Although there are plenty of free and low-cost options available, some hands-on civics projects cost money, whether it’s for teacher training or for hiring a bus to take students to the capitol, and districts are reluctant to commit to new expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who wouldn’t love getting a seal on their diploma? Students love it, but sometimes it comes down to district leadership,” Herczog said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019107\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019107\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_5.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_5-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Paloma Esqueda and her classmates work on developing a storyboard to plan their civic action infographic during government and economics teacher Judy Smith’s 3rd period government class at San Lorenzo High School in San Lorenzo on Dec. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Florence Middleton for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition, a number of bills to strengthen civic engagement have failed in recent years. One would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1520?_gl=1*es1vus*_gcl_au*Nzk3MzE2MDMuMTczMTAyMjU2Mg..*_ga*Mjk2NjI4MjAxLjE3MzEwMjI1NjI.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTczNDYzOTk0OC4yNC4xLjE3MzQ2NDExMzQuMzIuMC4w*_ga_DX0K9PCWYH*MTczNDYzOTk0OC4yNC4xLjE3MzQ2NDA1MTQuMC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTczNDYzOTk0OC4yNC4xLjE3MzQ2NDA1MTQuMC4wLjA.\">created a new position\u003c/a> at the California Department of Education to help school districts build their seal of civic engagement programs. Another would have required schools to offer \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1094?_gl=1*es1vus*_gcl_au*Nzk3MzE2MDMuMTczMTAyMjU2Mg..*_ga*Mjk2NjI4MjAxLjE3MzEwMjI1NjI.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTczNDYzOTk0OC4yNC4xLjE3MzQ2NDExMzQuMzIuMC4w*_ga_DX0K9PCWYH*MTczNDYzOTk0OC4yNC4xLjE3MzQ2NDA1MTQuMC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTczNDYzOTk0OC4yNC4xLjE3MzQ2NDA1MTQuMC4wLjA.\">hands-on civics projects\u003c/a> to complement their textbook lessons, beginning in elementary school. Both bills died in the Assembly Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California absolutely has a ways to go,” Healy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Change might be tough to come by. While some states teach civics as a year-long course, that’s not likely to happen in California because students’ schedules are so packed with other requirements. Anything that requires money, even if it’s minimal, is likely to face opposition in the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/11/california-budget-deficit-legislative-analyst/\">current budget climate\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates need to persist, Herczog said, because there’s a lot at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The future of our democracy is threatened if civic education is not made a priority,” she said. “But it takes wisdom and bold leadership to make it happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith, the San Lorenzo High civics teacher, started including hands-on projects in her civics class 15 years ago, but expanded it to include \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2023/11/fake-news-california-school/\">media literacy\u003c/a> recently when she noticed the rise of misinformation on social media and in public discourse. She wanted her students to understand how to research issues they care about, and know how to lobby for change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get lots of help, but it’s extra work and I do have high standards for the students. I want them to push themselves,” Smith said. “There are so many skills they need to be effective participants in our democracy. My hope is that this class plants the seeds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At some high schools in California, civics is everywhere. It’s part of science and history classes. It’s after school at student council and newspaper meetings. It even happens outside of school, on field trips to the Capitol and volunteer projects in the community. And after four years, it’s recognized with a gold seal on students’ diplomas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But most California high school students don’t have those opportunities. Lower-income students and those in politically mixed — or “purple” — areas where parent pushback is more common often miss out on a comprehensive education on how government works and why it matters. \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2023/07/12/voter-turnout-2018-2022/\">Voter turnout\u003c/a> among adults nationwide might reflect that disparity in civic engagement, although there are many factors that influence people’s decision to vote and be civically engaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high, as \u003ca href=\"https://sps.columbia.edu/news/real-impact-fake-news-rise-political-misinformation-and-how-we-can-combat-its-influence\">misinformation\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/be/cc/rd/index.asp\">mistrust in government\u003c/a> are on the rise, and the country reflects on a particularly divisive election season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when we need civics the most, it’s become harder to deliver for everyone,” said Joseph Kahne, an education professor at UC Riverside who’s extensively studied civics education in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All high school students in California are required to take a one-semester government course to graduate. But there’s wide variation in how schools teach that class. For example, some of those classes include hands-on projects that show how the Constitution is relevant today, while others adhere to dry textbook material that’s less engaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many lower-income students don’t have access to extracurricular activities, the backbone of civics education outside the classroom. Schools that mostly serve lower-income students are \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/commentary/2024/03/many-high-schools-across-the-united-states-offer-limited.html\">less likely to have those activities\u003c/a> because they typically require resources like a faculty advisor or money for materials. Nearly 60% of wealthier schools, for example, have a student news outlet, while only 39% of lower-income schools do, \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/commentary/2024/03/many-high-schools-across-the-united-states-offer-limited.html\">RAND found\u003c/a>. Eighty-five percent of wealthier schools have a student council, but only 73% of lower-income schools do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even at wealthier schools, there’s a disparity in who participates. Lower-income students tend to have after-school jobs or family obligations, so they can’t take advantage of the same opportunities as their wealthier classmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Civics education needs to be woven into the existing school day, in all subjects, so it’s accessible to all students,” said Michelle Herczog, program director of Californians for Civic Learning, which promotes civic education for all grades. “That’s the only way to make it equitable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inequities are reflected in adults’ rates of civic engagement nationwide. Americans from both parties who are financially secure are \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/urban-wire/civic-engagement-higher-among-americans-who-are-financially-secure#:~:text=In%20a%20nationally%20representative%20survey,those%20who%20are%20financially%20insecure.\">more likely to vote, volunteer\u003c/a>, trust election results and support democracy, according to the Urban Institute. Latinos are especially affected. According to the Latino Policy and Politics Institute at UCLA, Latinos have the lowest voter registration rate of any ethnic group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that some groups of people are less likely to be civically engaged. It isn’t fair to have your voice not heard,” Kahne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Empathy and activism in San Lorenzo\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some schools that serve low-income students have embraced civics education even without a surplus of funding. Students in Judy Smith’s civics classes at San Lorenzo High in the East Bay spend their days delving into issues they care about: homelessness, air pollution, police brutality, drug abuse and other topics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After spending a few weeks learning the nuts-and-bolts of government and democracy, students pick their research topics and set about their plans for addressing the issues. They grill politicians, survey their classmates, write letters to government officials and present their findings to the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent morning, students were busy debating the subtleties of various policies, and poring over survey results. In a week they were scheduled to make their presentations in the school library, and Smith encouraged them to wear professional attire for the occasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armando Espinoza, a senior, said the class has been life-changing. His group was looking into gun violence and its impact on young people, exploring existing laws and legal failures to restrict firearms, especially ghost guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the beginning of the year, it was like, oh, this is just for a grade,” he said. “But as I started learning more, I got engaged in how this problem affects our community. No teenager should have to live through a shooting. For me, it’s been empowering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019090\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019090\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_2.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_2-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A student works on their storyboard about gun violence, during government and economics teacher Judy Smith’s 3rd period government class at San Lorenzo High School in San Lorenzo on Dec. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Florence Middleton for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His classmate Moniba Hussain said she chose the topic because gun violence is what drove her family from Oakland to the quiet, working-class community of San Lorenzo. Talking to politicians and debating laws with her classmates brought the issue into focus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We learn that it could be us someday, affected by a shooting,” Hussain said. “This class has pushed us to be more passionate about issues in our community. We learn how issues affect people. We learn empathy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was so inspired by the class, in fact, she’s decided to become a lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, another group of students was researching domestic violence against immigrant women, an issue that resonates in a community where more than a third of families are immigrants. Surveying more than 120 classmates, the students learned that 59% had either been a victim of domestic violence or knew someone who was, yet very few knew that there was help available for women who need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That told them that outreach needed improvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women need to know there’s support for them, that they won’t be deported,” said senior Shary Cetino. “But what we learned is that there really needs to be more outreach and awareness. That’s what we’re hoping for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushback from parents\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For students in politically mixed areas of California, the obstacle isn’t money — it’s often parents. Purple areas tend to see more political conflicts, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/07/trans-youth-california/\">which often play out at schools\u003c/a> in the form of parental protests over “woke” curriculum, trans students’ rights or so-called culture war issues. In a 2023 RAND survey, two-thirds of teachers nationwide said they limit discussions of politics and social issues in the classroom for fear of being attacked by parents and not supported by their administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Among some parents, on the left and right, there’s a fear that civics education includes indoctrination,” said Keri Doggett, vice president of Teach Democracy, which promotes civic education. “Both Democrats and Republicans support civics education. So it’s important, now maybe more than ever, to provide a balanced point of view with multiple perspectives so students can reach their own conclusions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shawn Healy, senior policy director at the nonprofit iCivics, which provides civics curriculum, said that declining trust in institutions is at the crux of the debate. Why teach about elections, for example, if elections are rigged? But civics education “is not about teaching blind allegiance to these institutions,” he said, “It’s about improving these institutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019096\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019096\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_3.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_3-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Lorenzo High School teacher Judy Smith teaches her 3rd period government class in San Lorenzo on Dec. 3, 2024, as they develop civic action infographics on topics ranging from gun violence to vaping. \u003ccite>(Florence Middleton for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That’s what makes this work difficult,” Healy added. “There’s a sense that there’s a political agenda, that schools are trying to lead students in one direction or another. The reaction has been to pull back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing controversial issues in class is a core part of civics education, Healy said. It’s how students learn to articulate their viewpoints about important issues, listen to those they don’t agree with and even occasionally change their minds. Avoiding classroom debates is “educational malpractice,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Giving students a voice\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Sierra Vista Middle School in Covina in the San Gabriel Valley, social studies teacher Sheila Edwards has been able to minimize pushback from parents by inviting them into the classroom, sharing lesson plans and generally being transparent about what happens in the classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edwards leads her classes in monthly “civil dialogues,” where students study multiple sides of an issue, such as Supreme Court rulings or the practice of reciting the Pledge of Allegiance in school, and then debate their viewpoints. The general rules, created by students, are that speakers should be polite, attack ideas and not people, and not monopolize the discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When students create their own guidelines and lead the conversations, I’ve found that they really buy into it,” Edwards said. “When you give them a voice, they will use it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_4.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_4-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_4-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_4-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Posters on the wall in the classroom of government and economics teacher, Judy Smith, at San Lorenzo High School in San Lorenzo on Dec. 3, 2024. Smith challenges her students to do innovative civic engagement projects like interviewing local politicians about social issues and creating civic action infographics. \u003ccite>(Florence Middleton for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As an adviser for the National Constitution Center, a national civics education organization, Edwards has trained hundreds of teachers to lead class discussions of contentious issues. She advises teachers to stick to the facts, whether it’s curriculum standards or primary sources like party platforms or the Declaration of Independence, rather than focus on individuals. If a student says they like a politician, for example, she asks them to talk about specific issues instead of their support for the person generally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, it’s always dicey discussing issues like gun control or LGBTQ rights in classrooms, she said, especially in conservative areas. She often hears from teachers who feel beleaguered because of pushback from parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a hard time to be a teacher, social studies teachers in particular,” said Edwards, who’s been a teacher for three decades. “We are on the hot seat. But I like to think of it as an opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Struggles in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, 24 states have strengthened their civics education programs in the past few years, and the federal government has quadrupled its grant money for civics education in the last decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The picture in California is less rosy.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Five years ago, California adopted a “seal of civic engagement” for high school students as an incentive for schools to beef up their civics programs. Modeled on the state’s popular seal of biliteracy, the civics seal allows students to receive a badge on their diplomas indicating that they understand how government and citizenship works, and have researched and taken action on a problem that affects their community. The seal is meant to make the student more competitive on college and job applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But last year, just 2% — or 11,000 — of graduating seniors \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/pl/hssstateseal.asp\">received a seal\u003c/a>. Only 86 districts, out of 1,000, participated. The state paperwork is fairly simple, Herczog said, but money and potential backlash from parents is often a deterrent. Although there are plenty of free and low-cost options available, some hands-on civics projects cost money, whether it’s for teacher training or for hiring a bus to take students to the capitol, and districts are reluctant to commit to new expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who wouldn’t love getting a seal on their diploma? Students love it, but sometimes it comes down to district leadership,” Herczog said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019107\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019107\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_5.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/120324_CivicsClass_FM_CM_5-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Paloma Esqueda and her classmates work on developing a storyboard to plan their civic action infographic during government and economics teacher Judy Smith’s 3rd period government class at San Lorenzo High School in San Lorenzo on Dec. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Florence Middleton for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition, a number of bills to strengthen civic engagement have failed in recent years. One would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1520?_gl=1*es1vus*_gcl_au*Nzk3MzE2MDMuMTczMTAyMjU2Mg..*_ga*Mjk2NjI4MjAxLjE3MzEwMjI1NjI.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTczNDYzOTk0OC4yNC4xLjE3MzQ2NDExMzQuMzIuMC4w*_ga_DX0K9PCWYH*MTczNDYzOTk0OC4yNC4xLjE3MzQ2NDA1MTQuMC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTczNDYzOTk0OC4yNC4xLjE3MzQ2NDA1MTQuMC4wLjA.\">created a new position\u003c/a> at the California Department of Education to help school districts build their seal of civic engagement programs. Another would have required schools to offer \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1094?_gl=1*es1vus*_gcl_au*Nzk3MzE2MDMuMTczMTAyMjU2Mg..*_ga*Mjk2NjI4MjAxLjE3MzEwMjI1NjI.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTczNDYzOTk0OC4yNC4xLjE3MzQ2NDExMzQuMzIuMC4w*_ga_DX0K9PCWYH*MTczNDYzOTk0OC4yNC4xLjE3MzQ2NDA1MTQuMC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTczNDYzOTk0OC4yNC4xLjE3MzQ2NDA1MTQuMC4wLjA.\">hands-on civics projects\u003c/a> to complement their textbook lessons, beginning in elementary school. Both bills died in the Assembly Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California absolutely has a ways to go,” Healy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Change might be tough to come by. While some states teach civics as a year-long course, that’s not likely to happen in California because students’ schedules are so packed with other requirements. Anything that requires money, even if it’s minimal, is likely to face opposition in the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/11/california-budget-deficit-legislative-analyst/\">current budget climate\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates need to persist, Herczog said, because there’s a lot at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The future of our democracy is threatened if civic education is not made a priority,” she said. “But it takes wisdom and bold leadership to make it happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith, the San Lorenzo High civics teacher, started including hands-on projects in her civics class 15 years ago, but expanded it to include \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2023/11/fake-news-california-school/\">media literacy\u003c/a> recently when she noticed the rise of misinformation on social media and in public discourse. She wanted her students to understand how to research issues they care about, and know how to lobby for change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get lots of help, but it’s extra work and I do have high standards for the students. I want them to push themselves,” Smith said. “There are so many skills they need to be effective participants in our democracy. My hope is that this class plants the seeds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-health-official-helped-london-based-company-and-traveled-on-its-dime",
"title": "California Health Official Helped London-Based Company and Traveled on Its Dime",
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"content": "\u003cp>The director of California’s mental health commission traveled to London this summer courtesy of a state vendor while he was helping to prevent a \u003ca href=\"https://sbud.senate.ca.gov/system/files/2024-06/all-departments-vote-only-items-05.30.2024-outcomes.pdf\">$360 million budget cut\u003c/a> that would have defunded the company’s contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emails and calendars reviewed by KFF Health News show Toby Ewing, executive director of the Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission, made efforts to protect funding for Kooth, a London-based digital mental health company the state hired to develop a virtual tool to help tackle its youth mental health crisis. Ewing pressed key legislative staffers to maintain its contract, even as Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom and lawmakers proposed cuts in the face of California’s $45 billion deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Ewing and three commissioners — Mara Madrigal-Weiss, the commission chair; Bill Brown; and Steve Carnevale — left for London in June, Ewing wasn’t sure whether he had saved Kooth’s funding. On the second day of their trip, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25244584-copy-of-trailer-emails-2\">staff informed him\u003c/a> that lawmakers had \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25244583-copy-of-trailer-bills-email\">restored the money\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days later, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25244587-more-kooth-lobbying?responsive=1&title=1\">he emailed\u003c/a> Kooth Chief Operating Officer Kate Newhouse suggestions he had shared with Assembly and Senate staff to improve Kooth’s youth teletherapy app. “We expect you to be involved in whatever we dream up,” Ewing wrote to Newhouse in another email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear why Kooth picked up a $15,000 tab for state officials to travel to London. It’s also unclear why Ewing pushed to protect its app from a spending cut. The commission is a 16-member independent body appointed by various elected officials to help ensure funds from a millionaires tax are used appropriately and effectively by counties for mental health services. Kooth’s contract is with the Department of Health Care Services, which is separate from the commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='health']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Kooth signed a four-year contract worth \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245478-kooth_contract_4260-2220555_final-1-5?responsive=1&title=1\">$271 \u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245478-kooth_contract_4260-2220555_final-1-5?responsive=1&title=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">million \u003c/a>to\u003c/span> \u003ca href=\"https://solunaapp.com/\">create Soluna\u003c/a>, a free mental health app for California users ages 13 to 25. The app, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hellobrightline.com/brightlifekids/\">along with another\u003c/a>, by the company Brightline, for younger users, launched in January to fill a need for young Californians and their families to access professional telehealth free of charge. It’s one component of Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/KidsMentalHealthMasterPlan_8.18.22.pdf\">$4.7 billion\u003c/a> youth mental health plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ewing, who reports to the commission, started in 2015 and earned $175,026 in 2023, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/databases/state-pay/article229468549.html\">The Sacramento Bee\u003c/a>. He was placed on \u003ca href=\"https://mhsoac.ca.gov/connect/commission-meetings/commission-meeting-september-11-2024/\">paid administrative leave\u003c/a> in September pending an investigation. Commission chief counsel Sandra Gallardo said the commission does not comment on personnel matters. Ewing did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three commission employees filed whistleblower complaints against Ewing in September with the California State Auditor. They spoke with KFF Health News on the condition that their names not be used due to fears of workplace retaliation. They say Ewing’s conduct advancing a private company’s agenda as a public official crossed a line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://mhsoac.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/October-24_Agenda_Teleconference_FINAL.pdf\">The agenda\u003c/a> for Thursday’s commission meeting listed a personnel matter to be discussed in closed session. The whistleblowers said Ewing is the subject of the discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrigal-Weiss said she couldn’t comment on Ewing’s actions. However, she said the commission supports virtual mental health resources for youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These resources are less expensive and have proven valuable for youth, especially those who struggle to access services in typical brick-and-mortar spaces,” said Madrigal-Weiss, who is also executive director of student wellness and school culture for the San Diego County Office of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown and Carnevale didn’t respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kooth is committed to advancing youth access to behavioral health services, said Caroline Curran of Metis Communications, a public relations firm representing Kooth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a leader in youth behavioral health services with over 20 years of experience in the United Kingdom and the United States, we regularly convene sector-leading organizations to facilitate learning through sharing expertise and diverse perspectives on youth behavioral health,” Curran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As KFF Health News \u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/california-youth-teletherapy-apps-rollout-slow/\">reported in April\u003c/a>, the Kooth and Brightline app rollouts have been slow, with few children using them. In May, Newsom proposed a $140 million budget cut. DHCS Director Michelle Baass said in \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257973\">a hearing\u003c/a> that it was due to low use but that the state expects more users to come on board over time, according to CalMatters’ Digital Democracy tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told lawmakers on May 16 that roughly 20,000 of the state’s more than 12.6 million children and young adults had registered on the apps, and they had been used for only about 2,800 coaching sessions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Caroline Menjivar (D-Van Nuys) asked Baass at the hearing whether “there’s room to get out” of the contract altogether. Senators later \u003ca href=\"https://sbud.senate.ca.gov/system/files/2024-06/all-departments-vote-only-items-05.30.2024-outcomes.pdf\">voted unanimously\u003c/a> to cut the entire platform budget to save the state $360 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ewing \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245061-toby-kooth-text_redacted\">texted a colleague\u003c/a> on June 3: “Kooth is freaking out. Is the cut coming from the Admin or the Leg.? Do we know if it’s a done deal?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245061-toby-kooth-text_redacted\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1465784&view=activity\">lobbying records\u003c/a> show Kooth has paid around $100,000 this year to the firm Capital Advocacy. At the same time, Ewing’s emails and calendars show that he pushed for Kooth’s funding to be retained. For instance, his June 4 calendar shows he was scheduled to \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245592-kooth-toby-meeting-2?responsive=1&title=1\">meet with Laura Tully\u003c/a>, an executive from Kooth USA, at a coffee shop near the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next day, a whistleblower said, Ewing \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245593-senate-meeting-1?responsive=1&title=1\">met with\u003c/a> key Senate staff members: Scott Ogus, deputy staff director of the Senate Budget and Fiscal Review Committee, and Marjorie Swartz, a consultant for Senate President Pro Tempore Mike McGuire. They said Ewing also discussed Kooth’s contract that week with Rosielyn Pulmano, a health policy consultant for Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Toby kept saying that ‘California has to have a digital strategy,’” recalled the whistleblower, who attended both meetings. “He kept pushing Marjorie and Scott, saying that he would give them ideas to make the platform better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ewing \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25244582-copy-of-toby-kooth-suggestions-email?responsive=1&title=1\">emailed ideas\u003c/a> to the legislative aides on June 10 and 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two weeks later, he and the commissioners left for the seven-day trip to the U.K. According to documents filed with the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245068-london-fppc-801-payment-to-agency-report\">Fair Political Practices Commission\u003c/a>, receipts, and emails reviewed by KFF Health News, Kooth covered the costs of four-star hotels, meals, train tickets, and international flights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public disclosure forms show Kooth paid expenses for Ewing, Madrigal-Weiss, and Brown. The forms do not show the company paid for Carnevale’s travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California law, state officials generally must report travel payments to the FPPC, which Ewing and his fellow commissioners did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kooth postponed a mental health investment \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25244589-uk-brain-capital-summit\">conference in London\u003c/a> in June, emails and documents show, but then organized \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25246512-london-schedule-1\">new events\u003c/a> for the California commissioners to attend instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 23, Newhouse informed Carnevale and Ewing \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25244586-london-trip-postponement?responsive=1&title=1\">in an email\u003c/a> that Kooth needed to postpone the planned June event. Carnevale, a venture capitalist, described the news as “disappointing for all,” especially “because we have already booked trips, including family members of Commissioners who were planning to turn this into a holiday.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acknowledging the disruption, Newhouse told Carnevale that she “would like to think creatively as to whether we could try to arrange a meeting where you can talk about the CYBHI,” referring to Newsom’s Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know, though, from our conversation, that we need to cover the ‘purpose’ of your trip and not sure what is possible or not,” she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Curran, the Kooth spokesperson, said the company “adapted by holding a knowledge exchange between representatives from international policy institutes, research foundations, and nonprofit organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrigal-Weiss defended the trip, which she said included meetings with “members of the government, service providers, education, and finance” who shared ideas on how “to enhance funds for public mental health needs” through private and philanthropic partnerships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the whistleblowers said many of the commissioners back in California were not aware of the trip until their colleagues were halfway across the world. Sami Gallegos, a spokesperson for the California Health and Human Services Agency, said the Department of Health Care Services did not participate in the travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ewing was put on leave before Kooth’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/posts/mindspark360_brain-capital-uk-summit-ugcPost-7249487039157420032-wT6q/?utm_source=share&utm_medium=member_ios\">rescheduled conference\u003c/a> this month in London.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although it’s not unusual for state officials to travel overseas — often on the dime of private entities — it doesn’t look good, said Sean McMorris, a government ethics expert with California Common Cause, a nonprofit government watchdog group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It looks like undue influence,” McMorris said. “I think a lot of people would view something like this as a way to curry favor. You can connect the dots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kooth has similarly gifted travel to state officials in Pennsylvania, where it had a $3 million contract with 30 school districts. In each case, Kooth invited the officials to speak to highlight their work. Pennsylvania has informed Kooth it intends to terminate the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/about-us\">\u003cem>KFF Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, which publishes \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\">\u003cem>California Healthline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an editorially independent service of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>California Health Care Foundation\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Toby Ewing, executive director of the California Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission, is on administrative leave after emails show he fought to preserve the company's state contract and was then flown to their London offices.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The director of California’s mental health commission traveled to London this summer courtesy of a state vendor while he was helping to prevent a \u003ca href=\"https://sbud.senate.ca.gov/system/files/2024-06/all-departments-vote-only-items-05.30.2024-outcomes.pdf\">$360 million budget cut\u003c/a> that would have defunded the company’s contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emails and calendars reviewed by KFF Health News show Toby Ewing, executive director of the Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission, made efforts to protect funding for Kooth, a London-based digital mental health company the state hired to develop a virtual tool to help tackle its youth mental health crisis. Ewing pressed key legislative staffers to maintain its contract, even as Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom and lawmakers proposed cuts in the face of California’s $45 billion deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Ewing and three commissioners — Mara Madrigal-Weiss, the commission chair; Bill Brown; and Steve Carnevale — left for London in June, Ewing wasn’t sure whether he had saved Kooth’s funding. On the second day of their trip, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25244584-copy-of-trailer-emails-2\">staff informed him\u003c/a> that lawmakers had \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25244583-copy-of-trailer-bills-email\">restored the money\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days later, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25244587-more-kooth-lobbying?responsive=1&title=1\">he emailed\u003c/a> Kooth Chief Operating Officer Kate Newhouse suggestions he had shared with Assembly and Senate staff to improve Kooth’s youth teletherapy app. “We expect you to be involved in whatever we dream up,” Ewing wrote to Newhouse in another email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear why Kooth picked up a $15,000 tab for state officials to travel to London. It’s also unclear why Ewing pushed to protect its app from a spending cut. The commission is a 16-member independent body appointed by various elected officials to help ensure funds from a millionaires tax are used appropriately and effectively by counties for mental health services. Kooth’s contract is with the Department of Health Care Services, which is separate from the commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Kooth signed a four-year contract worth \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245478-kooth_contract_4260-2220555_final-1-5?responsive=1&title=1\">$271 \u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245478-kooth_contract_4260-2220555_final-1-5?responsive=1&title=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">million \u003c/a>to\u003c/span> \u003ca href=\"https://solunaapp.com/\">create Soluna\u003c/a>, a free mental health app for California users ages 13 to 25. The app, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hellobrightline.com/brightlifekids/\">along with another\u003c/a>, by the company Brightline, for younger users, launched in January to fill a need for young Californians and their families to access professional telehealth free of charge. It’s one component of Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/KidsMentalHealthMasterPlan_8.18.22.pdf\">$4.7 billion\u003c/a> youth mental health plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ewing, who reports to the commission, started in 2015 and earned $175,026 in 2023, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/databases/state-pay/article229468549.html\">The Sacramento Bee\u003c/a>. He was placed on \u003ca href=\"https://mhsoac.ca.gov/connect/commission-meetings/commission-meeting-september-11-2024/\">paid administrative leave\u003c/a> in September pending an investigation. Commission chief counsel Sandra Gallardo said the commission does not comment on personnel matters. Ewing did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three commission employees filed whistleblower complaints against Ewing in September with the California State Auditor. They spoke with KFF Health News on the condition that their names not be used due to fears of workplace retaliation. They say Ewing’s conduct advancing a private company’s agenda as a public official crossed a line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://mhsoac.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/October-24_Agenda_Teleconference_FINAL.pdf\">The agenda\u003c/a> for Thursday’s commission meeting listed a personnel matter to be discussed in closed session. The whistleblowers said Ewing is the subject of the discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrigal-Weiss said she couldn’t comment on Ewing’s actions. However, she said the commission supports virtual mental health resources for youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These resources are less expensive and have proven valuable for youth, especially those who struggle to access services in typical brick-and-mortar spaces,” said Madrigal-Weiss, who is also executive director of student wellness and school culture for the San Diego County Office of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown and Carnevale didn’t respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kooth is committed to advancing youth access to behavioral health services, said Caroline Curran of Metis Communications, a public relations firm representing Kooth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a leader in youth behavioral health services with over 20 years of experience in the United Kingdom and the United States, we regularly convene sector-leading organizations to facilitate learning through sharing expertise and diverse perspectives on youth behavioral health,” Curran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As KFF Health News \u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/california-youth-teletherapy-apps-rollout-slow/\">reported in April\u003c/a>, the Kooth and Brightline app rollouts have been slow, with few children using them. In May, Newsom proposed a $140 million budget cut. DHCS Director Michelle Baass said in \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257973\">a hearing\u003c/a> that it was due to low use but that the state expects more users to come on board over time, according to CalMatters’ Digital Democracy tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told lawmakers on May 16 that roughly 20,000 of the state’s more than 12.6 million children and young adults had registered on the apps, and they had been used for only about 2,800 coaching sessions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Caroline Menjivar (D-Van Nuys) asked Baass at the hearing whether “there’s room to get out” of the contract altogether. Senators later \u003ca href=\"https://sbud.senate.ca.gov/system/files/2024-06/all-departments-vote-only-items-05.30.2024-outcomes.pdf\">voted unanimously\u003c/a> to cut the entire platform budget to save the state $360 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ewing \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245061-toby-kooth-text_redacted\">texted a colleague\u003c/a> on June 3: “Kooth is freaking out. Is the cut coming from the Admin or the Leg.? Do we know if it’s a done deal?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1465784&view=activity\">lobbying records\u003c/a> show Kooth has paid around $100,000 this year to the firm Capital Advocacy. At the same time, Ewing’s emails and calendars show that he pushed for Kooth’s funding to be retained. For instance, his June 4 calendar shows he was scheduled to \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245592-kooth-toby-meeting-2?responsive=1&title=1\">meet with Laura Tully\u003c/a>, an executive from Kooth USA, at a coffee shop near the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next day, a whistleblower said, Ewing \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245593-senate-meeting-1?responsive=1&title=1\">met with\u003c/a> key Senate staff members: Scott Ogus, deputy staff director of the Senate Budget and Fiscal Review Committee, and Marjorie Swartz, a consultant for Senate President Pro Tempore Mike McGuire. They said Ewing also discussed Kooth’s contract that week with Rosielyn Pulmano, a health policy consultant for Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Toby kept saying that ‘California has to have a digital strategy,’” recalled the whistleblower, who attended both meetings. “He kept pushing Marjorie and Scott, saying that he would give them ideas to make the platform better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ewing \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25244582-copy-of-toby-kooth-suggestions-email?responsive=1&title=1\">emailed ideas\u003c/a> to the legislative aides on June 10 and 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two weeks later, he and the commissioners left for the seven-day trip to the U.K. According to documents filed with the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25245068-london-fppc-801-payment-to-agency-report\">Fair Political Practices Commission\u003c/a>, receipts, and emails reviewed by KFF Health News, Kooth covered the costs of four-star hotels, meals, train tickets, and international flights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public disclosure forms show Kooth paid expenses for Ewing, Madrigal-Weiss, and Brown. The forms do not show the company paid for Carnevale’s travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California law, state officials generally must report travel payments to the FPPC, which Ewing and his fellow commissioners did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kooth postponed a mental health investment \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25244589-uk-brain-capital-summit\">conference in London\u003c/a> in June, emails and documents show, but then organized \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25246512-london-schedule-1\">new events\u003c/a> for the California commissioners to attend instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 23, Newhouse informed Carnevale and Ewing \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25244586-london-trip-postponement?responsive=1&title=1\">in an email\u003c/a> that Kooth needed to postpone the planned June event. Carnevale, a venture capitalist, described the news as “disappointing for all,” especially “because we have already booked trips, including family members of Commissioners who were planning to turn this into a holiday.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acknowledging the disruption, Newhouse told Carnevale that she “would like to think creatively as to whether we could try to arrange a meeting where you can talk about the CYBHI,” referring to Newsom’s Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know, though, from our conversation, that we need to cover the ‘purpose’ of your trip and not sure what is possible or not,” she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Curran, the Kooth spokesperson, said the company “adapted by holding a knowledge exchange between representatives from international policy institutes, research foundations, and nonprofit organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrigal-Weiss defended the trip, which she said included meetings with “members of the government, service providers, education, and finance” who shared ideas on how “to enhance funds for public mental health needs” through private and philanthropic partnerships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the whistleblowers said many of the commissioners back in California were not aware of the trip until their colleagues were halfway across the world. Sami Gallegos, a spokesperson for the California Health and Human Services Agency, said the Department of Health Care Services did not participate in the travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ewing was put on leave before Kooth’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/posts/mindspark360_brain-capital-uk-summit-ugcPost-7249487039157420032-wT6q/?utm_source=share&utm_medium=member_ios\">rescheduled conference\u003c/a> this month in London.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although it’s not unusual for state officials to travel overseas — often on the dime of private entities — it doesn’t look good, said Sean McMorris, a government ethics expert with California Common Cause, a nonprofit government watchdog group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It looks like undue influence,” McMorris said. “I think a lot of people would view something like this as a way to curry favor. You can connect the dots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kooth has similarly gifted travel to state officials in Pennsylvania, where it had a $3 million contract with 30 school districts. In each case, Kooth invited the officials to speak to highlight their work. Pennsylvania has informed Kooth it intends to terminate the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than half of the 410 hospitals in California have at least one building that likely wouldn’t be able to operate after a major earthquake hit their region, and with many institutions claiming they don’t have the money to meet a 2030 legal deadline for earthquake retrofits, the state is now granting relief to some while ramping up pressure on others to get the work done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom in September vetoed legislation championed by the California Hospital Association that would have allowed all hospitals to apply for an extension of the deadline for up to five years. Instead, the Democratic governor signed a more narrowly tailored bill that allows small, rural, or “distressed” hospitals to get an extension of up to three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an expensive thing and a complicated thing for hospitals — independent hospitals in particular,” said Elizabeth Mahler, an associate chief medical officer for Alameda Health System, which is undertaking a $25 million retrofit of its hospital in Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over how seismically safe California hospitals should be dates to the 1971 Sylmar quake near Los Angeles, which prompted a law requiring new hospitals to be built to withstand an earthquake and continue operating. In 1994, after the magnitude 6.7 Northridge quake killed at least 57 people, lawmakers required existing facilities to be upgraded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two laws have left California hospitals with two sets of standards to meet. The first — which originally had a deadline of 2008 but was pushed to 2020 — required hospital buildings to stay standing after an earthquake. About 20 facilities have yet to meet that requirement for at least one of their buildings, although some have received extensions from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many more — 674 buildings spread across 251 licensed hospitals — do not meet the second set of standards, which require hospital facilities to remain functional in the event of a major earthquake. That work is supposed to be done by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The importance of it is hard to argue with,” said Jonathan Stewart, a professor at UCLA’s Samueli School of Engineering, citing a 2023 earthquake in Turkey that damaged or destroyed multiple hospitals. “There were a number of hospitals that were intact but not usable. That’s better than a collapsed structure. But still not what you need at a time of emergency like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influential hospital industry has unsuccessfully lobbied lawmakers for years to extend the 2030 deadline, though the state has granted various extensions to specific facilities. Newsom’s signature on one of the three bills addressing the issue this year represents a partial victory for the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospital administrators have long complained about the steep cost of seismic retrofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While hospitals are working to meet these requirements, many will simply not make the 2030 deadline and be forced by state law to close,” wrote Carmela Coyle, president and CEO of the California Hospital Association, in a letter to Newsom before he vetoed the CHA bill. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/news/press/2019/03/28.html\">2019 Rand Corp. study\u003c/a> paid for by the CHA pinned the price of meeting the 2030 standards at between $34 billion and $143 billion statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='health']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions representing nurses and other medical workers, however, say the hospitals have had plenty of time to get their buildings into compliance and that most have the money to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve had 30 years to do this,” Cathy Kennedy, a nurse in Roseville and one of the presidents of the California Nurses Association, said in an interview prior to the governor’s action. “We are kicking the can down the road year after year, and unfortunately, lives are going to be lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message on the CHA bill, Newsom wrote that a blanket five-year extension wasn’t justified and that any extension “should be limited in scope, granted only on a case-by-case basis to hospitals with demonstrated need and a clear path to compliance, and in combination with strong accountability and enforcement mechanisms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also vetoed a bill directed specifically at helping several hospitals operated by Providence, a Catholic hospital chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he signed a third bill, which allows small, rural, and “critical access” hospitals, and some others, to apply for a three-year extension and directs the Department of Health Care Access and Information to offer them “technical assistance” in meeting the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state designates 37 hospitals as providing “critical access,” while 56 are considered “small,” meaning they have fewer than 50 beds, 59 are considered “rural,” and 32 are “district” hospitals, meaning special government entities fund them called “health care districts.” They can seek a three-year extension as long as they submit a seismic compliance plan and identify milestones for implementing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debi Stebbins, executive director of the Alameda Health Care District, which owns the Alameda Hospital buildings, said small hospitals face a big challenge. Even though Alameda is very close to San Francisco and Oakland, the tunnels, bridges, and ferries that connect it to the mainland could easily be shut in an emergency, making the island’s hospital a lifeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an unfunded mandate,” Stebbins said of the state’s 2030 deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rand study estimated the average cost of a retrofit at \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR3059.html\">more than $92 million\u003c/a> per building, but the amount could vary greatly depending on whether it’s a building that houses hospital beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small and rural hospitals can get some aid from the state via grants financed by the California Electronic Cigarette Excise Tax, but HCAI spokesperson Andrew DiLuccia said it would yield just $2-3 million total annually. He added that the Small and Rural Hospital Relief Program has also received a one-time infusion of $50 million from a tax on health insurers to help with the seismic work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions and critics of the extensions often point to the large profits that some hospitals reap: A California Health Care Foundation report published in August found that California’s hospitals made $3.2 billion in profit during the first quarter of 2024. The study notes that there “continues to be wide variation in financial performance among hospitals, with the bottom quartile showing a net income margin of -5%, compared to +13% for the top quartile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins has had to help her district figure out a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt='A beige building with \"Alameda Hospital\" written on it in blue lettering and a carpark in the foreground.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of Alameda Hospital, which serves the city of Alameda, on Jan. 3, 2023. Alameda Hospital sought a 2-year extension for seismic retrofits in 2022, but Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed it. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Newsom vetoed a bill in 2022 that would have granted an extension on the seismic retrofit deadline specifically for Alameda Hospital, the hospital system and its partner health care district used parcel tax money to help back \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedahealthsystem.org/alameda-hospital-seismic-updates-and-faqs/\">a loan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost to retrofit will be about $25 million, and the system is also investing millions more into other projects, such as a new skilled nursing facility. The construction work is set to be completed in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one wants things crashing in an earthquake or anything else, but at the same time, it’s a burden,” Mahler, the Alameda Health System associate chief medical officer, said. “How do we make sure that they get what they need to stay open?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/about-us\">\u003cem>KFF Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, which publishes \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\">\u003cem>California Healthline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an editorially independent service of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>California Health Care Foundation\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Alameda Health System's facility is among the California hospitals that would take major damage during a large earthquake, as state lawmakers pressure hospital systems to meet a 2030 deadline for retrofits.",
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"title": "Alameda Hospital Among Those Scrambling to Meet Earthquake Retrofit Deadline | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than half of the 410 hospitals in California have at least one building that likely wouldn’t be able to operate after a major earthquake hit their region, and with many institutions claiming they don’t have the money to meet a 2030 legal deadline for earthquake retrofits, the state is now granting relief to some while ramping up pressure on others to get the work done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom in September vetoed legislation championed by the California Hospital Association that would have allowed all hospitals to apply for an extension of the deadline for up to five years. Instead, the Democratic governor signed a more narrowly tailored bill that allows small, rural, or “distressed” hospitals to get an extension of up to three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an expensive thing and a complicated thing for hospitals — independent hospitals in particular,” said Elizabeth Mahler, an associate chief medical officer for Alameda Health System, which is undertaking a $25 million retrofit of its hospital in Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over how seismically safe California hospitals should be dates to the 1971 Sylmar quake near Los Angeles, which prompted a law requiring new hospitals to be built to withstand an earthquake and continue operating. In 1994, after the magnitude 6.7 Northridge quake killed at least 57 people, lawmakers required existing facilities to be upgraded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two laws have left California hospitals with two sets of standards to meet. The first — which originally had a deadline of 2008 but was pushed to 2020 — required hospital buildings to stay standing after an earthquake. About 20 facilities have yet to meet that requirement for at least one of their buildings, although some have received extensions from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many more — 674 buildings spread across 251 licensed hospitals — do not meet the second set of standards, which require hospital facilities to remain functional in the event of a major earthquake. That work is supposed to be done by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The importance of it is hard to argue with,” said Jonathan Stewart, a professor at UCLA’s Samueli School of Engineering, citing a 2023 earthquake in Turkey that damaged or destroyed multiple hospitals. “There were a number of hospitals that were intact but not usable. That’s better than a collapsed structure. But still not what you need at a time of emergency like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influential hospital industry has unsuccessfully lobbied lawmakers for years to extend the 2030 deadline, though the state has granted various extensions to specific facilities. Newsom’s signature on one of the three bills addressing the issue this year represents a partial victory for the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospital administrators have long complained about the steep cost of seismic retrofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While hospitals are working to meet these requirements, many will simply not make the 2030 deadline and be forced by state law to close,” wrote Carmela Coyle, president and CEO of the California Hospital Association, in a letter to Newsom before he vetoed the CHA bill. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/news/press/2019/03/28.html\">2019 Rand Corp. study\u003c/a> paid for by the CHA pinned the price of meeting the 2030 standards at between $34 billion and $143 billion statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions representing nurses and other medical workers, however, say the hospitals have had plenty of time to get their buildings into compliance and that most have the money to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve had 30 years to do this,” Cathy Kennedy, a nurse in Roseville and one of the presidents of the California Nurses Association, said in an interview prior to the governor’s action. “We are kicking the can down the road year after year, and unfortunately, lives are going to be lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message on the CHA bill, Newsom wrote that a blanket five-year extension wasn’t justified and that any extension “should be limited in scope, granted only on a case-by-case basis to hospitals with demonstrated need and a clear path to compliance, and in combination with strong accountability and enforcement mechanisms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also vetoed a bill directed specifically at helping several hospitals operated by Providence, a Catholic hospital chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he signed a third bill, which allows small, rural, and “critical access” hospitals, and some others, to apply for a three-year extension and directs the Department of Health Care Access and Information to offer them “technical assistance” in meeting the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state designates 37 hospitals as providing “critical access,” while 56 are considered “small,” meaning they have fewer than 50 beds, 59 are considered “rural,” and 32 are “district” hospitals, meaning special government entities fund them called “health care districts.” They can seek a three-year extension as long as they submit a seismic compliance plan and identify milestones for implementing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debi Stebbins, executive director of the Alameda Health Care District, which owns the Alameda Hospital buildings, said small hospitals face a big challenge. Even though Alameda is very close to San Francisco and Oakland, the tunnels, bridges, and ferries that connect it to the mainland could easily be shut in an emergency, making the island’s hospital a lifeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an unfunded mandate,” Stebbins said of the state’s 2030 deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rand study estimated the average cost of a retrofit at \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR3059.html\">more than $92 million\u003c/a> per building, but the amount could vary greatly depending on whether it’s a building that houses hospital beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small and rural hospitals can get some aid from the state via grants financed by the California Electronic Cigarette Excise Tax, but HCAI spokesperson Andrew DiLuccia said it would yield just $2-3 million total annually. He added that the Small and Rural Hospital Relief Program has also received a one-time infusion of $50 million from a tax on health insurers to help with the seismic work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions and critics of the extensions often point to the large profits that some hospitals reap: A California Health Care Foundation report published in August found that California’s hospitals made $3.2 billion in profit during the first quarter of 2024. The study notes that there “continues to be wide variation in financial performance among hospitals, with the bottom quartile showing a net income margin of -5%, compared to +13% for the top quartile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins has had to help her district figure out a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt='A beige building with \"Alameda Hospital\" written on it in blue lettering and a carpark in the foreground.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of Alameda Hospital, which serves the city of Alameda, on Jan. 3, 2023. Alameda Hospital sought a 2-year extension for seismic retrofits in 2022, but Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed it. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Newsom vetoed a bill in 2022 that would have granted an extension on the seismic retrofit deadline specifically for Alameda Hospital, the hospital system and its partner health care district used parcel tax money to help back \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedahealthsystem.org/alameda-hospital-seismic-updates-and-faqs/\">a loan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost to retrofit will be about $25 million, and the system is also investing millions more into other projects, such as a new skilled nursing facility. The construction work is set to be completed in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one wants things crashing in an earthquake or anything else, but at the same time, it’s a burden,” Mahler, the Alameda Health System associate chief medical officer, said. “How do we make sure that they get what they need to stay open?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/about-us\">\u003cem>KFF Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, which publishes \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\">\u003cem>California Healthline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an editorially independent service of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>California Health Care Foundation\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-dream-keeper-scandal-supervisors-urgency-releasing-funds",
"title": "After SF Dream Keeper Scandal, Supervisors Call for Urgency in Releasing Funds",
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"headTitle": "After SF Dream Keeper Scandal, Supervisors Call for Urgency in Releasing Funds | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors on Thursday grilled city officials tasked with overseeing spending plans for Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/london-breed\">London Breed\u003c/a>’s Dream Keeper Initiative, an ambitious social equity program that has landed at the center of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004947/sf-mayor-breed-pushes-back-against-corruption-criticism-from-opponents\">spiraling scandal at the Human Rights Commission\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It comes amid an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">increasingly tense election cycle\u003c/a> in which multiple candidates face allegations of ethical lapses and follows several major City Hall scandals that have cracked open during Breed’s tenure — including allegations that former HRC director Sheryl Davis was misspending public funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004687/mayor-breed-taps-new-sf-human-rights-director-as-misspending-scrutiny-intensifies\">resigned last month\u003c/a> after reports that she had overseen and signed off on problematic spending of Dream Keeper funds, including a lack of documentation and overpaying in some cases by tens of thousands of dollars. Breed spearheaded the initiative to steer tens of millions of dollars from law enforcement budgets to programs aimed at providing job training, homeownership opportunities and other social and economic support for Black San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s hearing was called by Supervisors Ahsha Safaí and Aaron Peskin, who are both running to unseat Breed for mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s be clear, there was a whistleblower complaint and some of those allegations seem to have been validated,” Peskin said. “What I am trying to do here is to be transparent. I think that aids in our collective goal, which is to change health outcomes [and] economic outcomes in a community that has long fought for and deserved it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor has paused funding for future contracts with the Dream Keeper Initiative — though existing contracts are still active — while an investigation into the potential misspending is underway. Still, supervisors and officials who spoke on Thursday suggested there is widespread support in City Hall for preserving the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston pressed the Human Rights Commission’s interim director, Mawuli Tugbenyoh, for a timeline on when funding could be released for programs that are meeting the city’s standards. Tugbenyoh, who was tapped to replace Davis last month, said a timeline is not yet available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels like there is a lack of urgency on that [creating a timeline] compared to what I hear from community-based organizations and folks receiving services. People are going to literally lay off staff or have already because funding is paused,” Preston said. “There should be a timeline with an initial review … and do that with urgency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006395 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240725-BreedEndorsementPresser-75-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862094/sf-mayor-breed-unveils-plan-for-reinvesting-120-million-from-police-into-black-communities\">passed unanimously in 2021\u003c/a> and was inspired by the protests over the police killing of George Floyd, has aimed to redirect $120 million to address systemic racism in San Francisco. The city’s Black community faces disproportionate challenges, including having the lowest household income and lowest rate of homeownership among all racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several supporters spoke during the meeting’s public comment in favor of continuing the funding. One Black resident said she was able to successfully launch her own consulting firm with the program’s support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others criticized the way city officials and media have focused scrutiny on the program, which also funds food security, after-school and extracurricular activities for youth and other programs for the Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have villainized the black community through DKI,” said Phelicia Jones, a longtime civil rights and community advocate for the Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood. “People are scared about how the Chronicle will see them and scared how the Standard will see them, and it’s not fair to the Black community. This is a smear campaign against Mayor Breed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tugbenyoh shared several changes that the Human Rights Commission has introduced following Davis’ resignation. Those include bringing on a financial support team from the Controller’s Office to assist with accounting oversight and suspending the commission’s Authority to make purchases without a competitive bid process, so all procurement must now go through the Office of Contract Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tugbenyoh also shared that the Human Rights Commission has still not selected anyone to temporarily oversee the Dream Keeper Initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am losing sleep over getting this money out. I know that community organizations have been in a bit of a holding pattern for a number of months,” he said. “There certainly is urgency on my part and my staff’s part to get these funds out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An earlier version of this story said Thursday’s hearing was called by Supervisors Dean Preston and Aaron Peskin. It has been updated to reflect that the hearing was called by Supervisors Ahsha Safaí and Aaron Peskin. It has also been updated to reflect that the mayor, not the city as a whole, paused funding for the Dream Keeper Initiative.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors on Thursday grilled city officials tasked with overseeing spending plans for Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/london-breed\">London Breed\u003c/a>’s Dream Keeper Initiative, an ambitious social equity program that has landed at the center of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004947/sf-mayor-breed-pushes-back-against-corruption-criticism-from-opponents\">spiraling scandal at the Human Rights Commission\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It comes amid an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">increasingly tense election cycle\u003c/a> in which multiple candidates face allegations of ethical lapses and follows several major City Hall scandals that have cracked open during Breed’s tenure — including allegations that former HRC director Sheryl Davis was misspending public funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004687/mayor-breed-taps-new-sf-human-rights-director-as-misspending-scrutiny-intensifies\">resigned last month\u003c/a> after reports that she had overseen and signed off on problematic spending of Dream Keeper funds, including a lack of documentation and overpaying in some cases by tens of thousands of dollars. Breed spearheaded the initiative to steer tens of millions of dollars from law enforcement budgets to programs aimed at providing job training, homeownership opportunities and other social and economic support for Black San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s hearing was called by Supervisors Ahsha Safaí and Aaron Peskin, who are both running to unseat Breed for mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s be clear, there was a whistleblower complaint and some of those allegations seem to have been validated,” Peskin said. “What I am trying to do here is to be transparent. I think that aids in our collective goal, which is to change health outcomes [and] economic outcomes in a community that has long fought for and deserved it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor has paused funding for future contracts with the Dream Keeper Initiative — though existing contracts are still active — while an investigation into the potential misspending is underway. Still, supervisors and officials who spoke on Thursday suggested there is widespread support in City Hall for preserving the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston pressed the Human Rights Commission’s interim director, Mawuli Tugbenyoh, for a timeline on when funding could be released for programs that are meeting the city’s standards. Tugbenyoh, who was tapped to replace Davis last month, said a timeline is not yet available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels like there is a lack of urgency on that [creating a timeline] compared to what I hear from community-based organizations and folks receiving services. People are going to literally lay off staff or have already because funding is paused,” Preston said. “There should be a timeline with an initial review … and do that with urgency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862094/sf-mayor-breed-unveils-plan-for-reinvesting-120-million-from-police-into-black-communities\">passed unanimously in 2021\u003c/a> and was inspired by the protests over the police killing of George Floyd, has aimed to redirect $120 million to address systemic racism in San Francisco. The city’s Black community faces disproportionate challenges, including having the lowest household income and lowest rate of homeownership among all racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several supporters spoke during the meeting’s public comment in favor of continuing the funding. One Black resident said she was able to successfully launch her own consulting firm with the program’s support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others criticized the way city officials and media have focused scrutiny on the program, which also funds food security, after-school and extracurricular activities for youth and other programs for the Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have villainized the black community through DKI,” said Phelicia Jones, a longtime civil rights and community advocate for the Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood. “People are scared about how the Chronicle will see them and scared how the Standard will see them, and it’s not fair to the Black community. This is a smear campaign against Mayor Breed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tugbenyoh shared several changes that the Human Rights Commission has introduced following Davis’ resignation. Those include bringing on a financial support team from the Controller’s Office to assist with accounting oversight and suspending the commission’s Authority to make purchases without a competitive bid process, so all procurement must now go through the Office of Contract Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tugbenyoh also shared that the Human Rights Commission has still not selected anyone to temporarily oversee the Dream Keeper Initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am losing sleep over getting this money out. I know that community organizations have been in a bit of a holding pattern for a number of months,” he said. “There certainly is urgency on my part and my staff’s part to get these funds out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An earlier version of this story said Thursday’s hearing was called by Supervisors Dean Preston and Aaron Peskin. It has been updated to reflect that the hearing was called by Supervisors Ahsha Safaí and Aaron Peskin. It has also been updated to reflect that the mayor, not the city as a whole, paused funding for the Dream Keeper Initiative.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-shaped-pelosi-feinstein-newsom-harris-global-political-leaders",
"title": "How SF Shaped Pelosi, Feinstein, Newsom and Harris Into Global Political Leaders",
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"headTitle": "How SF Shaped Pelosi, Feinstein, Newsom and Harris Into Global Political Leaders | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> proudly played up her East Bay roots at the Democratic National Convention, but her political career was launched in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, Harris, then a relatively unknown prosecutor, challenged the city’s incumbent district attorney. To the surprise of many, she won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris’ rise from elected office in San Francisco is extraordinary. Next month, she could become the first Black and South Asian woman elected President of the United States. She reached the doorstep of the presidency by following a path forged by those who used the city’s cutthroat politics as a proving ground for seeking higher office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi was the first female Speaker of the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dianne Feinstein was the first woman to serve as San Francisco mayor before making her mark in the U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi speaks at the North Carolina Democratic Unity Dinner fundraiser in Raleigh, North Carolina, on July 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Karl B DeBlaker/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gavin Newsom climbed the ladder from an obscure city commission to become mayor and now governor of California with a national megaphone. He was elected mayor the same year Harris defeated her former boss, San Francisco District Attorney Terence Hallinan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11963548 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/110A3835-scaled-e1696541380321-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians have emerged from other California cities to establish a national profile — notably former President Ronald Reagan and former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger — but they were launched from Hollywood, not the Los Angeles political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s political legacy raises the question: How can a relatively small city of 800,000 produce so many politicians with national and international prominence?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This city requires its elected officials to engage on a daily basis in complex discussions with informed constituents who will raise the most intricate of local issues, no matter if you are walking through the Presidio or attending an event at Delancey Street,” Harris said at the public memorial for Feinstein, who died in September 2023. “And this environment, I do believe, guided Dianne’s style of leadership, even after she reached the heights of national and global power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg\" alt=\"Woman speaks at lectern in front of building\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Vice President Kamala Harris speaks as San Francisco Mayor London Breed listens during the funeral for California Sen. Dianne Feinstein at City Hall in San Francisco on Thursday, Oct. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(The San Francisco Chronicle )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former state Assembly Speaker and San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown, who many would include on the city’s list of political titans, said the environment that launched Harris, Feinstein and many others can all be traced to one person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Phil Burton is the father of all of this — period. Literally,” Brown said recently, referring to the late Congressman who came within a vote of becoming House majority leader in 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, Burton began assembling what became known in San Francisco political circles as “the Burton Machine,” a coalition of religious leaders, unions and community activists who fine-tuned the art of winning elections. His brother, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage%7Chttps://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage\">John Burton\u003c/a>, an advocate for civil rights and environmental protections, served in the state Assembly and Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said Phil Burton expanded the city’s Democratic Party’s membership to include people who were largely ignored until the civil rights era. Burton, Brown said, “noticed that minorities were being left out. And he began to structure the world of politics that literally caused involvement by that collection of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11834223\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 501px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11834223 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"501\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg 501w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358-160x128.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 501px) 100vw, 501px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblyman Leo T. McCarthy, Assemblyman Willie L. Brown, Congressman Phil Burton and Art Agnos in the early 1980s. \u003ccite>(San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were all church and labor. Then we added ‘misfits’ — people who were pushed on the outside,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was the first to invite Chinese American and gay communities to be in the Democratic coalition. Successfully navigating San Francisco’s multicultural communities, with all their complex, nuanced issues and concerns, helps prepare politicians for the national stage, Brown argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason that the current vice president can be so effective during the course of dialog in a debate is that’s what she had to do to survive here,” he said.\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was first elected to Congress in 1964. He used his political power to author landmark legislation, including the bill that created the Golden Gate National Recreation Area to protect the California coast — from northern Marin County to southern San Mateo County — from development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1962, Burton urged Brown, then a young defense attorney, to run to represent San Francisco in the state Assembly, a race he lost before being elected two years later. Burton also recruited Pelosi, then a homemaker living in Pacific Heights, to host fundraisers in her home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005996\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg\" alt=\"A row of flagpoles displaying rainbow flags stands in front of San Francisco City Hall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rainbow flags line the plaza in front of the San Francisco City Hall following the rulings brought down by the Supreme Court on same-sex marriage. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Burton died suddenly in 1983, his widow, Sala, replaced him in Congress. Just before she died of cancer in 1987, she encouraged Pelosi to run for the seat. By then, Pelosi had become a prolific Democratic Party fundraiser but told KQED she had never really thought of running for office herself. In a special election to fill the seat, she faced more than a dozen opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a live debate at KQED, one opponent, city Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver, said Pelosi was out of touch with average San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How can she relate to people like me, a single parent, working mother?”’ Silver asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another opponent, Supervisor Harry Britt, criticized Pelosi during a campaign appearance for using her connections for national races and issues more than local politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would specifically challenge Nancy Pelosi to show one time in the last 20 years when those connections have been used, standing with the people of this community on issues of importance to this community,” Britt said. “One time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once elected, Pelosi leveraged relationships she made in San Francisco business circles, including in the emerging tech community, to become a prolific fundraiser for Democrats across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all paved the way for her to become the first female Speaker of the House. Three years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ag8XCVjDs_I\">Pelosi told KQED\u003c/a> that in her first race for Congress, she became the focus of all the other candidates once polls showed her leading the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002366\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Rep. Nancy Pelosi, speaker emerita of the House, speaks with KQED Forum host Mina Kim at the KQED offices in San Francisco before a live broadcast on Aug. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Then I became the target by everybody, and they started saying all these things,” she recalled. “These are people I had in my home, that I had done events for, and all of a sudden, I didn’t know anything about anything, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race toughened up Pelosi for the rigors of Beltway politics in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same could be said for Harris. She was a prosecutor in the Alameda County District Attorney’s office when she briefly dated Brown, then the Assembly speaker, in 1994 until after he was elected mayor of San Francisco in 1995. Brown was her political mentor and helped open doors for Harris to the circles that wielded a lot of influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Prozan, who worked with Harris on her early campaigns, said San Francisco politics is like an episode of \u003cem>Survivor.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The caliber of people who run against each other have brass knuckles and are street fighters,” Prozan said. “And so when you have the kind of competition for elective office that you have in San Francisco, that prepares you for the next level and the next level and the next level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009320\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at City Hall in San Francisco on Aug. 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, who previously served on the Board of Supervisors and in the state Assembly, famously described the city’s politics as a “knife fight in a phone booth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are used to playing very hardball, rough and tumble politics. It is not genteel,” he said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu, who told KQED he encouraged Harris to run for DA, said the city’s size and liberal politics mean campaigns get nasty and personal fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just squished up against each other in the political spectrum and trying to carve minuscule distinctions between imperceptible shades of blue,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 Bay Area Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/bayarea,Learn about every single race and measure across the nine Bay Area counties' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s vibrant and diverse Asian American communities have unique issues. For example, winning over Chinese American voters means campaigning in front of multiple political organizations, each with different priorities. Successful candidates in San Francisco have to navigate it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every single one of those constituencies, which in most other places would be a constituency, has a diversity of constituencies within those constituencies,” Chiu noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political consultant Ace Smith, who worked on campaigns for both Harris and Newsom, said San Francisco is to politics what the Dominican Republic is to baseball — a relatively small island that produces big league stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A huge amount of them make it to the majors and make a huge impact in the majors,” Smith said. “You had better be able to hit everything from the 100-mile-an-hour pitch to the nastiest curveball to the screwball and everything in between.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, currently running for mayor, said there’s no hiding because San Franciscans are so engaged in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot get away with being mediocre in San Francisco,” Peskin said. “You have to be the best of the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Sen. Barbara Boxer, who once represented a slice of San Francisco, along with Marin County, in Congress, noted that while the city is known as being extremely liberal by national standards, the politicians who climb the ladder don’t fit that mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a progressive place, but it’s not progressive crazy,” Boxer told KQED recently. “I think the people who wind up winning are progressive pragmatists, not progressive dreamers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said San Francisco requires more of its politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The recognition of competence and cultural competence — one size doesn’t fit all. Recognition of diversity, inclusivity,” he said. “And when you create an inclusive environment, you create an entrepreneurial environment, innovative environment. And inclusivity brings the best and the brightest from around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you have that mashup of greatness as well. And I think the politicians have to apply all that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> proudly played up her East Bay roots at the Democratic National Convention, but her political career was launched in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, Harris, then a relatively unknown prosecutor, challenged the city’s incumbent district attorney. To the surprise of many, she won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris’ rise from elected office in San Francisco is extraordinary. Next month, she could become the first Black and South Asian woman elected President of the United States. She reached the doorstep of the presidency by following a path forged by those who used the city’s cutthroat politics as a proving ground for seeking higher office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi was the first female Speaker of the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dianne Feinstein was the first woman to serve as San Francisco mayor before making her mark in the U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi speaks at the North Carolina Democratic Unity Dinner fundraiser in Raleigh, North Carolina, on July 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Karl B DeBlaker/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gavin Newsom climbed the ladder from an obscure city commission to become mayor and now governor of California with a national megaphone. He was elected mayor the same year Harris defeated her former boss, San Francisco District Attorney Terence Hallinan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians have emerged from other California cities to establish a national profile — notably former President Ronald Reagan and former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger — but they were launched from Hollywood, not the Los Angeles political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s political legacy raises the question: How can a relatively small city of 800,000 produce so many politicians with national and international prominence?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This city requires its elected officials to engage on a daily basis in complex discussions with informed constituents who will raise the most intricate of local issues, no matter if you are walking through the Presidio or attending an event at Delancey Street,” Harris said at the public memorial for Feinstein, who died in September 2023. “And this environment, I do believe, guided Dianne’s style of leadership, even after she reached the heights of national and global power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg\" alt=\"Woman speaks at lectern in front of building\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Vice President Kamala Harris speaks as San Francisco Mayor London Breed listens during the funeral for California Sen. Dianne Feinstein at City Hall in San Francisco on Thursday, Oct. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(The San Francisco Chronicle )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former state Assembly Speaker and San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown, who many would include on the city’s list of political titans, said the environment that launched Harris, Feinstein and many others can all be traced to one person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Phil Burton is the father of all of this — period. Literally,” Brown said recently, referring to the late Congressman who came within a vote of becoming House majority leader in 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, Burton began assembling what became known in San Francisco political circles as “the Burton Machine,” a coalition of religious leaders, unions and community activists who fine-tuned the art of winning elections. His brother, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage%7Chttps://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage\">John Burton\u003c/a>, an advocate for civil rights and environmental protections, served in the state Assembly and Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said Phil Burton expanded the city’s Democratic Party’s membership to include people who were largely ignored until the civil rights era. Burton, Brown said, “noticed that minorities were being left out. And he began to structure the world of politics that literally caused involvement by that collection of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11834223\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 501px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11834223 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"501\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg 501w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358-160x128.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 501px) 100vw, 501px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblyman Leo T. McCarthy, Assemblyman Willie L. Brown, Congressman Phil Burton and Art Agnos in the early 1980s. \u003ccite>(San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were all church and labor. Then we added ‘misfits’ — people who were pushed on the outside,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was the first to invite Chinese American and gay communities to be in the Democratic coalition. Successfully navigating San Francisco’s multicultural communities, with all their complex, nuanced issues and concerns, helps prepare politicians for the national stage, Brown argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason that the current vice president can be so effective during the course of dialog in a debate is that’s what she had to do to survive here,” he said.\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was first elected to Congress in 1964. He used his political power to author landmark legislation, including the bill that created the Golden Gate National Recreation Area to protect the California coast — from northern Marin County to southern San Mateo County — from development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1962, Burton urged Brown, then a young defense attorney, to run to represent San Francisco in the state Assembly, a race he lost before being elected two years later. Burton also recruited Pelosi, then a homemaker living in Pacific Heights, to host fundraisers in her home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005996\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg\" alt=\"A row of flagpoles displaying rainbow flags stands in front of San Francisco City Hall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rainbow flags line the plaza in front of the San Francisco City Hall following the rulings brought down by the Supreme Court on same-sex marriage. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Burton died suddenly in 1983, his widow, Sala, replaced him in Congress. Just before she died of cancer in 1987, she encouraged Pelosi to run for the seat. By then, Pelosi had become a prolific Democratic Party fundraiser but told KQED she had never really thought of running for office herself. In a special election to fill the seat, she faced more than a dozen opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a live debate at KQED, one opponent, city Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver, said Pelosi was out of touch with average San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How can she relate to people like me, a single parent, working mother?”’ Silver asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another opponent, Supervisor Harry Britt, criticized Pelosi during a campaign appearance for using her connections for national races and issues more than local politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would specifically challenge Nancy Pelosi to show one time in the last 20 years when those connections have been used, standing with the people of this community on issues of importance to this community,” Britt said. “One time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once elected, Pelosi leveraged relationships she made in San Francisco business circles, including in the emerging tech community, to become a prolific fundraiser for Democrats across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all paved the way for her to become the first female Speaker of the House. Three years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ag8XCVjDs_I\">Pelosi told KQED\u003c/a> that in her first race for Congress, she became the focus of all the other candidates once polls showed her leading the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002366\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Rep. Nancy Pelosi, speaker emerita of the House, speaks with KQED Forum host Mina Kim at the KQED offices in San Francisco before a live broadcast on Aug. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Then I became the target by everybody, and they started saying all these things,” she recalled. “These are people I had in my home, that I had done events for, and all of a sudden, I didn’t know anything about anything, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race toughened up Pelosi for the rigors of Beltway politics in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same could be said for Harris. She was a prosecutor in the Alameda County District Attorney’s office when she briefly dated Brown, then the Assembly speaker, in 1994 until after he was elected mayor of San Francisco in 1995. Brown was her political mentor and helped open doors for Harris to the circles that wielded a lot of influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Prozan, who worked with Harris on her early campaigns, said San Francisco politics is like an episode of \u003cem>Survivor.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The caliber of people who run against each other have brass knuckles and are street fighters,” Prozan said. “And so when you have the kind of competition for elective office that you have in San Francisco, that prepares you for the next level and the next level and the next level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009320\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at City Hall in San Francisco on Aug. 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, who previously served on the Board of Supervisors and in the state Assembly, famously described the city’s politics as a “knife fight in a phone booth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are used to playing very hardball, rough and tumble politics. It is not genteel,” he said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu, who told KQED he encouraged Harris to run for DA, said the city’s size and liberal politics mean campaigns get nasty and personal fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just squished up against each other in the political spectrum and trying to carve minuscule distinctions between imperceptible shades of blue,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s vibrant and diverse Asian American communities have unique issues. For example, winning over Chinese American voters means campaigning in front of multiple political organizations, each with different priorities. Successful candidates in San Francisco have to navigate it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every single one of those constituencies, which in most other places would be a constituency, has a diversity of constituencies within those constituencies,” Chiu noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political consultant Ace Smith, who worked on campaigns for both Harris and Newsom, said San Francisco is to politics what the Dominican Republic is to baseball — a relatively small island that produces big league stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A huge amount of them make it to the majors and make a huge impact in the majors,” Smith said. “You had better be able to hit everything from the 100-mile-an-hour pitch to the nastiest curveball to the screwball and everything in between.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, currently running for mayor, said there’s no hiding because San Franciscans are so engaged in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot get away with being mediocre in San Francisco,” Peskin said. “You have to be the best of the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Sen. Barbara Boxer, who once represented a slice of San Francisco, along with Marin County, in Congress, noted that while the city is known as being extremely liberal by national standards, the politicians who climb the ladder don’t fit that mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a progressive place, but it’s not progressive crazy,” Boxer told KQED recently. “I think the people who wind up winning are progressive pragmatists, not progressive dreamers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said San Francisco requires more of its politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The recognition of competence and cultural competence — one size doesn’t fit all. Recognition of diversity, inclusivity,” he said. “And when you create an inclusive environment, you create an entrepreneurial environment, innovative environment. And inclusivity brings the best and the brightest from around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you have that mashup of greatness as well. And I think the politicians have to apply all that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With a growing backlog of unconfirmed judicial nominees bottled up in the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941047/sen-dianne-feinstein-wont-seek-reelection-ending-groundbreaking-political-career\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein\u003c/a> issued a statement Wednesday saying she’s asked Majority Leader Chuck Schumer to temporarily name another Democrat to the panel until she is able to return to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was first diagnosed with shingles, I expected to return by the end of the March work period. Unfortunately, my return to Washington has been delayed due to continued complications related to my diagnosis,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand that my absence could delay the important work of the Judiciary Committee, so I’ve asked Leader Schumer to ask the Senate to allow another Democratic senator to temporarily serve until I’m able to resume my committee work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But pressure on Feinstein to step aside more permanently is mounting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area Democrat Ro Khanna (D-Fremont) on Wednesday called on Feinstein to give up the seat she has held for more than 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna, who has endorsed East Bay U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee in the race to replace Feinstein after she leaves at the end of next year, called on Feinstein to resign to enable the Senate to confirm a backlog of judicial nominations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946548\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946548 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS38646_IMG_0438-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An Indian man with dark hair and eyes wears a light blue business suit and busy orange and green tie sits on a wooden bench outside. He sits crossed-legged with his arms folded on his knee. He looks to the right of the camera. Crowds of people and children are pictured behind him.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS38646_IMG_0438-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS38646_IMG_0438-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS38646_IMG_0438-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS38646_IMG_0438-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS38646_IMG_0438-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Rep. Ro Khanna of California’s 17th District on Aug. 24, 2019. \u003ccite>(Sruti Mamidanna/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We need to put the country ahead of personal loyalty. While she has had a lifetime of public service, it is obvious she can no longer fulfill her duties,” Khanna said on Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna noted the recent decision from a Trump-appointed judge to reverse the FDA’s 2000 approval of the drug mifepristone, which is used in medical abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ruling by an extremist judge in Texas has made it clear that Democrats must act with speed and urgency to confirm judicial nominees who will protect the right to an abortion. Senator Feinstein is unable to fulfill her duties and for the good of the people, she should resign,” Khanna said.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"US Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Fremont)\"]‘Senator Feinstein is unable to fulfill her duties and for the good of the people, she should resign.’[/pullquote]Even if Schumer appoints another Democrat to take Feinstein’s spot on the Judiciary Committee, it’s by no means certain that would fix the problem with confirming judges. Senate rules require unanimous consent from all senators to change a committee member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem with that is that any Republican can object to that,” said Khanna. “I anticipate they will object to that. And that is what is my concern. Now, what happens if they object to it and we have the same problem, that we don’t have our judges being confirmed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without unanimous consent to replace Feinstein on the committee, Democrats would need to pursue another track, which would require 60 votes, meaning several Republicans would need to cooperate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna is often out of lockstep with his party. In 2021, he was the last Democrat in California’s congressional delegation to endorse U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla, who was up for election after being appointed to the job by Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked for her thoughts on Feinstein’s status and whether she should step aside, Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi pushed back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s interesting to me, I don’t know what political agendas are at work that are going after Senator Feinstein in that way,” Pelosi said in San Francisco Wednesday. “I’ve never seen them go after a man who was sick in the Senate in that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while Khanna is the first elected Democrat from California to openly call on Feinstein to step down, he is unlikely to be the last. Her absence from the evenly divided Senate Judiciary Committee blocks Democrats’ ability to move President Joe Biden’s nominations for the federal bench to a confirmation vote of the full Senate floor.[aside label='More on California' tag='california']Feinstein’s legacy as a groundbreaking Democrat — she was the first woman to serve on the Senate Judiciary Committee — has kept most Democrats from speaking out. But for more than a year, there have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940460/long-before-feinstein-another-california-senator-faced-questions-about-mental-fitness\">whispers from her Senate colleagues\u003c/a> — mostly unnamed — that the 89-year-old senator has been losing her mental acuity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been some deterioration in her mental acuity. Many senators, many of her colleagues, have mentioned that to me,” said congressional scholar Norman Ornstein of the American Enterprise Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot force her to resign,” he added. “You cannot expel her. But what you can do is move her off the [Judiciary] committee. Replace her with another Democrat to get that necessary one-vote margin to begin to move these confirmations through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein has missed most of the Senate votes this year, which includes more than two dozen for judicial nominations with some of those from California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be very, very difficult to fill those vacancies,” said Jessica Levinson of Loyola Law School in Los Angeles. “So for the Democrats, I think it makes every sense in the world to take the steps necessary to be able to move these judicial nominations,” especially given that “there’s this looming clock that just is starting to tick faster and faster and faster\u003ci>” \u003c/i>as the 2024 election approaches.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Norman Ornstein, congressional scholar, American Enterprise Institute\"]‘We need to have judges confirmed so that we can recapture some of the balance of the federal judiciary. And right now, Dianne Feinstein, not because of her own choosing, nonetheless, is an obstacle.’[/pullquote]“We need to have judges confirmed so that we can recapture some of the balance of the federal judiciary,” Ornstein said. “And right now, Dianne Feinstein, not because of her own choosing, nonetheless, is an obstacle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Constitution Society (ACS) tracks vacancies in the federal judiciary and the progress of judicial nominations. According to the ACS, there are now 36 pending vacancies awaiting a vote by the Judiciary Committee and 18 awaiting a vote on the Senate floor. Six more nominees are waiting for a hearing by the Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ongoing absences are impairing not only the Senate’s ability to confirm judges, but the Senate Judiciary Committee’s ability to advance nominations,” said ACS President Russ Feingold, a former U.S. senator from Wisconsin who served with Feinstein on the Judiciary Committee before he was defeated in 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946594\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946594 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1247142684.jpg\" alt=\"An older white woman with light, brown hair and a blue business suit stands next to another man with gray hair and a gray suit. He holds a yellow folder and is showing the woman a document inside a government building.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1247142684.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1247142684-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1247142684-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1247142684-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1247142684-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) chats with a staffer as she leaves the Senate chamber following a vote at the US Capitol on Tuesday, Feb. 14, 2023, in Washington, DC. Feinstein, California’s longest-serving senator, announced she will not run for reelection next year, marking the end of one of the state’s most storied political careers. Despite ongoing health concerns, she plans to remain in office through the end of her term. \u003ccite>(Kent Nishimura/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If Senator Feinstein expects to be unable to participate in Judiciary Committee activities much longer, she could significantly help the situation by taking the necessary steps to enable another senator to take her seat on the Committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Feinstein is vowing to return to work in Washington, it’s by no means certain that she’ll be able to. If she decides to resign before her term ends, Newsom could choose someone to fill out her term. In 2021, Newsom said he would name a Black woman to the seat if he had the opportunity. At the time, Rep. Barbara Lee’s name was floated as a possible appointment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the 2024 Senate campaign now in full swing, however, and Lee one of three prominent Democrats running, along with Congressmembers Adam Schiff and Katie Porter, it’s unlikely Newsom would want to upend voters’ opportunity to choose a successor. But he could name a caretaker who promised not to run for a full six-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Senate will reconvene Monday, April 17, after a two-week recess, and if Schumer can move quickly to name another Democrat to the Judiciary Committee, it could name pending nominations as soon as Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But pressure on Feinstein to step aside more permanently is mounting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area Democrat Ro Khanna (D-Fremont) on Wednesday called on Feinstein to give up the seat she has held for more than 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna, who has endorsed East Bay U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee in the race to replace Feinstein after she leaves at the end of next year, called on Feinstein to resign to enable the Senate to confirm a backlog of judicial nominations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946548\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946548 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS38646_IMG_0438-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An Indian man with dark hair and eyes wears a light blue business suit and busy orange and green tie sits on a wooden bench outside. He sits crossed-legged with his arms folded on his knee. He looks to the right of the camera. Crowds of people and children are pictured behind him.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS38646_IMG_0438-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS38646_IMG_0438-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS38646_IMG_0438-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS38646_IMG_0438-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS38646_IMG_0438-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Rep. Ro Khanna of California’s 17th District on Aug. 24, 2019. \u003ccite>(Sruti Mamidanna/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We need to put the country ahead of personal loyalty. While she has had a lifetime of public service, it is obvious she can no longer fulfill her duties,” Khanna said on Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna noted the recent decision from a Trump-appointed judge to reverse the FDA’s 2000 approval of the drug mifepristone, which is used in medical abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ruling by an extremist judge in Texas has made it clear that Democrats must act with speed and urgency to confirm judicial nominees who will protect the right to an abortion. Senator Feinstein is unable to fulfill her duties and for the good of the people, she should resign,” Khanna said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Senator Feinstein is unable to fulfill her duties and for the good of the people, she should resign.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even if Schumer appoints another Democrat to take Feinstein’s spot on the Judiciary Committee, it’s by no means certain that would fix the problem with confirming judges. Senate rules require unanimous consent from all senators to change a committee member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem with that is that any Republican can object to that,” said Khanna. “I anticipate they will object to that. And that is what is my concern. Now, what happens if they object to it and we have the same problem, that we don’t have our judges being confirmed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without unanimous consent to replace Feinstein on the committee, Democrats would need to pursue another track, which would require 60 votes, meaning several Republicans would need to cooperate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna is often out of lockstep with his party. In 2021, he was the last Democrat in California’s congressional delegation to endorse U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla, who was up for election after being appointed to the job by Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked for her thoughts on Feinstein’s status and whether she should step aside, Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi pushed back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s interesting to me, I don’t know what political agendas are at work that are going after Senator Feinstein in that way,” Pelosi said in San Francisco Wednesday. “I’ve never seen them go after a man who was sick in the Senate in that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while Khanna is the first elected Democrat from California to openly call on Feinstein to step down, he is unlikely to be the last. Her absence from the evenly divided Senate Judiciary Committee blocks Democrats’ ability to move President Joe Biden’s nominations for the federal bench to a confirmation vote of the full Senate floor.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Feinstein’s legacy as a groundbreaking Democrat — she was the first woman to serve on the Senate Judiciary Committee — has kept most Democrats from speaking out. But for more than a year, there have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940460/long-before-feinstein-another-california-senator-faced-questions-about-mental-fitness\">whispers from her Senate colleagues\u003c/a> — mostly unnamed — that the 89-year-old senator has been losing her mental acuity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been some deterioration in her mental acuity. Many senators, many of her colleagues, have mentioned that to me,” said congressional scholar Norman Ornstein of the American Enterprise Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot force her to resign,” he added. “You cannot expel her. But what you can do is move her off the [Judiciary] committee. Replace her with another Democrat to get that necessary one-vote margin to begin to move these confirmations through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein has missed most of the Senate votes this year, which includes more than two dozen for judicial nominations with some of those from California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be very, very difficult to fill those vacancies,” said Jessica Levinson of Loyola Law School in Los Angeles. “So for the Democrats, I think it makes every sense in the world to take the steps necessary to be able to move these judicial nominations,” especially given that “there’s this looming clock that just is starting to tick faster and faster and faster\u003ci>” \u003c/i>as the 2024 election approaches.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We need to have judges confirmed so that we can recapture some of the balance of the federal judiciary. And right now, Dianne Feinstein, not because of her own choosing, nonetheless, is an obstacle.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We need to have judges confirmed so that we can recapture some of the balance of the federal judiciary,” Ornstein said. “And right now, Dianne Feinstein, not because of her own choosing, nonetheless, is an obstacle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Constitution Society (ACS) tracks vacancies in the federal judiciary and the progress of judicial nominations. According to the ACS, there are now 36 pending vacancies awaiting a vote by the Judiciary Committee and 18 awaiting a vote on the Senate floor. Six more nominees are waiting for a hearing by the Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ongoing absences are impairing not only the Senate’s ability to confirm judges, but the Senate Judiciary Committee’s ability to advance nominations,” said ACS President Russ Feingold, a former U.S. senator from Wisconsin who served with Feinstein on the Judiciary Committee before he was defeated in 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946594\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946594 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1247142684.jpg\" alt=\"An older white woman with light, brown hair and a blue business suit stands next to another man with gray hair and a gray suit. He holds a yellow folder and is showing the woman a document inside a government building.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1247142684.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1247142684-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1247142684-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1247142684-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1247142684-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) chats with a staffer as she leaves the Senate chamber following a vote at the US Capitol on Tuesday, Feb. 14, 2023, in Washington, DC. Feinstein, California’s longest-serving senator, announced she will not run for reelection next year, marking the end of one of the state’s most storied political careers. Despite ongoing health concerns, she plans to remain in office through the end of her term. \u003ccite>(Kent Nishimura/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If Senator Feinstein expects to be unable to participate in Judiciary Committee activities much longer, she could significantly help the situation by taking the necessary steps to enable another senator to take her seat on the Committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Feinstein is vowing to return to work in Washington, it’s by no means certain that she’ll be able to. If she decides to resign before her term ends, Newsom could choose someone to fill out her term. In 2021, Newsom said he would name a Black woman to the seat if he had the opportunity. At the time, Rep. Barbara Lee’s name was floated as a possible appointment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the 2024 Senate campaign now in full swing, however, and Lee one of three prominent Democrats running, along with Congressmembers Adam Schiff and Katie Porter, it’s unlikely Newsom would want to upend voters’ opportunity to choose a successor. But he could name a caretaker who promised not to run for a full six-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Senate will reconvene Monday, April 17, after a two-week recess, and if Schumer can move quickly to name another Democrat to the Judiciary Committee, it could name pending nominations as soon as Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The symptoms for COVID-19 hit Larry Williams pretty fast. He got sweaty, disoriented. His blood pressure dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told me that they feared that I was going to have a heart attack or heart failure,” Williams said by phone from San Quentin State Prison, where he is incarcerated. “They thought I was going to crash.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, who has underlying health conditions that put him at risk for dying from COVID-19, tested positive for the virus on June 11, a day after a correctional officer asked him to help move hundreds of boxes from the bottom floor of a prison unit to a higher tier. After taking a couple loads, he asked whose belongings they were moving. He said the officer shrugged and told him the property belonged to 121 inmates who had transferred there at the end of May from the California Institution for Men in Chino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-five of those men subsequently tested positive for the virus, and were believed to be the source of what’s become the largest COVID-19 outbreak in a California prison, infecting more than 1,600 men incarcerated at San Quentin and killing seven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Larry Williams, COVID-19 survivor incarcerated at San Quentin\"]‘They need to provide a better facility that they can keep COVID-free, because right now, I’m one of the lucky ones.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most inmates at the prison in Marin County are being restricted to dorms or cells to prevent further spread of the virus, some routinely left those cells to provide essential work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorm porters like Williams clean group living spaces, including inmate’s toilets and showers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most prison jobs pay between $.09 to $1.40 an hour, but Williams said he was not financially compensated for his work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our pay was being able to come out [of our cells], stay out a little extra, being able to use the phone,” he said. “We moved the boxes because we were afraid of losing our privileges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828235\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11828235\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Larry-Williams-caught-Covid-19-at-SQ.jpg\" alt=\"Larry Williams, who is incarcerated at San Quentin and has underlying health conditions that put him at risk of dying from COVID-19, tested positive for the virus after a correctional officer asked him to help move hundreds of boxes that had belonged to infected inmates transferred from Chino.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1767\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Larry-Williams-caught-Covid-19-at-SQ.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Larry-Williams-caught-Covid-19-at-SQ-800x736.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Larry-Williams-caught-Covid-19-at-SQ-1020x939.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Larry-Williams-caught-Covid-19-at-SQ-160x147.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Larry-Williams-caught-Covid-19-at-SQ-1536x1414.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Larry Williams, who is incarcerated at San Quentin and has underlying health conditions that put him at risk of dying from COVID-19, tested positive for the virus after a correctional officer asked him to help move hundreds of boxes that had belonged to infected inmates transferred from Chino. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Larry Williams)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation spokeswoman Dana Simas responded to the allegations in a July 8 email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our top priority is the health and safety of all those who live and work in our state prisons, including the incarcerated population that fulfill critical work assignments,” Simas wrote. “We are taking every precaution possible to protect the critical worker population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those precautions include providing surgical masks during critical workers’ shifts, personal protective equipment if warranted and training on infection control, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But an essential worker at San Quentin who cleaned the rooms of COVID-19 patients recently told a filmmaker such protections were not in place for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The worker] told me that his initial COVID training didn’t require them to use masks when they were cleaning areas where people who had been infected had been,” said Adamu Chan on a phone call from San Quentin last week. “Some of his coworkers had become infected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, who makes films about life at the prison through the nonprofit program \u003ca href=\"https://restorecal.org/firstwatch/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">First Watch\u003c/a>, recently interviewed a member of a team that cleaned COVID-19 treatment rooms. That worker said he felt the team had been coerced into going into dangerous sections of the prison without proper protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of his coworkers had just stopped going to work because they didn’t feel like it was safe,” Chan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Prison Industry Authority (CALPIA), a civilian-led program inside California prisons that employed more than 7,000 inmates statewide in 2019, confirmed that some of their workers at San Quentin clean medical treatment rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Though these workers have been deemed ‘critical,’ none are being forced to report to work,” said spokeswoman Stephanie Eres in a July 8 email, which also laid out precautions the program is taking to protect inmates, including providing them with masks, protective eyewear and hand sanitizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on the type of work assignment, CALPIA said they provided additional protection through Tyvek suits or smocks and N95 masks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='san-quentin']The program directors also encouraged physical distance, Eres wrote, and when working in areas where that was not possible, “CALPIA has utilized barriers between each work area or has reorganized areas to ensure staff and offenders can maintain the six-feet-apart distancing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eres said CALPIA closed programs at San Quentin on June 22 and has shut down 43 other programs at various prisons throughout the state due to COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827142/lawmakers-want-stronger-covid-19-protections-in-california-prisons\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reported\u003c/a> on allegations that incarcerated workers at the California Institution for Women in Riverside also contracted the virus while working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At San Quentin, Larry Williams has nearly recovered from COVID-19, and continues to speak out about conditions in the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom said Wednesday that the state aims to release thousands of inmates with lower-level offenses soon from San Quentin and other state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, a father of four who is serving time in San Quentin for a parole violation, hopes to be one of them. He has nearly recovered from COVID-19, but thinks more should be done to control the outbreak at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People like me that have underlying health conditions, we should be looked at and possibly allowed to go home on an ankle monitor,” he said. “Or they need to provide a better facility that they can keep us COVID-free, because right now, I’m one of the lucky ones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The symptoms for COVID-19 hit Larry Williams pretty fast. He got sweaty, disoriented. His blood pressure dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told me that they feared that I was going to have a heart attack or heart failure,” Williams said by phone from San Quentin State Prison, where he is incarcerated. “They thought I was going to crash.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, who has underlying health conditions that put him at risk for dying from COVID-19, tested positive for the virus on June 11, a day after a correctional officer asked him to help move hundreds of boxes from the bottom floor of a prison unit to a higher tier. After taking a couple loads, he asked whose belongings they were moving. He said the officer shrugged and told him the property belonged to 121 inmates who had transferred there at the end of May from the California Institution for Men in Chino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-five of those men subsequently tested positive for the virus, and were believed to be the source of what’s become the largest COVID-19 outbreak in a California prison, infecting more than 1,600 men incarcerated at San Quentin and killing seven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most inmates at the prison in Marin County are being restricted to dorms or cells to prevent further spread of the virus, some routinely left those cells to provide essential work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorm porters like Williams clean group living spaces, including inmate’s toilets and showers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most prison jobs pay between $.09 to $1.40 an hour, but Williams said he was not financially compensated for his work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our pay was being able to come out [of our cells], stay out a little extra, being able to use the phone,” he said. “We moved the boxes because we were afraid of losing our privileges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11828235\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11828235\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Larry-Williams-caught-Covid-19-at-SQ.jpg\" alt=\"Larry Williams, who is incarcerated at San Quentin and has underlying health conditions that put him at risk of dying from COVID-19, tested positive for the virus after a correctional officer asked him to help move hundreds of boxes that had belonged to infected inmates transferred from Chino.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1767\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Larry-Williams-caught-Covid-19-at-SQ.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Larry-Williams-caught-Covid-19-at-SQ-800x736.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Larry-Williams-caught-Covid-19-at-SQ-1020x939.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Larry-Williams-caught-Covid-19-at-SQ-160x147.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Larry-Williams-caught-Covid-19-at-SQ-1536x1414.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Larry Williams, who is incarcerated at San Quentin and has underlying health conditions that put him at risk of dying from COVID-19, tested positive for the virus after a correctional officer asked him to help move hundreds of boxes that had belonged to infected inmates transferred from Chino. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Larry Williams)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation spokeswoman Dana Simas responded to the allegations in a July 8 email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our top priority is the health and safety of all those who live and work in our state prisons, including the incarcerated population that fulfill critical work assignments,” Simas wrote. “We are taking every precaution possible to protect the critical worker population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those precautions include providing surgical masks during critical workers’ shifts, personal protective equipment if warranted and training on infection control, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But an essential worker at San Quentin who cleaned the rooms of COVID-19 patients recently told a filmmaker such protections were not in place for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The worker] told me that his initial COVID training didn’t require them to use masks when they were cleaning areas where people who had been infected had been,” said Adamu Chan on a phone call from San Quentin last week. “Some of his coworkers had become infected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, who makes films about life at the prison through the nonprofit program \u003ca href=\"https://restorecal.org/firstwatch/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">First Watch\u003c/a>, recently interviewed a member of a team that cleaned COVID-19 treatment rooms. That worker said he felt the team had been coerced into going into dangerous sections of the prison without proper protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of his coworkers had just stopped going to work because they didn’t feel like it was safe,” Chan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The program directors also encouraged physical distance, Eres wrote, and when working in areas where that was not possible, “CALPIA has utilized barriers between each work area or has reorganized areas to ensure staff and offenders can maintain the six-feet-apart distancing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eres said CALPIA closed programs at San Quentin on June 22 and has shut down 43 other programs at various prisons throughout the state due to COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827142/lawmakers-want-stronger-covid-19-protections-in-california-prisons\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reported\u003c/a> on allegations that incarcerated workers at the California Institution for Women in Riverside also contracted the virus while working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At San Quentin, Larry Williams has nearly recovered from COVID-19, and continues to speak out about conditions in the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom said Wednesday that the state aims to release thousands of inmates with lower-level offenses soon from San Quentin and other state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, a father of four who is serving time in San Quentin for a parole violation, hopes to be one of them. He has nearly recovered from COVID-19, but thinks more should be done to control the outbreak at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People like me that have underlying health conditions, we should be looked at and possibly allowed to go home on an ankle monitor,” he said. “Or they need to provide a better facility that they can keep us COVID-free, because right now, I’m one of the lucky ones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom issued his sharpest warning yet on the rising coronavirus threat, announcing for the first time the state wanted a county to shut down again, pleading with residents to wear masks and reminding them that dozens of people are dying each day — 79 more reported Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please, even if you don’t feel sick, you may be transmitting this disease,” he said. “Please, please, practice common sense, common decency. Protect yourself, but also protect others. … What more evidence do we need?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His tone marked a shift from his previous style on display at three press conferences earlier in the week, where he talked about data modeling and delivered a trove of statistics, but offered assurances that the state’s hospitals were prepared to deal with patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1276606160666103808 The emotional appeal came as Newsom was pressed repeatedly on whether California’s messages about the virus were clear. While California has allowed most counties to open everything from restaurants to gyms, Newsom and other officials have warned about the risks of private gatherings, particularly inside. As caseloads and hospitalizations rise, Newsom has stated that a broad shutdown isn’t necessary because of hospital capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, local health officials had been sounding the alarm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County health officer Dr. Gail Newel said the county opened its beaches Friday, sooner than planned, after finding it was impossible for law enforcement to keep crowds away. She said it also made no sense to keep beaches closed to keep out-of-county visitors away when the governor was visiting restaurants and promoting tourism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It made it hard for us to continue to message that tourism was not welcome when tourism is clearly an important part” of the governor’s plan to reopen the economy, Newel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also said it took too long for the state to come out with a face coverings mandate and the state could do more to bolster public health officers who are bearing the brunt of public anger over closures and mask orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Canepa, a San Mateo County supervisor, said he wrote to Newsom Tuesday urging him to enforce his mandatory statewide order for people to wear face coverings with fines from community service officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the time where the governor is going to have to make decisions that may be offensive to 40% of the population, but he’s already done it. He’s done it through shelter in place,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Schwarzenegger/status/1275052731485454337 Newsom dismissed the idea as punitive and likened it to ticketing jaywalkers. Canepa said the governor rightly gave local governments leeway in responding to the pandemic, but he’s now seeking much more decisive messaging as the virus surges, even though it may be politically risky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie Roberson, government relations director for the California Nurses Association, said the union also wanted the state to require masks before Memorial Day, something Newsom didn’t do until three weeks later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Friday, Newsom announced he’d asked Imperial County, an agricultural county that borders Mexico, to reimpose a stay-at-home order as officials failed to stop a surge in confirmed cases and hospitalizations. He said other counties might soon decide to roll back on reopening and promised the state would soon launch a new public awareness campaign, though he gave no details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, San Francisco Mayor London Breed announced the city would halt its reopening of some businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re seeing a lot of leadership (at the) local level,” Newsom said. “It’s not just one person selling down a vision, it’s all of us that have the responsibility to communicate this message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor dropped his near-daily virus briefings in May as the coronavirus stabilized and his attention turned to other issues like the state budget and protests against police brutality that gripped the state. [aside tag=\"coronavirus\" label=\"More Related Stories.\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As confirmed cases began to rise earlier this month, officials initially said the numbers may be due to dramatically more testing. When Newsom ordered that people wear face masks last week, the announcement was made via news release. But Newsom resumed his regular news conferences this week as hospitalizations and the rate of positive tests rose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom announced the state budget included $2.5 billion he could withhold from counties if they didn’t enforce state requirements, including wearing masks. The next day, he talked at length about a new data modeling portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherry Bebitch Jeffe, a professor of public policy communication at the University of Southern California, said Newsom’s focus on data shines through in his news conferences, sometimes at the expense of clearer messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s a policy wonk and maybe he actually believes that the people who are watching him and listening to him want that data more than they want the simpler message, the more powerful message,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Har reported from San Francisco. Associated Press writers Amy Taxin in Orange County and Michelle L. Price in Las Vegas contributed.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Newsom dismissed the idea as punitive and likened it to ticketing jaywalkers. Canepa said the governor rightly gave local governments leeway in responding to the pandemic, but he’s now seeking much more decisive messaging as the virus surges, even though it may be politically risky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie Roberson, government relations director for the California Nurses Association, said the union also wanted the state to require masks before Memorial Day, something Newsom didn’t do until three weeks later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Friday, Newsom announced he’d asked Imperial County, an agricultural county that borders Mexico, to reimpose a stay-at-home order as officials failed to stop a surge in confirmed cases and hospitalizations. He said other counties might soon decide to roll back on reopening and promised the state would soon launch a new public awareness campaign, though he gave no details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, San Francisco Mayor London Breed announced the city would halt its reopening of some businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re seeing a lot of leadership (at the) local level,” Newsom said. “It’s not just one person selling down a vision, it’s all of us that have the responsibility to communicate this message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor dropped his near-daily virus briefings in May as the coronavirus stabilized and his attention turned to other issues like the state budget and protests against police brutality that gripped the state. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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