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"content": "\u003cp>For many Californians, having a car towed is not only a costly inconvenience but can mean losing access to a job, education, medical care or even shelter, according to a new report by a coalition of civil rights attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> [aside tag='towing' label='Towing in California']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, “\u003ca href=\"https://wclp.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/TowedIntoDebt.Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Towed Into Debt\u003c/a>,” found that the top three reasons for towing — unpaid parking tickets, expired car registration or parking in a legal spot for more than 72 hours — disproportionately impacted low-income Californians, causing many of them to permanently lose their vehicle. The report, which included data on city-ordered towing practices across California, was released Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu is taking action on these findings: He introduced Assembly Bill 516 on Monday. If passed, the bill would repeal the three towing policies he and advocates say are “poverty tows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don't have the money to pay your parking tickets or to update your registration, the idea that the state should be able to deprive you of the most valuable economic asset you have, which will cause you to lose your job, your livelihood or even your only shelter, doesn't make any sense to me,” he said in announcing the legislation at a San Francisco tow lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11689602\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11689602 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The quickly escalating costs of having a vehicle impounded usually mean poor Californians can’t afford to get their cars back. Including original tickets, accrued fines and charges for towing and impounding, it would now cost Sean Kayode more than $21,000 to get his car back.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The escalating costs of having a vehicle impounded usually mean poor Californians can’t afford to get their cars back. Including original tickets, accrued fines and charges for towing and impounding. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the report, vehicles impounded for the three offenses are up to six times more likely to be sold by towing companies than the average towed car. Cars that aren’t retrieved within 30 days are put up for auction in lien sales to offset the debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_10547173' label='Why is Towing So Expensive in San Francisco?']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More courts are realizing that punishing people just because they can’t afford to pay is not in line with our constitutional principles,” said Elisa Della-Piana, legal director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.lccr.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay\u003c/a>, one of the contributors to the report. “The 4th Amendment prohibits unreasonable seizures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before retrieving a car impounded by the city, the owner has to pay off all parking tickets and any registration fees. The report says that getting a car back can cost an average of $1,100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened to Mary Lovelace, a former home improvement specialist: The city of San Francisco towed her car after they booted it for not paying parking tickets. Unable to drive to her clients, she said she couldn’t afford the fees to retrieve her car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was evicted because I couldn't pay the rent,” said Lovelace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11734046\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11734046 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Mary Lovelace is one of many Californians who have permanentley lost their car due to a city ordered tow,\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414.jpg 2016w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mary Lovelace could not afford to pay her parking tickets and eventually lost her vehicle after a city-ordered tow. (Marisol Medina-Cadena/KQED) \u003ccite>(Marisol Medina-Cadena/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She never got her car back and ended up declaring bankruptcy. She remains without a car and unable to work. Lovelace, who spoke alongside Assemblyman Chiu, said she hopes the bill passes so it can prevent others from being in a situation like her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City-ordered tows also drain money from local governments since low income residents are less likely to retrieve their cars from lots, the report found. And, revenue from a lien sale is much less than the cost to store and tow the vehicle, meaning municipalities and towing companies are unlikely to fully collect their debts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ctta.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Tow Truck Association\u003c/a> declined to comment to KQED about the new legislation.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, “\u003ca href=\"https://wclp.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/TowedIntoDebt.Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Towed Into Debt\u003c/a>,” found that the top three reasons for towing — unpaid parking tickets, expired car registration or parking in a legal spot for more than 72 hours — disproportionately impacted low-income Californians, causing many of them to permanently lose their vehicle. The report, which included data on city-ordered towing practices across California, was released Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu is taking action on these findings: He introduced Assembly Bill 516 on Monday. If passed, the bill would repeal the three towing policies he and advocates say are “poverty tows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don't have the money to pay your parking tickets or to update your registration, the idea that the state should be able to deprive you of the most valuable economic asset you have, which will cause you to lose your job, your livelihood or even your only shelter, doesn't make any sense to me,” he said in announcing the legislation at a San Francisco tow lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11689602\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11689602 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The quickly escalating costs of having a vehicle impounded usually mean poor Californians can’t afford to get their cars back. Including original tickets, accrued fines and charges for towing and impounding, it would now cost Sean Kayode more than $21,000 to get his car back.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/PreppingToTow-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The escalating costs of having a vehicle impounded usually mean poor Californians can’t afford to get their cars back. Including original tickets, accrued fines and charges for towing and impounding. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the report, vehicles impounded for the three offenses are up to six times more likely to be sold by towing companies than the average towed car. Cars that aren’t retrieved within 30 days are put up for auction in lien sales to offset the debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More courts are realizing that punishing people just because they can’t afford to pay is not in line with our constitutional principles,” said Elisa Della-Piana, legal director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.lccr.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay\u003c/a>, one of the contributors to the report. “The 4th Amendment prohibits unreasonable seizures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before retrieving a car impounded by the city, the owner has to pay off all parking tickets and any registration fees. The report says that getting a car back can cost an average of $1,100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened to Mary Lovelace, a former home improvement specialist: The city of San Francisco towed her car after they booted it for not paying parking tickets. Unable to drive to her clients, she said she couldn’t afford the fees to retrieve her car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was evicted because I couldn't pay the rent,” said Lovelace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11734046\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11734046 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Mary Lovelace is one of many Californians who have permanentley lost their car due to a city ordered tow,\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/IMG_5414.jpg 2016w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mary Lovelace could not afford to pay her parking tickets and eventually lost her vehicle after a city-ordered tow. (Marisol Medina-Cadena/KQED) \u003ccite>(Marisol Medina-Cadena/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She never got her car back and ended up declaring bankruptcy. She remains without a car and unable to work. Lovelace, who spoke alongside Assemblyman Chiu, said she hopes the bill passes so it can prevent others from being in a situation like her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City-ordered tows also drain money from local governments since low income residents are less likely to retrieve their cars from lots, the report found. And, revenue from a lien sale is much less than the cost to store and tow the vehicle, meaning municipalities and towing companies are unlikely to fully collect their debts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ctta.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Tow Truck Association\u003c/a> declined to comment to KQED about the new legislation.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "State Lawmakers Renew Push for Rent Control Expansion",
"title": "State Lawmakers Renew Push for Rent Control Expansion",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Legislation to limit rent increases statewide and allow California cities to implement their own rent caps was unveiled at the state Capitol on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undeterred by voters’ overwhelming rejection of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/prop/10\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rent control expansion\u003c/a> last year, Democrats in the Legislature are pushing forward to protect California renters facing skyrocketing prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The crisis has not, is not, and will not go away until we act in various ways and that’s what this package is all about,\" said Assemblyman Richard Bloom, D-Santa Monica. \"We have to get beyond what happened in the past and really sit down and get into serious negotiations.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly a third of California renters spend a majority of their income on shelter, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/More-Than-Half-of-California-Renters-and-Over-a-Third-of-Homeowners-With-Mortgages-Have-High-Housing-Costs_Chart.png\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Budget & Policy Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Affordable Housing in California\" tag=\"affordable-housing\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the newly-unveiled bills go as far as Proposition 10, the November ballot measure which would have completely repealed the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That landmark law blocks California cities from expanding rent control on buildings built after 1995, and freezes in place local rent control ordinances in places like San Francisco and Los Angeles, where only units built before the late-1970's are rent controlled. Costa-Hawkins also bans rent caps on single-family homes and condominiums, and allows landlords to boost the rent to market rate once a tenant moves out, known as vacancy decontrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">was rejected\u003c/a> by 59 percent of voters, and received a majority of votes in only two counties: San Francisco and Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year's rent control bill, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB36\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 36\u003c/a>, would allow cities to expand rent limits to buildings ten years and older, along with condos and single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would exempt single-family homes owned by landlords who own fewer than three buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents stressed that their bills could change during what Assemblyman Bloom described as \"ongoing negotiations\" with supporters and opponents of rent control expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I wouldn’t use the word negotiate,\" said Debra Carlton, Senior Vice President of Public Affairs for the California Apartment Association, which represents landlords and has opposed past rent control efforts. \"I think we’re going to listen to what they have to say and then we’ll take it back to our leadership. It will be interesting to see if we can find some middle ground at all.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These bills cannot get in the way by scaring off development in California or we won’t solve the true problem which is lack of housing,\" she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlton said the Apartment Association would hold off on taking official positions until some key details emerged in the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, legislation to address \"price gouging\" by capping rent increases in areas without rent control does not specify what the cap will be. \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 1482\u003c/a> would set the limit at an unknown percentage above the Consumer Price Index, a common measurement of inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For those 15 million Californians not covered by rent control, this bill would for the first time create some rent certainty, allowing tenants to plan for their futures and removing the risk of unexpected rent increases,\" said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, the bill's author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Coalition to House the Bay Area, known as CASA, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11720131/the-bay-areas-biggest-push-for-a-regional-housing-solution\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">group that drew up a set of regional housing solutions\u003c/a>, recommended a rent cap at CPI plus five percent. That idea was denounced both by the \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/app/uploads/2018/12/CASA-Dec-18-2018_MTC-Letter.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Apartment Association\u003c/a> and tenant groups. Earlier this year, Oregon enacted a statewide cap of CPI plus seven percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the rent package, lawmakers are again attempting to establish a statewide \"just cause\" policy. \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1481\">Assembly Bill 1481\u003c/a> would require that landlords list a specific reason for evicting a tenant, like failure to pay rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assembled lawmakers were optimistic that rental protections will make more progress than in 2018, when just cause protections were voted down on the Assembly floor, and changes to Costa-Hawkins failed to advance out of committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It’s significant for me that in my five years of serving on the Assembly Housing committee, this is the first time this many legislators have stood together to say ‘We need to protect tenants,\" said Chiu, who chairs the committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one, both sides of the rent control debate are likely leery of another expensive battle at the ballot box. The campaigns for and against Proposition 10 raised more than $100 million combined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reforms like a \"rolling date\" that gradually makes buildings eligible for rent control is likely to be more politically acceptable for certain Democrats than the wholesale changes proposed in Proposition 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland, whose opposition to Proposition 10 became a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11683139/heres-how-east-bay-assembly-candidates-jovanka-beckles-and-buffy-wicks-differ-on-housing-isssues\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">major issue\u003c/a> in her 2018 campaign, voiced support for the rent protections introduced on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also unveiled legislation,\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB724\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Assembly Bill 724\u003c/a>, which would create a statewide rental registry to track units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Wicks pointed to comments made by Governor Gavin Newsom in his State of the State address, when he asked legislators to \"get me a good package on rent stability this year and I will sign it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Well, we are going to bring him a package,\" Wicks said. \"That is our goal, that he can sign on, so that we can protect the renters that we care about deeply in our community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Apartment Association's Debra Carlton said she viewed the governor's pledge to sign \"a good package\" as not superseding another Newsom pledge — to accelerate housing construction in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We will interpret that as not interfering with his desire to making sure that we solve the long-term problem,\" said Carlton. \"We still have a large group of legislators that just don’t agree with the concept of rent control, so quite frankly it’s yet to be seen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Undeterred by the rejection of Proposition 10, Democrats are proposing new reforms to the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Legislation to limit rent increases statewide and allow California cities to implement their own rent caps was unveiled at the state Capitol on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undeterred by voters’ overwhelming rejection of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/prop/10\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rent control expansion\u003c/a> last year, Democrats in the Legislature are pushing forward to protect California renters facing skyrocketing prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The crisis has not, is not, and will not go away until we act in various ways and that’s what this package is all about,\" said Assemblyman Richard Bloom, D-Santa Monica. \"We have to get beyond what happened in the past and really sit down and get into serious negotiations.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly a third of California renters spend a majority of their income on shelter, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/More-Than-Half-of-California-Renters-and-Over-a-Third-of-Homeowners-With-Mortgages-Have-High-Housing-Costs_Chart.png\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Budget & Policy Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the newly-unveiled bills go as far as Proposition 10, the November ballot measure which would have completely repealed the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That landmark law blocks California cities from expanding rent control on buildings built after 1995, and freezes in place local rent control ordinances in places like San Francisco and Los Angeles, where only units built before the late-1970's are rent controlled. Costa-Hawkins also bans rent caps on single-family homes and condominiums, and allows landlords to boost the rent to market rate once a tenant moves out, known as vacancy decontrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">was rejected\u003c/a> by 59 percent of voters, and received a majority of votes in only two counties: San Francisco and Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year's rent control bill, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB36\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 36\u003c/a>, would allow cities to expand rent limits to buildings ten years and older, along with condos and single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would exempt single-family homes owned by landlords who own fewer than three buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents stressed that their bills could change during what Assemblyman Bloom described as \"ongoing negotiations\" with supporters and opponents of rent control expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I wouldn’t use the word negotiate,\" said Debra Carlton, Senior Vice President of Public Affairs for the California Apartment Association, which represents landlords and has opposed past rent control efforts. \"I think we’re going to listen to what they have to say and then we’ll take it back to our leadership. It will be interesting to see if we can find some middle ground at all.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These bills cannot get in the way by scaring off development in California or we won’t solve the true problem which is lack of housing,\" she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlton said the Apartment Association would hold off on taking official positions until some key details emerged in the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, legislation to address \"price gouging\" by capping rent increases in areas without rent control does not specify what the cap will be. \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 1482\u003c/a> would set the limit at an unknown percentage above the Consumer Price Index, a common measurement of inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For those 15 million Californians not covered by rent control, this bill would for the first time create some rent certainty, allowing tenants to plan for their futures and removing the risk of unexpected rent increases,\" said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, the bill's author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Coalition to House the Bay Area, known as CASA, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11720131/the-bay-areas-biggest-push-for-a-regional-housing-solution\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">group that drew up a set of regional housing solutions\u003c/a>, recommended a rent cap at CPI plus five percent. That idea was denounced both by the \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/app/uploads/2018/12/CASA-Dec-18-2018_MTC-Letter.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Apartment Association\u003c/a> and tenant groups. Earlier this year, Oregon enacted a statewide cap of CPI plus seven percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the rent package, lawmakers are again attempting to establish a statewide \"just cause\" policy. \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1481\">Assembly Bill 1481\u003c/a> would require that landlords list a specific reason for evicting a tenant, like failure to pay rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assembled lawmakers were optimistic that rental protections will make more progress than in 2018, when just cause protections were voted down on the Assembly floor, and changes to Costa-Hawkins failed to advance out of committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It’s significant for me that in my five years of serving on the Assembly Housing committee, this is the first time this many legislators have stood together to say ‘We need to protect tenants,\" said Chiu, who chairs the committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one, both sides of the rent control debate are likely leery of another expensive battle at the ballot box. The campaigns for and against Proposition 10 raised more than $100 million combined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reforms like a \"rolling date\" that gradually makes buildings eligible for rent control is likely to be more politically acceptable for certain Democrats than the wholesale changes proposed in Proposition 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland, whose opposition to Proposition 10 became a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11683139/heres-how-east-bay-assembly-candidates-jovanka-beckles-and-buffy-wicks-differ-on-housing-isssues\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">major issue\u003c/a> in her 2018 campaign, voiced support for the rent protections introduced on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also unveiled legislation,\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB724\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Assembly Bill 724\u003c/a>, which would create a statewide rental registry to track units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Wicks pointed to comments made by Governor Gavin Newsom in his State of the State address, when he asked legislators to \"get me a good package on rent stability this year and I will sign it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Well, we are going to bring him a package,\" Wicks said. \"That is our goal, that he can sign on, so that we can protect the renters that we care about deeply in our community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Apartment Association's Debra Carlton said she viewed the governor's pledge to sign \"a good package\" as not superseding another Newsom pledge — to accelerate housing construction in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We will interpret that as not interfering with his desire to making sure that we solve the long-term problem,\" said Carlton. \"We still have a large group of legislators that just don’t agree with the concept of rent control, so quite frankly it’s yet to be seen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>State lawmakers are proposing to create a housing agency for the San Francisco Bay Area, with the ability to impose regional taxes to fund development, local planning and tenant assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, set to be unveiled on Thursday, would create a new agency to address a problem felt by residents in all of the region’s nine counties. Assembly Bill 1487 is the cornerstone of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719937/controversial-bay-area-housing-plan-heads-to-state-legislature\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">controversial regional housing agenda\u003c/a> being pursued at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is central to what we’re trying to do with a regional approach,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, who authored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=”right” citation=\"Assemblyman David Chiu\"]‘It would allow tenants from across the region to access services, even if their city doesn’t have tenant services available. It would allow cities across the region to get access to technical assistance that they may not already have.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea for the regional entity — dubbed the Housing Alliance for the Bay Area (HABA) — was birthed from CASA, a committee of elected officials, developers and affordable housing advocates who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11720131/the-bay-areas-biggest-push-for-a-regional-housing-solution\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">drew up a set of ideas\u003c/a> to ease the housing affordability crisis in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ideas included emergency rent and legal assistance to tenants facing eviction, a regional rent cap, streamlined approval for more developments and minimum zoning standards for housing around transit stops. Many of those ideas have already been introduced in the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee also drafted a price tag for their list of solutions: $2.5 billion annually over the next 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1487 would give state authority to HABA to raise up to $1.5 billion through ballot measures voted on in all nine counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It] would allow for funding to be raised regionally and spent regionally,” Chiu said. “It would allow tenants from across the region to access services, even if their city doesn’t have tenant services available. It would allow cities across the region to get access to technical assistance that they may not already have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The entity would not have any land use authority, and while it could purchase land for affordable housing, it would not be able to take property through eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1487 proposes that the governing body be split between local mayors, council members and supervisors who serve on the Metropolitan Transportation Commission (MTC) and the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG), along with appointees of the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some supporters of CASA have argued against the creation of a new housing government, particularly one that could include unelected appointees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t personally think having a separate agency is necessary, given that we have ABAG and MTC, which is made up of elected representatives from throughout the region,” said Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguin in January, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ABAG reviewed the regional housing ideas\u003c/a>. “I think that’s a role that we can play as the regional planning entity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be up to the Alliance to determine what tax proposals end up on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"California's Housing Crisis\" tag=\"housing-crisis\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA Compact suggested a suite of ideas, including a regionwide parcel tax on property owners, a new fee on developers, increased taxes on businesses, a regionwide sales tax increase and direct contributions from local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the regional approach to taxes would ease the burden on cities that currently have to go to the ballot individually to raise funds for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to measures to fund affordable housing in San Jose and Santa Rosa that failed in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HABA’s plans for spending the tax money — sending cash and legal assistance to tenants, buying properties to build affordable units, and paying for planners to help cities prepare for development — could be particularly helpful to cities and towns that lack the resources to take on those initiatives now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some jurisdictions have a lot of staff and revenue but there’s a wide range within the region,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California. “So having a regional strategy will also help to generate the local solutions that are needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate bill in the state Legislature could make it easier to pass a regional housing tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200ACA1\">Assembly Constitutional Amendment 1\u003c/a> would lower the threshold needed to pass a sales tax or parcel tax from two-thirds to 55 percent, if the funds are used for infrastructure or affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State lawmakers are proposing to create a housing agency for the San Francisco Bay Area, with the ability to impose regional taxes to fund development, local planning and tenant assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, set to be unveiled on Thursday, would create a new agency to address a problem felt by residents in all of the region’s nine counties. Assembly Bill 1487 is the cornerstone of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719937/controversial-bay-area-housing-plan-heads-to-state-legislature\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">controversial regional housing agenda\u003c/a> being pursued at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is central to what we’re trying to do with a regional approach,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, who authored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea for the regional entity — dubbed the Housing Alliance for the Bay Area (HABA) — was birthed from CASA, a committee of elected officials, developers and affordable housing advocates who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11720131/the-bay-areas-biggest-push-for-a-regional-housing-solution\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">drew up a set of ideas\u003c/a> to ease the housing affordability crisis in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ideas included emergency rent and legal assistance to tenants facing eviction, a regional rent cap, streamlined approval for more developments and minimum zoning standards for housing around transit stops. Many of those ideas have already been introduced in the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee also drafted a price tag for their list of solutions: $2.5 billion annually over the next 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1487 would give state authority to HABA to raise up to $1.5 billion through ballot measures voted on in all nine counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It] would allow for funding to be raised regionally and spent regionally,” Chiu said. “It would allow tenants from across the region to access services, even if their city doesn’t have tenant services available. It would allow cities across the region to get access to technical assistance that they may not already have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The entity would not have any land use authority, and while it could purchase land for affordable housing, it would not be able to take property through eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1487 proposes that the governing body be split between local mayors, council members and supervisors who serve on the Metropolitan Transportation Commission (MTC) and the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG), along with appointees of the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some supporters of CASA have argued against the creation of a new housing government, particularly one that could include unelected appointees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t personally think having a separate agency is necessary, given that we have ABAG and MTC, which is made up of elected representatives from throughout the region,” said Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguin in January, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ABAG reviewed the regional housing ideas\u003c/a>. “I think that’s a role that we can play as the regional planning entity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be up to the Alliance to determine what tax proposals end up on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA Compact suggested a suite of ideas, including a regionwide parcel tax on property owners, a new fee on developers, increased taxes on businesses, a regionwide sales tax increase and direct contributions from local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the regional approach to taxes would ease the burden on cities that currently have to go to the ballot individually to raise funds for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to measures to fund affordable housing in San Jose and Santa Rosa that failed in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HABA’s plans for spending the tax money — sending cash and legal assistance to tenants, buying properties to build affordable units, and paying for planners to help cities prepare for development — could be particularly helpful to cities and towns that lack the resources to take on those initiatives now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some jurisdictions have a lot of staff and revenue but there’s a wide range within the region,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California. “So having a regional strategy will also help to generate the local solutions that are needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate bill in the state Legislature could make it easier to pass a regional housing tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200ACA1\">Assembly Constitutional Amendment 1\u003c/a> would lower the threshold needed to pass a sales tax or parcel tax from two-thirds to 55 percent, if the funds are used for infrastructure or affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Assemblyman David Chiu and state Sen. Scott Wiener, both of San Francisco, announced a bill Monday that would prevent public hospitals from charging emergency room patients whose insurance won’t cover their medical bills. This practice is called “balance billing,” and according to Chiu, it’s costing Californians thousands of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if a patient has private insurance, an ambulance might transport them to an out-of-network hospital that doesn’t accept it — like Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital. Then, a month after getting treatment, they’re hit with a surprise from the hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869030/report-zuckerberg-sf-general-leaves-privately-insured-patients-on-the-hook-for-thousands\">Report: Zuckerberg San Francisco General Leaves Privately Insured Patients on the Hook for Thousands\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869030/report-zuckerberg-sf-general-leaves-privately-insured-patients-on-the-hook-for-thousands\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2018/11/zuckberghospitalcropped-1180x664.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I got this atrocious bill for $13,000,” said Nicki Pogue, who was treated at SFGH after experiencing a severe reaction to bronchitis medication. To her shock, UnitedHealthcare would only cover $3,000 of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pogue said she left the hospital within five hours, but spent the next five months trying to fight the charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went into the underworld of our health care system,” she said. Her weeknights and weekends were consumed by writing appeal letters, researching state legislation and talking to lawyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, UnitedHealthcare covered her bill, but she’s not done campaigning yet. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will drive to Sacramento, I don’t care how many times, to make sure this bill gets passed,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pogue has been working with Chiu, Wiener, San Francisco Supervisor Norman Yee and other patients to rally for the bill, Assembly Bill 1611. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She warns, “Until this bill passes, I don’t recommend anybody with insurance visit S.F. General.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘If you’re incapacitated or undergoing a life-threatening condition, you don’t have the ability or time to decide what hospital to go to.’\u003ccite>Assemblyman David Chiu\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>However, Chiu said choosing hospitals isn’t always easy. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re incapacitated or undergoing a life-threatening condition, you don’t have the ability or time to decide what hospital to go to,” Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the problem of balance billing first came to his attention after \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/1/7/18137967/er-bills-zuckerberg-san-francisco-general-hospital\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Vox\u003c/a> and the San Francisco Chronicle reported it last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until these stories surfaced, many of us had thought the practice of balance billing had been addressed by a decades old Supreme Court case and a 2016 California law,” Chiu said. In reaction to these news stories, ZSFGH said \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/2/1/18206893/zuckerberg-hospital-er-surprise-billing-suspension\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">they’ve halted balance billing\u003c/a> to review the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Chiu is searching for other public hospitals in California that might be balance billing. He expects it could be impacting millions of Californians. If it passes, AB 1611 will go into effect next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Assemblyman David Chiu and state Sen. Scott Wiener, both of San Francisco, announced a bill Monday that would prevent public hospitals from charging emergency room patients whose insurance won’t cover their medical bills. This practice is called “balance billing,” and according to Chiu, it’s costing Californians thousands of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if a patient has private insurance, an ambulance might transport them to an out-of-network hospital that doesn’t accept it — like Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital. Then, a month after getting treatment, they’re hit with a surprise from the hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869030/report-zuckerberg-sf-general-leaves-privately-insured-patients-on-the-hook-for-thousands\">Report: Zuckerberg San Francisco General Leaves Privately Insured Patients on the Hook for Thousands\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869030/report-zuckerberg-sf-general-leaves-privately-insured-patients-on-the-hook-for-thousands\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2018/11/zuckberghospitalcropped-1180x664.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I got this atrocious bill for $13,000,” said Nicki Pogue, who was treated at SFGH after experiencing a severe reaction to bronchitis medication. To her shock, UnitedHealthcare would only cover $3,000 of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pogue said she left the hospital within five hours, but spent the next five months trying to fight the charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went into the underworld of our health care system,” she said. Her weeknights and weekends were consumed by writing appeal letters, researching state legislation and talking to lawyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, UnitedHealthcare covered her bill, but she’s not done campaigning yet. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will drive to Sacramento, I don’t care how many times, to make sure this bill gets passed,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pogue has been working with Chiu, Wiener, San Francisco Supervisor Norman Yee and other patients to rally for the bill, Assembly Bill 1611. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She warns, “Until this bill passes, I don’t recommend anybody with insurance visit S.F. General.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘If you’re incapacitated or undergoing a life-threatening condition, you don’t have the ability or time to decide what hospital to go to.’\u003ccite>Assemblyman David Chiu\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>However, Chiu said choosing hospitals isn’t always easy. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re incapacitated or undergoing a life-threatening condition, you don’t have the ability or time to decide what hospital to go to,” Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the problem of balance billing first came to his attention after \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/1/7/18137967/er-bills-zuckerberg-san-francisco-general-hospital\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Vox\u003c/a> and the San Francisco Chronicle reported it last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until these stories surfaced, many of us had thought the practice of balance billing had been addressed by a decades old Supreme Court case and a 2016 California law,” Chiu said. In reaction to these news stories, ZSFGH said \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/2/1/18206893/zuckerberg-hospital-er-surprise-billing-suspension\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">they’ve halted balance billing\u003c/a> to review the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Chiu is searching for other public hospitals in California that might be balance billing. He expects it could be impacting millions of Californians. If it passes, AB 1611 will go into effect next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>An ambitious plan to tackle the Bay Area’s housing crisis is making its way to the state Capitol, where lawmakers could advance a wide-ranging set of compromises drafted by a coalition of often divergent local interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking a nine-county solution to a seemingly intractable problem, a broad coalition of developers, tenant advocates, elected officials, business leaders and labor interests created a 10-point plan to address regional housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But making the proposal — known as the \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/CASA_Compact.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CASA Compact\u003c/a> —a reality will require the approval and deft maneuvering of state lawmakers, who are already hearing opposition to various components of the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A rising tide?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Supporters of CASA (which looks like an acronym but actually doesn’t stand for anything other than the Spanish word for “house”) argue that the plan is the rising tide that will lift all ships, and that collective action will allow stakeholders with less political clout (read: tenants) to achieve meaningful policy gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to have a regional approach,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, the chair of the Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development. “We are an economic region, we are a social and a cultural region, and we are a region with the most intense manifestation of the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA Compact includes proposals aimed at both spurring new housing construction and protecting existing tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers would be able to tap into streamlined approvals and tax incentives for more housing projects, and minimum zoning standards would be established around transit stops to increase density.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the plan, vulnerable tenants would be aided by a supply of emergency cash and legal assistance, as well as the establishment of a regionwide rent cap and protections against certain kinds of evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the plan’s less controversial proposals push for greater transparency around impact fees charged to developers and encourage the use of surplus public properties for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To raise money for the proposals, the compact suggests the creation of a new Bay Area housing agency, led by elected officials but also including developers and tenant activists, which would levy regional taxes and distribute funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869236/major-housing-plan-gets-approval-from-mtc-association-of-bay-area-governments\">Forum: Major Housing Plan Gets Approval\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869236/major-housing-plan-gets-approval-from-mtc-association-of-bay-area-governments\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2017/07/construction-job-1180x664.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Members of the Committee to House the Bay Area, which created the plan, suggest a variety of tax options, including a fee on developers, a tax on businesses, a regionwide sales tax or parcel tax increase, and regional revenue sharing. The goal, they say, is to place a regional tax measure on the November 2020 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No shortage of critics\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Critics of the plan question the very idea of a regional approach to the Bay Area’s formidable housing crisis and argue that key constituencies were excluded from the process of drafting the proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Kirsch, founder of the group Livable California, which advocates for local control in planning, said the compact was created “without input from those communities that value and cherish the character and quality of life in their small communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that the majority of the cities were excluded, that’s unfair,” Kirsch added. “It’s a stacked deck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA compact received the endorsement of two regional planning agencies, the Metropolitan Transit Commission (MTC) and the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG). Both votes, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nonbinding, \u003c/a>were preceded by hours of fierce public debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At both hearings, representatives from the region’s smaller cities voiced concern over forfeiting any housing decisions to a regional entity. And speakers from Peninsula towns hinted at the political perils of ceding local control. In Mountain View, Palo Alto and Los Altos, mayors and council members were defeated in November by challengers advocating slower growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am in the growing wave of voter pushback against state mandates to remove local control,” Los Altos City Councilwoman Anita Enander told the MTC. “I defeated our mayor on a platform of listening to residents and keeping land-use decisions in the hands of local officials.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Delicate juggling act\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A key tenet of the compact is that all proposals advance in unison at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our premise is, if you put them together, they have a better chance of passing,” said Michael Covarrubias, head of TMG Partners, a local developer, who co-chaired the CASA committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that commitment to policy unity is merely aspirational. There’s nothing stopping only certain pieces of the agreement from moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figuring out the appropriate protections for renters could be particularly difficult on the heels of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">defeat of Proposition 10\u003c/a> in November, a measure that sought to expand rent control statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Our premise is, if you put them together, they have a better chance of passing.’\u003ccite>Michael Covarrubias, TMG Partners\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Tenant groups and the California Apartment Association, which represents landlords, both participated in the CASA process, but have distanced themselves from the final proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless the rent control and just-cause eviction elements are removed in their entirety, CAA cannot endorse the proposed CASA Compact and will oppose any related legislation aimed at implementing the rent control and just cause eviction elements,” wrote Joshua Howard, senior vice president of CAA, in a \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/app/uploads/2018/12/CASA-Dec-18-2018_MTC-Letter.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">December letter\u003c/a> to the MTC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement also proposes a regionwide rent cap that would be equal to the Consumer Price Index plus 5 percent. For a tenant paying $1,500 per month, the maximum allowable increase in monthly rent would be roughly $140.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, a regionwide just-cause eviction policy would require landlords to cite specific causes for eviction, and provide relocation assistance for tenants evicted through no fault of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some tenant groups have argued that these protections are too weak to help Bay Area renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paola Laverde, chair of the Berkeley Rent Stabilization Board, said the plan was a great starting point, but called the rent cap a “laughable increase.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As written, these policies will not protect the most vulnerable that need protection,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Nod from Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are some indications, though, that the plan could get a warmer reception among key leaders in Sacramento. During his budget press conference last week, Gov. Gavin Newsom praised the general idea of the plan, although he offered few specifics about what the next steps would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love the regional approach. The issues of homelessness and housing have to be looked at from a regional perspective,” he said. “That’s exactly the spirit of what they’re trying to advance. I haven’t looked into the details of any legislative package, but it’s certainly the spirit I’m embracing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chairs of the Legislature’s two housing committees, Chiu and state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, are both eager to advance the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CASA would have been unthinkable five or ten years ago,” Wiener said. “These recommendations are bold, aggressive and necessary, and the fact that we’ve achieved such broad regional buy-in shows how quickly the politics of housing has shifted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of the compact recommendations have \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">already been introduced in the Legislature\u003c/a>. Others proposals are expected to be hashed out and unveiled after the Legislature’s Bay Area caucus holds its retreat next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers will also have to figure out what form the recommended regional housing entity will take, or whether the new responsibilities (and the power of the purse) can be folded into an existing regional body like ABAG.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a little bit unclear to me what direction that’s going to go in,” Wiener said. “It may be a great idea, but we haven’t really analyzed it yet.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>An ambitious plan to tackle the Bay Area’s housing crisis is making its way to the state Capitol, where lawmakers could advance a wide-ranging set of compromises drafted by a coalition of often divergent local interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking a nine-county solution to a seemingly intractable problem, a broad coalition of developers, tenant advocates, elected officials, business leaders and labor interests created a 10-point plan to address regional housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But making the proposal — known as the \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/CASA_Compact.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CASA Compact\u003c/a> —a reality will require the approval and deft maneuvering of state lawmakers, who are already hearing opposition to various components of the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A rising tide?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Supporters of CASA (which looks like an acronym but actually doesn’t stand for anything other than the Spanish word for “house”) argue that the plan is the rising tide that will lift all ships, and that collective action will allow stakeholders with less political clout (read: tenants) to achieve meaningful policy gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to have a regional approach,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, the chair of the Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development. “We are an economic region, we are a social and a cultural region, and we are a region with the most intense manifestation of the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA Compact includes proposals aimed at both spurring new housing construction and protecting existing tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers would be able to tap into streamlined approvals and tax incentives for more housing projects, and minimum zoning standards would be established around transit stops to increase density.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the plan, vulnerable tenants would be aided by a supply of emergency cash and legal assistance, as well as the establishment of a regionwide rent cap and protections against certain kinds of evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the plan’s less controversial proposals push for greater transparency around impact fees charged to developers and encourage the use of surplus public properties for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To raise money for the proposals, the compact suggests the creation of a new Bay Area housing agency, led by elected officials but also including developers and tenant activists, which would levy regional taxes and distribute funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869236/major-housing-plan-gets-approval-from-mtc-association-of-bay-area-governments\">Forum: Major Housing Plan Gets Approval\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869236/major-housing-plan-gets-approval-from-mtc-association-of-bay-area-governments\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2017/07/construction-job-1180x664.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Members of the Committee to House the Bay Area, which created the plan, suggest a variety of tax options, including a fee on developers, a tax on businesses, a regionwide sales tax or parcel tax increase, and regional revenue sharing. The goal, they say, is to place a regional tax measure on the November 2020 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No shortage of critics\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Critics of the plan question the very idea of a regional approach to the Bay Area’s formidable housing crisis and argue that key constituencies were excluded from the process of drafting the proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Kirsch, founder of the group Livable California, which advocates for local control in planning, said the compact was created “without input from those communities that value and cherish the character and quality of life in their small communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that the majority of the cities were excluded, that’s unfair,” Kirsch added. “It’s a stacked deck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA compact received the endorsement of two regional planning agencies, the Metropolitan Transit Commission (MTC) and the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG). Both votes, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nonbinding, \u003c/a>were preceded by hours of fierce public debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At both hearings, representatives from the region’s smaller cities voiced concern over forfeiting any housing decisions to a regional entity. And speakers from Peninsula towns hinted at the political perils of ceding local control. In Mountain View, Palo Alto and Los Altos, mayors and council members were defeated in November by challengers advocating slower growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am in the growing wave of voter pushback against state mandates to remove local control,” Los Altos City Councilwoman Anita Enander told the MTC. “I defeated our mayor on a platform of listening to residents and keeping land-use decisions in the hands of local officials.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Delicate juggling act\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A key tenet of the compact is that all proposals advance in unison at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our premise is, if you put them together, they have a better chance of passing,” said Michael Covarrubias, head of TMG Partners, a local developer, who co-chaired the CASA committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that commitment to policy unity is merely aspirational. There’s nothing stopping only certain pieces of the agreement from moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figuring out the appropriate protections for renters could be particularly difficult on the heels of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">defeat of Proposition 10\u003c/a> in November, a measure that sought to expand rent control statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Our premise is, if you put them together, they have a better chance of passing.’\u003ccite>Michael Covarrubias, TMG Partners\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Tenant groups and the California Apartment Association, which represents landlords, both participated in the CASA process, but have distanced themselves from the final proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless the rent control and just-cause eviction elements are removed in their entirety, CAA cannot endorse the proposed CASA Compact and will oppose any related legislation aimed at implementing the rent control and just cause eviction elements,” wrote Joshua Howard, senior vice president of CAA, in a \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/app/uploads/2018/12/CASA-Dec-18-2018_MTC-Letter.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">December letter\u003c/a> to the MTC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement also proposes a regionwide rent cap that would be equal to the Consumer Price Index plus 5 percent. For a tenant paying $1,500 per month, the maximum allowable increase in monthly rent would be roughly $140.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, a regionwide just-cause eviction policy would require landlords to cite specific causes for eviction, and provide relocation assistance for tenants evicted through no fault of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some tenant groups have argued that these protections are too weak to help Bay Area renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paola Laverde, chair of the Berkeley Rent Stabilization Board, said the plan was a great starting point, but called the rent cap a “laughable increase.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As written, these policies will not protect the most vulnerable that need protection,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Nod from Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are some indications, though, that the plan could get a warmer reception among key leaders in Sacramento. During his budget press conference last week, Gov. Gavin Newsom praised the general idea of the plan, although he offered few specifics about what the next steps would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love the regional approach. The issues of homelessness and housing have to be looked at from a regional perspective,” he said. “That’s exactly the spirit of what they’re trying to advance. I haven’t looked into the details of any legislative package, but it’s certainly the spirit I’m embracing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chairs of the Legislature’s two housing committees, Chiu and state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, are both eager to advance the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CASA would have been unthinkable five or ten years ago,” Wiener said. “These recommendations are bold, aggressive and necessary, and the fact that we’ve achieved such broad regional buy-in shows how quickly the politics of housing has shifted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of the compact recommendations have \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">already been introduced in the Legislature\u003c/a>. Others proposals are expected to be hashed out and unveiled after the Legislature’s Bay Area caucus holds its retreat next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers will also have to figure out what form the recommended regional housing entity will take, or whether the new responsibilities (and the power of the purse) can be folded into an existing regional body like ABAG.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a little bit unclear to me what direction that’s going to go in,” Wiener said. “It may be a great idea, but we haven’t really analyzed it yet.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Lawmakers in Sacramento kicked off the new legislative session this week with a handful of proposals to help low-income residents avoid homelessness, and help get the tens of thousands of Californians without shelter off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators and advocates are encouraged by the presence of an incoming governor focusing on homelessness and low-income renters, but acknowledge that shelters and supportive and low-income housing will have to compete for state dollars with other top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the biggest thing is around the budget,” said Sharon Rapport, associate director of the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “We are hoping to get ongoing funding to address the affordable housing crisis and homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677958/big-city-mayors-welcome-state-money-for-homeless-services\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">11 big-city mayors\u003c/a> rallied for the inclusion of $1.5 billion in the state budget for emergency housing and homeless services. The final budget included only a third of that amount, which would be sent to local governments and nonprofits on a one-time basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was much more directed towards those who are already homeless,” said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the $500 million was a historic expenditure, advocates are hoping for longer-term funding this year that can help pay for the construction of low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they see promise in two ideas that incoming governor Gavin Newsom voiced support for on the campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 10, from Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, would increase the state’s Low-Income Housing Tax Credit by $500 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill from Chiu, Assembly Bill 11, would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709680/state-lawmakers-eye-redevelopment-2-0-to-build-affordable-housing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bring back redevelopment, \u003c/a>a program formerly used by local governments to capture billions of dollars for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown ended redevelopment when he took office in 2011, and vetoed a previous proposal to expand the tax credits available for affordable housing developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are coming out of an eight-year period with Jerry Brown where it didn’t seem like he wanted to address this on the investment side,” said Tyrone Buckley, policy director for Housing California, which is sponsoring the tax credit expansion. “We want to take advantage of a new energy in the horseshoe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional investments in low-income and supportive housing are also on the way with the passage of Propositions 1 and 2 in November, which will launch billions of dollars in construction bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even before those developments get underway, Skinner said she wants to make it easier to build low-income housing. One idea she has is to suspend minimum parking requirements, which can often add costs and delays to a housing proposal. Another proposal from housing groups includes pushing to ease local energy-efficiency rules, like solar panel mandates, for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And because supportive and low-income housing construction can take years, some lawmakers are also focusing on prevention: making sure more Californians do not slip into homelessness to begin with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the very important things for us to do is keep people from being displaced,” Skinner said. “The main reason individuals become homeless is they couldn’t pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11289268\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"One of the permanent supportive housing complexes in downtown Los Angeles, which rely in part on rental subsides for formerly homeless tenants.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11289268\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the permanent supportive housing complexes in downtown Los Angeles, which rely in part on rental subsidies for formerly homeless tenants. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than half of California renters are \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californians-parts-state-pay-can-afford-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“rent-burdened,”\u003c/a> meaning they spend more than a third of their income on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 18, introduced by Skinner, would use state funds to pay for rental and legal assistance for tenants facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s still unclear, however, if lawmakers will attempt to take on what is perhaps the most controversial form of eviction protection: rent control. Proposition 10, a statewide ballot measure to expand rent limits, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">resoundingly defeated\u003c/a> in November, and efforts to repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act failed in the Legislature last session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner said she thinks some conversation around eviction protection laws will still happen next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe they are not necessary statewide,” she added. “Maybe they are more targeted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Richard Bloom, D-Santa Monica, who authored last year’s failed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101863343/a-bill-to-repeal-longstanding-rent-control-limits-gets-a-public-hearing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Costa-Hawkins repeal\u003c/a>, has introduced “intent” legislation, which would “stabilize rental prices and increase the availability of affordable rental housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Bloom said it’s still being determined whether \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB36\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 36\u003c/a> would include proposals to change rent control law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Californians currently living on the street, an ambitious proposal is taking shape to mandate a “right to shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, author of Senate Bill 48, acknowledges that the proposal is in its early stages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But establishing that right could be a way to expand shelters to areas of the state that currently don’t have them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important that we not have local communities opting out of providing support to homeless people,” Wiener said. “The state, of course, has to be part of that solution because there are many communities that don’t have the resources to do what they need to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and supportive housing advocates caution that any proposal around a right to shelter must avoid what has happened in New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, a court-ordered shelter obligation has forced the city to continually appropriate millions toward temporary housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that if you have a right to shelter it means you are spending all your money on shelters,” said Rapport, from the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “We don’t have enough permanent housing, so are you going to prioritize shelters over permanent housing? People are still technically homeless when they are living in a shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposals for homeless and low-income Californians will also have to compete for oxygen with Wiener’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709817/its-sb-827-take-2-wiener-introduces-revamped-bill-to-require-more-housing-near-transit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">much-discussed bill\u003c/a> to require denser development, as well as ongoing \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB25\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">discussions about reforms\u003c/a> to the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA), which some blame for impeding construction of housing.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lawmakers in Sacramento kicked off the new legislative session this week with a handful of proposals to help low-income residents avoid homelessness, and help get the tens of thousands of Californians without shelter off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators and advocates are encouraged by the presence of an incoming governor focusing on homelessness and low-income renters, but acknowledge that shelters and supportive and low-income housing will have to compete for state dollars with other top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the biggest thing is around the budget,” said Sharon Rapport, associate director of the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “We are hoping to get ongoing funding to address the affordable housing crisis and homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677958/big-city-mayors-welcome-state-money-for-homeless-services\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">11 big-city mayors\u003c/a> rallied for the inclusion of $1.5 billion in the state budget for emergency housing and homeless services. The final budget included only a third of that amount, which would be sent to local governments and nonprofits on a one-time basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was much more directed towards those who are already homeless,” said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the $500 million was a historic expenditure, advocates are hoping for longer-term funding this year that can help pay for the construction of low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they see promise in two ideas that incoming governor Gavin Newsom voiced support for on the campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 10, from Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, would increase the state’s Low-Income Housing Tax Credit by $500 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill from Chiu, Assembly Bill 11, would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709680/state-lawmakers-eye-redevelopment-2-0-to-build-affordable-housing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bring back redevelopment, \u003c/a>a program formerly used by local governments to capture billions of dollars for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown ended redevelopment when he took office in 2011, and vetoed a previous proposal to expand the tax credits available for affordable housing developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are coming out of an eight-year period with Jerry Brown where it didn’t seem like he wanted to address this on the investment side,” said Tyrone Buckley, policy director for Housing California, which is sponsoring the tax credit expansion. “We want to take advantage of a new energy in the horseshoe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional investments in low-income and supportive housing are also on the way with the passage of Propositions 1 and 2 in November, which will launch billions of dollars in construction bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even before those developments get underway, Skinner said she wants to make it easier to build low-income housing. One idea she has is to suspend minimum parking requirements, which can often add costs and delays to a housing proposal. Another proposal from housing groups includes pushing to ease local energy-efficiency rules, like solar panel mandates, for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And because supportive and low-income housing construction can take years, some lawmakers are also focusing on prevention: making sure more Californians do not slip into homelessness to begin with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the very important things for us to do is keep people from being displaced,” Skinner said. “The main reason individuals become homeless is they couldn’t pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11289268\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"One of the permanent supportive housing complexes in downtown Los Angeles, which rely in part on rental subsides for formerly homeless tenants.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11289268\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/skht-STREET-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the permanent supportive housing complexes in downtown Los Angeles, which rely in part on rental subsidies for formerly homeless tenants. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than half of California renters are \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californians-parts-state-pay-can-afford-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“rent-burdened,”\u003c/a> meaning they spend more than a third of their income on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 18, introduced by Skinner, would use state funds to pay for rental and legal assistance for tenants facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s still unclear, however, if lawmakers will attempt to take on what is perhaps the most controversial form of eviction protection: rent control. Proposition 10, a statewide ballot measure to expand rent limits, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">resoundingly defeated\u003c/a> in November, and efforts to repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act failed in the Legislature last session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner said she thinks some conversation around eviction protection laws will still happen next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe they are not necessary statewide,” she added. “Maybe they are more targeted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Richard Bloom, D-Santa Monica, who authored last year’s failed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101863343/a-bill-to-repeal-longstanding-rent-control-limits-gets-a-public-hearing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Costa-Hawkins repeal\u003c/a>, has introduced “intent” legislation, which would “stabilize rental prices and increase the availability of affordable rental housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Bloom said it’s still being determined whether \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB36\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 36\u003c/a> would include proposals to change rent control law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Californians currently living on the street, an ambitious proposal is taking shape to mandate a “right to shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, author of Senate Bill 48, acknowledges that the proposal is in its early stages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But establishing that right could be a way to expand shelters to areas of the state that currently don’t have them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important that we not have local communities opting out of providing support to homeless people,” Wiener said. “The state, of course, has to be part of that solution because there are many communities that don’t have the resources to do what they need to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and supportive housing advocates caution that any proposal around a right to shelter must avoid what has happened in New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, a court-ordered shelter obligation has forced the city to continually appropriate millions toward temporary housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that if you have a right to shelter it means you are spending all your money on shelters,” said Rapport, from the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “We don’t have enough permanent housing, so are you going to prioritize shelters over permanent housing? People are still technically homeless when they are living in a shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposals for homeless and low-income Californians will also have to compete for oxygen with Wiener’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709817/its-sb-827-take-2-wiener-introduces-revamped-bill-to-require-more-housing-near-transit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">much-discussed bill\u003c/a> to require denser development, as well as ongoing \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB25\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">discussions about reforms\u003c/a> to the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA), which some blame for impeding construction of housing.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "State Lawmakers Eye 'Redevelopment 2.0' to Build Affordable Housing",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democrats in the California state Legislature want to revive a controversial community renovation program, and with it, bring back billions of dollars for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, called redevelopment, was ended in 2011 by Gov. Jerry Brown and a Legislature intent on closing a massive budget hole. Democrats believe their proposal will get a boost next year by the support of the state’s new governor, Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think it is the right time to bring back a new version of redevelopment,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu is introducing legislation on Monday, the first day of the new legislative session, that aims to bring back redevelopment agencies and the roughly $1 billion they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/126834/brentwood-like-many-towns-in-california-caught-up-in-legal-fight-over-redevelopment-funds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">provided annually \u003c/a>for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the [other] funding measures are as robust as the ongoing significant funding that redevelopment provided in the past,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redevelopment agencies were created in the 1940s to fight neighborhood blight. Under a method called tax-increment financing, the agencies were allowed to keep property taxes within their borders that would have otherwise gone to local governments and schools. At least 20 percent of those funds were dedicated to low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing a $25 billion deficit, one of Brown’s first moves in office was to propose the elimination of redevelopment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redevelopment funds come directly from local property taxes that would otherwise pay for schools and core city and county services,” Brown told lawmakers in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2011/01/31/news16897/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2011 State of the State\u003c/a> address. “So it is a matter of hard choices, and I come down on the side of those who believe that core functions of government must be funded first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2011 \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/analysis/2011/realignment/redevelopment_020911.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis\u003c/a> of the governor’s proposal to end redevelopment agencies won positive reviews from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, which supported Brown’s proposal given “significant policy shortcomings” of redevelopment and the need for the state to close a massive budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as the state’s economy improved, Brown showed little interest in reviving redevelopment. Now, Chiu and other housing-focused Democrats have an ally on redevelopment in the governor’s office. Governor-elect Newsom mentioned the program as a top priority during his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mayors have perverse disincentives for housing. Cities collect retail sales tax, they don’t collect property tax,” Newsom said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101867627/cox-newsom-face-off-in-final-california-gubernatorial-debate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s gubernatorial debate\u003c/a>. “We would like to have that debate about reallocating that tax base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That position may not sit well with California’s counties, which cheered the end of redevelopment. When the agencies were dissolved, counties regained that stream of property tax revenue, said Dorothy Johnson, legislative representative for the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When local revenue is diverted for purposes without the consent or the option of that local agency, that’s going to be a consistent problem,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While counties would have to participate in the redevelopment process under Chiu’s bill, he said cities would refund counties the tax dollars they stand to lose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taxpayer advocates are wary of the long-term spending that could come from the new legislation. Redevelopment agencies were allowed to bond against the property taxes they captured, in order to fund housing and infrastructure improvements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about borrowing against property tax revenue that in some cases will be on property tax bills for as long as 30 to 40 years,” said David Wolfe, legislative director with the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. “Local politicians ultimately are not going to have accountability for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolfe said any projects requiring those bonds should go directly before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how much distrust of past redevelopment spending remains in the Legislature. By the time they were eliminated, the earlier agencies had become ripe political targets, with examples emerging of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2011/02/28/redevelopment-agencies-criticized-for-using-funds-to-pay-for-city-services/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">abuse\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2010/oct/03/local/me-redevelop-housing-20101003\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gratuitous spending\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redevelopment 1.0 had billions of dollars spent on so-called economic development with very little oversight and record-keeping requirements,” Chiu said. “Our bill focuses solely on housing and infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu’s legislation proposes a yearly audit of the redevelopment agencies, reviewed by the state controller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill introduced by Chiu \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB3037\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">last session\u003c/a> to bring back redevelopment failed to advance out of the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democrats in the California state Legislature want to revive a controversial community renovation program, and with it, bring back billions of dollars for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, called redevelopment, was ended in 2011 by Gov. Jerry Brown and a Legislature intent on closing a massive budget hole. Democrats believe their proposal will get a boost next year by the support of the state’s new governor, Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think it is the right time to bring back a new version of redevelopment,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu is introducing legislation on Monday, the first day of the new legislative session, that aims to bring back redevelopment agencies and the roughly $1 billion they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/126834/brentwood-like-many-towns-in-california-caught-up-in-legal-fight-over-redevelopment-funds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">provided annually \u003c/a>for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the [other] funding measures are as robust as the ongoing significant funding that redevelopment provided in the past,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redevelopment agencies were created in the 1940s to fight neighborhood blight. Under a method called tax-increment financing, the agencies were allowed to keep property taxes within their borders that would have otherwise gone to local governments and schools. At least 20 percent of those funds were dedicated to low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing a $25 billion deficit, one of Brown’s first moves in office was to propose the elimination of redevelopment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redevelopment funds come directly from local property taxes that would otherwise pay for schools and core city and county services,” Brown told lawmakers in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2011/01/31/news16897/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2011 State of the State\u003c/a> address. “So it is a matter of hard choices, and I come down on the side of those who believe that core functions of government must be funded first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2011 \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/analysis/2011/realignment/redevelopment_020911.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis\u003c/a> of the governor’s proposal to end redevelopment agencies won positive reviews from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, which supported Brown’s proposal given “significant policy shortcomings” of redevelopment and the need for the state to close a massive budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as the state’s economy improved, Brown showed little interest in reviving redevelopment. Now, Chiu and other housing-focused Democrats have an ally on redevelopment in the governor’s office. Governor-elect Newsom mentioned the program as a top priority during his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mayors have perverse disincentives for housing. Cities collect retail sales tax, they don’t collect property tax,” Newsom said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101867627/cox-newsom-face-off-in-final-california-gubernatorial-debate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s gubernatorial debate\u003c/a>. “We would like to have that debate about reallocating that tax base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That position may not sit well with California’s counties, which cheered the end of redevelopment. When the agencies were dissolved, counties regained that stream of property tax revenue, said Dorothy Johnson, legislative representative for the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When local revenue is diverted for purposes without the consent or the option of that local agency, that’s going to be a consistent problem,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While counties would have to participate in the redevelopment process under Chiu’s bill, he said cities would refund counties the tax dollars they stand to lose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taxpayer advocates are wary of the long-term spending that could come from the new legislation. Redevelopment agencies were allowed to bond against the property taxes they captured, in order to fund housing and infrastructure improvements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about borrowing against property tax revenue that in some cases will be on property tax bills for as long as 30 to 40 years,” said David Wolfe, legislative director with the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. “Local politicians ultimately are not going to have accountability for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolfe said any projects requiring those bonds should go directly before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how much distrust of past redevelopment spending remains in the Legislature. By the time they were eliminated, the earlier agencies had become ripe political targets, with examples emerging of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2011/02/28/redevelopment-agencies-criticized-for-using-funds-to-pay-for-city-services/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">abuse\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2010/oct/03/local/me-redevelop-housing-20101003\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gratuitous spending\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redevelopment 1.0 had billions of dollars spent on so-called economic development with very little oversight and record-keeping requirements,” Chiu said. “Our bill focuses solely on housing and infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu’s legislation proposes a yearly audit of the redevelopment agencies, reviewed by the state controller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill introduced by Chiu \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB3037\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">last session\u003c/a> to bring back redevelopment failed to advance out of the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "BART to Get New Zoning and Development Power — If Brown Signs Bill",
"title": "BART to Get New Zoning and Development Power — If Brown Signs Bill",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated 7:50 a.m. Wednesday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Assembly has passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2923\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">AB 2923\u003c/a>, a fiercely debated measure that gives BART the authority to set zoning standards and approve development on agency-owned property throughout the Bay Area. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By a vote of 44-25 late Tuesday afternoon, the bill by Assemblymember David Chiu, D-San Francisco, now goes to Gov. Jerry Brown for his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the measure, BART's own \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/about/business/tod/guidelines\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">transit-oriented development guidelines\u003c/a> would govern residential and mixed-used projects on property the agency currently owns within a half-mile of station entrances. Most of that property is used for parking. The bill would affect an estimated 250 acres in all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill gives the BART board until July 2020 to formally adopt its guidelines. The affected cities would be required to bring their own zoning laws into compliance with the BART standards or allow the agency's rules to govern development on its property. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the key amendments from the original legislation is one that limits the height of the BART developments to one story or 15 feet above the current maximum height limits within half a mile. AB 2923 contains a sunset provision under which it would expire in 2029. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly vote, which was to approve the amended form of the bill passed by the state Senate last week, was preceded by a series of sharply divergent pleas: on one side, that the state needs to act urgently to relieve the housing crisis in the Bay Area and beyond; on the other, that Chiu's measure usurps local control guaranteed by the state Constitution and hands authority to an agency that has shown it's not fit to exercise it. \u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4>How They Voted: AB 2923\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>How Bay Area members of the Assembly voted on bill to give zoning authority to BART:\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Aye:\u003c/strong> Berman, Bonta, Chiu, Chu, Grayson, Kalra, Low, Mullin, Thurmond, Ting, Wood.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>No:\u003c/strong> Baker, Frazier, Levine\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Not voting:\u003c/strong> Aguilar-Curry, Quirk\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Democrat Jim Frazier of Oakley and Republican Catherine Baker of Dublin both argued that BART has encountered few obstacles in getting cities to cooperate with development plans in their district and that in fact many cities they represent have done more than their share to meet state-mandated housing goals. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They both attacked BART in urging a no vote on the bill. Frazier pointed to what he called poor planning by the transit agency in preparing for ridership at its newly opened, and popular, Antioch station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite \"the best local advice and statistics,\" Frazier said, \"BART's new station was opened without providing adequate parking or adequate public safety for the volume of riders we knew we would see but that they ignored.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker told colleagues that \"BART is drowning in its own problems\" and shouldn't be entrusted with more responsibility for housing development. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Let me tell you a little bit about the agency to which a yes vote will give control over housing,\" she said. \"Right now, BART is in the headlines for stabbings, for crimes -- they have a crime crisis.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That drew an objection from Assemblymember Tony Thurmond, D-Richmond, who asked the chair to direct her comments to the merits of the bill. The chair declined, and Baker continued with a litany of the agency's woes, including maintenance, delays in getting its new cars into service and widespread fare evasion. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But rebutting that view were members Tim Grayson, a Democratic former mayor of Concord, and Rob Bonta, D-Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t have to like BART or feel good on BART to understand that this state is facing a housing crisis,\" Grayson said. He added that while serving as a local official, he worked alongside BART when the agency sought to make capital improvements at its downtown Concord station. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They could easily have come up with their own plans and rammed it through,\" Grayson said. \"But instead, they reached out, they collaborated, they sought for advice and input from our City Council.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta, pointing to a transit-oriented development at BART's Fruitvale station that has taken nearly 25 years to complete, said AB 2923 was needed to streamline housing construction. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen some great communities built around BART stations in my district, but it takes too long,\" Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 2923 won wide support from planning, transportation and pro-development groups, who were joined by conservation-oriented organizations like Greenbelt Alliance. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some 17 Bay Area cities registered opposition to the bill, as did the League of California Cities. \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated 7:50 a.m. Wednesday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Assembly has passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2923\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">AB 2923\u003c/a>, a fiercely debated measure that gives BART the authority to set zoning standards and approve development on agency-owned property throughout the Bay Area. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By a vote of 44-25 late Tuesday afternoon, the bill by Assemblymember David Chiu, D-San Francisco, now goes to Gov. Jerry Brown for his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the measure, BART's own \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/about/business/tod/guidelines\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">transit-oriented development guidelines\u003c/a> would govern residential and mixed-used projects on property the agency currently owns within a half-mile of station entrances. Most of that property is used for parking. The bill would affect an estimated 250 acres in all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill gives the BART board until July 2020 to formally adopt its guidelines. The affected cities would be required to bring their own zoning laws into compliance with the BART standards or allow the agency's rules to govern development on its property. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the key amendments from the original legislation is one that limits the height of the BART developments to one story or 15 feet above the current maximum height limits within half a mile. AB 2923 contains a sunset provision under which it would expire in 2029. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly vote, which was to approve the amended form of the bill passed by the state Senate last week, was preceded by a series of sharply divergent pleas: on one side, that the state needs to act urgently to relieve the housing crisis in the Bay Area and beyond; on the other, that Chiu's measure usurps local control guaranteed by the state Constitution and hands authority to an agency that has shown it's not fit to exercise it. \u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4>How They Voted: AB 2923\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>How Bay Area members of the Assembly voted on bill to give zoning authority to BART:\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Aye:\u003c/strong> Berman, Bonta, Chiu, Chu, Grayson, Kalra, Low, Mullin, Thurmond, Ting, Wood.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>No:\u003c/strong> Baker, Frazier, Levine\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Not voting:\u003c/strong> Aguilar-Curry, Quirk\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Democrat Jim Frazier of Oakley and Republican Catherine Baker of Dublin both argued that BART has encountered few obstacles in getting cities to cooperate with development plans in their district and that in fact many cities they represent have done more than their share to meet state-mandated housing goals. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They both attacked BART in urging a no vote on the bill. Frazier pointed to what he called poor planning by the transit agency in preparing for ridership at its newly opened, and popular, Antioch station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite \"the best local advice and statistics,\" Frazier said, \"BART's new station was opened without providing adequate parking or adequate public safety for the volume of riders we knew we would see but that they ignored.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker told colleagues that \"BART is drowning in its own problems\" and shouldn't be entrusted with more responsibility for housing development. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Let me tell you a little bit about the agency to which a yes vote will give control over housing,\" she said. \"Right now, BART is in the headlines for stabbings, for crimes -- they have a crime crisis.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That drew an objection from Assemblymember Tony Thurmond, D-Richmond, who asked the chair to direct her comments to the merits of the bill. The chair declined, and Baker continued with a litany of the agency's woes, including maintenance, delays in getting its new cars into service and widespread fare evasion. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But rebutting that view were members Tim Grayson, a Democratic former mayor of Concord, and Rob Bonta, D-Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t have to like BART or feel good on BART to understand that this state is facing a housing crisis,\" Grayson said. He added that while serving as a local official, he worked alongside BART when the agency sought to make capital improvements at its downtown Concord station. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They could easily have come up with their own plans and rammed it through,\" Grayson said. \"But instead, they reached out, they collaborated, they sought for advice and input from our City Council.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta, pointing to a transit-oriented development at BART's Fruitvale station that has taken nearly 25 years to complete, said AB 2923 was needed to streamline housing construction. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen some great communities built around BART stations in my district, but it takes too long,\" Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 2923 won wide support from planning, transportation and pro-development groups, who were joined by conservation-oriented organizations like Greenbelt Alliance. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some 17 Bay Area cities registered opposition to the bill, as did the League of California Cities. \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two Bay Area lawmakers are promoting a bill that aims to spur more housing construction at BART stations -- by essentially putting the BART board of directors in charge of zoning on agency-owned land near the transit district's stations in San Francisco, Alameda and Contra Costa counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly members David Chiu, D-San Francisco, and Tim Grayson, D-Concord, introduced \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2923\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 2923\u003c/a> last month. It would set new rules for development on BART property -- mostly on parking lots that surround many of the agency's stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would require the BART board to review the agency's current \"transit-oriented development\" policies, formalize those policies as formal zoning standards and adopt a streamlined approval process for new development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would require local governments to change their zoning laws to conform to BART's guidelines and give BART the power to override local laws that are inconsistent with the agency's development standards. The bill also mandates that 20 percent of units in the BART-centered developments be affordable to moderate, low-income and very-low-income residents for a period of 55 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have too many BART stations surrounded by parking lots,\" Chiu said in an interview Sunday. \"Acres of asphalt and parked cars. ... Part of our point is it's much more effective to build a couple floors of housing on top of what is an open parking lot than the use that we see today.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said that although BART has worked for years to encourage transit-oriented development -- often abbreviated as TOD -- some local jurisdictions are very slow to grant construction approvals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're trying to jump-start these conversation in every locality that has a BART station,\" Chiu said. \"... I think building vibrant, affordable, walkable communities on undeveloped land next to BART is the best way to deliver housing without disrupting existing communities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART spokeswoman Alicia Trost said in an email that the BART board has taken no position on the bill and will discuss it later this week. San Francisco BART board member Nick Josefowitz is one of the measure's proponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 2923 would apply to BART-owned parcels of at least one-quarter acre and within a half-mile of a BART station entrance. If BART fails to enact new standards for transit-oriented development by April 2019, the bill would use the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/sites/default/files/docs/BART_TODGuidelinesFinal2017.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">zoning guidelines\u003c/a> the agency put in place last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those guidelines categorize BART stations as one of three place types: regional center stations, like those in downtown Oakland and San Francisco; urban neighborhood/city center stations, such as Glen Park, North Berkeley and Fruitvale; and neighborhood or town center stations, such as those along the Pittsburg-Bay Point line in Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART's current guidelines call for developments of at least 12 stories for regional centers; at least seven stories around stations like North Berkeley (pictured above), and at least five stories around the suburban Contra Costa County stations. For future developments, the guidelines call for a minimum of 75 units of housing per acre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART is already dealing with high demand for parking spots, with long waiting lists for reserved parking at every station. But the agency's TOD guidelines, in line with the view of many urban planners, contemplate a future in which private automobile use is reduced drastically as more housing and offices are built near transit hubs, more people walk or bike to work, and technological breakthroughs such as autonomous vehicles come online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 2923 is the latest in a series of high-profile legislative efforts to intensify development near transit corridors as a response to the region's affordable housing crunch. Among them: SB 35, a measure by state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, signed into law last fall that offers a dramatically streamlined permit-approval process for affordable housing; and SB 827, a proposal introduced in January by Wiener that would require local governments to permit much denser housing within a half-mile of transit hubs like BART stations and within a quarter-mile of busy commuter-bus stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nKQED's Guy Marzorati contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two Bay Area lawmakers are promoting a bill that aims to spur more housing construction at BART stations -- by essentially putting the BART board of directors in charge of zoning on agency-owned land near the transit district's stations in San Francisco, Alameda and Contra Costa counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly members David Chiu, D-San Francisco, and Tim Grayson, D-Concord, introduced \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2923\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 2923\u003c/a> last month. It would set new rules for development on BART property -- mostly on parking lots that surround many of the agency's stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would require the BART board to review the agency's current \"transit-oriented development\" policies, formalize those policies as formal zoning standards and adopt a streamlined approval process for new development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would require local governments to change their zoning laws to conform to BART's guidelines and give BART the power to override local laws that are inconsistent with the agency's development standards. The bill also mandates that 20 percent of units in the BART-centered developments be affordable to moderate, low-income and very-low-income residents for a period of 55 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have too many BART stations surrounded by parking lots,\" Chiu said in an interview Sunday. \"Acres of asphalt and parked cars. ... Part of our point is it's much more effective to build a couple floors of housing on top of what is an open parking lot than the use that we see today.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said that although BART has worked for years to encourage transit-oriented development -- often abbreviated as TOD -- some local jurisdictions are very slow to grant construction approvals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're trying to jump-start these conversation in every locality that has a BART station,\" Chiu said. \"... I think building vibrant, affordable, walkable communities on undeveloped land next to BART is the best way to deliver housing without disrupting existing communities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART spokeswoman Alicia Trost said in an email that the BART board has taken no position on the bill and will discuss it later this week. San Francisco BART board member Nick Josefowitz is one of the measure's proponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 2923 would apply to BART-owned parcels of at least one-quarter acre and within a half-mile of a BART station entrance. If BART fails to enact new standards for transit-oriented development by April 2019, the bill would use the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/sites/default/files/docs/BART_TODGuidelinesFinal2017.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">zoning guidelines\u003c/a> the agency put in place last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those guidelines categorize BART stations as one of three place types: regional center stations, like those in downtown Oakland and San Francisco; urban neighborhood/city center stations, such as Glen Park, North Berkeley and Fruitvale; and neighborhood or town center stations, such as those along the Pittsburg-Bay Point line in Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART's current guidelines call for developments of at least 12 stories for regional centers; at least seven stories around stations like North Berkeley (pictured above), and at least five stories around the suburban Contra Costa County stations. For future developments, the guidelines call for a minimum of 75 units of housing per acre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART is already dealing with high demand for parking spots, with long waiting lists for reserved parking at every station. But the agency's TOD guidelines, in line with the view of many urban planners, contemplate a future in which private automobile use is reduced drastically as more housing and offices are built near transit hubs, more people walk or bike to work, and technological breakthroughs such as autonomous vehicles come online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 2923 is the latest in a series of high-profile legislative efforts to intensify development near transit corridors as a response to the region's affordable housing crunch. Among them: SB 35, a measure by state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, signed into law last fall that offers a dramatically streamlined permit-approval process for affordable housing; and SB 827, a proposal introduced in January by Wiener that would require local governments to permit much denser housing within a half-mile of transit hubs like BART stations and within a quarter-mile of busy commuter-bus stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nKQED's Guy Marzorati contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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