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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown has just a few weeks left in office. Among the priorities he’ll have to leave incomplete are his multibillion- dollar, and controversial, high-speed rail and Delta tunnels projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both have faced delays, cost increases and court challenges. The high-speed rail project, which would eventually connect San Francisco with San Diego, has seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.bsa.ca.gov/reports/2018-108/summary.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">its projected cost balloon to more than $77 billion\u003c/a>. The Delta tunnels, which would carry water from Northern to Southern California, are now projected to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/state/california/water-and-drought/delta/article215046475.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cost $17 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Brown remained optimistic when he was asked about the projects while speaking to the Sacramento Press Club this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ll be built. And they’ll be built in a timely and responsible way,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was blunt when talking about the need for the tunnels, which would be built under the fragile Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The delta will be destroyed unless we have some kind of peripheral canal or a tunnel,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics maintain the project could cause more harm than good to the environment. Some also worry it would lead to Southern California taking too much water from the north. Brown concedes the latter point could raise some issues, but he said new laws could ensure Southern California doesn’t get too much water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to the high-speed rail project, Brown said it has already created thousands of good-paying construction jobs. He also said traveling by train is preferable to driving or flying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On a high-speed rail, you can have a cocktail. You can walk up and down the aisle shaking hands. It’s much more pleasant,” he joked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown also noted bullet trains would allow people to live in more affordable areas, like the Central Valley, and easily commute to places like the Bay Area for work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom is expected to continue both projects, but has indicated he will re-evaluate them when he takes office.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "As the Revolving Door Turns, a Capitol Fixer Is Poised to Ascend With Gavin Newsom—and Legal Weed",
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"content": "\u003cp>The week Gavin Newsom was elected governor, three Sacramento lobbyists quit an influential firm where they’d been partners for many years. Two filed paperwork to launch a new lobbying shop. The third, Jason Kinney, de-registered as a lobbyist and immediately became a key member of Newsom’s gubernatorial transition team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next week, billed as Newsom’s senior adviser, Kinney shared the stage with three state regulators at a huge \u003ca href=\"https://mjbizconference.com/vegas/\">cannabis conference\u003c/a> in Las Vegas. The \u003ca href=\"https://axiomadvisors.zohobackstage.com/Since64ANightwithCaliforniaRegulators#/?lang=en\">event\u003c/a> was sponsored by Axiom Advisors, the new lobbying firm Kinney’s former partners had just launched, and WeedMaps, a marijuana advertising website that was a client at their prior lobbying firm and is now represented by Axiom. The Axiom logo shone on a screen above the stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when Kinney introduced himself to the roomful of marijuana entrepreneurs, he quickly mentioned \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article2602476.html\">Kevin Schmidt\u003c/a>—his former partner now lobbying at the new firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right after the passage of decriminalization and legalization in Colorado and Washington, then-Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom walked into an office and said to a bunch of us—(including) Kevin Schmidt, who was working in the lieutenant governor’s office at the time, who is here in this audience—he walked in and said, ‘California is going to be next, and we are going to do it,’ ” Kinney recounted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They did do it. Now Kinney, who worked with Newsom to pass the marijuana ballot measure in 2016 and currently serves on the governor-elect’s transition team as an unpaid adviser, is poised to cash in on a nascent industry that is expected to become a $5.1 billion enterprise in California by next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be one more step through the revolving door for Kinney, who has made a lucrative and powerful career in Sacramento by moving from government to campaigns to industry lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, the question is whether he is working for an incoming administration that he will soon seek to influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is he really serving?” asked Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School and former president of the Los Angeles Ethics Commission. “Is he a hired gun for the marijuana industry? Is he a public servant working on a gubernatorial transition? The answer very likely is all of the above. The question is … can he do all of those things at the same time without raising a potential conflict of interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kinney told CALmatters that his appearance at the pot industry conference “was routine, appropriate and not in conflict with my work on the transition.” He added that he has “made no decisions about my professional future beyond Jan. 7,” when Newsom is sworn in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schmidt said that as far as he knows, Kinney is focused on the transition and hasn’t decided what will come next. Neither of them ruled out the possibility that Kinney could join Axiom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nathan Click, a Newsom spokesman, said the governor-elect has imposed a “lobbying ban,” and that “those working on the transition have agreed to not lobby transition staff, as defined under the Political Reform Act.” The act refers only to people who are paid more than $2,000 a month, or spend more than a third of their time, trying to influence government decisions. And the ban ends the day Newsom becomes governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft wp-image-11713154 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/KINNEY-graphic.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"700\" height=\"2025\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/KINNEY-graphic.jpg 700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/KINNEY-graphic-160x463.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/KINNEY-graphic-415x1200.jpg 415w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 700px) 100vw, 700px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom told CALmatters that Kinney’s role in the transition is informal, taking calls from people who want to connect with the governor-elect and recommending potential job candidates. When asked about their relationship, Newsom said he would draw the line between business and friendship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always separate,” Newsom said. “I have 20-plus years of separating those kinds of things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until early November, Kinney and Schmidt were lobbyists for a high-powered firm called California Strategies. Kinney—a longtime political adviser to Newsom—also was the communications director for Proposition 64, the 2016 marijuana initiative Newsom championed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since it passed, California Strategies has reaped more than $1 million from cannabis clients—investment companies, tech platforms and growers seeking to influence the rules for California’s marijuana marketplace. California Strategies’ cannabis clients donated at least $188,000 to Newsom’s campaign, a chunk of the more than $500,000 he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/cultivating-clout-marijuana-money-flows-into-california-politics/\">raised\u003c/a> from marijuana businesses overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like any big-money industry, cannabis businesses are lobbying for laws and regulations to help them succeed. The next governor could shape the potentially lucrative marketplace based on who he appoints to oversee regulations, or whether he signs laws to, for example, decrease taxes on marijuana or create a cannabis-friendly state bank allowing an alternative for what is now an all-cash industry. \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/927be60ef8464404967c78e4839aaae4\">Rules\u003c/a> nearing final approval already are generating complaints from small farms and cities that they favor large growers and cannabis delivery companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kinney and his colleagues and their clients seem to have a more direct line of communication to Mr. Newsom, and that’s really concerning for a lot of the small businesses that don’t have the resources to have those types of representatives,” said Hezekiah Allen, who chairs a farming co-op called Emerald Grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The general sense out there in the community is, ‘Darn, the incoming governor isn’t going to listen to us. There’s this gatekeeper, and it’s a pay to play system.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has long promoted the idea that marijuana legalization is not just a business opportunity, but a righteous cause. He’s embraced decriminalization policies that offer a second chance to black and brown Californians who were disproportionately harmed by the war on drugs. A panel he led to study model pot policy \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article28073746.html\">declared\u003c/a> in 2015 that it “should not be California’s next Gold Rush.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in 2017, as he raised money for his gubernatorial campaign at the Hollywood Hills home of a cannabis executive, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RcOmBmFFOD0\">said\u003c/a> he wants “to make sure our diverse communities are front and center in this conversation, and that we’re protecting our small growers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The host—the CEO of Advanced Nutrients, which makes fertilizers for marijuana plants—later \u003ca href=\"https://www.prweb.com/releases/2017/11/prweb14884247.htm\">boasted\u003c/a> that the event raised $140,000 for Newsom in 90 minutes. His company also has been one of California Strategies’ most lucrative \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Firms/Detail.aspx?id=1273600&session=2017&view=activity\">clients\u003c/a> since voters passed Proposition 64.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A one-time speechwriter for Gov. Gray Davis, Kinney rose to a partnership at California Strategies by working with both elected officials and the corporations that seek to influence them. He has been a strategist for Newsom and Democrats in the state Senate while also being paid by corporate clients, including AT&T and PhRMA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the cottage industry that is Capitol policymaking, this is not unheard of. Sacramento has a vast ecosystem of fixers and consultants who wield influence—some are lobbyists who represent businesses or unions, others are strategists or consultants who work for politicians. A powerful handful have figured out how to do both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kinney has run into occasional trouble walking that line. He was forced to register as a lobbyist in 2013, when he \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/investigations/lobbying-influence/article6692601.html\">was fined\u003c/a> by the state’s political watchdog for hiding his work to sway government decisions. Kinney acknowledged at the time that he broke state law by not formally registering and disclosing who was paying him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Registered lobbyists must take annual ethics classes, post their photos on the secretary of state’s website and publicly disclose who’s paying them and how much. They are banned from giving campaign contributions to candidates for state office. Consultants who don’t register as lobbyists face none of those rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kinney also failed to properly register as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article2585286.html\">foreign agent\u003c/a> when he was hired in October 2008 to lead a publicity campaign for an exiled sheik seeking to regain power in an obscure Arab kingdom. The eight months it took him to comply with federal law allowed him and his wife to contribute $52,000 to President Barack Obama’s inauguration, a prime networking event that banned contributions from foreign agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since he left California Strategies on Nov. 6 Kinney says he’s been volunteering full time for Newsom’s transition. Like the rest of the transition team, he’s using an “@gavinnewsom.com” email address. Kinney says the email is for official transition business. It’s also a symbol of his proximity to the governor-elect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbyists and other influencers rise and fall with each change of political power in Sacramento. After Gov. Gray Davis took office, his campaign fundraiser, Darius Anderson, opened a lobbying shop and enjoyed enormous clout until Davis was recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, during the Schwarzenegger administration, California Strategies gained influence—its founder, Bob White, had chaired the movie star’s gubernatorial campaign. The firm has expanded to include a bipartisan staff of former government officials, and brought in $4.5 million in the first nine months of 2018, making it the third-highest earning lobbying firm in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But legal weed, and the money to be made from it, is a special wrinkle. Not since the rise of tribal gambling during the Davis administration has a new industry so closely coincided with the rise of a new governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several in the cannabis industry who attended the Las Vegas conference saw Kinney’s presence there as a subtle sales pitch for the access he and Axiom could have to Newsom’s administration. Not wanting to anger the incoming governor, however, they spoke on condition of anonymity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It certainly gave him the opportunity,” one entrepreneur said, “to promote the firm and himself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters senior editor Dan Morain contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The week Gavin Newsom was elected governor, three Sacramento lobbyists quit an influential firm where they’d been partners for many years. Two filed paperwork to launch a new lobbying shop. The third, Jason Kinney, de-registered as a lobbyist and immediately became a key member of Newsom’s gubernatorial transition team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next week, billed as Newsom’s senior adviser, Kinney shared the stage with three state regulators at a huge \u003ca href=\"https://mjbizconference.com/vegas/\">cannabis conference\u003c/a> in Las Vegas. The \u003ca href=\"https://axiomadvisors.zohobackstage.com/Since64ANightwithCaliforniaRegulators#/?lang=en\">event\u003c/a> was sponsored by Axiom Advisors, the new lobbying firm Kinney’s former partners had just launched, and WeedMaps, a marijuana advertising website that was a client at their prior lobbying firm and is now represented by Axiom. The Axiom logo shone on a screen above the stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when Kinney introduced himself to the roomful of marijuana entrepreneurs, he quickly mentioned \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article2602476.html\">Kevin Schmidt\u003c/a>—his former partner now lobbying at the new firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right after the passage of decriminalization and legalization in Colorado and Washington, then-Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom walked into an office and said to a bunch of us—(including) Kevin Schmidt, who was working in the lieutenant governor’s office at the time, who is here in this audience—he walked in and said, ‘California is going to be next, and we are going to do it,’ ” Kinney recounted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They did do it. Now Kinney, who worked with Newsom to pass the marijuana ballot measure in 2016 and currently serves on the governor-elect’s transition team as an unpaid adviser, is poised to cash in on a nascent industry that is expected to become a $5.1 billion enterprise in California by next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be one more step through the revolving door for Kinney, who has made a lucrative and powerful career in Sacramento by moving from government to campaigns to industry lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, the question is whether he is working for an incoming administration that he will soon seek to influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is he really serving?” asked Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School and former president of the Los Angeles Ethics Commission. “Is he a hired gun for the marijuana industry? Is he a public servant working on a gubernatorial transition? The answer very likely is all of the above. The question is … can he do all of those things at the same time without raising a potential conflict of interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kinney told CALmatters that his appearance at the pot industry conference “was routine, appropriate and not in conflict with my work on the transition.” He added that he has “made no decisions about my professional future beyond Jan. 7,” when Newsom is sworn in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schmidt said that as far as he knows, Kinney is focused on the transition and hasn’t decided what will come next. Neither of them ruled out the possibility that Kinney could join Axiom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nathan Click, a Newsom spokesman, said the governor-elect has imposed a “lobbying ban,” and that “those working on the transition have agreed to not lobby transition staff, as defined under the Political Reform Act.” The act refers only to people who are paid more than $2,000 a month, or spend more than a third of their time, trying to influence government decisions. And the ban ends the day Newsom becomes governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft wp-image-11713154 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/KINNEY-graphic.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"700\" height=\"2025\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/KINNEY-graphic.jpg 700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/KINNEY-graphic-160x463.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/KINNEY-graphic-415x1200.jpg 415w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 700px) 100vw, 700px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom told CALmatters that Kinney’s role in the transition is informal, taking calls from people who want to connect with the governor-elect and recommending potential job candidates. When asked about their relationship, Newsom said he would draw the line between business and friendship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always separate,” Newsom said. “I have 20-plus years of separating those kinds of things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until early November, Kinney and Schmidt were lobbyists for a high-powered firm called California Strategies. Kinney—a longtime political adviser to Newsom—also was the communications director for Proposition 64, the 2016 marijuana initiative Newsom championed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since it passed, California Strategies has reaped more than $1 million from cannabis clients—investment companies, tech platforms and growers seeking to influence the rules for California’s marijuana marketplace. California Strategies’ cannabis clients donated at least $188,000 to Newsom’s campaign, a chunk of the more than $500,000 he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/cultivating-clout-marijuana-money-flows-into-california-politics/\">raised\u003c/a> from marijuana businesses overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like any big-money industry, cannabis businesses are lobbying for laws and regulations to help them succeed. The next governor could shape the potentially lucrative marketplace based on who he appoints to oversee regulations, or whether he signs laws to, for example, decrease taxes on marijuana or create a cannabis-friendly state bank allowing an alternative for what is now an all-cash industry. \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/927be60ef8464404967c78e4839aaae4\">Rules\u003c/a> nearing final approval already are generating complaints from small farms and cities that they favor large growers and cannabis delivery companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kinney and his colleagues and their clients seem to have a more direct line of communication to Mr. Newsom, and that’s really concerning for a lot of the small businesses that don’t have the resources to have those types of representatives,” said Hezekiah Allen, who chairs a farming co-op called Emerald Grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The general sense out there in the community is, ‘Darn, the incoming governor isn’t going to listen to us. There’s this gatekeeper, and it’s a pay to play system.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has long promoted the idea that marijuana legalization is not just a business opportunity, but a righteous cause. He’s embraced decriminalization policies that offer a second chance to black and brown Californians who were disproportionately harmed by the war on drugs. A panel he led to study model pot policy \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article28073746.html\">declared\u003c/a> in 2015 that it “should not be California’s next Gold Rush.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in 2017, as he raised money for his gubernatorial campaign at the Hollywood Hills home of a cannabis executive, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RcOmBmFFOD0\">said\u003c/a> he wants “to make sure our diverse communities are front and center in this conversation, and that we’re protecting our small growers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The host—the CEO of Advanced Nutrients, which makes fertilizers for marijuana plants—later \u003ca href=\"https://www.prweb.com/releases/2017/11/prweb14884247.htm\">boasted\u003c/a> that the event raised $140,000 for Newsom in 90 minutes. His company also has been one of California Strategies’ most lucrative \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Firms/Detail.aspx?id=1273600&session=2017&view=activity\">clients\u003c/a> since voters passed Proposition 64.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A one-time speechwriter for Gov. Gray Davis, Kinney rose to a partnership at California Strategies by working with both elected officials and the corporations that seek to influence them. He has been a strategist for Newsom and Democrats in the state Senate while also being paid by corporate clients, including AT&T and PhRMA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the cottage industry that is Capitol policymaking, this is not unheard of. Sacramento has a vast ecosystem of fixers and consultants who wield influence—some are lobbyists who represent businesses or unions, others are strategists or consultants who work for politicians. A powerful handful have figured out how to do both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kinney has run into occasional trouble walking that line. He was forced to register as a lobbyist in 2013, when he \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/investigations/lobbying-influence/article6692601.html\">was fined\u003c/a> by the state’s political watchdog for hiding his work to sway government decisions. Kinney acknowledged at the time that he broke state law by not formally registering and disclosing who was paying him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Registered lobbyists must take annual ethics classes, post their photos on the secretary of state’s website and publicly disclose who’s paying them and how much. They are banned from giving campaign contributions to candidates for state office. Consultants who don’t register as lobbyists face none of those rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kinney also failed to properly register as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article2585286.html\">foreign agent\u003c/a> when he was hired in October 2008 to lead a publicity campaign for an exiled sheik seeking to regain power in an obscure Arab kingdom. The eight months it took him to comply with federal law allowed him and his wife to contribute $52,000 to President Barack Obama’s inauguration, a prime networking event that banned contributions from foreign agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since he left California Strategies on Nov. 6 Kinney says he’s been volunteering full time for Newsom’s transition. Like the rest of the transition team, he’s using an “@gavinnewsom.com” email address. Kinney says the email is for official transition business. It’s also a symbol of his proximity to the governor-elect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbyists and other influencers rise and fall with each change of political power in Sacramento. After Gov. Gray Davis took office, his campaign fundraiser, Darius Anderson, opened a lobbying shop and enjoyed enormous clout until Davis was recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, during the Schwarzenegger administration, California Strategies gained influence—its founder, Bob White, had chaired the movie star’s gubernatorial campaign. The firm has expanded to include a bipartisan staff of former government officials, and brought in $4.5 million in the first nine months of 2018, making it the third-highest earning lobbying firm in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But legal weed, and the money to be made from it, is a special wrinkle. Not since the rise of tribal gambling during the Davis administration has a new industry so closely coincided with the rise of a new governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several in the cannabis industry who attended the Las Vegas conference saw Kinney’s presence there as a subtle sales pitch for the access he and Axiom could have to Newsom’s administration. Not wanting to anger the incoming governor, however, they spoke on condition of anonymity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It certainly gave him the opportunity,” one entrepreneur said, “to promote the firm and himself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters senior editor Dan Morain contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Poll: Californians Want Universal Health Coverage, Free Community College",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-december-2018/\">new survey from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>, 60 percent of adults said universal health coverage should be a high or very high priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The election polls indicated that health care was a major concern for Californians,\" said Mark Baldassare, president of PPIC. \"And that seems to be reflected here.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor-elect Gavin Newsom often campaigned on universal health coverage. But another one of his priorities, universal preschool, gets less support from Californians. Just 48 percent of adults said it should be a top priority for new state funding. There's more interest on the other end of the education spectrum. Fifty-three percent of adults believe the state should provide tuition-free community college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of these initiatives would be expensive, and Baldassare said there's no consensus on how to pay for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"About half of Californians say that they're willing to pay higher taxes and have more services. But almost as many say that they're not,\" he said. \"So therein lies the challenge for the governor-elect and the Legislature.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the State Department of Finance says California has a $2 billion surplus with an additional $14 billion reserved in the state’s Rainy Day Fund, Californians are getting more anxious about the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just 46 percent believe the state will have good financial times in the coming year. Half of adults believe children growing up today will be worse off financially than their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing people don't want to see their taxes spent on? High-speed rail. Ten years after voters approved a $9.95 billion bond measure to build it, just 25 percent of adults said the project should be a high priority for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703925/high-expectations-on-the-left-for-governor-elect-gavin-newsom\">High Expectations on the Left for Governor-Elect Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703925/high-expectations-on-the-left-for-governor-elect-gavin-newsom\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/NewsomElex-1180x785.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"For whatever reason, the high-speed rail hasn't really captured people's attention and imagination in a way that would lead them to think 'let's put the extra dollars in here because this is what California's future is all about,'\" Baldassare said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With such low levels of support, it's possible high-speed rail could get pushed to the back of the funding line, as more attractive programs compete for limited resources. And opponents of the project are promoting a 2020 ballot measure to kill it altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High-speed rail has been a top priority of Gov. Jerry Brown, but Governor-elect Gavin Newsom seems willing to scale back the project given cost overruns and its inability to attract private funding.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "With the election over, Californians are letting Governor-elect Gavin Newsom know what their priorities are.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-december-2018/\">new survey from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>, 60 percent of adults said universal health coverage should be a high or very high priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The election polls indicated that health care was a major concern for Californians,\" said Mark Baldassare, president of PPIC. \"And that seems to be reflected here.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor-elect Gavin Newsom often campaigned on universal health coverage. But another one of his priorities, universal preschool, gets less support from Californians. Just 48 percent of adults said it should be a top priority for new state funding. There's more interest on the other end of the education spectrum. Fifty-three percent of adults believe the state should provide tuition-free community college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of these initiatives would be expensive, and Baldassare said there's no consensus on how to pay for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"About half of Californians say that they're willing to pay higher taxes and have more services. But almost as many say that they're not,\" he said. \"So therein lies the challenge for the governor-elect and the Legislature.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the State Department of Finance says California has a $2 billion surplus with an additional $14 billion reserved in the state’s Rainy Day Fund, Californians are getting more anxious about the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just 46 percent believe the state will have good financial times in the coming year. Half of adults believe children growing up today will be worse off financially than their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing people don't want to see their taxes spent on? High-speed rail. Ten years after voters approved a $9.95 billion bond measure to build it, just 25 percent of adults said the project should be a high priority for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703925/high-expectations-on-the-left-for-governor-elect-gavin-newsom\">High Expectations on the Left for Governor-Elect Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703925/high-expectations-on-the-left-for-governor-elect-gavin-newsom\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/NewsomElex-1180x785.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"For whatever reason, the high-speed rail hasn't really captured people's attention and imagination in a way that would lead them to think 'let's put the extra dollars in here because this is what California's future is all about,'\" Baldassare said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With such low levels of support, it's possible high-speed rail could get pushed to the back of the funding line, as more attractive programs compete for limited resources. And opponents of the project are promoting a 2020 ballot measure to kill it altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High-speed rail has been a top priority of Gov. Jerry Brown, but Governor-elect Gavin Newsom seems willing to scale back the project given cost overruns and its inability to attract private funding.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "One-Third of California's School Districts Are 'Struggling With Equity'",
"title": "One-Third of California's School Districts Are 'Struggling With Equity'",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>So many school districts are having such a hard time delivering the basics of an equal opportunity for an education that one in three statewide has been targeted for special assistance, according to a comprehensive state report card released by the California Department of Education Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state identified 374 school districts out of roughly 1,000 that qualify for additional help — more than 60 percent more than last year, when the state issued its first set of ratings under the new “school dashboard” system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School districts that qualify for the so-called State System of Support show such low scores or so little progress among student groups that they fall into a “red zone” on two or more educational indicators, from test scores to suspension rates and chronic absenteeism. Last year, the state identified 228 such districts, but critics questioned the numbers, noting that test scores pointed to a far more widespread need for assistance. Since then, the dashboard has been tweaked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrie Hahnel, interim co-executive director of Education Trust-West, a nonprofit advocacy group focused on closing student achievement gaps, said that means that one-third of the state’s districts “are struggling with equity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[This] should create a tremendous urgency for our newly elected state leaders and local leaders to start to do something dramatically different to support our students so that several years from now, far fewer schools are struggling to create opportunities for all students,” Hahnel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California School Dashboard, intended to offer a more holistic assessment of public school performance, was created in part to help the state identify low-performing school districts and help them. It also replaces the state’s old standardized-test-based system as a way for communities to see how their schools are doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/3ti0SAu6LOtKSVeo3D3H?src=embed\" title=\"Copy: local bond bar chart\" width=\"800\" height=\"893\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, this year’s dashboard — the first since it debuted last year — paints a somewhat chaotic picture, reflecting both the California school system's vast size and its vast mission. Like the aggregate data earlier this year on standardized test scores—which showed a majority of California students underperforming in basic subjects, and little or no progress in closing the achievement gap between affluent and underprivileged children—its color-coded charts are a call for action and dispiriting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only 40 percent of California’s public schools received “passing” marks in English language arts last year — and only 33 percent met the state’s targets in math. More than half of the state’s schools were in or near the “red’ zone on chronic absenteeism, and even supposed bright spots, such as graduation rates, were clouded by the state’s widespread use of online “credit recovery” courses and other techniques used by districts to deter dropouts, and perhaps artificially inflate the proportion of students who actually meet requirements to graduate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dashboard itself also remains a somewhat controversial work in progress. On one hand, its trove of data on multiple barometers is far more three-dimensional than the old system. Schools no longer receive a single overall rating by the state, and the new system takes into account not only a school’s performance but whether it improved or declined from the prior year.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\"Challenges that once may have been hidden, such as how poverty, homelessness and disability affect student learning, are now in sharp focus.\" — Michael Kirst, president of the California State Board of Education\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But critics complain that it’s confusing, even with adjustments in this second year and the addition of new indicators to deepen the picture. The dashboard rates schools’ performance on an indicator using five different colors. Red is the lowest achieving mark, followed by orange, yellow, green and finally, blue, the highest rating. A school is considered to have a favorable mark if they are rated green or blue on an indicator, though the state’s rubric does not explicitly spell that out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the state’s color labels in general have broad interpretations, to the point that it can be difficult to deduce the significance of a rating. For example, a school that has a middle-of-the-pack yellow rating in math could either have posted very high scores this year that significantly dropped compared to the year before, or achieved very low scores that significantly improved from the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a green rating does not necessarily mean that a majority of a school’s students are meeting grade-level expectations. It doesn’t even mean that all of its various student sub-groups aren’t in the yellow, orange or red. That said, a CALmatters analysis of schools’ performance ratings found widespread room for improvement:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Chronic absenteeism:\u003c/strong> About 3,600 elementary schools across the state-—about 47 percent—received red and orange ratings on this indicator, meaning that more than 10 percent of their students missed 18 days or more out of the school year. Officials say this statistic is important because it helps indicate a student’s engagement and whether they’re likely to drop out of school.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>School suspensions:\u003c/strong> More than 5,000 schools, or roughly 53 percent, received green or blue ratings in this indicator. About 30 percent were rated red or orange. While school officials are generally optimistic about the state’s direction in this category, many schools continue to have disparities in school suspensions that negatively impact black and Hispanic students.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Graduation rates:\u003c/strong> One of schools’ overall top-performing indicators, more than 1,000 high schools, or about 58 percent, were rated green or blue for their graduation rates. This backs the state’s record graduation rate touted by many school officials. But there’s the aforementioned credit recovery asterisk and ...\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>On college and career readiness, schools are faring worse. One of the new indicators on the dashboard measures how well California’s high schools prepare students for postsecondary careers. About 675 schools, or 38 percent, were rated green or blue in this category. The state gave nearly half, 47 percent, of high schools a red or orange rating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a closer look underscored the diversity of California, where more than 6.2 million students are enrolled in some of the most elite and most challenged public schools in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711328\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 346px\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-11711328\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/thurmond-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"346\" height=\"230\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/thurmond-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/thurmond-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/thurmond-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/thurmond-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/thurmond-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 346px) 100vw, 346px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Richmond, where state Superintendent Tony Thurmond was a school trustee, schools got mostly orange dashboard ratings. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Thurmond's campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>West Contra Costa Unified, where 72 percent of students are socioeconomically disadvantaged and one-third are English language learners — and where California’s new Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond was once on the school board — rated orange in reading and math and orange in student suspensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Kentfield Elementary, an affluent Marin County district of 1,200 kids whose residents include Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom, the dashboard scores were an upbeat mosaic of blues and greens. Only about 10 percent of Kentfield Elementary kids come from low-income households. Los Angeles Unified, the nation’s second-largest school district and California’s largest, ranked yellow in both reading and math, with a blue for its low suspension rate of 0.5 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And at all three districts, their wildly different academic performance ratings notwithstanding, the rating for chronic absenteeism was a glaring orange. Michael Kirst, president of the California State Board of Education that developed the school accountability system, said in a statement that the dashboard “shows us which students have the greatest needs and which areas of our educational system need the most attention, which is exactly what it was designed to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Challenges that once may have been hidden, such as how poverty, homelessness and disability affect student learning, are now in sharp focus,” Kirst said. “Conversely, it also shows us which school districts are succeeding so they can serve as models for others as we build professional sharing networks throughout the state.” Hahnel of EdTrust-West said the new dashboard is “a big facelift” from its first version, but that “there are still issues with accessibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of data to explore, and that’s great,” Hahnel said, “but it’s not always intuitive and it does take some digging and deciphering to make sense of it all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711327\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 355px\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-11711327\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS33119_NewsomMic-800x580.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"355\" height=\"257\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS33119_NewsomMic-800x580.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS33119_NewsomMic-160x116.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS33119_NewsomMic-1020x740.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS33119_NewsomMic-1200x871.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS33119_NewsomMic.jpg 1905w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 355px) 100vw, 355px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gavin Newsom speaks in KQED's San Francisco studios on Oct. 8, 2018. In Newsom’s Marin County school district, dashboard scores were mostly exemplary blues\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And while this year’s dashboard measures more data than it did the year before, it’s drawn some criticism for what it’s left out. The dashboard now measures schools’ performance in addressing chronic absenteeism, but not at the high school level, where data is more likely to show higher rates of absences among older students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samantha Tran, senior managing director for education policy at Children Now, an Oakland-based nonprofit, nonpartisan advocacy group, said it’s “really unfortunate” thatthe dashboard lacks chronic absenteeism for high schools. The metric, Tran said, helps you find “kids who are not engaged fundamentally” in school and who would be less likely to graduate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You really should have it on the dashboard, color code it and make sure districts are looking at it,” Tran said. “(Chronic absenteeism) is one of those leading indicators where you can really turn around what’s happening for a kid, a whole subgroup of kids at a high school if you knew they weren’t coming and you were attentive to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The state identified 374 school districts that qualify for additional help - more than 60 percent more than last year, when the state first issued its new 'school dashboard' system.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>So many school districts are having such a hard time delivering the basics of an equal opportunity for an education that one in three statewide has been targeted for special assistance, according to a comprehensive state report card released by the California Department of Education Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state identified 374 school districts out of roughly 1,000 that qualify for additional help — more than 60 percent more than last year, when the state issued its first set of ratings under the new “school dashboard” system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School districts that qualify for the so-called State System of Support show such low scores or so little progress among student groups that they fall into a “red zone” on two or more educational indicators, from test scores to suspension rates and chronic absenteeism. Last year, the state identified 228 such districts, but critics questioned the numbers, noting that test scores pointed to a far more widespread need for assistance. Since then, the dashboard has been tweaked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrie Hahnel, interim co-executive director of Education Trust-West, a nonprofit advocacy group focused on closing student achievement gaps, said that means that one-third of the state’s districts “are struggling with equity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[This] should create a tremendous urgency for our newly elected state leaders and local leaders to start to do something dramatically different to support our students so that several years from now, far fewer schools are struggling to create opportunities for all students,” Hahnel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California School Dashboard, intended to offer a more holistic assessment of public school performance, was created in part to help the state identify low-performing school districts and help them. It also replaces the state’s old standardized-test-based system as a way for communities to see how their schools are doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/3ti0SAu6LOtKSVeo3D3H?src=embed\" title=\"Copy: local bond bar chart\" width=\"800\" height=\"893\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, this year’s dashboard — the first since it debuted last year — paints a somewhat chaotic picture, reflecting both the California school system's vast size and its vast mission. Like the aggregate data earlier this year on standardized test scores—which showed a majority of California students underperforming in basic subjects, and little or no progress in closing the achievement gap between affluent and underprivileged children—its color-coded charts are a call for action and dispiriting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only 40 percent of California’s public schools received “passing” marks in English language arts last year — and only 33 percent met the state’s targets in math. More than half of the state’s schools were in or near the “red’ zone on chronic absenteeism, and even supposed bright spots, such as graduation rates, were clouded by the state’s widespread use of online “credit recovery” courses and other techniques used by districts to deter dropouts, and perhaps artificially inflate the proportion of students who actually meet requirements to graduate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dashboard itself also remains a somewhat controversial work in progress. On one hand, its trove of data on multiple barometers is far more three-dimensional than the old system. Schools no longer receive a single overall rating by the state, and the new system takes into account not only a school’s performance but whether it improved or declined from the prior year.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\"Challenges that once may have been hidden, such as how poverty, homelessness and disability affect student learning, are now in sharp focus.\" — Michael Kirst, president of the California State Board of Education\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But critics complain that it’s confusing, even with adjustments in this second year and the addition of new indicators to deepen the picture. The dashboard rates schools’ performance on an indicator using five different colors. Red is the lowest achieving mark, followed by orange, yellow, green and finally, blue, the highest rating. A school is considered to have a favorable mark if they are rated green or blue on an indicator, though the state’s rubric does not explicitly spell that out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the state’s color labels in general have broad interpretations, to the point that it can be difficult to deduce the significance of a rating. For example, a school that has a middle-of-the-pack yellow rating in math could either have posted very high scores this year that significantly dropped compared to the year before, or achieved very low scores that significantly improved from the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a green rating does not necessarily mean that a majority of a school’s students are meeting grade-level expectations. It doesn’t even mean that all of its various student sub-groups aren’t in the yellow, orange or red. That said, a CALmatters analysis of schools’ performance ratings found widespread room for improvement:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Chronic absenteeism:\u003c/strong> About 3,600 elementary schools across the state-—about 47 percent—received red and orange ratings on this indicator, meaning that more than 10 percent of their students missed 18 days or more out of the school year. Officials say this statistic is important because it helps indicate a student’s engagement and whether they’re likely to drop out of school.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>School suspensions:\u003c/strong> More than 5,000 schools, or roughly 53 percent, received green or blue ratings in this indicator. About 30 percent were rated red or orange. While school officials are generally optimistic about the state’s direction in this category, many schools continue to have disparities in school suspensions that negatively impact black and Hispanic students.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Graduation rates:\u003c/strong> One of schools’ overall top-performing indicators, more than 1,000 high schools, or about 58 percent, were rated green or blue for their graduation rates. This backs the state’s record graduation rate touted by many school officials. But there’s the aforementioned credit recovery asterisk and ...\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>On college and career readiness, schools are faring worse. One of the new indicators on the dashboard measures how well California’s high schools prepare students for postsecondary careers. About 675 schools, or 38 percent, were rated green or blue in this category. The state gave nearly half, 47 percent, of high schools a red or orange rating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a closer look underscored the diversity of California, where more than 6.2 million students are enrolled in some of the most elite and most challenged public schools in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711328\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 346px\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-11711328\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/thurmond-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"346\" height=\"230\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/thurmond-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/thurmond-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/thurmond-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/thurmond-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/thurmond-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 346px) 100vw, 346px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Richmond, where state Superintendent Tony Thurmond was a school trustee, schools got mostly orange dashboard ratings. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Thurmond's campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>West Contra Costa Unified, where 72 percent of students are socioeconomically disadvantaged and one-third are English language learners — and where California’s new Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond was once on the school board — rated orange in reading and math and orange in student suspensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Kentfield Elementary, an affluent Marin County district of 1,200 kids whose residents include Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom, the dashboard scores were an upbeat mosaic of blues and greens. Only about 10 percent of Kentfield Elementary kids come from low-income households. Los Angeles Unified, the nation’s second-largest school district and California’s largest, ranked yellow in both reading and math, with a blue for its low suspension rate of 0.5 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And at all three districts, their wildly different academic performance ratings notwithstanding, the rating for chronic absenteeism was a glaring orange. Michael Kirst, president of the California State Board of Education that developed the school accountability system, said in a statement that the dashboard “shows us which students have the greatest needs and which areas of our educational system need the most attention, which is exactly what it was designed to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Challenges that once may have been hidden, such as how poverty, homelessness and disability affect student learning, are now in sharp focus,” Kirst said. “Conversely, it also shows us which school districts are succeeding so they can serve as models for others as we build professional sharing networks throughout the state.” Hahnel of EdTrust-West said the new dashboard is “a big facelift” from its first version, but that “there are still issues with accessibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of data to explore, and that’s great,” Hahnel said, “but it’s not always intuitive and it does take some digging and deciphering to make sense of it all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11711327\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 355px\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-11711327\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS33119_NewsomMic-800x580.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"355\" height=\"257\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS33119_NewsomMic-800x580.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS33119_NewsomMic-160x116.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS33119_NewsomMic-1020x740.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS33119_NewsomMic-1200x871.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS33119_NewsomMic.jpg 1905w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 355px) 100vw, 355px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gavin Newsom speaks in KQED's San Francisco studios on Oct. 8, 2018. In Newsom’s Marin County school district, dashboard scores were mostly exemplary blues\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And while this year’s dashboard measures more data than it did the year before, it’s drawn some criticism for what it’s left out. The dashboard now measures schools’ performance in addressing chronic absenteeism, but not at the high school level, where data is more likely to show higher rates of absences among older students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samantha Tran, senior managing director for education policy at Children Now, an Oakland-based nonprofit, nonpartisan advocacy group, said it’s “really unfortunate” thatthe dashboard lacks chronic absenteeism for high schools. The metric, Tran said, helps you find “kids who are not engaged fundamentally” in school and who would be less likely to graduate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You really should have it on the dashboard, color code it and make sure districts are looking at it,” Tran said. “(Chronic absenteeism) is one of those leading indicators where you can really turn around what’s happening for a kid, a whole subgroup of kids at a high school if you knew they weren’t coming and you were attentive to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/program/kqed-newsroom/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED Newsroom\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Friday, December 7, 2018\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">7 p.m. on Channel 9\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">President Trump nominated a new attorney general this week, William Barr, who served during the George H. W. Bush administration. Barr would replace Jeff Sessions, who resigned under pressure last month. Meanwhile in Sacramento, the legislative session kicked off with the most Democrats in the State Senate and Assembly in modern history and an already ambitious legislative agenda. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Scott Shafer, KQED’s Government and Politics Desk senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guy Marzorati, KQED’s Government and Politics Desk producer and reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Sean Walsh, Wilson Walsh Consulting \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Wildfire Smoke Poses Long-Term Health Risks\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Only two weeks ago, the Bay Area was cloaked in thick smoke from the Camp Fire. Medical experts say wildfire smoke is bad for your lungs and heart and even skin. Researchers are only beginning to understand the risks, but early analysis of hospital data shows the health effects linger long after the flames die down. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Aaron Glantz, Reveal and Center for Investigative Reporting senior reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Katharine Hammond, UC Berkeley School of Public Health professor of epidemiology\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Millennial Politicians\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We sit down with a recent Cal grad who put his freshly-minted political economy degree to work on the campaign trail and got elected to the Berkeley City Council. At 22, Rigel Robinson is the youngest person ever elected to that position in Berkeley. He’s part of a wave of young people who ran in the midterm elections, which also drew the highest turnout of young voters during a midterm election in 25 years. We’ll talk about his campaign strategy and what he hopes to accomplish after he’s sworn in on Dec. 8.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Rigel Robinson, Berkeley City Councilman-elect\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Varsha Sarveshwar, UC Berkeley student and campaign manager\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">President Trump nominated a new attorney general this week, William Barr, who served during the George H. W. Bush administration. Barr would replace Jeff Sessions, who resigned under pressure last month. Meanwhile in Sacramento, the legislative session kicked off with the most Democrats in the State Senate and Assembly in modern history and an already ambitious legislative agenda. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Scott Shafer, KQED’s Government and Politics Desk senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guy Marzorati, KQED’s Government and Politics Desk producer and reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Sean Walsh, Wilson Walsh Consulting \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Wildfire Smoke Poses Long-Term Health Risks\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Only two weeks ago, the Bay Area was cloaked in thick smoke from the Camp Fire. Medical experts say wildfire smoke is bad for your lungs and heart and even skin. Researchers are only beginning to understand the risks, but early analysis of hospital data shows the health effects linger long after the flames die down. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Aaron Glantz, Reveal and Center for Investigative Reporting senior reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Katharine Hammond, UC Berkeley School of Public Health professor of epidemiology\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Millennial Politicians\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We sit down with a recent Cal grad who put his freshly-minted political economy degree to work on the campaign trail and got elected to the Berkeley City Council. At 22, Rigel Robinson is the youngest person ever elected to that position in Berkeley. He’s part of a wave of young people who ran in the midterm elections, which also drew the highest turnout of young voters during a midterm election in 25 years. We’ll talk about his campaign strategy and what he hopes to accomplish after he’s sworn in on Dec. 8.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Rigel Robinson, Berkeley City Councilman-elect\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Varsha Sarveshwar, UC Berkeley student and campaign manager\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Jerry Brown’s Last Stand on Pension Reform",
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"content": "\u003cp>Six years ago, as California strained to emerge from the Great Recession, Gov. Jerry Brown worked a minor political miracle — a rebalancing of the massive state pension systems for public employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shuttling between unions and the strapped governments on the hook for public sector benefits and paychecks, Brown scaled back some of the rules and perks that have made public sector workers more secure, arguing that the pain would be worth it. Results were mixed: The largest benefit rollback in state history yielded some savings, but not enough to entirely fix a pension commitment that taxpayers are increasingly finding hard to manage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as Brown prepares to leave office — his own pension at hand, after five decades in public service — even that hard-won modicum of fiscal change could be loosened. In a case that went to oral arguments this week, the California Supreme Court is weighing a key legal precedent that could restore the generous pension formulas Brown worked so hard to tighten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11710843\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11710843\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1628\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577-160x136.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577-800x678.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577-1020x865.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577-1200x1018.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Supreme Court justices in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Judicial Council of California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brown, who at 80 has already surpassed the average retirement age of state workers by 22 years, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-retirement-pension-debt-explainer/#What-do-the-courts-say\">predicts\u003c/a> that he’ll win. But Wednesday’s proceedings made it clear that workers’ arguments are also compelling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever the ruling, Brown’s successor, Gavin Newsom, will have to cope with the outcome. And — though the state’s unfunded liabilities persist, and economists warn another recession could be just around the corner — Newsom will face a very different political landscape. Should California land in another downturn, Brown’s pension reform miracle could be difficult, if not impossible, to repeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case heard by the high court this week involves the California Rule, a legal precedent that requires the state to compensate public employees if their retirement benefits are lessened. In a \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/1-s239958-apps-pet-rev-020817.pdf\">challenge\u003c/a> brought by Cal Fire Local 2881, the firefighters union argues that the ability to purchase additional years of service credit toward retirement, known as “airtime,” is a pension benefit that employees rely on as part of their decision to go into public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/eIcXwSdoRKljMPslJeSG?src=embed\" title=\"Social: Retirement Debt\" width=\"800\" height=\"790\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s attorneys \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/6-s239958-intervener-resp-state-ca-answer-brief-merits-110717.pdf\">counter\u003c/a> that airtime was never intended by the Legislature to be a vested right and never negotiated through collective bargaining. Therefore, the state can take it away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone agrees that workers are entitled to the pensions they earn for work that’s already been done. And the argument might seem to be over a procedural technicality on the surface.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if the court sides with Brown, it could open the possibility of future governors and legislatures modifying current employees’ pensions for prospective work, and perhaps setting a new precedent in which already negotiated benefits are fair game. If the court sides with the union, it would bind the state’s finances and commit taxpayers to paying already expensive retirement benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703925/high-expectations-on-the-left-for-governor-elect-gavin-newsom\">High Expectations on the Left for Governor-Elect Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703925/high-expectations-on-the-left-for-governor-elect-gavin-newsom\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/NewsomElex-1180x785.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>On a larger scale, the case also could mark the end of a Brown-led era of fiscal reform in Sacramento. A blue-state Democrat with a lifelong tendency against the spending his party was known for, the frugal Brown had the experience and political capital to challenge public employee unions who typically hold sway over Democratic politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is newer and younger, and won his office in part with strong union backing. In campaign statements, he pledged to unions that he will protect their pensions; in fact, state firefighters \u003ca href=\"http://www.cpf.org/go/cpf/political-action/firefighters-for-gavin/\">cited\u003c/a> Newsom’s commitment as one reason for giving the governor-elect their endorsement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Democrats, who have been a majority for some time, also with strong backing overall from organized labor, only gained ground in the November election. As the Legislature convened on Monday, they had not just a supermajority but a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/a-deep-blue-sea-of-california-lawmakers-take-oath-of-office-today/\">“mega-majority”\u003c/a> in both chambers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both of those developments favor the priorities of public employee unions, as does the seemingly flush economy of the moment. California is projecting a $15 billion surplus this year, compared to a $27 billion deficit when Brown returned for his second stint in the governor’s office. The unemployment rate stood at 4.1 percent in October, compared to 12.1 percent when Brown was sworn in in January 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11710837\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11710837 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114-e1544218303260.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114-e1544218303260.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114-e1544218303260-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114-e1544218303260-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114-e1544218303260-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114-e1544218303260-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Governor Jerry Brown announces his public employee pension reform plan October 27, 2011 at the State Capitol in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When the Great Recession cratered state finances and the public gained awareness of generous retirement benefits, Brown was able to leverage those issues to successfully champion a package of changes from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2012/09/12/news17720/\">Public Employee Pension Reform Act of 2012\u003c/a> with tacit approval from labor leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Brown did not get \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/projects/la-me-pension-crisis-brown/\">key changes\u003c/a> needed to slow down the growth in retirement costs, the Legislature did agree to what the governor called the “biggest rollback to public pension benefits in the history of California.” Among other money-saving measures, Brown was able to raise the retirement age for new employees, ban retroactive pension increases, stop practices such as hoarding vacation and sick time to inflate calculations for retirement benefits, and ban the purchase of additional years of service, known as “airtime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple labor unions sued, arguing that Brown’s 2012 changes infringed on their employer’s contractual obligation to provide retirement benefits at the level that was promised on their first day of work. That premise—the California Rule—left state and local governments with little room for savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to Wednesday’s high court hearing, lower courts weighed in on the precedent with mixed messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11243683/a-case-study-on-pension-reform-san-joses-grand-compromise\">A Case Study on Pension Reform: San Jose’s Grand Compromise\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11243683/a-case-study-on-pension-reform-san-joses-grand-compromise\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS14834_iStock_000047219414_Large-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In a 2016 \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/revpub/A139610.PDF\">ruling\u003c/a> upholding a lower court’s decision, Justice James A. Richman of California’s First District Court of Appeal broke from decades of court decisions in finding the Legislature can alter pension formulas for current employees and reduce their anticipated retirement benefits. He wrote that a public employee has a right to a “reasonable” pension, not “the most optimal formula of calculating the pension.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another appeals court came to a different conclusion about the “California rule” by deciding in favor of union employees in Alameda, Contra Costa and Merced counties. While the justices agreed there are limits to the California Rule, they said benefit adjustments require “compelling evidence” showing that the changes are necessary to the success of the pension system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court agreed to take up the issue and is first hearing the firefighters’ case over whether airtime is a vested right. While Adams, for the firefighters union, said he hopes the court will recognize that airtime is earned through service, Brown’s lawyers argue taking away the optional benefit doesn’t mean the employee gets less in pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s lawyers wrote in a brief that although airtime was thought to be cost neutral, employees could purchase fictional years of credit \u003ca href=\"http://majlabor.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/PA-20171106-State-Answer-Brief-on-the-Merits-Air-Time-00042485xDC64Ax.pdf#page=10\">“often as much as 40 percent below the actual cost.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the California Public Employees’ Retirement System is carrying $111 billion in unfunded liabilities and the California State Teachers Retirement System faces $76 billion in unfunded liabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Wednesday’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/41490.htm\">oral argument\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, the justices seemed to be searching for where to draw the line that would protect workers without giving them limitless retirement benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye questioned labor attorney Greg Adam about how airtime is protected by the state Constitution when the employee hasn’t performed the work to earn it. And Justice Goodwin Liu wondered aloud whether pension rights extend to life insurance, health insurance or a sabbatical leave that may be offered during employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681898/california-teacher-pension-debt-swamps-school-budgets\">California Teacher Pension Debt Swamps School Budgets\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681898/california-teacher-pension-debt-swamps-school-budgets\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/Teachers-Pension_003-1280x800-1180x738.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Then Liu turned to Brown’s attorney, Rei Onishi, to ask if the state has a right to change benefit formulas midstream in a worker’s career, which strikes at the heart of the California rule. Onishi said yes, if it applies to prospective work. He reasoned that because a worker hasn’t earned the benefit, it’s not an impairment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That brought on questions from Justice Leondra Kruger about whether the Legislature could wipe away benefits for a class of existing state employees going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Onishi responded that wouldn’t be likely because “other cases of this court have said you have a right to a substantial and reasonable pension as soon as you begin employment. I think completely terminating the system going forward, prospectively, would certainly raise questions about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the hearing focused on legalities, the realities of Democratic politics weren’t far from the courtroom. In an unusual move, the governor had his own attorneys argue the case rather than Attorney General Xavier Becerra—a choice that \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2017/11/27/editorial-brown-comes-to-taxpayers-defense-on-pensions/\">fueled speculation\u003c/a> that Brown hoped to shield the attorney general, a Democratic elected official, from union pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And prior to the hearing, the court dodged a thorny question about whether Brown’s most recent nominee to the bench could be impartial. Last month, Brown nominated long-time aide Joshua Groban, who would have provided him counsel on many legal matters. While it wasn’t known if Groban was involved in the case brought by the firefighters union, there was an open question about whether he would have to recuse himself—a question successfully sidelined when Groban’s confirmation hearing was set for Dec. 21, after this week’s arguments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11710882\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11710882\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1291\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939-1020x686.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939-1200x807.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom speaks during election night event on November 6, 2018 in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov.-elect Newsom has said he would prefer to stay out of the courts to resolve pension disputes. When CALmatters asked him if the state should be allowed to renegotiate the future benefits of current workers, he suggested a legal fight wasn’t necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even with the California rule, we have the tools through collective bargaining to negotiate reforms and commensurate offsets,” \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/\">Newsom said then\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The economy might change his mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists have been warning of an inevitable downturn; Wall Street losses translate to deficits here because of California’s reliance on capital gains taxes. That vulnerability, even more than politics, says Jack Pitney, professor of government at Claremont McKenna College, could force Newsom to confront pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite his reputation for being more progressive, the economic reality might end up forcing prudence,” Pitney said. “As he contemplates the governorship, he’s aware of the constraints. He’s a smart guy and he knows how difficult the pension situation is going to be in the years ahead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In a case that went to oral arguments this week, the California Supreme Court is weighing a key legal precedent that could restore the generous pension formulas Brown worked so hard to tighten.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Six years ago, as California strained to emerge from the Great Recession, Gov. Jerry Brown worked a minor political miracle — a rebalancing of the massive state pension systems for public employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shuttling between unions and the strapped governments on the hook for public sector benefits and paychecks, Brown scaled back some of the rules and perks that have made public sector workers more secure, arguing that the pain would be worth it. Results were mixed: The largest benefit rollback in state history yielded some savings, but not enough to entirely fix a pension commitment that taxpayers are increasingly finding hard to manage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as Brown prepares to leave office — his own pension at hand, after five decades in public service — even that hard-won modicum of fiscal change could be loosened. In a case that went to oral arguments this week, the California Supreme Court is weighing a key legal precedent that could restore the generous pension formulas Brown worked so hard to tighten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11710843\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11710843\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1628\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577-160x136.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577-800x678.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577-1020x865.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/California-Supreme-Court-Justices-e1544215421577-1200x1018.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Supreme Court justices in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Judicial Council of California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brown, who at 80 has already surpassed the average retirement age of state workers by 22 years, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-retirement-pension-debt-explainer/#What-do-the-courts-say\">predicts\u003c/a> that he’ll win. But Wednesday’s proceedings made it clear that workers’ arguments are also compelling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever the ruling, Brown’s successor, Gavin Newsom, will have to cope with the outcome. And — though the state’s unfunded liabilities persist, and economists warn another recession could be just around the corner — Newsom will face a very different political landscape. Should California land in another downturn, Brown’s pension reform miracle could be difficult, if not impossible, to repeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case heard by the high court this week involves the California Rule, a legal precedent that requires the state to compensate public employees if their retirement benefits are lessened. In a \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/1-s239958-apps-pet-rev-020817.pdf\">challenge\u003c/a> brought by Cal Fire Local 2881, the firefighters union argues that the ability to purchase additional years of service credit toward retirement, known as “airtime,” is a pension benefit that employees rely on as part of their decision to go into public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/eIcXwSdoRKljMPslJeSG?src=embed\" title=\"Social: Retirement Debt\" width=\"800\" height=\"790\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s attorneys \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/6-s239958-intervener-resp-state-ca-answer-brief-merits-110717.pdf\">counter\u003c/a> that airtime was never intended by the Legislature to be a vested right and never negotiated through collective bargaining. Therefore, the state can take it away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone agrees that workers are entitled to the pensions they earn for work that’s already been done. And the argument might seem to be over a procedural technicality on the surface.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if the court sides with Brown, it could open the possibility of future governors and legislatures modifying current employees’ pensions for prospective work, and perhaps setting a new precedent in which already negotiated benefits are fair game. If the court sides with the union, it would bind the state’s finances and commit taxpayers to paying already expensive retirement benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703925/high-expectations-on-the-left-for-governor-elect-gavin-newsom\">High Expectations on the Left for Governor-Elect Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703925/high-expectations-on-the-left-for-governor-elect-gavin-newsom\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/NewsomElex-1180x785.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>On a larger scale, the case also could mark the end of a Brown-led era of fiscal reform in Sacramento. A blue-state Democrat with a lifelong tendency against the spending his party was known for, the frugal Brown had the experience and political capital to challenge public employee unions who typically hold sway over Democratic politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is newer and younger, and won his office in part with strong union backing. In campaign statements, he pledged to unions that he will protect their pensions; in fact, state firefighters \u003ca href=\"http://www.cpf.org/go/cpf/political-action/firefighters-for-gavin/\">cited\u003c/a> Newsom’s commitment as one reason for giving the governor-elect their endorsement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Democrats, who have been a majority for some time, also with strong backing overall from organized labor, only gained ground in the November election. As the Legislature convened on Monday, they had not just a supermajority but a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/a-deep-blue-sea-of-california-lawmakers-take-oath-of-office-today/\">“mega-majority”\u003c/a> in both chambers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both of those developments favor the priorities of public employee unions, as does the seemingly flush economy of the moment. California is projecting a $15 billion surplus this year, compared to a $27 billion deficit when Brown returned for his second stint in the governor’s office. The unemployment rate stood at 4.1 percent in October, compared to 12.1 percent when Brown was sworn in in January 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11710837\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11710837 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114-e1544218303260.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114-e1544218303260.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114-e1544218303260-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114-e1544218303260-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114-e1544218303260-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-130631114-e1544218303260-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Governor Jerry Brown announces his public employee pension reform plan October 27, 2011 at the State Capitol in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When the Great Recession cratered state finances and the public gained awareness of generous retirement benefits, Brown was able to leverage those issues to successfully champion a package of changes from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2012/09/12/news17720/\">Public Employee Pension Reform Act of 2012\u003c/a> with tacit approval from labor leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Brown did not get \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/projects/la-me-pension-crisis-brown/\">key changes\u003c/a> needed to slow down the growth in retirement costs, the Legislature did agree to what the governor called the “biggest rollback to public pension benefits in the history of California.” Among other money-saving measures, Brown was able to raise the retirement age for new employees, ban retroactive pension increases, stop practices such as hoarding vacation and sick time to inflate calculations for retirement benefits, and ban the purchase of additional years of service, known as “airtime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple labor unions sued, arguing that Brown’s 2012 changes infringed on their employer’s contractual obligation to provide retirement benefits at the level that was promised on their first day of work. That premise—the California Rule—left state and local governments with little room for savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to Wednesday’s high court hearing, lower courts weighed in on the precedent with mixed messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11243683/a-case-study-on-pension-reform-san-joses-grand-compromise\">A Case Study on Pension Reform: San Jose’s Grand Compromise\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11243683/a-case-study-on-pension-reform-san-joses-grand-compromise\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/12/RS14834_iStock_000047219414_Large-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In a 2016 \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/revpub/A139610.PDF\">ruling\u003c/a> upholding a lower court’s decision, Justice James A. Richman of California’s First District Court of Appeal broke from decades of court decisions in finding the Legislature can alter pension formulas for current employees and reduce their anticipated retirement benefits. He wrote that a public employee has a right to a “reasonable” pension, not “the most optimal formula of calculating the pension.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another appeals court came to a different conclusion about the “California rule” by deciding in favor of union employees in Alameda, Contra Costa and Merced counties. While the justices agreed there are limits to the California Rule, they said benefit adjustments require “compelling evidence” showing that the changes are necessary to the success of the pension system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court agreed to take up the issue and is first hearing the firefighters’ case over whether airtime is a vested right. While Adams, for the firefighters union, said he hopes the court will recognize that airtime is earned through service, Brown’s lawyers argue taking away the optional benefit doesn’t mean the employee gets less in pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s lawyers wrote in a brief that although airtime was thought to be cost neutral, employees could purchase fictional years of credit \u003ca href=\"http://majlabor.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/PA-20171106-State-Answer-Brief-on-the-Merits-Air-Time-00042485xDC64Ax.pdf#page=10\">“often as much as 40 percent below the actual cost.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the California Public Employees’ Retirement System is carrying $111 billion in unfunded liabilities and the California State Teachers Retirement System faces $76 billion in unfunded liabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Wednesday’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/41490.htm\">oral argument\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, the justices seemed to be searching for where to draw the line that would protect workers without giving them limitless retirement benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye questioned labor attorney Greg Adam about how airtime is protected by the state Constitution when the employee hasn’t performed the work to earn it. And Justice Goodwin Liu wondered aloud whether pension rights extend to life insurance, health insurance or a sabbatical leave that may be offered during employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681898/california-teacher-pension-debt-swamps-school-budgets\">California Teacher Pension Debt Swamps School Budgets\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681898/california-teacher-pension-debt-swamps-school-budgets\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/Teachers-Pension_003-1280x800-1180x738.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Then Liu turned to Brown’s attorney, Rei Onishi, to ask if the state has a right to change benefit formulas midstream in a worker’s career, which strikes at the heart of the California rule. Onishi said yes, if it applies to prospective work. He reasoned that because a worker hasn’t earned the benefit, it’s not an impairment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That brought on questions from Justice Leondra Kruger about whether the Legislature could wipe away benefits for a class of existing state employees going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Onishi responded that wouldn’t be likely because “other cases of this court have said you have a right to a substantial and reasonable pension as soon as you begin employment. I think completely terminating the system going forward, prospectively, would certainly raise questions about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the hearing focused on legalities, the realities of Democratic politics weren’t far from the courtroom. In an unusual move, the governor had his own attorneys argue the case rather than Attorney General Xavier Becerra—a choice that \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2017/11/27/editorial-brown-comes-to-taxpayers-defense-on-pensions/\">fueled speculation\u003c/a> that Brown hoped to shield the attorney general, a Democratic elected official, from union pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And prior to the hearing, the court dodged a thorny question about whether Brown’s most recent nominee to the bench could be impartial. Last month, Brown nominated long-time aide Joshua Groban, who would have provided him counsel on many legal matters. While it wasn’t known if Groban was involved in the case brought by the firefighters union, there was an open question about whether he would have to recuse himself—a question successfully sidelined when Groban’s confirmation hearing was set for Dec. 21, after this week’s arguments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11710882\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11710882\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1291\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939-1020x686.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/GettyImages-1058496338-e1544218878939-1200x807.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom speaks during election night event on November 6, 2018 in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov.-elect Newsom has said he would prefer to stay out of the courts to resolve pension disputes. When CALmatters asked him if the state should be allowed to renegotiate the future benefits of current workers, he suggested a legal fight wasn’t necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even with the California rule, we have the tools through collective bargaining to negotiate reforms and commensurate offsets,” \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/\">Newsom said then\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The economy might change his mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists have been warning of an inevitable downturn; Wall Street losses translate to deficits here because of California’s reliance on capital gains taxes. That vulnerability, even more than politics, says Jack Pitney, professor of government at Claremont McKenna College, could force Newsom to confront pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite his reputation for being more progressive, the economic reality might end up forcing prudence,” Pitney said. “As he contemplates the governorship, he’s aware of the constraints. He’s a smart guy and he knows how difficult the pension situation is going to be in the years ahead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-lawmakers-propose-bills-to-help-low-income-renters-and-the-homeless",
"title": "California Lawmakers Propose Host of Bills to Help Low-Income Renters and the Homeless",
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"headTitle": "California Lawmakers Propose Host of Bills to Help Low-Income Renters and the Homeless | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Lawmakers in Sacramento kicked off the new legislative session this week with a handful of proposals to help low-income residents avoid homelessness, and help get the tens of thousands of Californians without shelter off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators and advocates are encouraged by the presence of an incoming governor focusing on homelessness and low-income renters, but acknowledge that shelters and supportive and low-income housing will have to compete for state dollars with other top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the biggest thing is around the budget,” said Sharon Rapport, associate director of the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “We are hoping to get ongoing funding to address the affordable housing crisis and homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677958/big-city-mayors-welcome-state-money-for-homeless-services\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">11 big-city mayors\u003c/a> rallied for the inclusion of $1.5 billion in the state budget for emergency housing and homeless services. The final budget included only a third of that amount, which would be sent to local governments and nonprofits on a one-time basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was much more directed towards those who are already homeless,” said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the $500 million was a historic expenditure, advocates are hoping for longer-term funding this year that can help pay for the construction of low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they see promise in two ideas that incoming governor Gavin Newsom voiced support for on the campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 10, from Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, would increase the state’s Low-Income Housing Tax Credit by $500 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill from Chiu, Assembly Bill 11, would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709680/state-lawmakers-eye-redevelopment-2-0-to-build-affordable-housing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bring back redevelopment, \u003c/a>a program formerly used by local governments to capture billions of dollars for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown ended redevelopment when he took office in 2011, and vetoed a previous proposal to expand the tax credits available for affordable housing developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are coming out of an eight-year period with Jerry Brown where it didn’t seem like he wanted to address this on the investment side,” said Tyrone Buckley, policy director for Housing California, which is sponsoring the tax credit expansion. “We want to take advantage of a new energy in the horseshoe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional investments in low-income and supportive housing are also on the way with the passage of Propositions 1 and 2 in November, which will launch billions of dollars in construction bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even before those developments get underway, Skinner said she wants to make it easier to build low-income housing. One idea she has is to suspend minimum parking requirements, which can often add costs and delays to a housing proposal. Another proposal from housing groups includes pushing to ease local energy-efficiency rules, like solar panel mandates, for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And because supportive and low-income housing construction can take years, some lawmakers are also focusing on prevention: making sure more Californians do not slip into homelessness to begin with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the very important things for us to do is keep people from being displaced,” Skinner said. “The main reason individuals become homeless is they couldn’t pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11289268\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"One of the permanent supportive housing complexes in downtown Los Angeles, which rely in part on rental subsides for formerly homeless tenants.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11289268\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the permanent supportive housing complexes in downtown Los Angeles, which rely in part on rental subsidies for formerly homeless tenants. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than half of California renters are \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californians-parts-state-pay-can-afford-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“rent-burdened,”\u003c/a> meaning they spend more than a third of their income on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 18, introduced by Skinner, would use state funds to pay for rental and legal assistance for tenants facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s still unclear, however, if lawmakers will attempt to take on what is perhaps the most controversial form of eviction protection: rent control. Proposition 10, a statewide ballot measure to expand rent limits, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">resoundingly defeated\u003c/a> in November, and efforts to repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act failed in the Legislature last session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner said she thinks some conversation around eviction protection laws will still happen next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe they are not necessary statewide,” she added. “Maybe they are more targeted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Richard Bloom, D-Santa Monica, who authored last year’s failed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101863343/a-bill-to-repeal-longstanding-rent-control-limits-gets-a-public-hearing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Costa-Hawkins repeal\u003c/a>, has introduced “intent” legislation, which would “stabilize rental prices and increase the availability of affordable rental housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Bloom said it’s still being determined whether \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB36\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 36\u003c/a> would include proposals to change rent control law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Californians currently living on the street, an ambitious proposal is taking shape to mandate a “right to shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, author of Senate Bill 48, acknowledges that the proposal is in its early stages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But establishing that right could be a way to expand shelters to areas of the state that currently don’t have them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important that we not have local communities opting out of providing support to homeless people,” Wiener said. “The state, of course, has to be part of that solution because there are many communities that don’t have the resources to do what they need to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and supportive housing advocates caution that any proposal around a right to shelter must avoid what has happened in New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, a court-ordered shelter obligation has forced the city to continually appropriate millions toward temporary housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that if you have a right to shelter it means you are spending all your money on shelters,” said Rapport, from the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “We don’t have enough permanent housing, so are you going to prioritize shelters over permanent housing? People are still technically homeless when they are living in a shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposals for homeless and low-income Californians will also have to compete for oxygen with Wiener’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709817/its-sb-827-take-2-wiener-introduces-revamped-bill-to-require-more-housing-near-transit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">much-discussed bill\u003c/a> to require denser development, as well as ongoing \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB25\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">discussions about reforms\u003c/a> to the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA), which some blame for impeding construction of housing.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Legislators and advocates are encouraged by Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom's focus on homelessness and low-income renters. ",
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"title": "California Lawmakers Propose Host of Bills to Help Low-Income Renters and the Homeless | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lawmakers in Sacramento kicked off the new legislative session this week with a handful of proposals to help low-income residents avoid homelessness, and help get the tens of thousands of Californians without shelter off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators and advocates are encouraged by the presence of an incoming governor focusing on homelessness and low-income renters, but acknowledge that shelters and supportive and low-income housing will have to compete for state dollars with other top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the biggest thing is around the budget,” said Sharon Rapport, associate director of the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “We are hoping to get ongoing funding to address the affordable housing crisis and homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677958/big-city-mayors-welcome-state-money-for-homeless-services\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">11 big-city mayors\u003c/a> rallied for the inclusion of $1.5 billion in the state budget for emergency housing and homeless services. The final budget included only a third of that amount, which would be sent to local governments and nonprofits on a one-time basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was much more directed towards those who are already homeless,” said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the $500 million was a historic expenditure, advocates are hoping for longer-term funding this year that can help pay for the construction of low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they see promise in two ideas that incoming governor Gavin Newsom voiced support for on the campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 10, from Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, would increase the state’s Low-Income Housing Tax Credit by $500 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill from Chiu, Assembly Bill 11, would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709680/state-lawmakers-eye-redevelopment-2-0-to-build-affordable-housing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bring back redevelopment, \u003c/a>a program formerly used by local governments to capture billions of dollars for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown ended redevelopment when he took office in 2011, and vetoed a previous proposal to expand the tax credits available for affordable housing developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are coming out of an eight-year period with Jerry Brown where it didn’t seem like he wanted to address this on the investment side,” said Tyrone Buckley, policy director for Housing California, which is sponsoring the tax credit expansion. “We want to take advantage of a new energy in the horseshoe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional investments in low-income and supportive housing are also on the way with the passage of Propositions 1 and 2 in November, which will launch billions of dollars in construction bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even before those developments get underway, Skinner said she wants to make it easier to build low-income housing. One idea she has is to suspend minimum parking requirements, which can often add costs and delays to a housing proposal. Another proposal from housing groups includes pushing to ease local energy-efficiency rules, like solar panel mandates, for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And because supportive and low-income housing construction can take years, some lawmakers are also focusing on prevention: making sure more Californians do not slip into homelessness to begin with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the very important things for us to do is keep people from being displaced,” Skinner said. “The main reason individuals become homeless is they couldn’t pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11289268\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"One of the permanent supportive housing complexes in downtown Los Angeles, which rely in part on rental subsides for formerly homeless tenants.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11289268\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the permanent supportive housing complexes in downtown Los Angeles, which rely in part on rental subsidies for formerly homeless tenants. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than half of California renters are \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californians-parts-state-pay-can-afford-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“rent-burdened,”\u003c/a> meaning they spend more than a third of their income on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 18, introduced by Skinner, would use state funds to pay for rental and legal assistance for tenants facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s still unclear, however, if lawmakers will attempt to take on what is perhaps the most controversial form of eviction protection: rent control. Proposition 10, a statewide ballot measure to expand rent limits, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">resoundingly defeated\u003c/a> in November, and efforts to repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act failed in the Legislature last session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner said she thinks some conversation around eviction protection laws will still happen next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe they are not necessary statewide,” she added. “Maybe they are more targeted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Richard Bloom, D-Santa Monica, who authored last year’s failed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101863343/a-bill-to-repeal-longstanding-rent-control-limits-gets-a-public-hearing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Costa-Hawkins repeal\u003c/a>, has introduced “intent” legislation, which would “stabilize rental prices and increase the availability of affordable rental housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Bloom said it’s still being determined whether \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB36\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 36\u003c/a> would include proposals to change rent control law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Californians currently living on the street, an ambitious proposal is taking shape to mandate a “right to shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, author of Senate Bill 48, acknowledges that the proposal is in its early stages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But establishing that right could be a way to expand shelters to areas of the state that currently don’t have them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important that we not have local communities opting out of providing support to homeless people,” Wiener said. “The state, of course, has to be part of that solution because there are many communities that don’t have the resources to do what they need to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and supportive housing advocates caution that any proposal around a right to shelter must avoid what has happened in New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, a court-ordered shelter obligation has forced the city to continually appropriate millions toward temporary housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that if you have a right to shelter it means you are spending all your money on shelters,” said Rapport, from the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “We don’t have enough permanent housing, so are you going to prioritize shelters over permanent housing? People are still technically homeless when they are living in a shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposals for homeless and low-income Californians will also have to compete for oxygen with Wiener’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709817/its-sb-827-take-2-wiener-introduces-revamped-bill-to-require-more-housing-near-transit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">much-discussed bill\u003c/a> to require denser development, as well as ongoing \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB25\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">discussions about reforms\u003c/a> to the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA), which some blame for impeding construction of housing.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Rebuilding After the Camp Fire, Janet Delaney, Week in Politics",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A Democratic “blue wave” has swept through California. This week, Democratic congressional candidate TJ Cox declared himself the winner over incumbent Republican David Valadao in a tight Central Valley race. Meanwhile, the chairman of the California Democratic Party, Eric Bauman, has resigned amid allegations of sexual misconduct. Plus, a look at what’s ahead for presumed House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and new Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy. Our politics panel weighs in on that, as well as the turmoil at the U.S.-Mexico border as Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom visited San Diego on Thursday and called it a “humanitarian crisis.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Lily Jamali, KQED’s The California Report co-host and correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Carla Marinucci, Politico senior writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rebuilding After the Camp Fire\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Three weeks after wildfire swept through Paradise and destroyed nearly 14,000 homes, Butte County residents are still trying to pick up the pieces. The challenge now is finding new homes for the thousands of people who lost everything. Federal emergency officials are working to move mobile homes into the area. With extremely low vacancy rates in the nearby cities of Chico and Oroville, and hundreds of people still in shelters and staying with friends and relatives, reporters on the ground say frustration is growing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Polly Stryker, KQED’s The California Report assignment editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Andre Byik, Chico Enterprise-Record reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Photographer Janet Delaney’s \u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003ci>Public Matters\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In her new book of photography, \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Public Matters\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, Janet Delaney captures the spirit of protest and parade in San Francisco’s Mission District in the 1980s — a time marked by the AIDS crisis and increased migration from war-torn Central America. Delaney’s photos of colorful protests and public life offer a poignant perspective on how the storied Mission District has changed. Her images also show how that transformation reflects where we are today as a society. Photographs from \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Public Matters\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> are on view at the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://euqinomgallery.com/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Euqinom Gallery\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in San Francisco through Dec. 22.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest: \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Janet Delaney, photographer\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In Butte county, firefighters are still battling the worst wildfire in state history. We take a look at what’s being described as “the new abnormal” and how future fires can be prevented. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A Democratic “blue wave” has swept through California. This week, Democratic congressional candidate TJ Cox declared himself the winner over incumbent Republican David Valadao in a tight Central Valley race. Meanwhile, the chairman of the California Democratic Party, Eric Bauman, has resigned amid allegations of sexual misconduct. Plus, a look at what’s ahead for presumed House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and new Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy. Our politics panel weighs in on that, as well as the turmoil at the U.S.-Mexico border as Gov.-elect Gavin Newsom visited San Diego on Thursday and called it a “humanitarian crisis.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Lily Jamali, KQED’s The California Report co-host and correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Carla Marinucci, Politico senior writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rebuilding After the Camp Fire\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Three weeks after wildfire swept through Paradise and destroyed nearly 14,000 homes, Butte County residents are still trying to pick up the pieces. The challenge now is finding new homes for the thousands of people who lost everything. Federal emergency officials are working to move mobile homes into the area. With extremely low vacancy rates in the nearby cities of Chico and Oroville, and hundreds of people still in shelters and staying with friends and relatives, reporters on the ground say frustration is growing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Polly Stryker, KQED’s The California Report assignment editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Andre Byik, Chico Enterprise-Record reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Photographer Janet Delaney’s \u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003ci>Public Matters\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In her new book of photography, \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Public Matters\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, Janet Delaney captures the spirit of protest and parade in San Francisco’s Mission District in the 1980s — a time marked by the AIDS crisis and increased migration from war-torn Central America. Delaney’s photos of colorful protests and public life offer a poignant perspective on how the storied Mission District has changed. Her images also show how that transformation reflects where we are today as a society. Photographs from \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Public Matters\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> are on view at the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://euqinomgallery.com/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Euqinom Gallery\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in San Francisco through Dec. 22.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest: \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Janet Delaney, photographer\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When voters legalized recreational marijuana in California through Proposition 64, many expected a windfall of tax revenue. That hasn’t quite panned out yet, but some more money could start flowing into the state budget next fiscal year — and the wrangling over how to spend it is already beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=RTC§ionNum=34019\">new cannabis law\u003c/a> offers some flexibility in\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/handouts/crimjust/2017/Proposition-64-Revenues-021617.pdf\"> how tax revenues can be used\u003c/a>. First the state must pay for administering the law. Then the law sets aside money for cannabis research. Of the remaining amount, 60 percent must be designated for programs geared toward \"Youth Education, Prevention, Early Intervention and Treatment.\" That leaves a lot of leeway for the governor and legislature. And that is where the horse-trading will come in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erin Gabel with\u003ca href=\"http://www.ccfc.ca.gov/\"> First Five California\u003c/a>, an independent state commission that promotes early childhood development, said there are a number of areas that could qualify for that funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Early education, child care investments, prenatal care, and after school programs,\" she listed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Finance said it's likely funding for such programs will be available next year. And Gabel notes most align with Governor-elect Gavin Newsom’s policy priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"(Newsom) was very outspoken about the importance of investing in early prevention and investing in our youth,\" she said. \"And based off of his very strong campaign positions on investing early around children and their families, (we anticipate) that we will see an echo of that in what he hopes to do with the Prop 64 fund.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not yet known how much money there will be to go around. Helen Kerstein is with the non-partisan Legislative Analyst's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a relatively new area of state regulation,\" Kerstein said. \"And so it's unclear what the long term revenues are going to be,\" she said. \"It's a very difficult thing to project into forecast because there isn't that revenue history for this program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Kerstein said if \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/326\">revenues continue to grow\u003c/a> at their current rate, they could total as much as $410 million for the 2018-2019 fiscal year. But that's still well below the $630 million the state had projected.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When voters legalized recreational marijuana in California through Proposition 64, many expected a windfall of tax revenue. That hasn’t quite panned out yet, but some more money could start flowing into the state budget next fiscal year — and the wrangling over how to spend it is already beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=RTC§ionNum=34019\">new cannabis law\u003c/a> offers some flexibility in\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/handouts/crimjust/2017/Proposition-64-Revenues-021617.pdf\"> how tax revenues can be used\u003c/a>. First the state must pay for administering the law. Then the law sets aside money for cannabis research. Of the remaining amount, 60 percent must be designated for programs geared toward \"Youth Education, Prevention, Early Intervention and Treatment.\" That leaves a lot of leeway for the governor and legislature. And that is where the horse-trading will come in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erin Gabel with\u003ca href=\"http://www.ccfc.ca.gov/\"> First Five California\u003c/a>, an independent state commission that promotes early childhood development, said there are a number of areas that could qualify for that funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Early education, child care investments, prenatal care, and after school programs,\" she listed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Finance said it's likely funding for such programs will be available next year. And Gabel notes most align with Governor-elect Gavin Newsom’s policy priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"(Newsom) was very outspoken about the importance of investing in early prevention and investing in our youth,\" she said. \"And based off of his very strong campaign positions on investing early around children and their families, (we anticipate) that we will see an echo of that in what he hopes to do with the Prop 64 fund.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not yet known how much money there will be to go around. Helen Kerstein is with the non-partisan Legislative Analyst's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a relatively new area of state regulation,\" Kerstein said. \"And so it's unclear what the long term revenues are going to be,\" she said. \"It's a very difficult thing to project into forecast because there isn't that revenue history for this program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Kerstein said if \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/326\">revenues continue to grow\u003c/a> at their current rate, they could total as much as $410 million for the 2018-2019 fiscal year. But that's still well below the $630 million the state had projected.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "'The Federal Government Is Behind You': Trump Tours Camp Fire Devastation with Brown, Newsom",
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"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/wildfires/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Follow KQED's ongoing wildfire coverage.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump pledged to work with California leaders to help the state recover from the deadly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705243/california-wildfires-what-you-need-to-know\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Camp Fire\u003c/a> during a visit to a burn site in Paradise on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The federal government is behind you, we're all behind you,\" Trump said, standing between Gov. Jerry Brown and Gov.-elect Newsom, and in front of Paradise's burned-out landscape. As of Trump's visit on Saturday, the Camp Fire has scorched 148,000 acres and killed at least 71 people, with more than 1,000 still listed as missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705243/california-wildfires-what-you-need-to-know\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">What You Need to Know: Butte County's Camp Fire\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705243/california-wildfires-what-you-need-to-know\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/GettyImages-1062441210-e1542468328110.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The latest information on the deadline Camp Fire. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705243/california-wildfires-what-you-need-to-know\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Read more\u003c/a> about how to protect yourself.\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Trump was also joined by Paradise Mayor Jody Jones, Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy, U.S. Rep. Doug LaMalfa, U.S. Rep Ken Calvert and FEMA Administrator Brock Long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president praised FEMA and law enforcement officials for their work in the aftermath of the deadliest and most destructive wildfire in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1934332/the-largest-deadliest-and-most-destructive-fires-in-california-history\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">modern California history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nobody would've ever thought this could happen,\" Trump said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's visit comes days after he seemed to blame state officials for contributing to the fire by not having proper forest management techniques, even though 57 percent of the state's forest land is owned by the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There is no reason for these massive, deadly and costly forest fires in California except that forest management is so poor,\" \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1061168803218948096\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Trump tweeted\u003c/a> a week before his visit. \"Billions of dollars are given each year, with so many lives lost, all because of gross mismanagement of the forests. Remedy now, or no more Fed payments!\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two days later, Trump approved a major disaster declaration that Brown had requested, providing additional federal resources and money to help the state deal with the fire's devastation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The people that are right here — local people, state people — are doing the work,\" Brown said on Saturday. \"Federal government provides some help and a lot of money and some expertise, and somehow we'll pull through it together.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump arrived in Chico by helicopter around 11 a.m. Dozens of supporters lined the exit to the airport and the motorcade's route, with many waving U.S. flags. One supporter held a \"Welcome President Trump\" sign, while another person along the route held one that said, \"Our Fault: Really?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Trump, he spoke with Brown and Newsom about what can be done to prevent future disasters, and he said they were all committed to improving forest management, a topic Trump brought up numerous times during his visit. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think everybody's seen the light,\" Trump said. \"I don't think we'll have this again to this extent. Hopefully this will be the last of these because this was a really, really bad one.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated to clarify the portion of California forests owned by the federal government.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/wildfires/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Follow KQED's ongoing wildfire coverage.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump pledged to work with California leaders to help the state recover from the deadly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705243/california-wildfires-what-you-need-to-know\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Camp Fire\u003c/a> during a visit to a burn site in Paradise on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The federal government is behind you, we're all behind you,\" Trump said, standing between Gov. Jerry Brown and Gov.-elect Newsom, and in front of Paradise's burned-out landscape. As of Trump's visit on Saturday, the Camp Fire has scorched 148,000 acres and killed at least 71 people, with more than 1,000 still listed as missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705243/california-wildfires-what-you-need-to-know\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">What You Need to Know: Butte County's Camp Fire\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705243/california-wildfires-what-you-need-to-know\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/GettyImages-1062441210-e1542468328110.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The latest information on the deadline Camp Fire. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705243/california-wildfires-what-you-need-to-know\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Read more\u003c/a> about how to protect yourself.\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Trump was also joined by Paradise Mayor Jody Jones, Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy, U.S. Rep. Doug LaMalfa, U.S. Rep Ken Calvert and FEMA Administrator Brock Long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president praised FEMA and law enforcement officials for their work in the aftermath of the deadliest and most destructive wildfire in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1934332/the-largest-deadliest-and-most-destructive-fires-in-california-history\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">modern California history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nobody would've ever thought this could happen,\" Trump said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's visit comes days after he seemed to blame state officials for contributing to the fire by not having proper forest management techniques, even though 57 percent of the state's forest land is owned by the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There is no reason for these massive, deadly and costly forest fires in California except that forest management is so poor,\" \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1061168803218948096\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Trump tweeted\u003c/a> a week before his visit. \"Billions of dollars are given each year, with so many lives lost, all because of gross mismanagement of the forests. Remedy now, or no more Fed payments!\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two days later, Trump approved a major disaster declaration that Brown had requested, providing additional federal resources and money to help the state deal with the fire's devastation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The people that are right here — local people, state people — are doing the work,\" Brown said on Saturday. \"Federal government provides some help and a lot of money and some expertise, and somehow we'll pull through it together.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump arrived in Chico by helicopter around 11 a.m. Dozens of supporters lined the exit to the airport and the motorcade's route, with many waving U.S. flags. One supporter held a \"Welcome President Trump\" sign, while another person along the route held one that said, \"Our Fault: Really?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Trump, he spoke with Brown and Newsom about what can be done to prevent future disasters, and he said they were all committed to improving forest management, a topic Trump brought up numerous times during his visit. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think everybody's seen the light,\" Trump said. \"I don't think we'll have this again to this extent. Hopefully this will be the last of these because this was a really, really bad one.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated to clarify the portion of California forests owned by the federal government.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
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"soldout": {
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