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As \u003cem>The California Report's\u003c/em> Central Valley Bureau Chief based in Fresno for nearly a dozen years, Sasha brought the lives and concerns of rural Californians to listeners around the state. Her reporting helped expose the hidden price immigrant women janitors and farmworkers may pay to keep their jobs: sexual assault at work. It inspired two new California laws to protect them from sexual harassment. She was a key member of the reporting team for the Frontline film \u003cem>Rape on the Night Shift, \u003c/em>which was nominated for two national Emmys. Sasha has also won a national Edward R. Murrow and a national PRNDI award for investigative reporting, as well as multiple prizes from the Society for Professional Journalists. Sasha is a proud alum of the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism and Brown University and a member of the South Asian Journalists Association.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/e4b5e1541aaeea2aa356aa1fb2a68950?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"KQEDSashaKhokha","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"news","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"stateofhealth","roles":["author"]},{"site":"science","roles":["author"]},{"site":"quest","roles":["subscriber"]}],"headData":{"title":"Sasha Khokha | KQED","description":"Host, The California Report Magazine","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/e4b5e1541aaeea2aa356aa1fb2a68950?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/e4b5e1541aaeea2aa356aa1fb2a68950?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/sasha-khokha"},"mlagos":{"type":"authors","id":"3239","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"3239","found":true},"name":"Marisa Lagos","firstName":"Marisa","lastName":"Lagos","slug":"mlagos","email":"mlagos@kqed.org","display_author_email":false,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"KQED Contributor","bio":"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Marisa Lagos is a correspondent for KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk and co-hosts a weekly show and podcast, \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Political Breakdown.\u003c/span>\u003c/i> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At KQED, Lagos conducts reporting, analysis and investigations into state, local and national politics for radio, TV and online. Every week, she and cohost Scott Shafer sit down with political insiders on \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Political Breakdown\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, where they offer a peek into lives and personalities of those driving politics in California and beyond. \u003c/span>\r\n\r\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Previously, she worked for nine years at the San Francisco Chronicle covering San Francisco City Hall and state politics; and at the San Francisco Examiner and Los Angeles Time,. She has won awards for her work investigating the 2017 wildfires and her ongoing coverage of criminal justice issues in California. 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She is also a producer for \u003ca href=\"https://www.thedoubleshift.com/\">The Double Shift\u003c/a>, a podcast about a new generation of working mothers. In 2018, Asal was named an Emerging Journalist Fellow by the Journalism and Women’s Symposium. Her work has appeared on KQED, KALW, PRI’s The World, and in several food and travel publications.\u003c/p>","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/c0e210438f5dca1b76921ff9f0eada52?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":null,"facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"arts","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"news","roles":["author","edit_others_posts"]}],"headData":{"title":"Asal Ehsanipour | KQED","description":"Reporter and Producer","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/c0e210438f5dca1b76921ff9f0eada52?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/c0e210438f5dca1b76921ff9f0eada52?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/aehsanipour"},"lsarah":{"type":"authors","id":"11626","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"11626","found":true},"name":"Lakshmi Sarah","firstName":"Lakshmi","lastName":"Sarah","slug":"lsarah","email":"lsarah@kqed.org","display_author_email":false,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"Digital Producer","bio":"Lakshmi Sarah is an educator, author and journalist with a focus on innovative storytelling. 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Before editing and producing for podcasts like Bay Curious, she was a health care journalist for public radio and print outlets such as CalMatters and Kaiser Health News. Her reporting has won several regional Edward R. Murrow awards, national recognition from the Society of Professional Journalists and a first-place prize from the Association of Health Care Journalists.\r\n\r\nPauline’s work has aired frequently on National Public Radio, and bylines have appeared in The Los Angeles Times, CNN.com, Washingtonpost.com, USA Today and Scientific American.\r\n\r\nPauline has lived in Northern California for 20 years. Her other passions are crafts (now done in collaboration with her daughter) and the Brazilian martial art of capoeira.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/95001c30374b0d3878007af9cf1e120a?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"pbartolone","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"news","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"podcasts","roles":["subscriber"]}],"headData":{"title":"Pauline Bartolone | KQED","description":"KQED Contributor","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/95001c30374b0d3878007af9cf1e120a?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/95001c30374b0d3878007af9cf1e120a?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/pbartolone"}},"breakingNewsReducer":{},"campaignFinanceReducer":{},"firebase":{"requesting":{},"requested":{},"timestamps":{},"data":{},"ordered":{},"auth":{"isLoaded":false,"isEmpty":true},"authError":null,"profile":{"isLoaded":false,"isEmpty":true},"listeners":{"byId":{},"allIds":[]},"isInitializing":false,"errors":[]},"navBarReducer":{"navBarId":"news","fullView":true,"showPlayer":false},"navMenuReducer":{"menus":[{"key":"menu1","items":[{"name":"News","link":"/","type":"title"},{"name":"Politics","link":"/politics"},{"name":"Science","link":"/science"},{"name":"Education","link":"/educationnews"},{"name":"Housing","link":"/housing"},{"name":"Immigration","link":"/immigration"},{"name":"Criminal Justice","link":"/criminaljustice"},{"name":"Silicon Valley","link":"/siliconvalley"},{"name":"Forum","link":"/forum"},{"name":"The California Report","link":"/californiareport"}]},{"key":"menu2","items":[{"name":"Arts & Culture","link":"/arts","type":"title"},{"name":"Critics’ Picks","link":"/thedolist"},{"name":"Cultural Commentary","link":"/artscommentary"},{"name":"Food & Drink","link":"/food"},{"name":"Bay Area Hip-Hop","link":"/bayareahiphop"},{"name":"Rebel Girls","link":"/rebelgirls"},{"name":"Arts Video","link":"/artsvideos"}]},{"key":"menu3","items":[{"name":"Podcasts","link":"/podcasts","type":"title"},{"name":"Bay Curious","link":"/podcasts/baycurious"},{"name":"Rightnowish","link":"/podcasts/rightnowish"},{"name":"The Bay","link":"/podcasts/thebay"},{"name":"On Our Watch","link":"/podcasts/onourwatch"},{"name":"Mindshift","link":"/podcasts/mindshift"},{"name":"Consider This","link":"/podcasts/considerthis"},{"name":"Political Breakdown","link":"/podcasts/politicalbreakdown"}]},{"key":"menu4","items":[{"name":"Live Radio","link":"/radio","type":"title"},{"name":"TV","link":"/tv","type":"title"},{"name":"Events","link":"/events","type":"title"},{"name":"For Educators","link":"/education","type":"title"},{"name":"Support KQED","link":"/support","type":"title"},{"name":"About","link":"/about","type":"title"},{"name":"Help Center","link":"https://kqed-helpcenter.kqed.org/s","type":"title"}]}]},"pagesReducer":{},"postsReducer":{"stream_live":{"type":"live","id":"stream_live","audioUrl":"https://streams.kqed.org/kqedradio","title":"Live Stream","excerpt":"Live Stream information currently unavailable.","link":"/radio","featImg":"","label":{"name":"KQED Live","link":"/"}},"stream_kqedNewscast":{"type":"posts","id":"stream_kqedNewscast","audioUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/newscast.mp3?_=1","title":"KQED Newscast","featImg":"","label":{"name":"88.5 FM","link":"/"}},"news_11970846":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11970846","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11970846","score":null,"sort":[1703628055000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-urges-universities-to-return-native-american-remains-and-artifacts","title":"California Urges Universities to Return Native American Remains and Artifacts","publishDate":1703628055,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Urges Universities to Return Native American Remains and Artifacts | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>When San José State anthropology professor Elizabeth Weiss tweeted a picture to celebrate returning to campus in September 2021, it caught the attention of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/james-ramos-1967/\">Assemblymember James Ramos\u003c/a>, a Democrat from San Bernardino and the Legislature’s first and only Native American member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So happy to be back with some old friends,” read the caption of Weiss’ tweet, which included a photo of her holding the skull of a Native ancestor in front of boxes of other remains. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember James Ramos, D-San Bernardino\"]‘Now that I’m in the state Legislature, we have a stronger voice to ensure that people truly understand that this is something that needs to get done.’[/pullquote]For Ramos, a member of the San Manuel Indian Reservation’s Serrano/Cahuilla tribe, the caption was an example of the lack of respect for Native history in California. The boxes in the photograph’s background were a reminder of the vast collections of Native remains and artifacts still being held illegally in California’s public university systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The post prompted Ramos to request an audit of the California State University’s repatriation progress — the act of institutions giving back remains and artifacts to Native tribes as required by state and federal laws passed as far back as three decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To find that we’re still in the year 2023 and that hasn’t happened is really daunting to find out how we move forward,” Ramos said. “But now that I’m in the state Legislature, we have a stronger voice to ensure that people truly understand that this is something that needs to get done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the \u003ca href=\"https://auditor.ca.gov/reports/2022-107/index.html#section3\">Cal State audit\u003c/a> was published in June 2023, results were similar to an audit of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/reports/2019-047/summary.html\">University of California\u003c/a> conducted three years prior — a lack of policies, urgency and staffing meant neither system complied with the California Native American Graves Protection Act of 2001 or the federal Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State campuses collectively returned only 6% of the 698,000 Native remains and artifacts to local tribes. UC campuses collectively returned around 35% of 17,000 human remains as of October 2023, according to UC spokesperson Stett Holbrook, with an additional 30% in the process of being returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two campuses stand out among their peers, however. UCLA has returned 96% of its 58,200 items, while Cal State Long Beach has given back 70% of its 9,000 items, the only campuses in their respective systems to return a majority of remains and artifacts to Native tribes. Strong Native American voices, along with allies in campus leadership and academic departments, were factors that allowed both universities to lead their systems in repatriation progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/16206456/embed?auto=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"1000\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2019-047.pdf\">state audit\u003c/a> of the UC system, university officials released \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/research-policy-analysis-coordination/policies-guidance/curation-and-repatriation/index.html\">new policies\u003c/a> governing repatriation efforts in December 2021. The six UC campuses with collections of more than 100 items are now required to have a full-time repatriation coordinator. UC also required campuses to submit budget proposals to fund the full return of their collections to tribes and add more tribal members to committees that review repatriation requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of June 2023, 12 of 21 Cal State campuses with collections subject to repatriation laws had yet to meet a 1995 federal deadline to complete an inventory of their collections, much less return remains or artifacts. Since the audit, Cal State has opened nominations for a new systemwide repatriation committee that aims for majority representation from Native American tribes, giving preference to California Indian tribal members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11970926\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11970926\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02.jpg\" alt=\"Photos of Native American history.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"629\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02-800x252.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02-1020x321.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02-160x50.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02-1536x483.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02-1920x604.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A display of photos at the CSU Long Beach campus from gatherings in which the Tongva community launched a Southern California Indian sewn plank canoe (ti’at) along with a Chumash sewn plank canoe (tomol). Dec. 14, 2023. \u003ccite>( Julie A. Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB389\">Assembly Bill 389,\u003c/a> introduced by Ramos and signed into law in October, requires Cal State campuses to fund the full expense of returning their collections, including full-time coordinators. The law also shifts the system’s relationship with Native remains and artifacts by prohibiting their use for teaching or research, a win for tribes who have accused universities in California of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2018/07/native-american-tribes-clash-with-uc-over-bones-of-their-ancestors/\">delaying repatriation\u003c/a> so professors can continue their research. The law amounts to a major overhaul of the system’s repatriation process, ensuring funding shortfalls and research priorities no longer stall efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At San José State, Weiss will resign effective May 29, 2024, as part of a settlement after she sued the university for barring her access to the campus’ skeletal collection following her post. The campus holds around 500 Native remains and 5,000 cultural items and completed its first repatriation of two remains and two cultural items to the Central Valley Yokuts tribe in March 2020, according to the audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As I have said many times before, there is nothing wrong or controversial about this photo or the tweet,” Weiss wrote in a statement to CalMatters. “The photo shows my true love and respect for anthropology and the skeletal remains that make it possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How UCLA returned nearly all remains and artifacts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When the state auditor reviewed the UC’s progress, UCLA stood out. Between 1996 and 2022, UCLA returned nearly its entire collection of Native remains and artifacts through \u003ca href=\"https://www3.research.ucla.edu/nagpra/collections\">127 repatriations\u003c/a> to tribes in California, Arizona, Hawaii and Utah. Most items in the university’s collections were unearthed during university and government construction projects, according to Sylvia Forni, director of UCLA’s Fowler Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t do anything special at UCLA that isn’t supposed to be done legally at other UCs and Cal States,” said Michael Chavez, who started as UCLA’s archaeological collections manager and repatriation coordinator this year. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Michael Chavez, archaeological collections manager and repatriation coordinator, UCLA\"]‘We don’t decide for the tribe. We work in collaboration with the tribe and strongly defer to their opinion and position.’[/pullquote]Chavez, a Native member of the Tongva of the Los Angeles Basin, applauded a 2020 revision to the state’s repatriation law making it easier for non-federally recognized tribes to reclaim their ancestors and artifacts. He said his work largely involves listening to local tribes, federally recognized or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t decide for the tribe,” Chavez said. “We work in collaboration with the tribe and strongly defer to their opinion and position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez credits the university’s 2020 audit results to the impact of his predecessor, former coordinator Dr. Wendy Teeter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[She] didn’t allow any obstacles to get in her way in the pursuit of repatriation,” Chavez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite limited funding and her multiple roles as a lecturer in American Indian Studies, a member of the UC’s Native American Advisory Committee and curator at the Fowler Museum, Teeter established a culture of welcoming Native communities during her 25 years on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just broadened it to be more reciprocal in nature and more understanding that they had a lot to share with us, and we had a lot to share with them,” Teeter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11970927\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11970927\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative03-1020x1275.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in a green T-shirt is pictured outdoors with trees behind her.\" width=\"640\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative03-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative03-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative03-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative03-1229x1536.jpg 1229w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative03.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Wendy G. Teeter, former lecturer of American Indian Studies at UCLA and Senior Curator of Archeology, Fowler Museum at UCLA, on Dec. 15, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A. Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beyond consulting with tribes on repatriation efforts, Teeter said Anthropology and American Indian Studies faculty assisted efforts by leading listening sessions and campus tours to strengthen relationships between the tribes and campus community. Having allies across academic departments was another key to UCLA’s success, according to Teeter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before campuses were required to estimate and fund the full cost of repatriation, Teeter said the vice chancellor of research would review funding requests to support her work, annually providing about $60,000 from federal grants. Teeter is hopeful new policies at UC and Cal State will lead to sustainable funding for returning remains and artifacts to their tribal homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since retiring from UCLA last year, Teeter now works with the Santa Ynez Band of Chumash Indians as an archaeologist, where she reviews development projects and mediates between the developer and the tribe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forni, Teeter’s successor at the Fowler Museum, said she’s committed to finishing the work led by Teeter and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think, at this point, [it] is 99% done,” Forni said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cal State Long Beach ‘a sacred site’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://home.csulb.edu/~eruyle/puvudoc_0000_about.html\">Puvuu’nga\u003c/a>, the Native village that Cal State Long Beach occupies, is also a sacred site used for rituals and burials that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2020/08/native-american-sacred-land-on-csu-long-beach-campus-should-be-permanently-protected/\">connect tribes\u003c/a> in Southern California and beyond. Since 1990, Cal State Long Beach returned 275 ancestral remains and 6,059 cultural items to three of the tribes local to campus, according to the June 2023 audit. The university is the only Cal State campus to have transferred the majority of its collection, at 70%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Founded in 1968, the American Indian Studies program at Cal State Long Beach is the oldest in California. Native history is central to the campus’ identity, unlike other institutions, said Dr. Craig Stone, professor emeritus of American Indian Studies and the former provost designee for Cal State Long Beach’s repatriation committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The land the university occupies has ties to \u003ca href=\"https://www.csulb.edu/university-relations-and-development/tribal-relations/consultation\">more than 20 tribes \u003c/a>from the Gabrielino, Acjachemen, Luiseño, and Cahuilla bands of Native Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11970928\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11970928\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04.jpg\" alt=\"A photo of three individuals are pictured: two men and one woman. All have serious faces as they stand in front of a wall full of bookshelves that have various Native American artifacts and books on it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left to right: Cindi Alvitre, Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act Coordinator, Craig Stone, Professor Emeritus and Director of American Indian Studies, and Luis Robles, Chair of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act Committee. at CSU Long Beach on. Dec. 14, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A. Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a sacred site, not just to the Tongva, Gabrielino people. This is a sacred site to anyone who’s been influenced by the Chingichnish spiritual philosophy,” Stone said. \u003ca href=\"https://scholarworks.calstate.edu/concern/theses/gx41mn02g\">Chingichnish\u003c/a> describes a deity and religion followed by Native tribes throughout Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campus began repatriating the remains of Native ancestors long before the 1990 federal repatriation law, Stone said. Skeletal remains of ancestors \u003ca href=\"https://www.presstelegram.com/2016/09/22/ceremony-memorializes-reburial-of-indigenous-peoples-remains-at-cal-state-long-beach/\">found on campus\u003c/a> during construction projects were given proper reburial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We interred in 1979,” Stone said. “So this is a commitment that people have heard of, know about, care about, and know when the law came into being, ‘Oh, yeah, we did that back in 1979.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Cal State Long Beach student in the ‘70s, Stone was one of 10 people on the student council who approached then-President Steven Thorn about the \u003ca href=\"https://cla.csulb.edu/departments/americanindianstudies/ancestors-final-journey-home/\">skeletal remains\u003c/a> of a Gabrielino ancestor unearthed near the university during the construction of a sprinkler system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We went down there, and we were gonna demand this, and as soon as we got to the office, he was like, ‘What’s going on guys? Let’s fix this, let’s review this ancestor,’” Stone said. “Which was interesting because people are not interested in fixing anything, so he was an ally right off the bat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11970929\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11970929\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05.jpg\" alt=\"Native American women in traditions clothing and headwear are pictured.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ms. UCR Powwow Princess 2023-24, Tishmal Herrera, dances at a performance during Native American Celebration Day at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Sept. 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cal State Long Beach would go on to have more allies — including Professor Emeritus Marcus Young Owl, who was Stone’s colleague for decades and a current member of the Cal State Long Beach repatriation committee representing the anthropology department. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Young Owl, professor emeritus, Cal State Long Beach\"]‘I’m actually proud of the fact that the anthropology department was so willing to participate and have good relations with American Indian Studies.’[/pullquote]Young Owl, who describes himself as of Ojibwe descent, was a student and a founding member of the campus Indian Youth Council in December 1968. He started working as a faculty member teaching anthropology in 1987, replacing a professor who disagreed with repatriation, Young Owl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m actually proud of the fact that the anthropology department was so willing to participate and have good relations with American Indian Studies,” Young Owl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The repatriation process has been slow for the remaining 30% of the university’s collection. Stone attributes this to the previous lack of funding for a full-time repatriation coordinator and the months-long work of sifting through buckets of dirt and bones to identify ancestral remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lack of funding for staff was a main issue cited in the audit of Cal State. Of the 23 campuses in the Cal State system, 10 reported a lack of sufficient funding to support the responsibilities that fall under federal and state laws, according to the audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The work of repatriation continues\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like UC before it, Cal State is now taking nominations until Feb. 2 to fill repatriation committees on campuses and statewide. Led by Adriane Tafoya, Cal State’s repatriation project manager, Cal State is working with the \u003ca href=\"https://nahc.ca.gov/\">Native American Heritage Commission\u003c/a> to host virtual training for campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State must adopt systemwide repatriation policies by July 1, 2025, and all campuses with collections must adopt campus-specific policies by July 1, 2026. The system will also have to submit yearly progress reports on its repatriation efforts starting in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the audit, repatriation efforts on some campuses have ramped up, said Cal State spokesperson Amy Bentley-Smith. Since June 2023, San Francisco State has returned cultural artifacts to four tribes. This year, Sacramento State transferred 66,686 cultural artifacts and 498 ancestral remains to local tribes. In August, Chico State conducted the second-largest repatriation since 1990, repatriating 532 remains and 87,935 cultural items. \u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11970930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11970930\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06.jpg\" alt=\"Native American pottery and bundles of sage are pictured.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Copal incense burns in a holder at the California Native American Day celebration at the state Capitol on Sept. 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In October, UC Berkeley filed a report with the federal registrar, the first step to make available 4,400 Native remains and 25,000 Native cultural items for repatriation to California tribes. Once completed, it will be the \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2023/10/31/2023-23975/notice-of-inventory-completion-university-of-california-berkeley-berkeley-ca\">largest repatriation\u003c/a> for the campus, which once had \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/berkeley-steps-to-largest-repatriation\">11,000 Native ancestral remains\u003c/a>. [aside postID=news_11956856 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67156_230721-CoastMiwokLandMarin-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“Tribal knowledge is key to repatriation, and we are so grateful to our tribal partners for working closely with us during this process,” UC Berkeley repatriation coordinator Alex Lucas wrote in a statement to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Johnny Hernandez, the vice chairman of the San Juan Nation in California, repatriation is more than a legal procedure — it’s a matter of reuniting family members with their tribes after decades apart. Invited by Ramos to speak alongside other tribal leaders at a California State Assembly hearing on Aug. 29, Hernandez underscored the importance of allowing Native ancestors to finally rest in peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a disturbance of grave sites on ancestral lands and remains of loved ones, our ancestors, being held without the opportunity to eternally rest in peace,” Hernandez said. “Imagine if it was your family, your ancestors, and their belongings that you hold near and dear that are owned and used under the guise of an artifact on display for the public’s learnings and teachings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"State audits reveal the University of California and California State University failed to comply with laws mandating the repatriation of Native ancestral remains and artifacts. UCLA and Cal State Long Beach stand out, having returned most collections to local tribes.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1703641634,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"iframeSrcs":["https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/16206456/embed"],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":45,"wordCount":2629},"headData":{"title":"California Urges Universities to Return Native American Remains and Artifacts | KQED","description":"State audits reveal the University of California and California State University failed to comply with laws mandating the repatriation of Native ancestral remains and artifacts. UCLA and Cal State Long Beach stand out, having returned most collections to local tribes.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Urges Universities to Return Native American Remains and Artifacts","datePublished":"2023-12-26T22:00:55.000Z","dateModified":"2023-12-27T01:47:14.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"CalMatters","sourceUrl":"https://calmatters.org/","sticky":false,"nprByline":"Amelia Wu and Helena San Roque","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11970846/california-urges-universities-to-return-native-american-remains-and-artifacts","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When San José State anthropology professor Elizabeth Weiss tweeted a picture to celebrate returning to campus in September 2021, it caught the attention of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/james-ramos-1967/\">Assemblymember James Ramos\u003c/a>, a Democrat from San Bernardino and the Legislature’s first and only Native American member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So happy to be back with some old friends,” read the caption of Weiss’ tweet, which included a photo of her holding the skull of a Native ancestor in front of boxes of other remains. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘Now that I’m in the state Legislature, we have a stronger voice to ensure that people truly understand that this is something that needs to get done.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Assemblymember James Ramos, D-San Bernardino","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For Ramos, a member of the San Manuel Indian Reservation’s Serrano/Cahuilla tribe, the caption was an example of the lack of respect for Native history in California. The boxes in the photograph’s background were a reminder of the vast collections of Native remains and artifacts still being held illegally in California’s public university systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The post prompted Ramos to request an audit of the California State University’s repatriation progress — the act of institutions giving back remains and artifacts to Native tribes as required by state and federal laws passed as far back as three decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To find that we’re still in the year 2023 and that hasn’t happened is really daunting to find out how we move forward,” Ramos said. “But now that I’m in the state Legislature, we have a stronger voice to ensure that people truly understand that this is something that needs to get done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the \u003ca href=\"https://auditor.ca.gov/reports/2022-107/index.html#section3\">Cal State audit\u003c/a> was published in June 2023, results were similar to an audit of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/reports/2019-047/summary.html\">University of California\u003c/a> conducted three years prior — a lack of policies, urgency and staffing meant neither system complied with the California Native American Graves Protection Act of 2001 or the federal Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State campuses collectively returned only 6% of the 698,000 Native remains and artifacts to local tribes. UC campuses collectively returned around 35% of 17,000 human remains as of October 2023, according to UC spokesperson Stett Holbrook, with an additional 30% in the process of being returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two campuses stand out among their peers, however. UCLA has returned 96% of its 58,200 items, while Cal State Long Beach has given back 70% of its 9,000 items, the only campuses in their respective systems to return a majority of remains and artifacts to Native tribes. Strong Native American voices, along with allies in campus leadership and academic departments, were factors that allowed both universities to lead their systems in repatriation progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/16206456/embed?auto=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"1000\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2019-047.pdf\">state audit\u003c/a> of the UC system, university officials released \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/research-policy-analysis-coordination/policies-guidance/curation-and-repatriation/index.html\">new policies\u003c/a> governing repatriation efforts in December 2021. The six UC campuses with collections of more than 100 items are now required to have a full-time repatriation coordinator. UC also required campuses to submit budget proposals to fund the full return of their collections to tribes and add more tribal members to committees that review repatriation requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of June 2023, 12 of 21 Cal State campuses with collections subject to repatriation laws had yet to meet a 1995 federal deadline to complete an inventory of their collections, much less return remains or artifacts. Since the audit, Cal State has opened nominations for a new systemwide repatriation committee that aims for majority representation from Native American tribes, giving preference to California Indian tribal members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11970926\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11970926\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02.jpg\" alt=\"Photos of Native American history.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"629\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02-800x252.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02-1020x321.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02-160x50.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02-1536x483.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative02-1920x604.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A display of photos at the CSU Long Beach campus from gatherings in which the Tongva community launched a Southern California Indian sewn plank canoe (ti’at) along with a Chumash sewn plank canoe (tomol). Dec. 14, 2023. \u003ccite>( Julie A. Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB389\">Assembly Bill 389,\u003c/a> introduced by Ramos and signed into law in October, requires Cal State campuses to fund the full expense of returning their collections, including full-time coordinators. The law also shifts the system’s relationship with Native remains and artifacts by prohibiting their use for teaching or research, a win for tribes who have accused universities in California of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2018/07/native-american-tribes-clash-with-uc-over-bones-of-their-ancestors/\">delaying repatriation\u003c/a> so professors can continue their research. The law amounts to a major overhaul of the system’s repatriation process, ensuring funding shortfalls and research priorities no longer stall efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At San José State, Weiss will resign effective May 29, 2024, as part of a settlement after she sued the university for barring her access to the campus’ skeletal collection following her post. The campus holds around 500 Native remains and 5,000 cultural items and completed its first repatriation of two remains and two cultural items to the Central Valley Yokuts tribe in March 2020, according to the audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As I have said many times before, there is nothing wrong or controversial about this photo or the tweet,” Weiss wrote in a statement to CalMatters. “The photo shows my true love and respect for anthropology and the skeletal remains that make it possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How UCLA returned nearly all remains and artifacts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When the state auditor reviewed the UC’s progress, UCLA stood out. Between 1996 and 2022, UCLA returned nearly its entire collection of Native remains and artifacts through \u003ca href=\"https://www3.research.ucla.edu/nagpra/collections\">127 repatriations\u003c/a> to tribes in California, Arizona, Hawaii and Utah. Most items in the university’s collections were unearthed during university and government construction projects, according to Sylvia Forni, director of UCLA’s Fowler Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t do anything special at UCLA that isn’t supposed to be done legally at other UCs and Cal States,” said Michael Chavez, who started as UCLA’s archaeological collections manager and repatriation coordinator this year. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘We don’t decide for the tribe. We work in collaboration with the tribe and strongly defer to their opinion and position.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Michael Chavez, archaeological collections manager and repatriation coordinator, UCLA","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chavez, a Native member of the Tongva of the Los Angeles Basin, applauded a 2020 revision to the state’s repatriation law making it easier for non-federally recognized tribes to reclaim their ancestors and artifacts. He said his work largely involves listening to local tribes, federally recognized or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t decide for the tribe,” Chavez said. “We work in collaboration with the tribe and strongly defer to their opinion and position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez credits the university’s 2020 audit results to the impact of his predecessor, former coordinator Dr. Wendy Teeter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[She] didn’t allow any obstacles to get in her way in the pursuit of repatriation,” Chavez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite limited funding and her multiple roles as a lecturer in American Indian Studies, a member of the UC’s Native American Advisory Committee and curator at the Fowler Museum, Teeter established a culture of welcoming Native communities during her 25 years on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just broadened it to be more reciprocal in nature and more understanding that they had a lot to share with us, and we had a lot to share with them,” Teeter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11970927\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11970927\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative03-1020x1275.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in a green T-shirt is pictured outdoors with trees behind her.\" width=\"640\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative03-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative03-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative03-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative03-1229x1536.jpg 1229w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative03.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Wendy G. Teeter, former lecturer of American Indian Studies at UCLA and Senior Curator of Archeology, Fowler Museum at UCLA, on Dec. 15, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A. Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beyond consulting with tribes on repatriation efforts, Teeter said Anthropology and American Indian Studies faculty assisted efforts by leading listening sessions and campus tours to strengthen relationships between the tribes and campus community. Having allies across academic departments was another key to UCLA’s success, according to Teeter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before campuses were required to estimate and fund the full cost of repatriation, Teeter said the vice chancellor of research would review funding requests to support her work, annually providing about $60,000 from federal grants. Teeter is hopeful new policies at UC and Cal State will lead to sustainable funding for returning remains and artifacts to their tribal homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since retiring from UCLA last year, Teeter now works with the Santa Ynez Band of Chumash Indians as an archaeologist, where she reviews development projects and mediates between the developer and the tribe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forni, Teeter’s successor at the Fowler Museum, said she’s committed to finishing the work led by Teeter and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think, at this point, [it] is 99% done,” Forni said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cal State Long Beach ‘a sacred site’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://home.csulb.edu/~eruyle/puvudoc_0000_about.html\">Puvuu’nga\u003c/a>, the Native village that Cal State Long Beach occupies, is also a sacred site used for rituals and burials that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2020/08/native-american-sacred-land-on-csu-long-beach-campus-should-be-permanently-protected/\">connect tribes\u003c/a> in Southern California and beyond. Since 1990, Cal State Long Beach returned 275 ancestral remains and 6,059 cultural items to three of the tribes local to campus, according to the June 2023 audit. The university is the only Cal State campus to have transferred the majority of its collection, at 70%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Founded in 1968, the American Indian Studies program at Cal State Long Beach is the oldest in California. Native history is central to the campus’ identity, unlike other institutions, said Dr. Craig Stone, professor emeritus of American Indian Studies and the former provost designee for Cal State Long Beach’s repatriation committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The land the university occupies has ties to \u003ca href=\"https://www.csulb.edu/university-relations-and-development/tribal-relations/consultation\">more than 20 tribes \u003c/a>from the Gabrielino, Acjachemen, Luiseño, and Cahuilla bands of Native Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11970928\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11970928\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04.jpg\" alt=\"A photo of three individuals are pictured: two men and one woman. All have serious faces as they stand in front of a wall full of bookshelves that have various Native American artifacts and books on it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left to right: Cindi Alvitre, Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act Coordinator, Craig Stone, Professor Emeritus and Director of American Indian Studies, and Luis Robles, Chair of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act Committee. at CSU Long Beach on. Dec. 14, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A. Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a sacred site, not just to the Tongva, Gabrielino people. This is a sacred site to anyone who’s been influenced by the Chingichnish spiritual philosophy,” Stone said. \u003ca href=\"https://scholarworks.calstate.edu/concern/theses/gx41mn02g\">Chingichnish\u003c/a> describes a deity and religion followed by Native tribes throughout Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campus began repatriating the remains of Native ancestors long before the 1990 federal repatriation law, Stone said. Skeletal remains of ancestors \u003ca href=\"https://www.presstelegram.com/2016/09/22/ceremony-memorializes-reburial-of-indigenous-peoples-remains-at-cal-state-long-beach/\">found on campus\u003c/a> during construction projects were given proper reburial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We interred in 1979,” Stone said. “So this is a commitment that people have heard of, know about, care about, and know when the law came into being, ‘Oh, yeah, we did that back in 1979.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Cal State Long Beach student in the ‘70s, Stone was one of 10 people on the student council who approached then-President Steven Thorn about the \u003ca href=\"https://cla.csulb.edu/departments/americanindianstudies/ancestors-final-journey-home/\">skeletal remains\u003c/a> of a Gabrielino ancestor unearthed near the university during the construction of a sprinkler system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We went down there, and we were gonna demand this, and as soon as we got to the office, he was like, ‘What’s going on guys? Let’s fix this, let’s review this ancestor,’” Stone said. “Which was interesting because people are not interested in fixing anything, so he was an ally right off the bat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11970929\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11970929\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05.jpg\" alt=\"Native American women in traditions clothing and headwear are pictured.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative05-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ms. UCR Powwow Princess 2023-24, Tishmal Herrera, dances at a performance during Native American Celebration Day at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Sept. 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cal State Long Beach would go on to have more allies — including Professor Emeritus Marcus Young Owl, who was Stone’s colleague for decades and a current member of the Cal State Long Beach repatriation committee representing the anthropology department. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘I’m actually proud of the fact that the anthropology department was so willing to participate and have good relations with American Indian Studies.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Young Owl, professor emeritus, Cal State Long Beach","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Young Owl, who describes himself as of Ojibwe descent, was a student and a founding member of the campus Indian Youth Council in December 1968. He started working as a faculty member teaching anthropology in 1987, replacing a professor who disagreed with repatriation, Young Owl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m actually proud of the fact that the anthropology department was so willing to participate and have good relations with American Indian Studies,” Young Owl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The repatriation process has been slow for the remaining 30% of the university’s collection. Stone attributes this to the previous lack of funding for a full-time repatriation coordinator and the months-long work of sifting through buckets of dirt and bones to identify ancestral remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lack of funding for staff was a main issue cited in the audit of Cal State. Of the 23 campuses in the Cal State system, 10 reported a lack of sufficient funding to support the responsibilities that fall under federal and state laws, according to the audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The work of repatriation continues\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like UC before it, Cal State is now taking nominations until Feb. 2 to fill repatriation committees on campuses and statewide. Led by Adriane Tafoya, Cal State’s repatriation project manager, Cal State is working with the \u003ca href=\"https://nahc.ca.gov/\">Native American Heritage Commission\u003c/a> to host virtual training for campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State must adopt systemwide repatriation policies by July 1, 2025, and all campuses with collections must adopt campus-specific policies by July 1, 2026. The system will also have to submit yearly progress reports on its repatriation efforts starting in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the audit, repatriation efforts on some campuses have ramped up, said Cal State spokesperson Amy Bentley-Smith. Since June 2023, San Francisco State has returned cultural artifacts to four tribes. This year, Sacramento State transferred 66,686 cultural artifacts and 498 ancestral remains to local tribes. In August, Chico State conducted the second-largest repatriation since 1990, repatriating 532 remains and 87,935 cultural items. \u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11970930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11970930\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06.jpg\" alt=\"Native American pottery and bundles of sage are pictured.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/CMNative06-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Copal incense burns in a holder at the California Native American Day celebration at the state Capitol on Sept. 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In October, UC Berkeley filed a report with the federal registrar, the first step to make available 4,400 Native remains and 25,000 Native cultural items for repatriation to California tribes. Once completed, it will be the \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2023/10/31/2023-23975/notice-of-inventory-completion-university-of-california-berkeley-berkeley-ca\">largest repatriation\u003c/a> for the campus, which once had \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/berkeley-steps-to-largest-repatriation\">11,000 Native ancestral remains\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11956856","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67156_230721-CoastMiwokLandMarin-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Tribal knowledge is key to repatriation, and we are so grateful to our tribal partners for working closely with us during this process,” UC Berkeley repatriation coordinator Alex Lucas wrote in a statement to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Johnny Hernandez, the vice chairman of the San Juan Nation in California, repatriation is more than a legal procedure — it’s a matter of reuniting family members with their tribes after decades apart. Invited by Ramos to speak alongside other tribal leaders at a California State Assembly hearing on Aug. 29, Hernandez underscored the importance of allowing Native ancestors to finally rest in peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a disturbance of grave sites on ancestral lands and remains of loved ones, our ancestors, being held without the opportunity to eternally rest in peace,” Hernandez said. “Imagine if it was your family, your ancestors, and their belongings that you hold near and dear that are owned and used under the guise of an artifact on display for the public’s learnings and teachings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11970846/california-urges-universities-to-return-native-american-remains-and-artifacts","authors":["byline_news_11970846"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_18538","news_20397","news_18738","news_20013","news_27626","news_30881","news_1262","news_2792"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11970925","label":"source_news_11970846"},"news_11969411":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11969411","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11969411","score":null,"sort":[1702551636000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"how-bay-area-italians-were-treated-as-enemy-aliens-during-wwii","title":"How Bay Area Italians Were Treated as 'Enemy Aliens' During WWII","publishDate":1702551636,"format":"standard","headTitle":"How Bay Area Italians Were Treated as ‘Enemy Aliens’ During WWII | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":33523,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">View the full episode transcript\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[dropcap] D[/dropcap]uring a casual Christmas celebration with her 90-year-old grandmother last year, Becca Gularte, a self-proclaimed history buff and third-generation Californian, was rocked by a family story she had never heard before. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In 1942, her grandma Laura Gularte, then an elementary school kid in Santa Cruz, was forced to leave her coastal home because her dad was an Italian citizen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Becca was taken aback. She peppered Laura with questions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">‘Why did you have to move across town? What do you mean it was because you were Italians?’” Becca remembers. “We had all heard so much about Japanese internment growing up. We were all just so surprised that this had happened to this whole other population.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Becca’s husband, James King, asked Bay Curious to investigate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And as we found out, Becca’s great-grandfather was one of roughly 10,000 Italian citizens living in California who were forced to leave their homes during World War II. It was just one of many government measures meant to protect the West Coast from an enemy invasion that never came. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Wartime security\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Within months of the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, as more than 100,000 Japanese Americans were being sent to incarceration camps, other ethnic groups also became the target of new wartime security measures. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian citizens living near California’s coastline and military sites — some 10,000 of them — were forced to leave their homes and find somewhere else to live.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura Gularte’s father, Quinto Neri, was one of them. Neri left Tuscany in Northern Italy in 1911, eventually settling in Santa Cruz, California. He bought land on the coast and became a Brussels sprout farmer.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Laura was just 7 years old when her family had to move from their coastal home in Santa Cruz to just across town, which was outside of an area prohibited by the U.S. military. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“It had a big impact on my father because he was farming rented land that was in the restricted area. So he had to give up his farming,” Laura Gularte remembers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969477\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped.jpg\" alt=\"An elderly woman poses with six adult grandchildren at her 90th birthday party. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1231\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-800x513.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-1020x654.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-1536x985.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Gularte, middle, at her 90th birthday party with all of her grandchildren. Bay Curious question-asker Becca Gularte is on the far left. \u003ccite>(Courtesy photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">After Italy and Germany declared war on the United States, President Franklin Roosevelt gave military commanders and other officials sweeping rights to protect the homeland. These new powers led to the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans as well as a slew of new rules on Italian and German citizens living in the U.S.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This war is a new kind of war,” Roosevelt says in a February 1942 speech. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We shall give up conveniences and modify the routine of our lives if our country asks us to do so. We will do it cheerfully.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian citizens had to register as enemy aliens, and many were subject to an 8 p.m. curfew. They couldn’t travel more than 5 miles away from home. People’s houses were searched for “contraband,” including cameras and radios. So-called enemy aliens could be arrested if they violated the new rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the new security measures were applied differently across the United States, and General John DeWitt, who oversaw security for the West Coast, was much more draconian than his counterparts elsewhere. On the East Coast, for example, Italian citizens had travel restrictions, but they weren’t subject to curfew or the mass relocation ordered by General DeWitt, historians say.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[DeWitt] was terrified that under his watch, the West Coast was going to be invaded,” says Lawrence DiStasi, author and editor of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.heydaybooks.com/catalog/una-storia-segreta-the-secret-history-of-italian-american-evacuation-and-internment-during-world-war-ii/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cem>Una Storia Segreta: The Secret History of Italian American Evacuation and Internment during World War II\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">DiStasi says “paranoia” led General DeWitt to evict Italians from large swaths of the Pacific coast to avoid an enemy invasion. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“It was partly hysteria, partly overkill, I think.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Bay Area Italians in limbo\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Millions of Italians came to the U.S. for a better life before World War II, many landing in urban centers like New York City. But others ventured to California, becoming fishermen, farmworkers and helping to grow the wine industry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italians all around the San Francisco Bay Area were living in the newly declared prohibited zones, including thousands in the cities of Alameda, Richmond and Pittsburg. At least 1,500 Italians were relocated out of Pittsburg because of their proximity to a military site, says Vince Ferrante, president of the Pittsburg Italian American Club and historian for the Pittsburg Historical Society. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Some families lost their businesses, lost their livelihoods,” he says. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To those who had to move, like Al Bruzzone, 92, in Richmond, the dividing line between what was restricted or not seemed pretty arbitrary. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone.jpg\" alt=\"An elderly man sitting outside. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Al Bruzzone, 92, grew up in the East Bay city of Richmond and still lives there. When his parents were forced to relocate during World War II, he temporarily stayed in an Oakland apartment with his parents. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“If you lived west of San Pablo Avenue, you had the move. If you lived east of San Pablo Avenue, you didn’t have to worry about it,” he says.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bruzzone grew up on his family’s 40-acre lettuce farm in Richmond. He still remembers being 11 years old when the relocation orders came. It split his family up — he and his two younger siblings moved with his parents to a rented apartment in Oakland. But his siblings who were old enough to live by themselves, and American-born, stayed in Richmond and worked the farm.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“On weekends, my brother Jim and I, we would go back. My brothers would pick us up, and we’d go back to where I was growing up,” remembers Bruzzone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other Italians who didn’t have the money to rent homes when they were relocated moved in with friends or lived in substandard migrant housing. Bruzzone thought the whole ordeal was a big government mistake. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Most of the people came to this country because they were poor in Europe and they had a chance to accomplish something here,” he says. “They would never, never, never go fight against the country because they were doing so well here.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Italian fisherman\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the onset of the war, 80% of California’s fishermen were Italian. In 1942, their boats were seized by the U.S. Coast Guard, as the late historian Rose Scherini recounts in her chapter of “Una Storia Segreta.” Italian citizens were not allowed to fish on coastal waters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That affected Italians working on San Francisco’s Fisherman’s Wharf, like Ken Borelli’s uncle Girolamo Cantatore. He lived in San Francisco and was a crab fisherman embarking off the now-famous tourist area. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When Cantatore lost his vessel and his ability to fish during the war, he made a wooden replica of the boat, and his nephew, Borelli, still had it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969451\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969451\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli.jpg\" alt=\"A man looks at a model boat on a kitchen table.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ken Borelli and the model boat his uncle Girolamo Cantatore made after the crab fishing boat he used was seized by US forces. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“He was a very meticulous person,” Borelli says as he looks at the model boat, which is about two feet wide and is detailed with several deck levels and miniature lifeboats. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Borelli says he doesn’t know whether his uncle was ever compensated or saw his boat again (although according to Scherini, fishermen were given monthly compensation for their seized boats).\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the boat replica shows his uncle had idle hands and “a yearning to go back to sea,” Borelli says.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Italians in prison camps\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian Americans didn’t just endure forced relocation, hundreds more were sent to prison camps too. As many as 300–400 Italians were incarcerated, DiStasi says. They were moved around from camp to camp around the country until they ultimately wound up in Fort Missoula, Montana. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“A lot of people mistakenly assume that Japanese Americans were the only ones affected by national security fears,” says UC Santa Cruz historian Alice Yang, adding that Italians and Germans also had their civil liberties infringed upon. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">People were imprisoned for being journalists at Italian radio stations and newspapers, teaching the Italian language or simply being veterans of World War I. These activities were seen as promoting Italian pride, Yang says, and in the wartime era, that was considered subversive.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“A lot of the assumptions about whether someone might be a security threat were based on prejudicial views of ethnicity,” Yang says. “Having ethnic pride, if your pride was associated with an axis power, could land you on one of these lists.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To be clear, DiStasi says a good portion of Italian immigrants in the U.S. at the time \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">were\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> supporters of Benito Mussolini, the Nazi-allied fascist leader of Italy. They may not have been in favor of what he did, DiStasi says, but they liked that he was creating a new image for Italy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“They felt that he had finally put Italy on the map and gained some respect for Italy and throughout the world,” DiStasi says. “But that didn’t mean that they were going to engage in any kind of anti-American activities.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Being “high profile” didn’t exempt Italian citizens from wartime security measures. New York-based opera singer \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.italianhistorical.org/internment.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ezio Pinza\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> was incarcerated without charge for three months, according to Yang. And baseball Hall of Famer Joe DiMaggio’s mother, who lived in San Francisco, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/proclamation-2527-internment-italian-americans\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">was arrested\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>‘You have met the test’\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then, in October 1942, quite sharply, the American government changed its tune about Italians. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/ag/legacy/2011/09/16/10-12-1942.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Attorney General Francis Biddle gave a speech at Carnegie Hall in New York City\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">,\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> applauding the high number of Italian Americans currently serving in the U.S. military.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Into the war against the Axis, they have sent their own sons,” Biddle proclaimed. “These Americans of Italian ancestry will help Italy again to become a free nation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">By the end of the month Biddle says, the restrictions on Italian citizens would end. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I say tonight: You have met the test. Your loyalty to the democracy which has given you this chance, you have proved and proved well. Make the most of it. See to it that all Italians remain loyal.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Italians who were imprisoned stayed in camps until 1943, but the relocated Italian Americans in California, like Al Bruzzone and Laura Gularte, got to go home. In total, they’d endured five months of a relocation order and about eight months of curfews and travel restrictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Somebody finally realized they made a mistake,” Bruzzone says, pointing out the irony of Italian citizens in California being forced to move away from their homes while their children were being drafted to fight in the war. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura Gularte, who now lives in Salinas, says it was hard for her dad to restart his Brussels sprouts farm after restrictions were lifted, so he went to work for others in the agricultural industry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She says her parents didn’t discuss their hardships with her, but she knows it was difficult for her father. At the same time, she says, “We were much luckier than the Japanese, who were encamped and lost everything.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ferrante, of Pittsburg, says many elders in the Italian American community didn’t pass these stories down, and that’s why second and third-generation families don’t know much about this history. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There’s a stigma attached to it,” explained Ferrante, whose great-grandmother was relocated during World War II. The sentiment among them was, “‘We’re tax-paying citizens, we’re productive in our community, we work here, so what happened, what did we do wrong?’” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But Historian Alice Yang says there are important reasons to remember this history. For the government: Not to use ethnicity to determine who is dangerous and not to let wartime fears subvert civil rights. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that she knows more about what her great-grandfather went through, our question-asker, Becca Gularte, says, “It makes you realize … it’s a hard thing to be an immigrant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to reflect the fact that war time restrictions on Italians were issued through more than one government proclamation, not just Executive Order 9066.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Around the holidays, family stories sometimes surface at the dinner table. Remember Grandma Joyce? She rode a motorcycle. Or Great Gran-Daddy Willie? He scrimped and saved long after the Depression was over.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then there are tales like Becca Gularte recently heard from her grandma … about how her family was forced from their California home during World War 2. She hadn’t heard that one before. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Becca Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> It was, it was sort of with that, wait, why did you have to move across town kind of thing? And then she said, Oh, it was because we were Italians. And then we kept prompting her with questions to say, What do you mean It was because you were Italians?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> In the early 1940s, as more than 100,000 Japanese Americans were being sent to incarceration camps, other ethnic groups were also being targeted. Italian citizens living in California — some 10,000 of them — were forced to relocate.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Becca Gularte: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We had all heard so much about Japanese internment growing up and and just really that being sort of the story, especially in California. And I think we were all just so surprised that this had happened to this whole other population of people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Becca and her husband wanted to know more, so they wrote to Bay Curious to find out how this bit of family history fits into California textbooks. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Becca Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> What types of restrictions like this were placed on Italian Americans during World War Two and why don’t more people know about it? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Today on Bay Curious, we’re doing a deep dive into what Italians experienced in California during World War II and how it was different here from the rest of the country. I’m Olivia Allen-Price. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Producer Pauline Bartolone picks up the story from here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> To start investigating this question about how Italians were treated in California during World War two, we went straight to the source. Grandma… Our question-asker Becca Gularte’s grandma that is. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> My name is Laura Neri Gularte. I’m 90 years old. I was born and grew up in Santa Cruz, California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura Gularte now lives in Salinas. It was her father, Quinto Neri, who came to California in 1911 from Tuscany in Northern Italy. He was one of millions of Italians who came to the U.S. for a better life. Many stayed in urban centers like New York City, but others ventured farther to California, becoming fishermen, working in agriculture and the wine industry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> He came at age 17 because they were starving. It was a large family. And he knew some people in San Francisco who sponsored him. And so he went to work in Half Moon Bay.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura’s dad farmed Brussels sprouts and built a life for himself. He bought some land and a house. But then … the second World War hit and Italy declared war on the United States. Suddenly, Laura’s dad went from starting to achieve a middle-class life to being labeled ‘enemy alien.’\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Archival audio of President Franklin Roosevelt: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This war is a new kind of war. It is different from all other wars of the past…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The President of the United States at the time, Franklin Roosevelt gave military commanders sweeping rights to protect the homeland after the 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor. That’s what led to the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans. But since Italy and Germany had also declared war on the US, new restrictions applied to their citizens living here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Archival audio of President Franklin Roosevelt: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We shall give up conveniences and modify the routine of our lives if our country asks us to do so. We will do it cheerfully.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian citizens had to register as enemy aliens, and many were subject to an 8 p.m. curfew. They couldn’t travel more than 5 miles away from home. People’s houses were searched for so-called contraband, things like cameras and radios. People who violated the new rules could be arrested.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Archival audio of President Franklin Roosevelt: …\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">remembering that the common enemy seeks to destroy every home and every freedom in every part of our land.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italians on the West Coast were hit hardest by the new restrictions… The military forced Italian citizens, mostly living on the Pacific coastline, to find new homes. Defense commanders wanted to \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">protect the Western U.S. from an enemy invasion so they\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> created ‘prohibited zones’ where enemy aliens could not live or work… It included a sliver of land along the Pacific Ocean and some inland areas around military bases.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Laura’s father had to relocate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">: It had a big impact on my father because he was farming rented land that was in the restricted area. So he had to give up his farming. The fact that…he felt that he would not do anything against the United States and still had to be evacuated was hard. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura’s family found a new place to rent, ironically, on the other side of town that was not within the prohibited zone. Her mom was born in Argentina, so she was able to travel freely, but her dad was stuck at home. Laura was only seven years old at the time, so she didn’t understand much about the stresses her parents were feeling.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Parents did not discuss a lot of things with their children. I know they were upset because they had to leave their home. But they didn’t talk about it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lawrence DiStasi:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> They thought that Mussolini’s Navy might attack the West Coast. Of course, Mussolini didn’t have much of a Navy.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Author Lawrence DiStasi helped write a book on Italian Americans during World War 2. He says the West Coast General, John DeWitt, used his military powers in a much more draconian way than generals in other parts of the nation. It was DeWitt who commanded the incarceration of tens of thousands of Japanese Americans and the relocation of Italians on the West Coast. On the east coast Italians did have travel restrictions, but they weren’t subject to curfew or mass relocation, says DiStasi. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lawrence DiStasi:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The paranoia exhibited by the West Coast General, General John DeWitt…he was terrified that under his watch, the West Coast was going to be invaded. It never was, of course. It was partly hysteria, partly overkill.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Because of DeWitt’s relocation orders, Italians all around the Bay Area were in limbo — including thousands in the city of Alameda and Pittsburg. To those who had to move, the dividing line between what was restricted or not seemed pretty arbitrary. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If you lived west of San Pablo Avenue, you had the move. If you lived east of San Pablo Avenue, you didn’t have to worry about it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Al Bruzzone grew up in Richmond on a 40-acre lettuce farm. He’s 92 now but still remembers being 11 years old when the relocation orders came. It split his family up — he and his two younger siblings moved with his parents to Oakland. But his siblings, who were old enough to live by themselves and American-born, stayed in Richmond and worked the farm.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On weekends, my brother Jim and I, we would go back. My brothers would pick us up, and we’d go back to where I was growing up. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other Italians didn’t have the money to rent homes nearby after being forced to relocate. Many moved in with friends or lived in substandard migrant housing. Bruzzone thought the whole ordeal was a big government mistake. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most of the people came to this country because they were poor in Europe and they had a chance to accomplish something here. /// And they would never, never, never go fight against the country because they were doing so well here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italians who worked on the coast also suffered.. Eighty percent of California’s fishermen were Italian… and in 1942, their boats were seized by the coast guard. They were not allowed to fish on coastal waters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sound of papers rustling\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That is a story that Ken Borelli knows personally. It happened to his uncle, Girolamo Cantatore. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We called him Uncle Jim, but his name was Girolamo. And he lived in San Francisco and was a crab fisherman. And they would fish out of Fisherman’s Wharf and go all up and down northern California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">After losing access to his vessel and the water during the war, Borelli’s uncle made a wooden replica of the boat. And Borelli still has it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> It’s called the Teresa. You can see this back here… he wrote that….\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He shows me the 2-foot-long model boat, it’s super detailed, there are even lifeboats. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> He was a very meticulous person.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Borelli wishes he could have asked his uncle how he felt back then. His family never told him the details about whether his uncle was compensated or saw the boat again. But Borelli says the boat replica shows his uncle had idle hands and a mind that needed to be occupied. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">it was a yearning, as a yearning to go back to sea. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian Americans didn’t just endure forced relocation and lose property, hundreds more were sent to prison camps too. There, some slept in makeshift shelters like tents and were held with Japanese and German detainees, \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alice Yang: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A lot of people mistakenly assume that Japanese Americans were the only ones affected by national security fears.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">UC Santa Cruz historian Alice Yang says Italians and Germans living in the US also had their civil liberties infringed upon. People were imprisoned for being Italian journalists, teaching the Italian language or simply being veterans of World War 1.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alice Yang\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">: A lot of the assumptions about, you know, whether someone might be a security threat were based on prejudicial views of ethnicity…People who were part of organizations that were seen as promoting Italian pride. So in the pre-war period, that wasn’t considered dangerous or subversive, but in the wartime era. Right. Having ethnic pride, if your pride was associated with an axis power could land you on one of these lists. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To be clear, DiStasi says a good portion of Italian immigrants in the US at the time were supporters of Benito Mussolini, the Nazi-allied fascist leader of Italy. They may not have been in favor of what he did, but they liked that he was creating a new image for Italy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lawrence DiStasi:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> They felt that he had finally put Italy on the map and gained some respect for Italy and throughout the world….But that didn’t mean that they were going to engage in any kind of anti-American activities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">music of Ezio Pinza\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">High-profile Italian immigrants were prey to the wartime security measures. New York-based opera singer Ezio Pinza was incarcerated without charge for 3 months. Baseball Hall of Famer Joe DiMaggio’s mother, who lived in San Francisco, was arrested. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Imprisoned Italians were moved from camp to camp around the country, many winding up in Fort Missoula Montana. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then, quite sharply, the American government changed its tune about Italians. In October 1942, Attorney General Francis Biddle gave a speech touting the contributions of Italians in the United States Army. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice actor for Attorney General Francis Biddle:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Into the war against the Axis they have sent their own sons. These Americans of Italian ancestry will help Italy again to become a free nation. In each division of the United States Army; nearly five hundred soldiers, on the average, are the sons of Italian immigrants to America.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">By the end of the month, the restrictions on Italian citizens would end. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice actor for Attorney General Francis Biddle:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> To those who are affected by this change, ‘I say tonight:’You have met the test. Your loyalty to the democracy which has given you this chance, you have proved and proved well. Make the most of it. See to it that \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">all\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Italians remain loyal. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Italians who were already in U.S. prisons stayed in camps for another year, but the relocated families in California, like Al Bruzzone and Laura Gularte — they got to go home. In total, they’d endured five months of a relocation order and about 8 months of curfews and travel restrictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Somebody finally realized they made a mistake and they sent everybody home because … the parents had to move away and they were drafting all their children. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Laura Gularte says her dad lost his Brussels sprout farm near Santa Cruz. And it was hard to start all over again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> After they were able to go home, he never did go back to the farm. and he went to work for others in the agricultural industry…As I look back. I think that we were much luckier than the Japanese. Who were encamped and lost everything. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Many Italian immigrants in California were like Laura Gularte’s parents… They didn’t feel a need to talk about hardships imposed on them to their kids or grandkids. But Historian Alice Yang says there are important things to learn from this history. For one, not to judge whether someone’s dangerous based on their ethnicity.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alice Yang: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And that especially when people are afraid. It is very easy for them to have irrational fears of entire groups based on race, religion, ethnicity.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Americans let wartime fears subvert civil rights during World War II, Yang says. And that’s a lesson to learn from — and never repeat. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"During World War II, roughly 10,000 Italian citizens living in California were forced to leave their homes. It was one of many war time security measures meant to protect the West Coast from an enemy invasion that never came. ","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1712706476,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":true,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":118,"wordCount":4647},"headData":{"title":"How Bay Area Italians Were Treated as 'Enemy Aliens' During WWII | KQED","description":"During World War II, roughly 10,000 Italian citizens living in California were forced to leave their homes. It was one of many war time security measures meant to protect the West Coast from an enemy invasion that never came. ","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"How Bay Area Italians Were Treated as 'Enemy Aliens' During WWII","datePublished":"2023-12-14T11:00:36.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-09T23:47:56.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/pdst.fm/e/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC8253188898.mp3?updated=1702517616","sticky":false,"subhead":"During World War II, roughly 10,000 Italian citizens living in California were forced to leave their homes. It was one of many war time security measures meant to protect the West Coast from an enemy invasion that never came. ","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11969411/how-bay-area-italians-were-treated-as-enemy-aliens-during-wwii","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">View the full episode transcript\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\"> D\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>uring a casual Christmas celebration with her 90-year-old grandmother last year, Becca Gularte, a self-proclaimed history buff and third-generation Californian, was rocked by a family story she had never heard before. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In 1942, her grandma Laura Gularte, then an elementary school kid in Santa Cruz, was forced to leave her coastal home because her dad was an Italian citizen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Becca was taken aback. She peppered Laura with questions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">‘Why did you have to move across town? What do you mean it was because you were Italians?’” Becca remembers. “We had all heard so much about Japanese internment growing up. We were all just so surprised that this had happened to this whole other population.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Becca’s husband, James King, asked Bay Curious to investigate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And as we found out, Becca’s great-grandfather was one of roughly 10,000 Italian citizens living in California who were forced to leave their homes during World War II. It was just one of many government measures meant to protect the West Coast from an enemy invasion that never came. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Wartime security\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Within months of the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, as more than 100,000 Japanese Americans were being sent to incarceration camps, other ethnic groups also became the target of new wartime security measures. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian citizens living near California’s coastline and military sites — some 10,000 of them — were forced to leave their homes and find somewhere else to live.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura Gularte’s father, Quinto Neri, was one of them. Neri left Tuscany in Northern Italy in 1911, eventually settling in Santa Cruz, California. He bought land on the coast and became a Brussels sprout farmer.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Laura was just 7 years old when her family had to move from their coastal home in Santa Cruz to just across town, which was outside of an area prohibited by the U.S. military. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“It had a big impact on my father because he was farming rented land that was in the restricted area. So he had to give up his farming,” Laura Gularte remembers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969477\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped.jpg\" alt=\"An elderly woman poses with six adult grandchildren at her 90th birthday party. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1231\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-800x513.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-1020x654.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-1536x985.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Gularte, middle, at her 90th birthday party with all of her grandchildren. Bay Curious question-asker Becca Gularte is on the far left. \u003ccite>(Courtesy photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">After Italy and Germany declared war on the United States, President Franklin Roosevelt gave military commanders and other officials sweeping rights to protect the homeland. These new powers led to the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans as well as a slew of new rules on Italian and German citizens living in the U.S.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This war is a new kind of war,” Roosevelt says in a February 1942 speech. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We shall give up conveniences and modify the routine of our lives if our country asks us to do so. We will do it cheerfully.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian citizens had to register as enemy aliens, and many were subject to an 8 p.m. curfew. They couldn’t travel more than 5 miles away from home. People’s houses were searched for “contraband,” including cameras and radios. So-called enemy aliens could be arrested if they violated the new rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the new security measures were applied differently across the United States, and General John DeWitt, who oversaw security for the West Coast, was much more draconian than his counterparts elsewhere. On the East Coast, for example, Italian citizens had travel restrictions, but they weren’t subject to curfew or the mass relocation ordered by General DeWitt, historians say.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[DeWitt] was terrified that under his watch, the West Coast was going to be invaded,” says Lawrence DiStasi, author and editor of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.heydaybooks.com/catalog/una-storia-segreta-the-secret-history-of-italian-american-evacuation-and-internment-during-world-war-ii/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cem>Una Storia Segreta: The Secret History of Italian American Evacuation and Internment during World War II\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">DiStasi says “paranoia” led General DeWitt to evict Italians from large swaths of the Pacific coast to avoid an enemy invasion. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“It was partly hysteria, partly overkill, I think.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Bay Area Italians in limbo\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Millions of Italians came to the U.S. for a better life before World War II, many landing in urban centers like New York City. But others ventured to California, becoming fishermen, farmworkers and helping to grow the wine industry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italians all around the San Francisco Bay Area were living in the newly declared prohibited zones, including thousands in the cities of Alameda, Richmond and Pittsburg. At least 1,500 Italians were relocated out of Pittsburg because of their proximity to a military site, says Vince Ferrante, president of the Pittsburg Italian American Club and historian for the Pittsburg Historical Society. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Some families lost their businesses, lost their livelihoods,” he says. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To those who had to move, like Al Bruzzone, 92, in Richmond, the dividing line between what was restricted or not seemed pretty arbitrary. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone.jpg\" alt=\"An elderly man sitting outside. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Al Bruzzone, 92, grew up in the East Bay city of Richmond and still lives there. When his parents were forced to relocate during World War II, he temporarily stayed in an Oakland apartment with his parents. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“If you lived west of San Pablo Avenue, you had the move. If you lived east of San Pablo Avenue, you didn’t have to worry about it,” he says.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bruzzone grew up on his family’s 40-acre lettuce farm in Richmond. He still remembers being 11 years old when the relocation orders came. It split his family up — he and his two younger siblings moved with his parents to a rented apartment in Oakland. But his siblings who were old enough to live by themselves, and American-born, stayed in Richmond and worked the farm.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“On weekends, my brother Jim and I, we would go back. My brothers would pick us up, and we’d go back to where I was growing up,” remembers Bruzzone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other Italians who didn’t have the money to rent homes when they were relocated moved in with friends or lived in substandard migrant housing. Bruzzone thought the whole ordeal was a big government mistake. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Most of the people came to this country because they were poor in Europe and they had a chance to accomplish something here,” he says. “They would never, never, never go fight against the country because they were doing so well here.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Italian fisherman\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the onset of the war, 80% of California’s fishermen were Italian. In 1942, their boats were seized by the U.S. Coast Guard, as the late historian Rose Scherini recounts in her chapter of “Una Storia Segreta.” Italian citizens were not allowed to fish on coastal waters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That affected Italians working on San Francisco’s Fisherman’s Wharf, like Ken Borelli’s uncle Girolamo Cantatore. He lived in San Francisco and was a crab fisherman embarking off the now-famous tourist area. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When Cantatore lost his vessel and his ability to fish during the war, he made a wooden replica of the boat, and his nephew, Borelli, still had it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969451\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969451\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli.jpg\" alt=\"A man looks at a model boat on a kitchen table.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ken Borelli and the model boat his uncle Girolamo Cantatore made after the crab fishing boat he used was seized by US forces. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“He was a very meticulous person,” Borelli says as he looks at the model boat, which is about two feet wide and is detailed with several deck levels and miniature lifeboats. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Borelli says he doesn’t know whether his uncle was ever compensated or saw his boat again (although according to Scherini, fishermen were given monthly compensation for their seized boats).\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the boat replica shows his uncle had idle hands and “a yearning to go back to sea,” Borelli says.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Italians in prison camps\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian Americans didn’t just endure forced relocation, hundreds more were sent to prison camps too. As many as 300–400 Italians were incarcerated, DiStasi says. They were moved around from camp to camp around the country until they ultimately wound up in Fort Missoula, Montana. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“A lot of people mistakenly assume that Japanese Americans were the only ones affected by national security fears,” says UC Santa Cruz historian Alice Yang, adding that Italians and Germans also had their civil liberties infringed upon. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">People were imprisoned for being journalists at Italian radio stations and newspapers, teaching the Italian language or simply being veterans of World War I. These activities were seen as promoting Italian pride, Yang says, and in the wartime era, that was considered subversive.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“A lot of the assumptions about whether someone might be a security threat were based on prejudicial views of ethnicity,” Yang says. “Having ethnic pride, if your pride was associated with an axis power, could land you on one of these lists.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To be clear, DiStasi says a good portion of Italian immigrants in the U.S. at the time \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">were\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> supporters of Benito Mussolini, the Nazi-allied fascist leader of Italy. They may not have been in favor of what he did, DiStasi says, but they liked that he was creating a new image for Italy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“They felt that he had finally put Italy on the map and gained some respect for Italy and throughout the world,” DiStasi says. “But that didn’t mean that they were going to engage in any kind of anti-American activities.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Being “high profile” didn’t exempt Italian citizens from wartime security measures. New York-based opera singer \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.italianhistorical.org/internment.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ezio Pinza\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> was incarcerated without charge for three months, according to Yang. And baseball Hall of Famer Joe DiMaggio’s mother, who lived in San Francisco, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/proclamation-2527-internment-italian-americans\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">was arrested\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>‘You have met the test’\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then, in October 1942, quite sharply, the American government changed its tune about Italians. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/ag/legacy/2011/09/16/10-12-1942.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Attorney General Francis Biddle gave a speech at Carnegie Hall in New York City\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">,\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> applauding the high number of Italian Americans currently serving in the U.S. military.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Into the war against the Axis, they have sent their own sons,” Biddle proclaimed. “These Americans of Italian ancestry will help Italy again to become a free nation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">By the end of the month Biddle says, the restrictions on Italian citizens would end. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I say tonight: You have met the test. Your loyalty to the democracy which has given you this chance, you have proved and proved well. Make the most of it. See to it that all Italians remain loyal.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Italians who were imprisoned stayed in camps until 1943, but the relocated Italian Americans in California, like Al Bruzzone and Laura Gularte, got to go home. In total, they’d endured five months of a relocation order and about eight months of curfews and travel restrictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Somebody finally realized they made a mistake,” Bruzzone says, pointing out the irony of Italian citizens in California being forced to move away from their homes while their children were being drafted to fight in the war. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura Gularte, who now lives in Salinas, says it was hard for her dad to restart his Brussels sprouts farm after restrictions were lifted, so he went to work for others in the agricultural industry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She says her parents didn’t discuss their hardships with her, but she knows it was difficult for her father. At the same time, she says, “We were much luckier than the Japanese, who were encamped and lost everything.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ferrante, of Pittsburg, says many elders in the Italian American community didn’t pass these stories down, and that’s why second and third-generation families don’t know much about this history. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There’s a stigma attached to it,” explained Ferrante, whose great-grandmother was relocated during World War II. The sentiment among them was, “‘We’re tax-paying citizens, we’re productive in our community, we work here, so what happened, what did we do wrong?’” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But Historian Alice Yang says there are important reasons to remember this history. For the government: Not to use ethnicity to determine who is dangerous and not to let wartime fears subvert civil rights. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that she knows more about what her great-grandfather went through, our question-asker, Becca Gularte, says, “It makes you realize … it’s a hard thing to be an immigrant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to reflect the fact that war time restrictions on Italians were issued through more than one government proclamation, not just Executive Order 9066.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"baycuriousquestion","attributes":{"named":{"label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Around the holidays, family stories sometimes surface at the dinner table. Remember Grandma Joyce? She rode a motorcycle. Or Great Gran-Daddy Willie? He scrimped and saved long after the Depression was over.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then there are tales like Becca Gularte recently heard from her grandma … about how her family was forced from their California home during World War 2. She hadn’t heard that one before. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Becca Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> It was, it was sort of with that, wait, why did you have to move across town kind of thing? And then she said, Oh, it was because we were Italians. And then we kept prompting her with questions to say, What do you mean It was because you were Italians?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> In the early 1940s, as more than 100,000 Japanese Americans were being sent to incarceration camps, other ethnic groups were also being targeted. Italian citizens living in California — some 10,000 of them — were forced to relocate.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Becca Gularte: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We had all heard so much about Japanese internment growing up and and just really that being sort of the story, especially in California. And I think we were all just so surprised that this had happened to this whole other population of people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Becca and her husband wanted to know more, so they wrote to Bay Curious to find out how this bit of family history fits into California textbooks. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Becca Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> What types of restrictions like this were placed on Italian Americans during World War Two and why don’t more people know about it? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Today on Bay Curious, we’re doing a deep dive into what Italians experienced in California during World War II and how it was different here from the rest of the country. I’m Olivia Allen-Price. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Producer Pauline Bartolone picks up the story from here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> To start investigating this question about how Italians were treated in California during World War two, we went straight to the source. Grandma… Our question-asker Becca Gularte’s grandma that is. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> My name is Laura Neri Gularte. I’m 90 years old. I was born and grew up in Santa Cruz, California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura Gularte now lives in Salinas. It was her father, Quinto Neri, who came to California in 1911 from Tuscany in Northern Italy. He was one of millions of Italians who came to the U.S. for a better life. Many stayed in urban centers like New York City, but others ventured farther to California, becoming fishermen, working in agriculture and the wine industry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> He came at age 17 because they were starving. It was a large family. And he knew some people in San Francisco who sponsored him. And so he went to work in Half Moon Bay.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura’s dad farmed Brussels sprouts and built a life for himself. He bought some land and a house. But then … the second World War hit and Italy declared war on the United States. Suddenly, Laura’s dad went from starting to achieve a middle-class life to being labeled ‘enemy alien.’\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Archival audio of President Franklin Roosevelt: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This war is a new kind of war. It is different from all other wars of the past…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The President of the United States at the time, Franklin Roosevelt gave military commanders sweeping rights to protect the homeland after the 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor. That’s what led to the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans. But since Italy and Germany had also declared war on the US, new restrictions applied to their citizens living here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Archival audio of President Franklin Roosevelt: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We shall give up conveniences and modify the routine of our lives if our country asks us to do so. We will do it cheerfully.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian citizens had to register as enemy aliens, and many were subject to an 8 p.m. curfew. They couldn’t travel more than 5 miles away from home. People’s houses were searched for so-called contraband, things like cameras and radios. People who violated the new rules could be arrested.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Archival audio of President Franklin Roosevelt: …\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">remembering that the common enemy seeks to destroy every home and every freedom in every part of our land.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italians on the West Coast were hit hardest by the new restrictions… The military forced Italian citizens, mostly living on the Pacific coastline, to find new homes. Defense commanders wanted to \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">protect the Western U.S. from an enemy invasion so they\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> created ‘prohibited zones’ where enemy aliens could not live or work… It included a sliver of land along the Pacific Ocean and some inland areas around military bases.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Laura’s father had to relocate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">: It had a big impact on my father because he was farming rented land that was in the restricted area. So he had to give up his farming. The fact that…he felt that he would not do anything against the United States and still had to be evacuated was hard. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura’s family found a new place to rent, ironically, on the other side of town that was not within the prohibited zone. Her mom was born in Argentina, so she was able to travel freely, but her dad was stuck at home. Laura was only seven years old at the time, so she didn’t understand much about the stresses her parents were feeling.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Parents did not discuss a lot of things with their children. I know they were upset because they had to leave their home. But they didn’t talk about it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lawrence DiStasi:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> They thought that Mussolini’s Navy might attack the West Coast. Of course, Mussolini didn’t have much of a Navy.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Author Lawrence DiStasi helped write a book on Italian Americans during World War 2. He says the West Coast General, John DeWitt, used his military powers in a much more draconian way than generals in other parts of the nation. It was DeWitt who commanded the incarceration of tens of thousands of Japanese Americans and the relocation of Italians on the West Coast. On the east coast Italians did have travel restrictions, but they weren’t subject to curfew or mass relocation, says DiStasi. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lawrence DiStasi:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The paranoia exhibited by the West Coast General, General John DeWitt…he was terrified that under his watch, the West Coast was going to be invaded. It never was, of course. It was partly hysteria, partly overkill.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Because of DeWitt’s relocation orders, Italians all around the Bay Area were in limbo — including thousands in the city of Alameda and Pittsburg. To those who had to move, the dividing line between what was restricted or not seemed pretty arbitrary. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If you lived west of San Pablo Avenue, you had the move. If you lived east of San Pablo Avenue, you didn’t have to worry about it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Al Bruzzone grew up in Richmond on a 40-acre lettuce farm. He’s 92 now but still remembers being 11 years old when the relocation orders came. It split his family up — he and his two younger siblings moved with his parents to Oakland. But his siblings, who were old enough to live by themselves and American-born, stayed in Richmond and worked the farm.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On weekends, my brother Jim and I, we would go back. My brothers would pick us up, and we’d go back to where I was growing up. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other Italians didn’t have the money to rent homes nearby after being forced to relocate. Many moved in with friends or lived in substandard migrant housing. Bruzzone thought the whole ordeal was a big government mistake. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most of the people came to this country because they were poor in Europe and they had a chance to accomplish something here. /// And they would never, never, never go fight against the country because they were doing so well here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italians who worked on the coast also suffered.. Eighty percent of California’s fishermen were Italian… and in 1942, their boats were seized by the coast guard. They were not allowed to fish on coastal waters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sound of papers rustling\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That is a story that Ken Borelli knows personally. It happened to his uncle, Girolamo Cantatore. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We called him Uncle Jim, but his name was Girolamo. And he lived in San Francisco and was a crab fisherman. And they would fish out of Fisherman’s Wharf and go all up and down northern California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">After losing access to his vessel and the water during the war, Borelli’s uncle made a wooden replica of the boat. And Borelli still has it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> It’s called the Teresa. You can see this back here… he wrote that….\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He shows me the 2-foot-long model boat, it’s super detailed, there are even lifeboats. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> He was a very meticulous person.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Borelli wishes he could have asked his uncle how he felt back then. His family never told him the details about whether his uncle was compensated or saw the boat again. But Borelli says the boat replica shows his uncle had idle hands and a mind that needed to be occupied. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">it was a yearning, as a yearning to go back to sea. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian Americans didn’t just endure forced relocation and lose property, hundreds more were sent to prison camps too. There, some slept in makeshift shelters like tents and were held with Japanese and German detainees, \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alice Yang: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A lot of people mistakenly assume that Japanese Americans were the only ones affected by national security fears.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">UC Santa Cruz historian Alice Yang says Italians and Germans living in the US also had their civil liberties infringed upon. People were imprisoned for being Italian journalists, teaching the Italian language or simply being veterans of World War 1.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alice Yang\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">: A lot of the assumptions about, you know, whether someone might be a security threat were based on prejudicial views of ethnicity…People who were part of organizations that were seen as promoting Italian pride. So in the pre-war period, that wasn’t considered dangerous or subversive, but in the wartime era. Right. Having ethnic pride, if your pride was associated with an axis power could land you on one of these lists. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To be clear, DiStasi says a good portion of Italian immigrants in the US at the time were supporters of Benito Mussolini, the Nazi-allied fascist leader of Italy. They may not have been in favor of what he did, but they liked that he was creating a new image for Italy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lawrence DiStasi:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> They felt that he had finally put Italy on the map and gained some respect for Italy and throughout the world….But that didn’t mean that they were going to engage in any kind of anti-American activities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">music of Ezio Pinza\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">High-profile Italian immigrants were prey to the wartime security measures. New York-based opera singer Ezio Pinza was incarcerated without charge for 3 months. Baseball Hall of Famer Joe DiMaggio’s mother, who lived in San Francisco, was arrested. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Imprisoned Italians were moved from camp to camp around the country, many winding up in Fort Missoula Montana. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then, quite sharply, the American government changed its tune about Italians. In October 1942, Attorney General Francis Biddle gave a speech touting the contributions of Italians in the United States Army. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice actor for Attorney General Francis Biddle:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Into the war against the Axis they have sent their own sons. These Americans of Italian ancestry will help Italy again to become a free nation. In each division of the United States Army; nearly five hundred soldiers, on the average, are the sons of Italian immigrants to America.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">By the end of the month, the restrictions on Italian citizens would end. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice actor for Attorney General Francis Biddle:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> To those who are affected by this change, ‘I say tonight:’You have met the test. Your loyalty to the democracy which has given you this chance, you have proved and proved well. Make the most of it. See to it that \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">all\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Italians remain loyal. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Italians who were already in U.S. prisons stayed in camps for another year, but the relocated families in California, like Al Bruzzone and Laura Gularte — they got to go home. In total, they’d endured five months of a relocation order and about 8 months of curfews and travel restrictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Somebody finally realized they made a mistake and they sent everybody home because … the parents had to move away and they were drafting all their children. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Laura Gularte says her dad lost his Brussels sprout farm near Santa Cruz. And it was hard to start all over again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> After they were able to go home, he never did go back to the farm. and he went to work for others in the agricultural industry…As I look back. I think that we were much luckier than the Japanese. Who were encamped and lost everything. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Many Italian immigrants in California were like Laura Gularte’s parents… They didn’t feel a need to talk about hardships imposed on them to their kids or grandkids. But Historian Alice Yang says there are important things to learn from this history. For one, not to judge whether someone’s dangerous based on their ethnicity.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alice Yang: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And that especially when people are afraid. It is very easy for them to have irrational fears of entire groups based on race, religion, ethnicity.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Americans let wartime fears subvert civil rights during World War II, Yang says. And that’s a lesson to learn from — and never repeat. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11969411/how-bay-area-italians-were-treated-as-enemy-aliens-during-wwii","authors":["11879"],"programs":["news_33523"],"series":["news_17986"],"categories":["news_1169","news_8"],"tags":["news_3631","news_20397","news_22579","news_22580","news_236"],"featImg":"news_11969433","label":"news_33523"},"news_11913378":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11913378","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11913378","score":null,"sort":[1688758256000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"mapping-a-radical-legacy-of-south-asian-activism-in-the-bay-area","title":"Mapping a Radical Legacy of South Asian Activism in the Bay Area","publishDate":1688758256,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Mapping a Radical Legacy of South Asian Activism in the Bay Area | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cem>An earlier version of this story was originally published on May 6, 2022.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’ve probably heard of Bobby Seale and The Black Panthers, and Mario Savio and The Free Speech Movement. But California and the Bay Area also were a hotbed of radical South Asian activism that began more than 100 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the 20th century, immigrants from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and other countries in the region — along with their children — laid the groundwork for social movements that still resonate in California today. And while this Desi legacy has largely been overlooked, two community historians in Berkeley have spent the last decade bringing these stories to life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barnali Ghosh and Anirvan Chatterjee run the \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleysouthasian.org/\">Berkeley South Asian Radical History Walking Tour\u003c/a>. The three-hour tour visits sites where there are often no plaques or markers. But the pair make the history come alive through photographs and props. The two even act out historical quotes and scenes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They share tales of South Asians from California you probably know, like Vice President Kamala Harris, as well as those you may never have heard of, like freedom fighter Kartar Singh Sarabha. Below, we hit a handful of the stops on the in-depth tour and give you a taste of this little-known history. You also can listen to the full audio episode (above) for a deeper dive into the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[View a \u003ca href=\"https://uploads.knightlab.com/storymapjs/d62a4059f59eab8dbc86920af1aa79e4/the-berkeley-south-asian-radical-history-walking-tour/draft.html\">full-screen version of the interactive here\u003c/a>.]\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 100%\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://uploads.knightlab.com/storymapjs/d62a4059f59eab8dbc86920af1aa79e4/the-berkeley-south-asian-radical-history-walking-tour/draft.html\" frameborder=\"0\" width=\"1400\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"California and the Bay Area were a hotbed of radical South Asian activism that began more than 100 years ago. Two community historians in Berkeley bring those stories to life.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1692916709,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"iframeSrcs":["https://uploads.knightlab.com/storymapjs/d62a4059f59eab8dbc86920af1aa79e4/the-berkeley-south-asian-radical-history-walking-tour/draft.html"],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":8,"wordCount":245},"headData":{"title":"Mapping a Radical Legacy of South Asian Activism in the Bay Area | KQED","description":"California and the Bay Area were a hotbed of radical South Asian activism that began more than 100 years ago. Two community historians in Berkeley bring those stories to life.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Mapping a Radical Legacy of South Asian Activism in the Bay Area","datePublished":"2023-07-07T19:30:56.000Z","dateModified":"2023-08-24T22:38:29.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"The California Report Magazine","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC4695403814.mp3?updated=1688659511","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11913378/mapping-a-radical-legacy-of-south-asian-activism-in-the-bay-area","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>An earlier version of this story was originally published on May 6, 2022.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’ve probably heard of Bobby Seale and The Black Panthers, and Mario Savio and The Free Speech Movement. But California and the Bay Area also were a hotbed of radical South Asian activism that began more than 100 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the 20th century, immigrants from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and other countries in the region — along with their children — laid the groundwork for social movements that still resonate in California today. And while this Desi legacy has largely been overlooked, two community historians in Berkeley have spent the last decade bringing these stories to life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barnali Ghosh and Anirvan Chatterjee run the \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleysouthasian.org/\">Berkeley South Asian Radical History Walking Tour\u003c/a>. The three-hour tour visits sites where there are often no plaques or markers. But the pair make the history come alive through photographs and props. The two even act out historical quotes and scenes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They share tales of South Asians from California you probably know, like Vice President Kamala Harris, as well as those you may never have heard of, like freedom fighter Kartar Singh Sarabha. Below, we hit a handful of the stops on the in-depth tour and give you a taste of this little-known history. You also can listen to the full audio episode (above) for a deeper dive into the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[View a \u003ca href=\"https://uploads.knightlab.com/storymapjs/d62a4059f59eab8dbc86920af1aa79e4/the-berkeley-south-asian-radical-history-walking-tour/draft.html\">full-screen version of the interactive here\u003c/a>.]\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 100%\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://uploads.knightlab.com/storymapjs/d62a4059f59eab8dbc86920af1aa79e4/the-berkeley-south-asian-radical-history-walking-tour/draft.html\" frameborder=\"0\" width=\"1400\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11913378/mapping-a-radical-legacy-of-south-asian-activism-in-the-bay-area","authors":["254","3239"],"programs":["news_26731","news_72"],"categories":["news_223","news_8"],"tags":["news_21077","news_129","news_18538","news_20397","news_31055","news_28528","news_31056","news_30624","news_17597"],"featImg":"news_11913358","label":"source_news_11913378"},"news_11942302":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11942302","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11942302","score":null,"sort":[1677852033000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that","title":"California's Legislature Has Roots in Slavery. Are Lawmakers Ready to Confront That?","publishDate":1677852033,"format":"standard","headTitle":"KQED News","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>[dropcap]S[/dropcap]ean Ryan was unaware of the most brutal chapters of American history when he started high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent much of his adolescence in what he described as a religious cult that his mother joined, near Redding. While children his age constructed models of Spanish missions using sugar cubes and popsicle sticks, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-california-mission-models-20170919-story.html\">longtime popular assignment in California’s fourth-grade classrooms\u003c/a>, Ryan was placed in a series of rotating apprenticeships. Starting when he was 8, Ryan chainsawed tree limbs with lumberjacks near Mount Shasta, paved roads in Arizona and went to Reno for a plumbing gig — work organized by his mother’s church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan moved in with his father in San José when he was 14. He enrolled in school in the adjacent suburb of Los Gatos, an upscale community tucked in the foothills of the Santa Cruz Mountains. His first class — U.S. history — required reading about the Trail of Tears, the forced displacement of 60,000 Indigenous people from their ancestral homes in the southeastern part of the United States. Thousands died as they were marched to reservations west of the Mississippi River.\u003cu> \u003c/u>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The brutality of American history, like the forced labor of Indigenous people in the 18th and 19th centuries to build the Spanish missions, startled Ryan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just cried in front of the whole class,” Ryan, now 53, recalled. “They were like, ‘What is going on?’ And I was like, ‘I never knew any of this stuff. This is all completely new to me.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was an insatiable desire to learn more about his family’s history. Did his ancestors have a role in the subjugation and forced removal of people? Ryan’s research revealed that he had a direct connection to California’s foundational years, when a veneer of frontier freedom and prosperity concealed an agenda anchored in racist hostility and terror.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942343\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942343 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\" alt=\"A bearded white man with glasses holds an old photo of another white man, dressed formally in 19th century garb.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1484\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-800x618.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-160x124.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1536x1187.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sean Ryan holds a daguerreotype of his great-great-great grandfather, James Madison Estill, an early California legislator who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme to reinstate enslavement in the new state. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sean Ryan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It began with a photo. A great-aunt on Ryan’s mother’s side heard about his interest in genealogy, and asked whether a box of records she had would help his hunt. Among the documents included was a picture of his great-great-great grandfather: James Madison Estill, a founder of California’s system of mass incarceration, who was an early California legislator and who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme in the 1850s to reinstate enslavement in the newly formed state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is now going through a similar unearthing of its past. The state’s Reparations Task Force is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">examining the historic harms of slavery and anti-Black racism in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers, including enslavers like Estill, held outsize influence in its early Legislature. They enacted laws aiding enslavers, and supported the expansion of human bondage across the country.[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">The bill creating the Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> was passed with bipartisan support in 2020, in the wake of George Floyd’s murder. It was heralded as a transformative step for racial justice. When Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill that September, he vowed the state would not “turn away from this moment to make right the discrimination and disadvantages that Black Californians and people of color still face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday and Saturday, that task force will meet in Sacramento, the state Capitol where Estill and his allies sought to create a western outpost for the ideals that would galvanize the Confederacy. On the task force agenda: how to potentially provide financial compensation for the descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slavery is an afterthought in the popular California origin story of rugged Gold Rush frontierism. But hundreds of enslaved Black people were involuntarily brought to the state to work in the gold mines by Southerners who hoped to replicate the system of chattel slavery and plantation agriculture on the Pacific Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab3121-reparations-interim-report-2022.pdf\">task force released a preliminary report (PDF)\u003c/a> detailing California’s history of enslavement and its many decades of discriminatory policies — in housing, education, health care, criminal justice and other areas — that established the systemic racism that persists. In July, the task force will present recommendations on how Black residents should be compensated for this enduring oppression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942341\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942341 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\" alt=\"An older bald, Black man wearing a jacket and tie, sitting at a desk, smiling pleasantly at the camera with his hands folded in front of him on a desk.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-800x571.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of California's Reparations Task Force, in his office in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But at the state Capitol, the preliminary report has been largely ignored \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916026/no-the-reparations-task-force-report-isnt-a-watershed-moment-action-will-be\">in the months since its release\u003c/a>, according to state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sad to report not a single one of my colleagues have even mentioned this report, and I doubt very seriously if any of them have really taken time to read it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to read this report, they need to understand what’s there and understand the history instead of the whitewash that we’ve been allowed to perpetuate itself as American history for almost 400 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'A bit hard to swallow'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Estill, whose surname is also documented in some places as “Estell,” brought his family from Kentucky to Missouri in the 1840s. He sought fortune by starting a military prison, a grain mill and a postal route. When the ventures stalled, Estill journeyed on to California. He left his wife and young children behind, but took his most prized possessions: the people he owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the census taken on Nov. 20, 1850, just 10 weeks into California’s statehood, Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County, with real estate valued at $15,000. Listed beneath his name are 14 men and one woman — with surnames of either Brown or Smith — who ranged in age from 18 to 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cpre>June Brown\r\nJoe Brown\r\nIsaac Brown\r\nJohn Brown\r\nBill Brown\r\nPeter Brown\r\nThomas Brown\r\nMid Brown\r\nBolin Brown\r\nComins Brown\r\nJoe Smith\r\nHigins Smith\r\nWhitehead Smith\r\nGeneral Smith\r\nMinerva Smith\u003c/pre>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942342\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 463px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942342\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A hand-written census ledger, with a list of names.\" width=\"463\" height=\"631\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg 1879w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-800x1090.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1020x1390.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-160x218.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1127x1536.jpg 1127w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1503x2048.jpg 1503w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1920x2616.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 463px) 100vw, 463px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On this copy of a page from the 1850 census, James Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County. His assets included 14 men and one woman. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ancestry.com)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The following note is scribbled in the margin next to the list of names: “These men were slaves in Missouri and have contracted to work in this state and then be free after two years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as Estill was elected to the state Senate in 1851, representing Napa and Solano counties, he began to pursue laws that would allow him to keep his human property in California, a “free state,” and advance the institution of chattel slavery. As some of his peers found fortunes mining for gold, Estill charted a path toward a more lucrative American hustle: the construction and management of state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estill won a contract to run the prison system the year he was elected to the Legislature. He pocketed profits from the forced labor of incarcerated people, who, under his authority, built a monument to mass incarceration: San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No man has received one tenth the money from the State that General Estill did; and no man made greater profit on what he received,” read a scathing obituary in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deeper Ryan dug into his great-great-great grandfather’s past, the more he found the man “despicable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a great research project, but at the end of the day, it was kind of a bit hard to swallow,” Ryan said. “It was obvious people hated him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s research was guided by a trove of records, articles and photographs. The same documents don’t exist for the descendants of enslaved people, like the Browns and the Smiths listed on the 1850 census — a vexing issue for the task force currently grappling with who could become eligible for compensation from the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pursuit of his family history took Ryan around the world. He learned that Estill’s granddaughter was married to an anatomist who moved his family to Bangkok for work. Inspired, Ryan moved with his family to Bangkok and stayed overseas for a decade. Now he lives with his wife and four kids in Oregon, where he works as an oceanographer on devices that collect energy from waves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I've definitely made life choices based on some of this stuff,” said Ryan. “To me, finding out about the history of my family was very cathartic, I guess. It filled a lot of holes. I really kind of dug into it and it became very important to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fugitives in a 'free state'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pro-slavery politicians like Estill were instrumental in California’s formation as a state. The issue of slavery was clearly on the minds of the delegates who gathered in Monterey to write California’s constitution in the fall of 1849. In fact, the slavery debate literally shaped the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historians of early California history like Franklin Tuthill and Rockwell D. Hunt have detailed how the state’s current eastern boundary was forged through a debate with pro-slavery delegates who wanted to create a massive state that would stretch into present-day Utah. They believed that a state so large would inevitably be broken into two states: one where slavery would be allowed, the other free. Even though the delegates officially banned slavery in California, the meeting at Colton Hall in Monterey was “understood to be under the management, imaginary if not real, of southern men,” according to historian Hubert Howe Bancroft. And men like William Gwin, a Mississippi enslaver who moved to California and became one of its first U.S. senators, would dominate early state politics under the pro-slavery “Chivalry” wing of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say in terms of the people who came to California thinking about elected office, rather than just the gold mining, that tended to be Southerners,” said Alex Vassar of the California State Library, who wrote a book on the history of state legislators. “And so they brought their values, they brought the customs of their place and their time to California with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some, Vassar said, “actually served in the state Legislature owning slaves.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Stacey Smith, history professor, Oregon State University\"]'Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.'[/pullquote]Vassar has documented members such as state Sen. William B. Norman, who brought an enslaved person from Mississippi to California, and Charles S. Fairfax, who traveled west from his family’s Virginia slave plantation and eventually became speaker of the state Assembly. The Marin County town where Fairfax built his manor now bears his name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1850s, enslavers and their allies were part of the legislative majority in California that took two dramatic actions in support of enslavement: passing the state’s fugitive slave law and backing the explosive Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, the federal law allowing the expansion of slavery into the territories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that it wasn’t just always a symbolic issue,” said Stacey Smith, associate professor of history at Oregon State University, who is advising California’s Reparations Task Force. “Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal Fugitive Slave Act, which required residents and law enforcement in free states to assist with the capture and return of escaped enslaved people, was included in the agreement that ushered California into the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the federal law only dealt with enslaved persons escaping across state lines, and California’s enslavers had no legal recourse if their captives escaped within the new, free state. To account for this, pro-slavery lawmakers drafted the state’s own fugitive slave bill, that would give enslavers a one-year window to recapture formerly enslaved people they had brought to California pre-statehood, and forcibly take them out of the state and back to slaveholding states in the South. The legislation, officially “an Act respecting Fugitives from labor, and Slaves brought into this State prior to her admission into the Union,” passed the Assembly in February of 1852.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942340\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942340 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\" alt=\"A white marble bust of a man, with hair that's a bit long on top and a slight beard, whose chest is draped in a toga.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-800x571.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bust of David Broderick, a California state senator in the 1850s known for his opposition to slavery, on display at the California State Library in Sacramento. Broderick was killed in a duel, purportedly over his anti-slavery stance. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Senate, where the proposal had been defeated the year before, the Chivalry had to overcome opposition from anti-slavery Democrats, most notably San Francisco Sen. David Broderick. The bill was carried in the state Senate by Estill. Lawmakers deliberated the bill for days before a final vote. Opponents hatched a series of roadblocks, desperately trying to weaken the proposal with amendments or at least find a majority willing to adjourn for the night. But Estill and his allies prevailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate Journal for April 13, 1852, shows that after more than a dozen procedural votes, the bill passed 14–9, and was signed by Gov. John Bigler. One-year extensions of the law were subsequently passed in 1853 and 1854. Not included in the record is the fact that Estill was fighting to protect his ownership of the 15 people who toiled without compensation on his Solano County farm, less than 50 miles down the Sacramento River.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wasn’t just wanting to promote the ‘Southern values’ of protecting slavery and slave property in California,” said Smith, who \u003ca href=\"https://uncpress.org/book/9781469626536/freedoms-frontier/\">chronicled the history of unfree labor in California in her book \u003cem>Freedom’s Frontier\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “He had a direct, personal economic interest in a fugitive slave law that would allow him to take enslaved people back to the Southern states when he decided that he no longer wanted to have them working in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith found records of dozens of Black Californians arrested under the act, apprehended by law enforcement in a state that promised freedom. Black people, some of whom came to California to escape racial terror, lived with the fear that they could be seized in the middle of the night and extradited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you had been brought at the height of the Gold Rush, let’s say in early 1849 up through mid-1850 ... [then] until March of 1855, so five, six years later, you could be enslaved and returned back to the slave states under California law,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing to expand slavery\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The national uproar over the Kansas-Nebraska Act turned the political tide against California’s fugitive slave law and made the support of slavery a losing issue for the state’s Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law allowed new territories to decide whether to permit slavery within their borders, replacing the generation-old Missouri Compromise, which had banned slavery in new territories north of latitude 36° 30’, spanning the northern borders of Tennessee, Arkansas and Texas. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was evidence that Southerners were not only intent on preserving slavery, they wanted to expand it. The law incensed opponents of slavery, scrambled national and state party alliances and, in the words of historian James McPherson, “may have been the most important single event pushing the nation toward war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite California’s official status as a free state, its representatives in Congress supported the law. And in the weeks leading up to the final vote, the state Legislature passed a resolution supporting “the Nebraska bill,” as it was known at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s show of support for the Kansas-Nebraska Act was nonbinding, but it spoke volumes. The only other legislature in a free state to back the proposal, Smith said, was Illinois — home of the bill’s author, U.S. Sen. Stephen A. Douglas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fairly unusual for a free state to pass an endorsement of the Kansas-Nebraska Act when a lot of other people in Northern states — free states, especially the Northeast — are just clamoring for the overturn of the [law],” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voter backlash in California to the Kansas-Nebraska Act \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/41170744\">helped launch the California Republican Party\u003c/a>, slowing the momentum for further extensions of the state’s fugitive slave law. Pro-slavery lawmakers retained control in Sacramento until the Civil War, at times resorting to violence to achieve their goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pro-slavery legislator assaulted an anti-slavery colleague with a cane on the floor of the Senate during debates to extend the fugitive slave law, according to Smith. And in 1859, Broderick, the prominent anti-slavery Democrat, was killed in a duel on the shores of Lake Merced in San Francisco by the Chivalry’s David Terry, a former state Supreme Court justice. As he lay dying, Broderick \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/learn/historyculture/broderick-terry-duel.htm\">reportedly said his anti-slavery stances were what pushed his political opponents to violence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broderick quickly became a martyr for opponents of slavery, and his bust is still on display in the chambers of the state Senate. As the Gold Rush waned, many of the Southerners in California’s government left the state. Some, like Gwin, backed the Confederacy in the Civil War. The decade-long reign of the Chivalry and their enslavers’ agenda became a historical footnote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reparations and atonement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I think, for the most part, when I say something like ‘slavery in California,’ most people who’ve gone to school in California will say, ‘Oh, the mission system,’” said Smith. “It’s just these other stories, especially about enslaved African Americans, that are a lot less familiar to most Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, a reparatory justice scholar who chairs the state Reparations Task Force, said confronting the Legislature’s pro-slavery history should start in the state’s K–12 schools. She said the task force would like to see a curriculum that acknowledges and teaches California’s role in maintaining the institution of slavery.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Kamilah Moore, chair, California Reparations Task Force\"]'I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school.'[/pullquote]“I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the task force presents its financial recommendations to the Legislature this summer, the possibility of monetary compensation for the descendants of 19th-century Black Americans will likely stir up the most interest and debate in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At KQED’s gubernatorial debate in October, when asked where he stood on the issue of potential payments, Newsom demurred, saying he would first “want to see the recommendations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By definition, we created the work group to adjudicate the merits of different strategies,” Newsom said. “And so this task force is convening, we’ll see where their recommendations come out and we’ll make a determination after the fact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore is interested in atonement by the Legislature. Lawmakers today routinely celebrate its history at the vanguard of environmentalism and protections for labor, abortion and LGBTQ rights. But that history also includes support for the brutality of chattel slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our work as the task force is thinking about how we can get the California state Legislature not only to adopt our final recommendations as proposed, but then also for the body itself to take some self-accountability,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'Wouldn't want to live under a rock'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s pursuit of his family history introduced him to members of his extended family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Along the way, I’ve been finding a lot of new families that are like first cousins, second cousins, third cousins and then getting to share my information with them, and that’s been a lot of fun getting to meet people,” Ryan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of his relatives found Estill’s story too painful to confront — like the cousin in New York whose first name was Estill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She had seen those pictures of him and knew that he existed but had no idea what his history was or his dealings and stuff,” Ryan said. “And so she was very upset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other relatives have told Ryan to stop doing his research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are very sensitive to it,” he said. “I never would have thought that — although, by finding out all this stuff about Estill I can kind of understand it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “But I also wouldn’t want to live under a rock. So you have to kind of learn from history, right? You don’t want to whitewash history.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers held outsize influence in its early Legislature, enacting laws aiding enslavers, and supporting the expansion of human bondage across the country — a legacy now being reexamined as the state considers reparations.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1677988519,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":62,"wordCount":3663},"headData":{"title":"California's Legislature Has Roots in Slavery. Are Lawmakers Ready to Confront That? | KQED","description":"Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers held outsize influence in its early Legislature, enacting laws aiding enslavers, and supporting the expansion of human bondage across the country — a legacy now being reexamined as the state considers reparations.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California's Legislature Has Roots in Slavery. Are Lawmakers Ready to Confront That?","datePublished":"2023-03-03T14:00:33.000Z","dateModified":"2023-03-05T03:55:19.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">S\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ean Ryan was unaware of the most brutal chapters of American history when he started high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent much of his adolescence in what he described as a religious cult that his mother joined, near Redding. While children his age constructed models of Spanish missions using sugar cubes and popsicle sticks, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-california-mission-models-20170919-story.html\">longtime popular assignment in California’s fourth-grade classrooms\u003c/a>, Ryan was placed in a series of rotating apprenticeships. Starting when he was 8, Ryan chainsawed tree limbs with lumberjacks near Mount Shasta, paved roads in Arizona and went to Reno for a plumbing gig — work organized by his mother’s church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan moved in with his father in San José when he was 14. He enrolled in school in the adjacent suburb of Los Gatos, an upscale community tucked in the foothills of the Santa Cruz Mountains. His first class — U.S. history — required reading about the Trail of Tears, the forced displacement of 60,000 Indigenous people from their ancestral homes in the southeastern part of the United States. Thousands died as they were marched to reservations west of the Mississippi River.\u003cu> \u003c/u>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The brutality of American history, like the forced labor of Indigenous people in the 18th and 19th centuries to build the Spanish missions, startled Ryan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just cried in front of the whole class,” Ryan, now 53, recalled. “They were like, ‘What is going on?’ And I was like, ‘I never knew any of this stuff. This is all completely new to me.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was an insatiable desire to learn more about his family’s history. Did his ancestors have a role in the subjugation and forced removal of people? Ryan’s research revealed that he had a direct connection to California’s foundational years, when a veneer of frontier freedom and prosperity concealed an agenda anchored in racist hostility and terror.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942343\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942343 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\" alt=\"A bearded white man with glasses holds an old photo of another white man, dressed formally in 19th century garb.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1484\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-800x618.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-160x124.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1536x1187.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sean Ryan holds a daguerreotype of his great-great-great grandfather, James Madison Estill, an early California legislator who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme to reinstate enslavement in the new state. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sean Ryan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It began with a photo. A great-aunt on Ryan’s mother’s side heard about his interest in genealogy, and asked whether a box of records she had would help his hunt. Among the documents included was a picture of his great-great-great grandfather: James Madison Estill, a founder of California’s system of mass incarceration, who was an early California legislator and who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme in the 1850s to reinstate enslavement in the newly formed state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is now going through a similar unearthing of its past. The state’s Reparations Task Force is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">examining the historic harms of slavery and anti-Black racism in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers, including enslavers like Estill, held outsize influence in its early Legislature. They enacted laws aiding enslavers, and supported the expansion of human bondage across the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Reparations in California ","link1":"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">The bill creating the Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> was passed with bipartisan support in 2020, in the wake of George Floyd’s murder. It was heralded as a transformative step for racial justice. When Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill that September, he vowed the state would not “turn away from this moment to make right the discrimination and disadvantages that Black Californians and people of color still face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday and Saturday, that task force will meet in Sacramento, the state Capitol where Estill and his allies sought to create a western outpost for the ideals that would galvanize the Confederacy. On the task force agenda: how to potentially provide financial compensation for the descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slavery is an afterthought in the popular California origin story of rugged Gold Rush frontierism. But hundreds of enslaved Black people were involuntarily brought to the state to work in the gold mines by Southerners who hoped to replicate the system of chattel slavery and plantation agriculture on the Pacific Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab3121-reparations-interim-report-2022.pdf\">task force released a preliminary report (PDF)\u003c/a> detailing California’s history of enslavement and its many decades of discriminatory policies — in housing, education, health care, criminal justice and other areas — that established the systemic racism that persists. In July, the task force will present recommendations on how Black residents should be compensated for this enduring oppression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942341\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942341 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\" alt=\"An older bald, Black man wearing a jacket and tie, sitting at a desk, smiling pleasantly at the camera with his hands folded in front of him on a desk.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-800x571.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of California's Reparations Task Force, in his office in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But at the state Capitol, the preliminary report has been largely ignored \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916026/no-the-reparations-task-force-report-isnt-a-watershed-moment-action-will-be\">in the months since its release\u003c/a>, according to state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sad to report not a single one of my colleagues have even mentioned this report, and I doubt very seriously if any of them have really taken time to read it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to read this report, they need to understand what’s there and understand the history instead of the whitewash that we’ve been allowed to perpetuate itself as American history for almost 400 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'A bit hard to swallow'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Estill, whose surname is also documented in some places as “Estell,” brought his family from Kentucky to Missouri in the 1840s. He sought fortune by starting a military prison, a grain mill and a postal route. When the ventures stalled, Estill journeyed on to California. He left his wife and young children behind, but took his most prized possessions: the people he owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the census taken on Nov. 20, 1850, just 10 weeks into California’s statehood, Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County, with real estate valued at $15,000. Listed beneath his name are 14 men and one woman — with surnames of either Brown or Smith — who ranged in age from 18 to 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cpre>June Brown\r\nJoe Brown\r\nIsaac Brown\r\nJohn Brown\r\nBill Brown\r\nPeter Brown\r\nThomas Brown\r\nMid Brown\r\nBolin Brown\r\nComins Brown\r\nJoe Smith\r\nHigins Smith\r\nWhitehead Smith\r\nGeneral Smith\r\nMinerva Smith\u003c/pre>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942342\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 463px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942342\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A hand-written census ledger, with a list of names.\" width=\"463\" height=\"631\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg 1879w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-800x1090.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1020x1390.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-160x218.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1127x1536.jpg 1127w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1503x2048.jpg 1503w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1920x2616.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 463px) 100vw, 463px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On this copy of a page from the 1850 census, James Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County. His assets included 14 men and one woman. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ancestry.com)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The following note is scribbled in the margin next to the list of names: “These men were slaves in Missouri and have contracted to work in this state and then be free after two years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as Estill was elected to the state Senate in 1851, representing Napa and Solano counties, he began to pursue laws that would allow him to keep his human property in California, a “free state,” and advance the institution of chattel slavery. As some of his peers found fortunes mining for gold, Estill charted a path toward a more lucrative American hustle: the construction and management of state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estill won a contract to run the prison system the year he was elected to the Legislature. He pocketed profits from the forced labor of incarcerated people, who, under his authority, built a monument to mass incarceration: San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No man has received one tenth the money from the State that General Estill did; and no man made greater profit on what he received,” read a scathing obituary in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deeper Ryan dug into his great-great-great grandfather’s past, the more he found the man “despicable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a great research project, but at the end of the day, it was kind of a bit hard to swallow,” Ryan said. “It was obvious people hated him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s research was guided by a trove of records, articles and photographs. The same documents don’t exist for the descendants of enslaved people, like the Browns and the Smiths listed on the 1850 census — a vexing issue for the task force currently grappling with who could become eligible for compensation from the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pursuit of his family history took Ryan around the world. He learned that Estill’s granddaughter was married to an anatomist who moved his family to Bangkok for work. Inspired, Ryan moved with his family to Bangkok and stayed overseas for a decade. Now he lives with his wife and four kids in Oregon, where he works as an oceanographer on devices that collect energy from waves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I've definitely made life choices based on some of this stuff,” said Ryan. “To me, finding out about the history of my family was very cathartic, I guess. It filled a lot of holes. I really kind of dug into it and it became very important to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fugitives in a 'free state'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pro-slavery politicians like Estill were instrumental in California’s formation as a state. The issue of slavery was clearly on the minds of the delegates who gathered in Monterey to write California’s constitution in the fall of 1849. In fact, the slavery debate literally shaped the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historians of early California history like Franklin Tuthill and Rockwell D. Hunt have detailed how the state’s current eastern boundary was forged through a debate with pro-slavery delegates who wanted to create a massive state that would stretch into present-day Utah. They believed that a state so large would inevitably be broken into two states: one where slavery would be allowed, the other free. Even though the delegates officially banned slavery in California, the meeting at Colton Hall in Monterey was “understood to be under the management, imaginary if not real, of southern men,” according to historian Hubert Howe Bancroft. And men like William Gwin, a Mississippi enslaver who moved to California and became one of its first U.S. senators, would dominate early state politics under the pro-slavery “Chivalry” wing of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say in terms of the people who came to California thinking about elected office, rather than just the gold mining, that tended to be Southerners,” said Alex Vassar of the California State Library, who wrote a book on the history of state legislators. “And so they brought their values, they brought the customs of their place and their time to California with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some, Vassar said, “actually served in the state Legislature owning slaves.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Stacey Smith, history professor, Oregon State University","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Vassar has documented members such as state Sen. William B. Norman, who brought an enslaved person from Mississippi to California, and Charles S. Fairfax, who traveled west from his family’s Virginia slave plantation and eventually became speaker of the state Assembly. The Marin County town where Fairfax built his manor now bears his name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1850s, enslavers and their allies were part of the legislative majority in California that took two dramatic actions in support of enslavement: passing the state’s fugitive slave law and backing the explosive Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, the federal law allowing the expansion of slavery into the territories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that it wasn’t just always a symbolic issue,” said Stacey Smith, associate professor of history at Oregon State University, who is advising California’s Reparations Task Force. “Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal Fugitive Slave Act, which required residents and law enforcement in free states to assist with the capture and return of escaped enslaved people, was included in the agreement that ushered California into the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the federal law only dealt with enslaved persons escaping across state lines, and California’s enslavers had no legal recourse if their captives escaped within the new, free state. To account for this, pro-slavery lawmakers drafted the state’s own fugitive slave bill, that would give enslavers a one-year window to recapture formerly enslaved people they had brought to California pre-statehood, and forcibly take them out of the state and back to slaveholding states in the South. The legislation, officially “an Act respecting Fugitives from labor, and Slaves brought into this State prior to her admission into the Union,” passed the Assembly in February of 1852.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942340\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942340 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\" alt=\"A white marble bust of a man, with hair that's a bit long on top and a slight beard, whose chest is draped in a toga.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-800x571.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bust of David Broderick, a California state senator in the 1850s known for his opposition to slavery, on display at the California State Library in Sacramento. Broderick was killed in a duel, purportedly over his anti-slavery stance. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Senate, where the proposal had been defeated the year before, the Chivalry had to overcome opposition from anti-slavery Democrats, most notably San Francisco Sen. David Broderick. The bill was carried in the state Senate by Estill. Lawmakers deliberated the bill for days before a final vote. Opponents hatched a series of roadblocks, desperately trying to weaken the proposal with amendments or at least find a majority willing to adjourn for the night. But Estill and his allies prevailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate Journal for April 13, 1852, shows that after more than a dozen procedural votes, the bill passed 14–9, and was signed by Gov. John Bigler. One-year extensions of the law were subsequently passed in 1853 and 1854. Not included in the record is the fact that Estill was fighting to protect his ownership of the 15 people who toiled without compensation on his Solano County farm, less than 50 miles down the Sacramento River.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wasn’t just wanting to promote the ‘Southern values’ of protecting slavery and slave property in California,” said Smith, who \u003ca href=\"https://uncpress.org/book/9781469626536/freedoms-frontier/\">chronicled the history of unfree labor in California in her book \u003cem>Freedom’s Frontier\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “He had a direct, personal economic interest in a fugitive slave law that would allow him to take enslaved people back to the Southern states when he decided that he no longer wanted to have them working in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith found records of dozens of Black Californians arrested under the act, apprehended by law enforcement in a state that promised freedom. Black people, some of whom came to California to escape racial terror, lived with the fear that they could be seized in the middle of the night and extradited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you had been brought at the height of the Gold Rush, let’s say in early 1849 up through mid-1850 ... [then] until March of 1855, so five, six years later, you could be enslaved and returned back to the slave states under California law,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing to expand slavery\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The national uproar over the Kansas-Nebraska Act turned the political tide against California’s fugitive slave law and made the support of slavery a losing issue for the state’s Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law allowed new territories to decide whether to permit slavery within their borders, replacing the generation-old Missouri Compromise, which had banned slavery in new territories north of latitude 36° 30’, spanning the northern borders of Tennessee, Arkansas and Texas. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was evidence that Southerners were not only intent on preserving slavery, they wanted to expand it. The law incensed opponents of slavery, scrambled national and state party alliances and, in the words of historian James McPherson, “may have been the most important single event pushing the nation toward war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite California’s official status as a free state, its representatives in Congress supported the law. And in the weeks leading up to the final vote, the state Legislature passed a resolution supporting “the Nebraska bill,” as it was known at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s show of support for the Kansas-Nebraska Act was nonbinding, but it spoke volumes. The only other legislature in a free state to back the proposal, Smith said, was Illinois — home of the bill’s author, U.S. Sen. Stephen A. Douglas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fairly unusual for a free state to pass an endorsement of the Kansas-Nebraska Act when a lot of other people in Northern states — free states, especially the Northeast — are just clamoring for the overturn of the [law],” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voter backlash in California to the Kansas-Nebraska Act \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/41170744\">helped launch the California Republican Party\u003c/a>, slowing the momentum for further extensions of the state’s fugitive slave law. Pro-slavery lawmakers retained control in Sacramento until the Civil War, at times resorting to violence to achieve their goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pro-slavery legislator assaulted an anti-slavery colleague with a cane on the floor of the Senate during debates to extend the fugitive slave law, according to Smith. And in 1859, Broderick, the prominent anti-slavery Democrat, was killed in a duel on the shores of Lake Merced in San Francisco by the Chivalry’s David Terry, a former state Supreme Court justice. As he lay dying, Broderick \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/learn/historyculture/broderick-terry-duel.htm\">reportedly said his anti-slavery stances were what pushed his political opponents to violence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broderick quickly became a martyr for opponents of slavery, and his bust is still on display in the chambers of the state Senate. As the Gold Rush waned, many of the Southerners in California’s government left the state. Some, like Gwin, backed the Confederacy in the Civil War. The decade-long reign of the Chivalry and their enslavers’ agenda became a historical footnote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reparations and atonement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I think, for the most part, when I say something like ‘slavery in California,’ most people who’ve gone to school in California will say, ‘Oh, the mission system,’” said Smith. “It’s just these other stories, especially about enslaved African Americans, that are a lot less familiar to most Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, a reparatory justice scholar who chairs the state Reparations Task Force, said confronting the Legislature’s pro-slavery history should start in the state’s K–12 schools. She said the task force would like to see a curriculum that acknowledges and teaches California’s role in maintaining the institution of slavery.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Kamilah Moore, chair, California Reparations Task Force","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the task force presents its financial recommendations to the Legislature this summer, the possibility of monetary compensation for the descendants of 19th-century Black Americans will likely stir up the most interest and debate in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At KQED’s gubernatorial debate in October, when asked where he stood on the issue of potential payments, Newsom demurred, saying he would first “want to see the recommendations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By definition, we created the work group to adjudicate the merits of different strategies,” Newsom said. “And so this task force is convening, we’ll see where their recommendations come out and we’ll make a determination after the fact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore is interested in atonement by the Legislature. Lawmakers today routinely celebrate its history at the vanguard of environmentalism and protections for labor, abortion and LGBTQ rights. But that history also includes support for the brutality of chattel slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our work as the task force is thinking about how we can get the California state Legislature not only to adopt our final recommendations as proposed, but then also for the body itself to take some self-accountability,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'Wouldn't want to live under a rock'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s pursuit of his family history introduced him to members of his extended family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Along the way, I’ve been finding a lot of new families that are like first cousins, second cousins, third cousins and then getting to share my information with them, and that’s been a lot of fun getting to meet people,” Ryan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of his relatives found Estill’s story too painful to confront — like the cousin in New York whose first name was Estill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She had seen those pictures of him and knew that he existed but had no idea what his history was or his dealings and stuff,” Ryan said. “And so she was very upset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other relatives have told Ryan to stop doing his research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are very sensitive to it,” he said. “I never would have thought that — although, by finding out all this stuff about Estill I can kind of understand it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “But I also wouldn’t want to live under a rock. So you have to kind of learn from history, right? You don’t want to whitewash history.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that","authors":["227"],"categories":["news_31795","news_8"],"tags":["news_20397","news_2704","news_30345","news_30652","news_27626","news_2923","news_22493","news_32469"],"featImg":"news_11942345","label":"news"},"news_11933852":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11933852","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11933852","score":null,"sort":[1670020127000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"bad-indians-tribal-memoir-challenges-romanticization-of-california-missions","title":"'Bad Indians': Tribal Memoir Challenges Romanticization of California Missions","publishDate":1670020127,"format":"standard","headTitle":"The California Report Magazine | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":26731,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>If you attended public elementary school in California, you probably remember a popular fourth grade social studies assignment: build a model of a California mission, using popsicle sticks, sugar cubes or clay to mimic the adobe bricks and chapel bell towers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933870\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 200px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/BIND10cover_web800px.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11933870\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/BIND10cover_web800px.jpg\" alt=\"a book cover with a kid on a horse, the book title is 'Bad Indians' by Deborah A. Miranda\" width=\"200\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/BIND10cover_web800px.jpg 200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/BIND10cover_web800px-160x240.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The 10th anniversary edition of 'Bad Indians.' \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Heyday Books)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In her groundbreaking 2013 book, \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.heydaybooks.com/catalog/bad-indians-a-tribal-memoir/&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1670006843779136&usg=AOvVaw3zbKSv1cZkTvXiRWilGpor\">\u003ci>Bad Indians: A Tribal Memoir\u003c/i>\u003c/a>, poet Deborah A. Miranda argued those missions were built on enslavement and forced labor. They were places where her ancestors had little choice but to work, and where they endured brutal punishment and exposure to disease in order to enrich the Spanish empire. So she turned that elementary school assignment on its head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What if children were asked to build a model of a Southern plantation with people in the fields being whipped, or a concentration camp model with enslaved Jews being pushed into ovens?” asks Miranda, echoing a challenge she presents in the book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What if those lessons were presented in the same way California Indigenous people are presented? As something of the past, something of a curiosity, something that a fourth grader could easily research and write a report and build a model of? I think that by framing it this way as a thought experiment, it has jolted a lot of readers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933865\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 510px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Surfing_Facebook_Post.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11933865\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Surfing_Facebook_Post.png\" alt=\"a facebook post displaying a toy mission with an explanation of how the student's thinking around California missions changed after reading 'Bad Indians' by Deborah Miranda\" width=\"510\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Surfing_Facebook_Post.png 510w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Surfing_Facebook_Post-160x151.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 510px) 100vw, 510px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Facebook post from University of Washington, Seattle professor Sarah Culpepper Stroup illustrates the impact of Deborah Miranda's work. \u003ccite>(Facebook/Courtesy of Deborah Miranda)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Miranda is an award-winning poet, writer and professor and an enrolled member of the Ohlone/Costanoan-Esselen Nation of the Greater Monterey Bay Area, with Santa Ynez Chumash ancestry. \u003ci>Bad Indians\u003c/i>, which has just been released as an expanded \u003ca href=\"https://www.heydaybooks.com/catalog/bad-indians-10th-anniversary/\">10th anniversary edition\u003c/a>, explores the history of Central Coast tribes through the records of Miranda’s own ancestors, including wax-cylinder recordings dating back more than a century. She also draws on the treasures she discovered in listening to a garbage bag full of cassette tapes from her grandfather, Tom Miranda, who hid his regalia and love of traditional dance in an era when many California Indians tried to assimilate or mask their Indigenous heritage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933884\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11933884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook-800x1018.png\" alt=\"a page with factual corrections to a child's coloring book about Native Americans and Spanish settlers\" width=\"800\" height=\"1018\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook-800x1018.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook-1020x1297.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook-160x204.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook-1208x1536.png 1208w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook.png 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In a new addition to the 10th anniversary edition of 'Bad Indians,' Deborah Miranda annotates her daughter's coloring book with historically accurate information. \u003ccite>(Heyday Books)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The 10th anniversary edition features a rich array of drawings, poems, newspaper clippings, photos and prose, as well as sample “mock” lesson plans that challenge the fourth grade mission-building assignment — which, due in part to Miranda’s scathing critique, has largely been made optional in California public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933886\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 500px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Miranda-author-photo-_-Credit-Margo-Solod-sq.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11933886\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Miranda-author-photo-_-Credit-Margo-Solod-sq.png\" alt=\"a portrait of a woman with Native American ancestry wearing glasses and a black coat over a blue shirt\" width=\"500\" height=\"500\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Miranda-author-photo-_-Credit-Margo-Solod-sq.png 500w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Miranda-author-photo-_-Credit-Margo-Solod-sq-160x160.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 500px) 100vw, 500px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deborah Miranda \u003ccite>(Margo Solod)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other new additions include essays and poems about the 2015 canonization of Father Junipero Serra, the Spanish priest known as the “Father of California Missions.” Miranda and other California Indians were active in protesting the Catholic Church’s decision to make him an official saint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw this canonization as just a continued repetition of the erasure of California Indian lives and voices,” says Miranda. “That our history in California was someone else's to manipulate. California Indians were really just being used as ‘canonization fodder.’ We were the people who ‘made’ Serra a saint. And yet we were not allowed to have a voice in protesting the canonization, [sharing] the truth of why the missions were there: to create a place for Spain to colonize and get rich from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miranda spoke with host Sasha Khokha about the book and its impact for an episode of The California Report Magazine.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Deborah Miranda's 2013 book revolutionized the way California public school students are taught about Native Americans and Spanish missions. In a new 10th anniversary edition, the author reflects and expounds on her ancestors' true story.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1670020127,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":11,"wordCount":608},"headData":{"title":"'Bad Indians': Tribal Memoir Challenges Romanticization of California Missions | KQED","description":"Deborah Miranda's 2013 book revolutionized the way California public school students are taught about Native Americans and Spanish missions. In a new 10th anniversary edition, the author reflects and expounds on her ancestors' true story.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"'Bad Indians': Tribal Memoir Challenges Romanticization of California Missions","datePublished":"2022-12-02T22:28:47.000Z","dateModified":"2022-12-02T22:28:47.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC5379116911.mp3","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11933852/bad-indians-tribal-memoir-challenges-romanticization-of-california-missions","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you attended public elementary school in California, you probably remember a popular fourth grade social studies assignment: build a model of a California mission, using popsicle sticks, sugar cubes or clay to mimic the adobe bricks and chapel bell towers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933870\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 200px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/BIND10cover_web800px.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11933870\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/BIND10cover_web800px.jpg\" alt=\"a book cover with a kid on a horse, the book title is 'Bad Indians' by Deborah A. Miranda\" width=\"200\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/BIND10cover_web800px.jpg 200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/BIND10cover_web800px-160x240.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The 10th anniversary edition of 'Bad Indians.' \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Heyday Books)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In her groundbreaking 2013 book, \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.heydaybooks.com/catalog/bad-indians-a-tribal-memoir/&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1670006843779136&usg=AOvVaw3zbKSv1cZkTvXiRWilGpor\">\u003ci>Bad Indians: A Tribal Memoir\u003c/i>\u003c/a>, poet Deborah A. Miranda argued those missions were built on enslavement and forced labor. They were places where her ancestors had little choice but to work, and where they endured brutal punishment and exposure to disease in order to enrich the Spanish empire. So she turned that elementary school assignment on its head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What if children were asked to build a model of a Southern plantation with people in the fields being whipped, or a concentration camp model with enslaved Jews being pushed into ovens?” asks Miranda, echoing a challenge she presents in the book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What if those lessons were presented in the same way California Indigenous people are presented? As something of the past, something of a curiosity, something that a fourth grader could easily research and write a report and build a model of? I think that by framing it this way as a thought experiment, it has jolted a lot of readers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933865\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 510px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Surfing_Facebook_Post.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11933865\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Surfing_Facebook_Post.png\" alt=\"a facebook post displaying a toy mission with an explanation of how the student's thinking around California missions changed after reading 'Bad Indians' by Deborah Miranda\" width=\"510\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Surfing_Facebook_Post.png 510w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Surfing_Facebook_Post-160x151.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 510px) 100vw, 510px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Facebook post from University of Washington, Seattle professor Sarah Culpepper Stroup illustrates the impact of Deborah Miranda's work. \u003ccite>(Facebook/Courtesy of Deborah Miranda)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Miranda is an award-winning poet, writer and professor and an enrolled member of the Ohlone/Costanoan-Esselen Nation of the Greater Monterey Bay Area, with Santa Ynez Chumash ancestry. \u003ci>Bad Indians\u003c/i>, which has just been released as an expanded \u003ca href=\"https://www.heydaybooks.com/catalog/bad-indians-10th-anniversary/\">10th anniversary edition\u003c/a>, explores the history of Central Coast tribes through the records of Miranda’s own ancestors, including wax-cylinder recordings dating back more than a century. She also draws on the treasures she discovered in listening to a garbage bag full of cassette tapes from her grandfather, Tom Miranda, who hid his regalia and love of traditional dance in an era when many California Indians tried to assimilate or mask their Indigenous heritage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933884\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11933884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook-800x1018.png\" alt=\"a page with factual corrections to a child's coloring book about Native Americans and Spanish settlers\" width=\"800\" height=\"1018\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook-800x1018.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook-1020x1297.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook-160x204.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook-1208x1536.png 1208w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Corrections-to-Cookbook.png 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In a new addition to the 10th anniversary edition of 'Bad Indians,' Deborah Miranda annotates her daughter's coloring book with historically accurate information. \u003ccite>(Heyday Books)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The 10th anniversary edition features a rich array of drawings, poems, newspaper clippings, photos and prose, as well as sample “mock” lesson plans that challenge the fourth grade mission-building assignment — which, due in part to Miranda’s scathing critique, has largely been made optional in California public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933886\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 500px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Miranda-author-photo-_-Credit-Margo-Solod-sq.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11933886\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Miranda-author-photo-_-Credit-Margo-Solod-sq.png\" alt=\"a portrait of a woman with Native American ancestry wearing glasses and a black coat over a blue shirt\" width=\"500\" height=\"500\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Miranda-author-photo-_-Credit-Margo-Solod-sq.png 500w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Miranda-author-photo-_-Credit-Margo-Solod-sq-160x160.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 500px) 100vw, 500px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deborah Miranda \u003ccite>(Margo Solod)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other new additions include essays and poems about the 2015 canonization of Father Junipero Serra, the Spanish priest known as the “Father of California Missions.” Miranda and other California Indians were active in protesting the Catholic Church’s decision to make him an official saint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw this canonization as just a continued repetition of the erasure of California Indian lives and voices,” says Miranda. “That our history in California was someone else's to manipulate. California Indians were really just being used as ‘canonization fodder.’ We were the people who ‘made’ Serra a saint. And yet we were not allowed to have a voice in protesting the canonization, [sharing] the truth of why the missions were there: to create a place for Spain to colonize and get rich from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miranda spoke with host Sasha Khokha about the book and its impact for an episode of The California Report Magazine.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11933852/bad-indians-tribal-memoir-challenges-romanticization-of-california-missions","authors":["254"],"programs":["news_26731"],"categories":["news_31795","news_18540","news_8"],"tags":["news_18880","news_20397","news_31097","news_28519","news_32075","news_28215","news_25717"],"featImg":"news_11933862","label":"news_26731"},"news_11919649":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11919649","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11919649","score":null,"sort":[1657930763000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"i-told-the-story-of-a-forgotten-chicano-revolutionary-in-a-podcast-turns-out-it-was-my-story-too","title":"I Told the Story of a Forgotten Chicano Revolutionary in a Podcast. Turns Out It Was My Story, Too","publishDate":1657930763,"format":"standard","headTitle":"The California Report Magazine | KQED News","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cem>This week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> teamed up with LAist Studios to share an episode from the new season of their podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/1604648881\">Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary\u003c/a>.” It's the story of Oscar Gomez, a radio DJ and Chicano student leader during a time of explosive anti-immigrant political rhetoric in the early 1990s. Some people thought Gomez was going to be the next Cesar Chavez. But then he died near the UC Santa Barbara campus, under mysterious circumstances. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KPCC reporter \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/people/adolfo-guzman-lopez\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez\u003c/a> first started digging into Gomez's life and death back in 2019, when UC Davis awarded Gomez a posthumous degree. The new podcast investigates Gomez's death and delves into his legacy — and reporting it prompted Guzman-Lopez to examine his own life, activism and journalism. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n September of 2021, I and a team of producers set out to find answers to the mysterious death of a 1990s Chicano college activist and college radio DJ. Over the next 10 months, as we interviewed people and looked for documents, I came to the realization that three-decade-old activism fundamentally shaped my three-decade-long journalism career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s certainly not what I expected to find when I first introduced our audience to Oscar Gomez in 2019. Oscar was a scholar-athlete at Baldwin Park High School who graduated in the spring of 1990, then enrolled at UC Davis that fall. In that same year California was entering a red-hot political climate driven by a backlash against increased immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 17, 1994, four years after Oscar’s freshman year, he was found dead on a Santa Barbara beach, apparently after a fall from a bluff near the UC Santa Barbara campus. My story \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/25-years-after-his-tragic-death-oscar-gomez-gets-his-college-degree\">detailed how he was awarded a posthumous degree\u003c/a> by UC Davis 25 years after his death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ralph Armbruster-Sandoval, professor of Chicana and Chicano studies, UCSB\"]'I don't think we're at where we're at today without these sacrifices and activism of the folks in the '90s.'[/pullquote]I could have left the story there. I could have moved on. And I was about to move on. But the people I interviewed, Oscar’s activist friends, recounted stories of how Chicano college students resisted and reacted to the state’s politics, sometimes putting their own lives on the line, and that dislodged my own memories of my own activism in those years. In the past 30 years I’ve rarely talked publicly about how I was part of the early '90s Chicano student movement, leading a student newspaper, producing a campus public affairs show and attending protests in California, some of the same protests that Oscar attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those personal connections led me to dig deeper. I spent months searching for documents and engaging in a deep process of thinking about how the activist and journalism work I did back then affects me today. I similarly dug deep into Oscar’s college activism and found overlaps between Oscar’s work and mine. The results are in the eight-episode LAist Studios podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/podcasts/imperfectparadise\">Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Time traveling back to the early '90s\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doing this work has made me feel like I’ve been living in the years 1990-1994. Judith Segura-Mora was one of the people who triggered a waterfall of memories. She was the UC Davis student who recruited Oscar to a Chicano student organization on campus in 1990. We put two and two together and I recalled having seen her speak at the National Chicano Student Conference in Albuquerque in 1992. I paid my way there to write a story for Voz Fronteriza, the Chicano newspaper at UC San Diego. It was the first out-of-town reporting assignment in my fledgling reporting career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I talked to Judith at a reception for the Gomez family a day before Oscar’s degree ceremony. She introduced me to Eddie Salas, who was DJing at the reception. He helped on Oscar’s Chicano public affairs radio show, “\u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/user-532477086\">La Onda Xicana\u003c/a>” (also known as “La Onda Chicana”), and had many late-night conversations with Oscar about a variety of musicians. Hearing Eddie’s stories about “La Onda Chicana” took me back to my own public affairs college radio show, “Radio Califas.” My show sparked an interest in the new rock bands coming out of Mexico and Latin America, an interest that would lead me to write music and concert reviews for many years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919735\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1172px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11919735\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station.jpg\" alt=\"young man behind a DJ booth wearing a leather jacket and glasses smiles into the camera as a record sits on a turntable in the foreground\" width=\"1172\" height=\"922\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station.jpg 1172w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-800x629.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-1020x802.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-160x126.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1172px) 100vw, 1172px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez producing 'Radio Califas' at UCSD's station, KSDT. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Adolfo Guzman-Lopez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I found a box of cassettes of my show. I was surprised at the list of interviews: the film director Robert Rodriguez talking about his first film, the LA poet Marisela Norte, the renowned Chicana journalist Elizabeth Martínez, ethnic studies scholar George Lipsitz guest-DJing while he talked about 1960s and '70s music. And I remembered that I convinced UC San Diego ethnic studies professor Jorge Mariscal to give me and the other students working on the show academic credit for our efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class was Lit/Writing 121 Reportage. Its four units and the A grade I earned raised my grade-point average enough to allow me to graduate from UC San Diego in 1993. Looking at the diversity of Latino arts, culture and politics on the show, I’d say our Radio Califas production team delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the podcast production team and I tried to find out what happened to Oscar for \"Forgotten Revolutionary,\" we heard many more stories of 1990s activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nValentino Gutierrez, now a high school teacher in Pico Rivera, told us of going on hunger strike to expand Chicano studies while he was an undergrad at UC Santa Barbara. Margarita Berta-Avila, a fellow student and friend of Oscar’s at UC Davis, told us how strongly she felt about the Chicano movement despite not being Mexican American (her parents are from El Salvador and Peru). Other friends of Oscar’s, like Sabrina Enrique, talked of the sexism of the 1990s movement that I believed then was a thing of the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The emotional toll of activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I heard former activists, including Judith, talk about the emotional toll so much activism took on her and her fellow student activists. She said her grades and mental health suffered. Mining my own feelings and looking at my academic transcript, I remembered how mine did, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don't think we're at where we're at today without these sacrifices and activism of the folks in the '90s,” said Ralph Armbruster-Sandoval, a professor of Chicana and Chicano studies at UCSB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don't feel like they've always been properly recognized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The activism of 1990s college students survives in memories and on mostly analog platforms. These students’ newspapers, film print photographs and cassette audio recordings remain in dusty boxes in attics and garages, and in some university archives, if they’ve survived at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that contributes, Ambruster-Sandoval said, to 1990s Chicano student activism being a “lost period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11919727\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira.jpg\" alt=\"aerial black and white photo of young activists holding signs reading 'Columbus had no green card' and 'Chicano power' and 'brown is beautiful'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-800x530.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Activists hold signs at an anti-Columbus protest on Oct. 10, 1992, in San Ysidro. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gene Chavira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For about 25 years, that’s what the early 1990s college activist experience felt like to me. Every time I take out copies of the UC San Diego newspaper, Voz Fronteriza, that contain my writings, the pages seem to be more yellow and more brittle. I have cassette copies of my radio shows that need to be digitized before time erases their content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As I began a mainstream journalism career in the late 1990s, I heard people in my first newsroom say journalism that came out of activism and even ethnic journalism fell into the category of “advocacy journalism.” There is some truth to that. But the comments left a chilling effect that led me to put away my college journalism experiences and lock them up in favor of a traditional “objective” approach. I was at the very beginning of a paid journalism career and I didn’t want another target on my back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to tell Oscar’s story for the podcast, I had to tell my own story as a 1990s activist because he and I moved in some of the same activist circles and attended some of the same marches, including the protest in downtown Santa Barbara to support Chicano Studies Professor Rudy Acuña on Feb. 1, 1992. Acuña had been turned down for a faculty position in Chicano studies at UC Santa Barbara the year before and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1992-09-26-me-1047-story.html\">would sue the university\u003c/a>, alleging bias against him for his activism, race and age. Acuña’s 1972 book, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.zinnedproject.org/materials/occupied-america-history-of-chicanos\">Occupied America: A History of Chicanos\u003c/a>,” and subsequent scholarship led many to consider him a founder of Chicano studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s where I met Oscar and talked to him briefly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s red-hot politics brought Oscar, me and thousands of other students to those Santa Barbara streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919724\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11919724\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz.jpg\" alt=\"black and white photo of smiling students holding large banner reading 'voz fronteriza'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-800x530.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez (second from right, in vest) and other San Diego college students who collaborated on the UC San Diego Chicano student newspaper, Voz Fronteriza, attend a rally in Santa Barbara on Feb. 1, 1992. The tall man in the center is Arnulfo Casillas, a Chicano education and cultural activist in Los Angeles and Santa Barbara who had worked on Voz Fronteriza in the late 1970s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gene Chavira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state’s institutions were being stretched to the limit after large numbers of people immigrated to the U.S. in the late 1980s to escape \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essays/latin-american-debt-crisis#:~:text=The%20spark%20for%20the%20crisis,at%20that%20point%20totaled%20%2480\">economic crisis in Mexico\u003c/a> and violent civil wars in Central America, both situations stoked by U.S. policies. Anti-immigrant groups responded with nativist proposals to take away the civil rights of immigrants. They successfully proposed ballot measures like \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/proposition-187-what-you-need-to-know\">Proposition 187\u003c/a> that targeted undocumented immigrants and their kids. (A federal judge ruled in 1997 that \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1997-nov-15-mn-54053-story.html\">Prop. 187 was unconstitutional\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those anti-immigrant sentiments led me, Oscar and many other Chicano students to feel like we each had a target on our backs. And that environment spilled onto campuses, too, as Agustín Orozco, my friend from UC San Diego, describes\u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/opinion/commentary/story/2022-07-07/opinion-agustin-orozco-activism?fbclid=IwAR1kOhMJRMLU5L0uLSdABE1qxNyIxZJLDV4d1B5wltj8F6De93gQORvBZwM\"> in this essay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Our shared, yet different, backgrounds\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oscar and I were both Chicanos but different in many ways. He was a middle-class U.S. citizen raised in the suburbs of LA County. My mother cleaned houses for a living. She and I moved to San Diego when I was 7 years old. We overstayed our tourist visas and only received the authorization to stay permanently about a decade later, when the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, most often described as amnesty, became law in my senior year of high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oscar responded to the xenophobia by joining the Chicano student organization on campus, then producing a weekly college radio show that mixed various types of music with in-studio interviews and field recordings from protests and marches he attended in different parts of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before this podcast, my identity as a Chicano felt stuck in the 1990s. But I’ve adopted a fuller understanding of what Chicano, Chicana, Chicanx, Latino and Latinx activism has led to. I now see how the student activism of the 1990s helped lead to the intersectional coalition building of current times, and the exploration of Indigenous philosophy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more that we could find out about these people and what they went through and, you know, even in this case, how they passed away or were killed, you know, the more we can share truth with people,” said Israel Calderon, a history teacher at Oscar’s alma mater, Baldwin Park High School, and a childhood friend of Oscar.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'Liberate your mind'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That’s one of the reasons Calderon and some of \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/luchascholar/\">Oscar’s friends and relatives created a foundation in Oscar’s name\u003c/a> to raise money and hand out scholarships to Baldwin Park area high school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re more interested in promoting Oscar’s message to “liberate your mind” and help those who need help than they are to mythologize Oscar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11919737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of a young man in a white shirt and black cap crouches on an empty roadway\" width=\"800\" height=\"559\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching-160x112.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oscar Gomez in an undated photo, circa 1992. \u003ccite>(Courtesy KCSB)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A story that aired last year on NPR reminded me to keep my reporting focused on the human experience. It was a story about then-NPR host Lulu Garcia-Navarro leaving the network. The reporter described how Garcia-Navarro had \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/publiceditor/2006/06/05/5452082/are-npr-reporters-too-involved-in-their-stories\">defended her deeply personal interviewing and reporting approaches\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As journalists we do not check our humanity at the door. What we must do is try and give an accurate representation of what is happening before us to the best of our ability, leaving aside our prejudices,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How and whether I compartmentalize my humanity in the work I do is a question this podcast has raised for me and for others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I doing what we had set out to? Have I compromised?” said Margarita Berta-Avila, who’s now a leader with the California Faculty Association, the union for California State University professors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said thinking of Oscar, 28 years after his death, has been an opportunity to check her ideals from her college years and ask whether she’s become jaded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have spent 21 years telling people’s stories at Southern California Public Radio. I have, to the best of my ability, tried to tell stories about people living deep moments in their lives, and of policies that would affect people in one way or another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I feel like I’ve kept a part of my humanity checked at the door at times, fearing that some kind of bias would creep in. There is no bias in connecting deeply with human experiences and letting my own humanity live in that moment, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that insight, I have El Bandido de Aztlan, Oscar Gomez, to thank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Reporter Adolfo Guzman-Lopez first started digging into Oscar Gomez's life and death back in 2019, when UC Davis awarded Gomez a posthumous degree. Guzman-Lopez's reporting for the LAist podcast 'Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary' prompted him to examine his own life, activism and journalism.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1658168954,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":40,"wordCount":2381},"headData":{"title":"I Told the Story of a Forgotten Chicano Revolutionary in a Podcast. Turns Out It Was My Story, Too | KQED","description":"Reporter Adolfo Guzman-Lopez first started digging into Oscar Gomez's life and death back in 2019, when UC Davis awarded Gomez a posthumous degree. Guzman-Lopez's reporting for the LAist podcast 'Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary' prompted him to examine his own life, activism and journalism.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"I Told the Story of a Forgotten Chicano Revolutionary in a Podcast. Turns Out It Was My Story, Too","datePublished":"2022-07-16T00:19:23.000Z","dateModified":"2022-07-18T18:29:14.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11919649 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11919649","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2022/07/15/i-told-the-story-of-a-forgotten-chicano-revolutionary-in-a-podcast-turns-out-it-was-my-story-too/","disqusTitle":"I Told the Story of a Forgotten Chicano Revolutionary in a Podcast. Turns Out It Was My Story, Too","source":"The California Report Magazine","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC6907931232.mp3?updated=1657838195","nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/people/adolfo-guzman-lopez\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez\u003c/a>","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","path":"/news/11919649/i-told-the-story-of-a-forgotten-chicano-revolutionary-in-a-podcast-turns-out-it-was-my-story-too","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> teamed up with LAist Studios to share an episode from the new season of their podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/1604648881\">Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary\u003c/a>.” It's the story of Oscar Gomez, a radio DJ and Chicano student leader during a time of explosive anti-immigrant political rhetoric in the early 1990s. Some people thought Gomez was going to be the next Cesar Chavez. But then he died near the UC Santa Barbara campus, under mysterious circumstances. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KPCC reporter \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/people/adolfo-guzman-lopez\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez\u003c/a> first started digging into Gomez's life and death back in 2019, when UC Davis awarded Gomez a posthumous degree. The new podcast investigates Gomez's death and delves into his legacy — and reporting it prompted Guzman-Lopez to examine his own life, activism and journalism. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n September of 2021, I and a team of producers set out to find answers to the mysterious death of a 1990s Chicano college activist and college radio DJ. Over the next 10 months, as we interviewed people and looked for documents, I came to the realization that three-decade-old activism fundamentally shaped my three-decade-long journalism career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s certainly not what I expected to find when I first introduced our audience to Oscar Gomez in 2019. Oscar was a scholar-athlete at Baldwin Park High School who graduated in the spring of 1990, then enrolled at UC Davis that fall. In that same year California was entering a red-hot political climate driven by a backlash against increased immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 17, 1994, four years after Oscar’s freshman year, he was found dead on a Santa Barbara beach, apparently after a fall from a bluff near the UC Santa Barbara campus. My story \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/25-years-after-his-tragic-death-oscar-gomez-gets-his-college-degree\">detailed how he was awarded a posthumous degree\u003c/a> by UC Davis 25 years after his death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'I don't think we're at where we're at today without these sacrifices and activism of the folks in the '90s.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Ralph Armbruster-Sandoval, professor of Chicana and Chicano studies, UCSB","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>I could have left the story there. I could have moved on. And I was about to move on. But the people I interviewed, Oscar’s activist friends, recounted stories of how Chicano college students resisted and reacted to the state’s politics, sometimes putting their own lives on the line, and that dislodged my own memories of my own activism in those years. In the past 30 years I’ve rarely talked publicly about how I was part of the early '90s Chicano student movement, leading a student newspaper, producing a campus public affairs show and attending protests in California, some of the same protests that Oscar attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those personal connections led me to dig deeper. I spent months searching for documents and engaging in a deep process of thinking about how the activist and journalism work I did back then affects me today. I similarly dug deep into Oscar’s college activism and found overlaps between Oscar’s work and mine. The results are in the eight-episode LAist Studios podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/podcasts/imperfectparadise\">Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Time traveling back to the early '90s\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doing this work has made me feel like I’ve been living in the years 1990-1994. Judith Segura-Mora was one of the people who triggered a waterfall of memories. She was the UC Davis student who recruited Oscar to a Chicano student organization on campus in 1990. We put two and two together and I recalled having seen her speak at the National Chicano Student Conference in Albuquerque in 1992. I paid my way there to write a story for Voz Fronteriza, the Chicano newspaper at UC San Diego. It was the first out-of-town reporting assignment in my fledgling reporting career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I talked to Judith at a reception for the Gomez family a day before Oscar’s degree ceremony. She introduced me to Eddie Salas, who was DJing at the reception. He helped on Oscar’s Chicano public affairs radio show, “\u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/user-532477086\">La Onda Xicana\u003c/a>” (also known as “La Onda Chicana”), and had many late-night conversations with Oscar about a variety of musicians. Hearing Eddie’s stories about “La Onda Chicana” took me back to my own public affairs college radio show, “Radio Califas.” My show sparked an interest in the new rock bands coming out of Mexico and Latin America, an interest that would lead me to write music and concert reviews for many years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919735\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1172px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11919735\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station.jpg\" alt=\"young man behind a DJ booth wearing a leather jacket and glasses smiles into the camera as a record sits on a turntable in the foreground\" width=\"1172\" height=\"922\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station.jpg 1172w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-800x629.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-1020x802.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-160x126.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1172px) 100vw, 1172px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez producing 'Radio Califas' at UCSD's station, KSDT. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Adolfo Guzman-Lopez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I found a box of cassettes of my show. I was surprised at the list of interviews: the film director Robert Rodriguez talking about his first film, the LA poet Marisela Norte, the renowned Chicana journalist Elizabeth Martínez, ethnic studies scholar George Lipsitz guest-DJing while he talked about 1960s and '70s music. And I remembered that I convinced UC San Diego ethnic studies professor Jorge Mariscal to give me and the other students working on the show academic credit for our efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class was Lit/Writing 121 Reportage. Its four units and the A grade I earned raised my grade-point average enough to allow me to graduate from UC San Diego in 1993. Looking at the diversity of Latino arts, culture and politics on the show, I’d say our Radio Califas production team delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the podcast production team and I tried to find out what happened to Oscar for \"Forgotten Revolutionary,\" we heard many more stories of 1990s activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nValentino Gutierrez, now a high school teacher in Pico Rivera, told us of going on hunger strike to expand Chicano studies while he was an undergrad at UC Santa Barbara. Margarita Berta-Avila, a fellow student and friend of Oscar’s at UC Davis, told us how strongly she felt about the Chicano movement despite not being Mexican American (her parents are from El Salvador and Peru). Other friends of Oscar’s, like Sabrina Enrique, talked of the sexism of the 1990s movement that I believed then was a thing of the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The emotional toll of activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I heard former activists, including Judith, talk about the emotional toll so much activism took on her and her fellow student activists. She said her grades and mental health suffered. Mining my own feelings and looking at my academic transcript, I remembered how mine did, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don't think we're at where we're at today without these sacrifices and activism of the folks in the '90s,” said Ralph Armbruster-Sandoval, a professor of Chicana and Chicano studies at UCSB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don't feel like they've always been properly recognized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The activism of 1990s college students survives in memories and on mostly analog platforms. These students’ newspapers, film print photographs and cassette audio recordings remain in dusty boxes in attics and garages, and in some university archives, if they’ve survived at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that contributes, Ambruster-Sandoval said, to 1990s Chicano student activism being a “lost period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11919727\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira.jpg\" alt=\"aerial black and white photo of young activists holding signs reading 'Columbus had no green card' and 'Chicano power' and 'brown is beautiful'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-800x530.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Activists hold signs at an anti-Columbus protest on Oct. 10, 1992, in San Ysidro. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gene Chavira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For about 25 years, that’s what the early 1990s college activist experience felt like to me. Every time I take out copies of the UC San Diego newspaper, Voz Fronteriza, that contain my writings, the pages seem to be more yellow and more brittle. I have cassette copies of my radio shows that need to be digitized before time erases their content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As I began a mainstream journalism career in the late 1990s, I heard people in my first newsroom say journalism that came out of activism and even ethnic journalism fell into the category of “advocacy journalism.” There is some truth to that. But the comments left a chilling effect that led me to put away my college journalism experiences and lock them up in favor of a traditional “objective” approach. I was at the very beginning of a paid journalism career and I didn’t want another target on my back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to tell Oscar’s story for the podcast, I had to tell my own story as a 1990s activist because he and I moved in some of the same activist circles and attended some of the same marches, including the protest in downtown Santa Barbara to support Chicano Studies Professor Rudy Acuña on Feb. 1, 1992. Acuña had been turned down for a faculty position in Chicano studies at UC Santa Barbara the year before and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1992-09-26-me-1047-story.html\">would sue the university\u003c/a>, alleging bias against him for his activism, race and age. Acuña’s 1972 book, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.zinnedproject.org/materials/occupied-america-history-of-chicanos\">Occupied America: A History of Chicanos\u003c/a>,” and subsequent scholarship led many to consider him a founder of Chicano studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s where I met Oscar and talked to him briefly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s red-hot politics brought Oscar, me and thousands of other students to those Santa Barbara streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919724\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11919724\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz.jpg\" alt=\"black and white photo of smiling students holding large banner reading 'voz fronteriza'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-800x530.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez (second from right, in vest) and other San Diego college students who collaborated on the UC San Diego Chicano student newspaper, Voz Fronteriza, attend a rally in Santa Barbara on Feb. 1, 1992. The tall man in the center is Arnulfo Casillas, a Chicano education and cultural activist in Los Angeles and Santa Barbara who had worked on Voz Fronteriza in the late 1970s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gene Chavira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state’s institutions were being stretched to the limit after large numbers of people immigrated to the U.S. in the late 1980s to escape \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essays/latin-american-debt-crisis#:~:text=The%20spark%20for%20the%20crisis,at%20that%20point%20totaled%20%2480\">economic crisis in Mexico\u003c/a> and violent civil wars in Central America, both situations stoked by U.S. policies. Anti-immigrant groups responded with nativist proposals to take away the civil rights of immigrants. They successfully proposed ballot measures like \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/proposition-187-what-you-need-to-know\">Proposition 187\u003c/a> that targeted undocumented immigrants and their kids. (A federal judge ruled in 1997 that \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1997-nov-15-mn-54053-story.html\">Prop. 187 was unconstitutional\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those anti-immigrant sentiments led me, Oscar and many other Chicano students to feel like we each had a target on our backs. And that environment spilled onto campuses, too, as Agustín Orozco, my friend from UC San Diego, describes\u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/opinion/commentary/story/2022-07-07/opinion-agustin-orozco-activism?fbclid=IwAR1kOhMJRMLU5L0uLSdABE1qxNyIxZJLDV4d1B5wltj8F6De93gQORvBZwM\"> in this essay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Our shared, yet different, backgrounds\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oscar and I were both Chicanos but different in many ways. He was a middle-class U.S. citizen raised in the suburbs of LA County. My mother cleaned houses for a living. She and I moved to San Diego when I was 7 years old. We overstayed our tourist visas and only received the authorization to stay permanently about a decade later, when the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, most often described as amnesty, became law in my senior year of high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oscar responded to the xenophobia by joining the Chicano student organization on campus, then producing a weekly college radio show that mixed various types of music with in-studio interviews and field recordings from protests and marches he attended in different parts of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before this podcast, my identity as a Chicano felt stuck in the 1990s. But I’ve adopted a fuller understanding of what Chicano, Chicana, Chicanx, Latino and Latinx activism has led to. I now see how the student activism of the 1990s helped lead to the intersectional coalition building of current times, and the exploration of Indigenous philosophy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more that we could find out about these people and what they went through and, you know, even in this case, how they passed away or were killed, you know, the more we can share truth with people,” said Israel Calderon, a history teacher at Oscar’s alma mater, Baldwin Park High School, and a childhood friend of Oscar.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'Liberate your mind'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That’s one of the reasons Calderon and some of \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/luchascholar/\">Oscar’s friends and relatives created a foundation in Oscar’s name\u003c/a> to raise money and hand out scholarships to Baldwin Park area high school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re more interested in promoting Oscar’s message to “liberate your mind” and help those who need help than they are to mythologize Oscar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11919737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of a young man in a white shirt and black cap crouches on an empty roadway\" width=\"800\" height=\"559\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching-160x112.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oscar Gomez in an undated photo, circa 1992. \u003ccite>(Courtesy KCSB)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A story that aired last year on NPR reminded me to keep my reporting focused on the human experience. It was a story about then-NPR host Lulu Garcia-Navarro leaving the network. The reporter described how Garcia-Navarro had \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/publiceditor/2006/06/05/5452082/are-npr-reporters-too-involved-in-their-stories\">defended her deeply personal interviewing and reporting approaches\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As journalists we do not check our humanity at the door. What we must do is try and give an accurate representation of what is happening before us to the best of our ability, leaving aside our prejudices,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How and whether I compartmentalize my humanity in the work I do is a question this podcast has raised for me and for others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I doing what we had set out to? Have I compromised?” said Margarita Berta-Avila, who’s now a leader with the California Faculty Association, the union for California State University professors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said thinking of Oscar, 28 years after his death, has been an opportunity to check her ideals from her college years and ask whether she’s become jaded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have spent 21 years telling people’s stories at Southern California Public Radio. I have, to the best of my ability, tried to tell stories about people living deep moments in their lives, and of policies that would affect people in one way or another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I feel like I’ve kept a part of my humanity checked at the door at times, fearing that some kind of bias would creep in. There is no bias in connecting deeply with human experiences and letting my own humanity live in that moment, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that insight, I have El Bandido de Aztlan, Oscar Gomez, to thank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11919649/i-told-the-story-of-a-forgotten-chicano-revolutionary-in-a-podcast-turns-out-it-was-my-story-too","authors":["byline_news_11919649"],"programs":["news_72","news_26731"],"categories":["news_223","news_8"],"tags":["news_21077","news_18538","news_20397","news_20135","news_29773","news_31330","news_27626","news_160","news_20605","news_18142","news_25409","news_31329","news_31332","news_697","news_6375"],"affiliates":["news_7055","news_24117"],"featImg":"news_11919713","label":"source_news_11919649"},"news_11818409":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11818409","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11818409","score":null,"sort":[1645833781000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"how-the-founder-of-californias-first-black-church-fought-its-last-known-slavery-case","title":"How the Founder of California's First Black Church Fought Its Last Known Slavery Case","publishDate":1645833781,"format":"audio","headTitle":"The California Report Magazine | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":26731,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876194/first-in-the-us-californias-task-force-on-reparations-looks-at-harms-of-slavery\">California launched the first-in-the-nation statewide task force to study reparations for Black people\u003c/a>, with special consideration for descendants of those enslaved in the United States. Even though California entered the union as a slavery-free state in 1850, that didn’t mean slavery didn’t exist here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As gold rush prospectors flooded the state, enslaved Black people were sometimes imported to work in the mines. And even Black people who entered the state free from bondage didn't always stay free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, California law allowed so-called \"slave catchers\" to abduct free Black people and take them to slave states, and sanctioned the reenslavement of Black people freed by their enslavers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">we continue to cover the push for reparations\u003c/a>, we’re diving back into the history of the very last case of the enslavement of Black people in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]This is the story of California’s last known slavery case, the state’s first Black church and how they converge with the unknown history of a free laundryman named Daniel Blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Celebrating California's first Black church\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Good morning, St. Andrews,” called out Rev. Philip R. Cousin Jr.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a Sunday morning in late January, the church pews at \u003ca href=\"http://standrewsame.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">St. Andrews African Methodist Episcopal Church\u003c/a> were filled with worshipers. Many have been attending St. Andrews — the first African American church on the west coast — for generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“St. Andrew's is the best kept secret in the entire city of Sacramento,” said Cousin. “We were organized prior to statehood, so that gives us a bit of a foothold here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The church was established in 1850 by free men and former enslaved people who had recently arrived in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing that was done was to establish a community,” said Cousin. “And at the center of that community is always a church.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>St. Andrews was founded by Daniel Blue, who was formerly enslaved in Kentucky. He settled in California, made a fortune mining on the Sacramento River, and subsequently opened a laundry. With this wealth, he bought a house next door to California’s pro-slavery governor, Peter Hardeman Burnett. Blue held St. Andrews’ first service in his own basement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818589\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 286px\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-11818589\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-800x928.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"286\" height=\"331\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-800x928.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-160x186.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-1020x1183.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 286px) 100vw, 286px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A portrait of Daniel Blue hanging on the walls of St. Andrews African Methodist Episcopal Church. \u003ccite>(Asal Ehsanipour/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Blue catapulted the church into ground zero for anti-slavery and social justice activism. Out of St. Andrews, Blue and his wife, Lucinda, opened a school for Black, Native American and Asian American children, even soliciting donations from the public when the state refused to fund it. In November 1855, St. Andrews hosted the \u003ca href=\"https://omeka.coloredconventions.org/files/original/e2ddec1776e38c21ee7782d6b4d96eba.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first statewide convention of the California Colored Citizens\u003c/a> to develop strategies for legislation to advance the rights of people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Sacramento, St. Andrews was able to pull together a coalition of people of color and say, ‘Look, we can go to the court and demand these rights,’” said Cousin. “‘We can go to the state and demand to be counted as citizens.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the first Black church in California, St. Andrews imbued its anti-slavery values to other African Methodist Episcopal churches around the state. It all started with Daniel Blue, whose influence on California state history was revolutionary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Blue left another indelible, albeit lesser known mark on state history: He freed California’s last known slave.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Discovering California's last known slavery case\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818592\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 283px\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-11818592\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"283\" height=\"377\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-1122x1496.jpg 1122w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-840x1120.jpg 840w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-687x916.jpg 687w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-414x552.jpg 414w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-354x472.jpg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 283px) 100vw, 283px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The original court records of Daniel Blue's petition to free Edith from enslavement are located at the Center for Sacramento History. \u003ccite>(Asal Ehsanipour/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Edith was a 12-year-old enslaved girl brought to rural Sacramento from Missouri in 1863. Shortly after, Edith was illegally purchased by Walter Gammon, a local farmer from Tennessee. According to court testimonies, witnesses said Gammon beat the young girl and left her without care or necessary clothing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Word of Edith’s plight got back to Blue, who was a leader in Sacramento’s African American community. On Feb. 29, 1864 he filed a writ of habeas corpus in the county court, forcing Gammon to bring Edith to the judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gammon responded that Edith stayed with him “of her own free will and choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to Gammon, Blue requested that the judge grant him legal guardianship of Edith. The judge ruled in Blue’s favor, citing the slaveholder had “unlawfully and illegally detained and restrained” Edith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the last known slavery case in California’s history, 15 years after California entered the union as a free state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The persistence of slavery in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“[This story] shows us the persistence of enslavement in California,” said Stacey Smith, an associate professor of history at Oregon State University, who has written extensively on this case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Smith, there is no evidence of how Blue discovered Edith, who was isolated in the rural outskirts of Sacramento. Smith attributes Edith’s freedom to the grapevine networks among local African Americans — like those who attended St. Andrews, which had become the focal point of Black political life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's astounding that African Americans were able to infiltrate the household of Walter Gammon, figure out that Edith was there [as] a slave, figure out that she was being abused, and bring the case to the state courts to liberate her from enslavement,” said Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bringing Edith’s case to the courts wouldn’t have even been possible until 1863, because of a law prohibiting African American, Chinese, and Native American testimony in cases involving white defendants and plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rev. Philip R. Cousin Jr.\"]'We keep our founders' heritage alive by keeping the flames burning of what impassioned them, because those values don't wear out.'[/pullquote]Daniel Blue filed his probate case immediately after the law was lifted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's pretty clear there are Black witnesses who talk about the treatment of Edith under the care of Walter Gammon,” Smith continued. “They probably wouldn't have been able to testify had that law still been on the books.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Smith, laws like these were not uncommon as California’s pro-slavery legislators used their power to uphold pro-slavery attitudes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California did have a large pro-slavery population,” said Smith. “Pro-slavery southerners made up a surprising number of the immigrants that came overland to mine gold in the Gold Rush.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these Southerners brought enslaved people to work in the mines. To protect the rights of slaveholders, California enacted its own version of the Fugitive Slave Act, which prohibited enslaved people from escaping their masters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White Californians were perhaps uninterested in establishing slavery in California, according to Smith. Rather, they sought to maintain slaveholder rights while eliminating competition for economic advancement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The West really was meant to be a paradise for free white workers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the 1850s and 1860s, white legislators enacted \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/hs/im/didyouknow1.asp\">a series of laws\u003c/a> to suppress the advancement of people of color. A vast majority of African Americans in California were manual laborers. Many of them drove carts, painted fences, or were domestic servants. Most were unable to buy land or ascend socially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Blue, on the other hand, accomplished both. Known as “Uncle Daniel,” the former slave became a well-respected figure in the Sacramento community. Admired by people from all backgrounds, Blue used his unprecedented influence to champion not only other African Americans, but all people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Daniel Blue's enduring legacy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the Center for Sacramento History, archivist Kim Hayden pulled out a leatherbound newspaper from the dusty archives. She was looking for Daniel Blue’s obituary, titled “An Old Man Gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The obituary begins: “Daniel Blue, a colored citizen known to all the people of Sacramento and who died suddenly this week in the eighty ninth year of his age, was one of the most familiar figures on Sacramento streets for over a quarter of a century. He is to be buried tomorrow for Sacramento. And to have said he did not know Uncle Daniel Blue was to argue his ignorance of the city and its people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The obituary described Daniel Blue’s accomplishments, intellect, and how he was beloved by Black and white people alike — but there was no mention of Edith or Blue’s involvement in setting her free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Smith, there is evidence that Edith had a happy ending. The 1870 census listed a woman in Sacramento named Adda, Edith’s nickname. She was 19 years old, the same age Edith would have been. The census said she married an African American man, and they had a one-year-old son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818602\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11818602\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-800x568.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"568\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-800x568.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-1020x724.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">St. Andrews was founded in 1850, several months before California entered the union. The current building is now recognized as a State Historic Landmark.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Edith or Blue’s living descendants weren't reachable for this story, but it is apparent that Blue’s legacy lives on with St. Andrews and its community of worshippers — even during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The church has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/st.andrews1850\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hosting\u003c/a> virtual bible study and church services every week, after closing its doors due to California's shelter-in-place order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11790005,news_11789158,news_11701126\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]“We keep our founders' heritage alive by keeping the flames burning of what impassioned them, because those values don't wear out,” Cousin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Cousin’s leadership, the congregation is carrying out Blue’s vision of community, education and social action. Now, he says, the focus is on voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever we do out there is an expression of what we have learned and professed to believe in here,” said Cousin. “We encourage everyone to participate at every level in the life of the community. Certainly that means exercising their right to vote, particularly since that is not a right that has been ours for a very long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cousin says voting is the antithesis of standing around and waiting for something to happen. Voting is taking action — much like establishing the first Black church in California, or adopting a little girl out of slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published on May 16, 2020.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported as part of \u003ca href=\"http://www.goldchainsca.org\">Gold Chains: The Hidden History of Slavery in California\u003c/a>. The project aims to lift up the voices of courageous African American and Native American individuals who challenged their brutal treatment and demanded their civil rights, inspiring us with their ingenuity, resilience, and tenacity. Gold Chains is a collaboration between KQED, the ACLU of Northern CA, the California Historical Society, Laura Atkins, and the Equal Justice Society.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Daniel Blue was a free laundryman who established the first Black church on the west coast. But Blue left another indelible, albeit lesser known mark on state history: He freed California’s last known slave.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1645835784,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":47,"wordCount":1873},"headData":{"title":"How the Founder of California's First Black Church Fought Its Last Known Slavery Case | KQED","description":"Daniel Blue was a free laundryman who established the first Black church on the west coast. But Blue left another indelible, albeit lesser known mark on state history: He freed California’s last known slave.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"How the Founder of California's First Black Church Fought Its Last Known Slavery Case","datePublished":"2022-02-26T00:03:01.000Z","dateModified":"2022-02-26T00:36:24.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11818409 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11818409","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2022/02/25/how-the-founder-of-californias-first-black-church-fought-its-last-known-slavery-case/","disqusTitle":"How the Founder of California's First Black Church Fought Its Last Known Slavery Case","audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/9ee47958-5870-4c31-b06c-ae4701872e65/audio.mp3","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11818409/how-the-founder-of-californias-first-black-church-fought-its-last-known-slavery-case","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876194/first-in-the-us-californias-task-force-on-reparations-looks-at-harms-of-slavery\">California launched the first-in-the-nation statewide task force to study reparations for Black people\u003c/a>, with special consideration for descendants of those enslaved in the United States. Even though California entered the union as a slavery-free state in 1850, that didn’t mean slavery didn’t exist here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As gold rush prospectors flooded the state, enslaved Black people were sometimes imported to work in the mines. And even Black people who entered the state free from bondage didn't always stay free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, California law allowed so-called \"slave catchers\" to abduct free Black people and take them to slave states, and sanctioned the reenslavement of Black people freed by their enslavers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">we continue to cover the push for reparations\u003c/a>, we’re diving back into the history of the very last case of the enslavement of Black people in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Reparations in California ","link1":"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This is the story of California’s last known slavery case, the state’s first Black church and how they converge with the unknown history of a free laundryman named Daniel Blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Celebrating California's first Black church\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Good morning, St. Andrews,” called out Rev. Philip R. Cousin Jr.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a Sunday morning in late January, the church pews at \u003ca href=\"http://standrewsame.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">St. Andrews African Methodist Episcopal Church\u003c/a> were filled with worshipers. Many have been attending St. Andrews — the first African American church on the west coast — for generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“St. Andrew's is the best kept secret in the entire city of Sacramento,” said Cousin. “We were organized prior to statehood, so that gives us a bit of a foothold here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The church was established in 1850 by free men and former enslaved people who had recently arrived in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing that was done was to establish a community,” said Cousin. “And at the center of that community is always a church.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>St. Andrews was founded by Daniel Blue, who was formerly enslaved in Kentucky. He settled in California, made a fortune mining on the Sacramento River, and subsequently opened a laundry. With this wealth, he bought a house next door to California’s pro-slavery governor, Peter Hardeman Burnett. Blue held St. Andrews’ first service in his own basement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818589\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 286px\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-11818589\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-800x928.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"286\" height=\"331\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-800x928.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-160x186.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-1020x1183.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 286px) 100vw, 286px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A portrait of Daniel Blue hanging on the walls of St. Andrews African Methodist Episcopal Church. \u003ccite>(Asal Ehsanipour/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Blue catapulted the church into ground zero for anti-slavery and social justice activism. Out of St. Andrews, Blue and his wife, Lucinda, opened a school for Black, Native American and Asian American children, even soliciting donations from the public when the state refused to fund it. In November 1855, St. Andrews hosted the \u003ca href=\"https://omeka.coloredconventions.org/files/original/e2ddec1776e38c21ee7782d6b4d96eba.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first statewide convention of the California Colored Citizens\u003c/a> to develop strategies for legislation to advance the rights of people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Sacramento, St. Andrews was able to pull together a coalition of people of color and say, ‘Look, we can go to the court and demand these rights,’” said Cousin. “‘We can go to the state and demand to be counted as citizens.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the first Black church in California, St. Andrews imbued its anti-slavery values to other African Methodist Episcopal churches around the state. It all started with Daniel Blue, whose influence on California state history was revolutionary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Blue left another indelible, albeit lesser known mark on state history: He freed California’s last known slave.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Discovering California's last known slavery case\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818592\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 283px\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-11818592\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"283\" height=\"377\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-1122x1496.jpg 1122w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-840x1120.jpg 840w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-687x916.jpg 687w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-414x552.jpg 414w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-354x472.jpg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 283px) 100vw, 283px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The original court records of Daniel Blue's petition to free Edith from enslavement are located at the Center for Sacramento History. \u003ccite>(Asal Ehsanipour/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Edith was a 12-year-old enslaved girl brought to rural Sacramento from Missouri in 1863. Shortly after, Edith was illegally purchased by Walter Gammon, a local farmer from Tennessee. According to court testimonies, witnesses said Gammon beat the young girl and left her without care or necessary clothing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Word of Edith’s plight got back to Blue, who was a leader in Sacramento’s African American community. On Feb. 29, 1864 he filed a writ of habeas corpus in the county court, forcing Gammon to bring Edith to the judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gammon responded that Edith stayed with him “of her own free will and choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to Gammon, Blue requested that the judge grant him legal guardianship of Edith. The judge ruled in Blue’s favor, citing the slaveholder had “unlawfully and illegally detained and restrained” Edith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the last known slavery case in California’s history, 15 years after California entered the union as a free state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The persistence of slavery in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“[This story] shows us the persistence of enslavement in California,” said Stacey Smith, an associate professor of history at Oregon State University, who has written extensively on this case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Smith, there is no evidence of how Blue discovered Edith, who was isolated in the rural outskirts of Sacramento. Smith attributes Edith’s freedom to the grapevine networks among local African Americans — like those who attended St. Andrews, which had become the focal point of Black political life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's astounding that African Americans were able to infiltrate the household of Walter Gammon, figure out that Edith was there [as] a slave, figure out that she was being abused, and bring the case to the state courts to liberate her from enslavement,” said Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bringing Edith’s case to the courts wouldn’t have even been possible until 1863, because of a law prohibiting African American, Chinese, and Native American testimony in cases involving white defendants and plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'We keep our founders' heritage alive by keeping the flames burning of what impassioned them, because those values don't wear out.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Rev. Philip R. Cousin Jr.","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Daniel Blue filed his probate case immediately after the law was lifted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's pretty clear there are Black witnesses who talk about the treatment of Edith under the care of Walter Gammon,” Smith continued. “They probably wouldn't have been able to testify had that law still been on the books.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Smith, laws like these were not uncommon as California’s pro-slavery legislators used their power to uphold pro-slavery attitudes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California did have a large pro-slavery population,” said Smith. “Pro-slavery southerners made up a surprising number of the immigrants that came overland to mine gold in the Gold Rush.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these Southerners brought enslaved people to work in the mines. To protect the rights of slaveholders, California enacted its own version of the Fugitive Slave Act, which prohibited enslaved people from escaping their masters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White Californians were perhaps uninterested in establishing slavery in California, according to Smith. Rather, they sought to maintain slaveholder rights while eliminating competition for economic advancement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The West really was meant to be a paradise for free white workers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the 1850s and 1860s, white legislators enacted \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/hs/im/didyouknow1.asp\">a series of laws\u003c/a> to suppress the advancement of people of color. A vast majority of African Americans in California were manual laborers. Many of them drove carts, painted fences, or were domestic servants. Most were unable to buy land or ascend socially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Blue, on the other hand, accomplished both. Known as “Uncle Daniel,” the former slave became a well-respected figure in the Sacramento community. Admired by people from all backgrounds, Blue used his unprecedented influence to champion not only other African Americans, but all people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Daniel Blue's enduring legacy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the Center for Sacramento History, archivist Kim Hayden pulled out a leatherbound newspaper from the dusty archives. She was looking for Daniel Blue’s obituary, titled “An Old Man Gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The obituary begins: “Daniel Blue, a colored citizen known to all the people of Sacramento and who died suddenly this week in the eighty ninth year of his age, was one of the most familiar figures on Sacramento streets for over a quarter of a century. He is to be buried tomorrow for Sacramento. And to have said he did not know Uncle Daniel Blue was to argue his ignorance of the city and its people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The obituary described Daniel Blue’s accomplishments, intellect, and how he was beloved by Black and white people alike — but there was no mention of Edith or Blue’s involvement in setting her free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Smith, there is evidence that Edith had a happy ending. The 1870 census listed a woman in Sacramento named Adda, Edith’s nickname. She was 19 years old, the same age Edith would have been. The census said she married an African American man, and they had a one-year-old son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818602\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11818602\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-800x568.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"568\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-800x568.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-1020x724.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">St. Andrews was founded in 1850, several months before California entered the union. The current building is now recognized as a State Historic Landmark.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Edith or Blue’s living descendants weren't reachable for this story, but it is apparent that Blue’s legacy lives on with St. Andrews and its community of worshippers — even during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The church has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/st.andrews1850\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hosting\u003c/a> virtual bible study and church services every week, after closing its doors due to California's shelter-in-place order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11790005,news_11789158,news_11701126","label":"Related Coverage "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We keep our founders' heritage alive by keeping the flames burning of what impassioned them, because those values don't wear out,” Cousin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Cousin’s leadership, the congregation is carrying out Blue’s vision of community, education and social action. Now, he says, the focus is on voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever we do out there is an expression of what we have learned and professed to believe in here,” said Cousin. “We encourage everyone to participate at every level in the life of the community. Certainly that means exercising their right to vote, particularly since that is not a right that has been ours for a very long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cousin says voting is the antithesis of standing around and waiting for something to happen. Voting is taking action — much like establishing the first Black church in California, or adopting a little girl out of slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published on May 16, 2020.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported as part of \u003ca href=\"http://www.goldchainsca.org\">Gold Chains: The Hidden History of Slavery in California\u003c/a>. The project aims to lift up the voices of courageous African American and Native American individuals who challenged their brutal treatment and demanded their civil rights, inspiring us with their ingenuity, resilience, and tenacity. Gold Chains is a collaboration between KQED, the ACLU of Northern CA, the California Historical Society, Laura Atkins, and the Equal Justice Society.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11818409/how-the-founder-of-californias-first-black-church-fought-its-last-known-slavery-case","authors":["11580"],"programs":["news_26731"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_21126","news_27952","news_18538","news_20397","news_30652","news_19216","news_22493"],"featImg":"news_11818588","label":"news_26731"},"news_11906054":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11906054","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11906054","score":null,"sort":[1645707941000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"it-means-to-repair-what-you-should-know-about-reparations-for-black-californians","title":"'It Means to Repair': What You Should Know About Reparations for Black Californians","publishDate":1645707941,"format":"image","headTitle":"KQED News","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Thursday, May 12\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Reparations in California\u003c/a>\u003c/strong> is a series of KQED stories exploring the road to racial equity in the state.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip straight to: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#definition\">What’s the definition of reparations?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#taskforce\">Why did California create a task force to study reparations?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#paidbefore\">Have reparations been paid before?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#talkingnow\">Why are we talking about reparations now when slavery ended so long ago?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#needed\">Are reparations needed?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#enterunion\">Didn’t California enter the union as a slavery-free state?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#owed\">What is owed and who is eligible?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#looklike\">What might reparations look like? And how will compensation be granted?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#cities\">Do California cities have their own reparations programs?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#happensafter\">What happens after the task force delivers its recommendations? And how can I participate?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap] was born and raised in California, and I feel a certain pride to be a product of this state. I’ve even considered getting a tattoo of the California produce sticker, like the neon orange ones from my youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mother, who self-identifies as an Italian Jew, grew up in the suburbs of Chicago. She arrived in California in the 1970s as a divorcée with a young child in tow — my brother. My father was raised in a Catholic family in rural Kerala, India. They had a mixed-faith and mixed-race marriage, but they found a home in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My family benefited from government-subsidized housing in Palo Alto, one of the wealthiest cities in the country. My family story and personal trajectory could have been very different had either of my parents been Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the roots of racism run deep in this state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why I’ve been concentrating my reporting on the California Reparations Task Force, a nine-member body created to study and develop reparations proposals for Black Californians, with special consideration for descendants of those enslaved in the United States. The task force, which began conducting meetings in June 2021, is a result of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">Assembly Bill 3121\u003c/a>, a bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876194/first-in-the-us-californias-task-force-on-reparations-looks-at-harms-of-slavery\">written by Shirley Weber\u003c/a>, currently California’s secretary of state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11876194 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/1920_GettyImages-941502582-1020x574.jpg']Academics, who have studied the various ways in which racism and white supremacy have created lasting inequities in the state, have testified before the task force, as have people who have been affected by that racism. The meetings are creating a necessary archive of California’s history that wasn't taught in most schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I chose to cover the task force, not only because it’s groundbreaking and its recommendations could potentially serve as a model for the rest of the country, but also because the hearings are deeply moving. There’s a disconnect between who we say we are as Californians and what we do in practice. We should unpack the history of this state and reexamine it in a way that decenters whiteness and the prevailing sanitized version of our history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important for the future of our aspiring multiracial democracy to set the record straight — and, as Amos Brown, the pastor of Third Baptist Church in San Francisco and vice chair of the task force likes to say, “return to the scene of the crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The egregious discrimination and racism in California can be traced to the state's founding. It’s necessary to look at the systems put in place by the state’s “founding fathers” that were designed to allow some to prosper and others to fail. So, when people ask me why I'm so interested in reparations, what I want to ask in return is, “Why aren’t you?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]The call for reparations is specifically about race and enslavement, but it touches on basic questions of accountability and fairness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1850, California entered the union as a slavery-free state. Still, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/index.html\">the state benefited from the exploitation of enslaved Black and Indigenous people\u003c/a>, as documented by Gold Chains, the ACLU’s exhaustive look at the hidden history of slavery in California. The beauty and promise of the state’s beaches and palm-tree-lined educational institutions contrasts starkly with its ugly past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ongoing ramifications of slavery are seen in the glaring disparities in the criminal justice system and health outcomes. Historical data also shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.minneapolisfed.org/research/institute-working-papers/income-and-wealth-inequality-in-america-1949-2016\">no progress has been made in reducing wealth inequalities between Black and white\u003c/a> households over the past 70 years, according to a study by the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s coverage of the state's reparations task force is for anyone who wonders about bigger questions like, why is there a disproportionate number of unhoused Black people? Why are incarceration rates highest for Black people? How do guns make it into Black communities? Why do Black communities lack what’s easily accessible to predominantly white communities?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grocery stores, libraries, restaurants, banks and basic investment are missing in Black communities, many that were formed because of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\">discriminatory redlining policies\u003c/a>. And when investors descend on Black communities, why is it that Black people are displaced?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>History provides context, and yet our education system fails to trace the throughlines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906238\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11906238\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine.jpg\" alt=\"Black and white image of men holding shovels standing next to a pile of rocks with a horse-drawn wagon in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1722\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-800x718.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-1020x915.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-160x144.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-1536x1378.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Enslaved people work in a California gold mine in 1852. \u003ccite>(Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Why haven’t Black people been compensated for more than two centuries of enslavement and the subsequent restrictive and discriminatory laws enacted to stifle their progress?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparations is an issue, ironically, that's been used as a divisive issue, but it means to repair relationships — that should be seen as a very positive kind of thing to do,” Charles P. Henry, a professor emeritus of African American Studies at UC Berkeley, told me in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless you get an agreement on the basic facts of what happened, and then the acknowledgment of what happened, it’s impossible to move to the next process,” Henry continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you feel any sense of pride and appreciation for this state, and the nation as a whole, then examining California’s history is essential to imagining a more equitable future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I compiled this FAQ to help guide readers through understanding the work of the reparations task force, and how that work fits into the broader local and national conversations. Think of this as a living document, as I’ll be updating this space as the task force progresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"definition\">\u003c/a>What's the definition of reparations?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The term \"reparation\" comes from \"repair.\" Scholars often see reparations as a form of redress that can take two forms: restitution or atonement. Restitution is often seen as concrete and monetary, while atonement focuses on the ethical, moral and intangible nature of apology. One without the other wouldn’t fly for true reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Charles P. Henry, professor emeritus of African American Studies, UC Berkeley\"]'Reparations is an issue, ironically, that's been used as a divisive issue — but it means to repair relationships.'[/pullquote]In modern reparations discussions, the focus is on three main principles: acknowledgment, redress and closure. For Roy L. Brooks, who provided expert testimony to the task force in September and is the author of “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520343405/atonement-and-forgiveness\">Atonement and Forgiveness: A New Model for Black Reparations\u003c/a>,” a return of what has been unjustly taken is an essential element of reparations. In his book, he argues no one should be able to benefit from an injustice, and that victims should be compensated and the harm caused by the injustice removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"taskforce\">\u003c/a>Why did California create a task force to study reparations?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A better question might be, why has it taken so long for the United States to study and develop reparations proposals for ancestors of the enslaved? In the wake of protests after the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer in May 2020, Shirley Weber, then a California Assemblymember, authored AB 3121. Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill in September 2020, establishing the nine-member task force to examine ways California might provide reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force is expected to submit a first report to the state Legislature this summer. A final report, which is expected to include recommendations and proposals, will be submitted next summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906229\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11906229\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"screenshot of zoom meeting with participants faces\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the California Reparations Task Force listen to public comment during a virtual meeting on Jan. 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"paidbefore\">\u003c/a>Have reparations been paid before?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, but not on the federal or state level for chattel slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might’ve heard about “40 acres and a mule” before. It’s the name of Spike Lee’s film production company. Here’s where that comes from: In 1865, Special Field Order No. 15 authorized the distribution of 40-acre parcels of abandoned or confiscated land in the Confederate South to emancipated people. Some were given mules left over from the war — hence, 40 acres and a mule. After President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, the \u003ca href=\"https://americanexperience.si.edu/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/Racial-Relations-during-Reconstruction_.pdf\">Southern apologist and vice president Andrew Johnson\u003c/a> assumed the presidency. He ordered that all the redistributed land be returned to the original owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the federal level, reparations were awarded by the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 in response to the incarceration of people of Japanese ancestry, many of whom were American citizens, during World War II. The legislation authorized a national apology, an education fund and individual payments of $20,000 to each surviving person who was imprisoned. Even earlier, in 1946, the federal government created the Indian Claims Commission to respond to more than 100 years of treaty violations and land theft from Indigenous peoples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11906015 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53414_006_KQED_ReparatioinsTaskForce_DonTamaki_02012022-qut-1020x680.jpg']Several cities across the country, including Evanston, Illinois, and Asheville, North Carolina, have created reparation programs to address harms committed locally. On the state level, in 2021, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/12/31/california-launches-program-to-compensate-survivors-of-state-sponsored-sterilization/\">allocated financial compensation for survivors of forced sterilization\u003c/a> and acknowledged the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"talkingnow\">\u003c/a>Why are we talking about reparations now when slavery ended so long ago?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After George Floyd’s murder and the subsequent racial reckoning, a greater awareness of structural inequities seems to have briefly seeped into the national consciousness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discussions of systemic inequality and white supremacy gained traction in communities across the country and around the world. In 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/3/11/18246741/reparations-democrats-2020-inequality-warren-harris-castro\">several Democratic candidates for president issued statements expressing different levels of support for reparations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles P. Henry, professor emeritus of African American Studies at UC Berkeley, noted that public opinion polling has shifted generally to more “pro-reparations among Democrats and independents.” But he credits the development of the Black Lives Matter movement and the “embrace of white supremacy by the Trump administration” for amplifying the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906233\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11906233\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A young Black protester with pink bandana over their faces raises a fist along with other protesters\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in downtown Oakland on May 29, 2020, during a protest over the Minneapolis police murder of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"needed\">\u003c/a>Are reparations needed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without some kind of policy change and reparations, wealth inequality will continue to grow. Thomas Craemer — a public policy professor specializing in race relations and reparations at the University of Connecticut who \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kv2KNh0-_y8\">testified before California's reparations task force in October\u003c/a> — has done calculations to understand the financial implications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Slavery produced the start-up capital for the rise of the U.S. economy at the exclusive expense of the African Americans who were enslaved,” he said. “Their descendants deserve recognition of this fact through a comprehensive federal reparations program. Whatever California can do to support the call for federal reparations to the African American descendants of the enslaved in the U.S. will be an exercise in the restoration of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without any interventions, Craemer said the wealth gap could become even more pronounced. Closing the gap in California alone could cost $778.6 billion, Craemer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Has there been federal legislation for reparations for Black Americans?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/11/12/1054889820/a-bill-to-study-reparations-for-slavery-had-momentum-in-congress-but-still-no-vo\">HR 40\u003c/a>, named after the 40 acres promise, is a bill to study reparations on the national level. It was proposed by the late John Conyers Jr., a member of Congress from Michigan, for decades — every year since 1989 until he left office in 2017. In 2018, Sheila Jackson Lee, a member of Congress from Texas, took up the mantle. If passed, HR 40 would establish a 13-person commission to study the effects of slavery and racial discrimination in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"enterunion\">\u003c/a>Didn't California enter the union as a slavery-free state?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When California became a state in 1850, enslaved people had already been imported to the state. The ACLU’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/index.html\">Gold Chains podcast\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-meeting-materials-0921-part3.pdf\">testimony\u003c/a> to the state's reparations task force from Stacy L. Smith, a USC professor and founder of the Annenberg Inclusion Initiative, provide an in-depth look at this early history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11905371 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CA-capitol-building-1020x574.jpg']Smith’s testimony detailed how California’s early state government protected the institution of slavery and severely restricted Black people’s civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s state constitution proclaimed that “neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crimes, shall ever be tolerated in this State,” little was done to stop the violent exploitation of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"owed\">\u003c/a>What is owed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are many different calculations used to determine what the cost of labor would be in today’s terms. Some include calculations for unpaid wages, the purchase prices of human property or the land promised to the formerly enslaved. National estimates range from \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2020/08/12/slavery-reparations-cost-us-government-10-to-12-trillion.html\">$10 trillion\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://magazine.uconn.edu/2020/06/15/the-new-reparations-math/#\">$14 trillion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who will be eligible?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the February meeting, the task force \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909471/unpacking-reparations-eligibility-in-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">voted 5-4 in favor of lineage-based reparations\u003c/a> — a decision that has the potential to set precedent and affect other local, state and federal plans for reparations. The definition of the community of eligibility is “based on lineage determined by an individual being an African American descendant of a chattel-enslaved person or the descendant of a free Black person living in the United States prior to the end of the 19th century,” said task force member Jovan Scott Lewis, chair of UC Berkeley’s geography department, who introduced the motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the task force has not yet determined what the formula for proving lineage will be. The criteria outlined by the authors of “From Here to Equality: Reparations for Black Americans in the Twenty-First Century,” A. Kirsten Mullen and William A. Darity Jr., provides one model. Darity, a professor of public policy and economics at Duke, and Mullen, a writer and folklorist, suggest eligibility on a federal level be based on two factors: American citizens should establish that they had at least one enslaved ancestor after the formation of the republic, and they would have to prove they self-identified as Black or African American at least 12 years before a reparations program.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who has testified to California's reparations task force?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of February, over 30 people have provided their expertise. Some names that might be familiar include the following (click a name to watch their testimony):\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8NRosq_2GCE\">Isabel Wilkerson\u003c/a>, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of “The Warmth of Other Suns” and “Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oUE91a3cf_c\">Mehrsa Baradaran\u003c/a>, UC Irvine law professor and author of “The Color of Money: Black Banks and the Racial Wealth Gap“\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://vimeo.com/manage/videos/670990780?embedded=false&source=video_title&owner=5065180\">Safiya U. Noble\u003c/a>, internet studies scholar and professor of gender studies and African American studies at UCLA\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/vRtsUTLhqbc\">William Spriggs\u003c/a>, economics professor at Howard University and chief economist for the AFL-CIO\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/t72wzjJnIBo\">Rucker Johnson\u003c/a>, professor of public policy in the Goldman School of Public Policy at UC Berkeley\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/uEaNq95dXHk\">Daina Ramey Berry\u003c/a>, chair of the history department at the University of Texas at Austin\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ao5any6D97c\">Darrick Hamilton\u003c/a>, professor of economics and urban policy at the New School for Social Research\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>A full list of those who have testified \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/meetings\">is available on the California Department of Justice website\u003c/a> under each meeting date.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"looklike\">\u003c/a>What might reparations look like?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, the chair of California's reparations task force, told KQED in a recent interview that reparations could look like direct payments, subsidies for free mental health care and other forms of restitution such as the return of land, similar to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891836/a-black-family-got-their-beach-back-and-inspired-others-to-fight-against-land-theft\">case of Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11891836 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr146-a9c2f203ff6c47e533d385d9548763cc026c8fc0-1020x764.jpg']Reparations might also take the form of policy changes in policing and sentencing. People who have testified before the task force have brought up education subsidies, support for genealogy studies, reinvestment and funding for archiving and preserving arts and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How will compensation be granted?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The task force is working with a team of economists to decide how to compensate descendants of enslaved people and what financial models will be used to come up with a number. Many advocates and scholars believe that it would be best to have a federal reparations process instead of multiple separate state and local initiatives for the purpose of compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"cities\">\u003c/a>Do California cities have their own reparations programs?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some cities have established programs and committees to examine reparatory justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe San Francisco Board of Supervisors established the 15-member \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/public-body/african-american-reparations-advisory-committee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco African American Reparations Advisory Committee\u003c/a> in December 2020. The advisory committee holds public meetings on the second Monday of the month and submitted its \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/sites/default/files/2022-01/AA%20Reparations%20Advisory%20Committee%20-%20December%202021%20Update%20FINAL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first report\u003c/a> in December 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Berkeley\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe Berkeley City Council voted in March 2022 to allocate $350,000 for a consultant to design and implement a reparations process. The consultant is tasked with holding symposiums for the public about the generational wealth gap, barriers to economic mobility and systemic racism. They will also work with the community to make policy recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel it in my DNA. I feel like the people before me … whose bones are in the ground are humming right now,” said City Council member Ben Bartlett, who authored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bartlett hopes to have someone in place before 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hayward\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn 2021, the Hayward City Council apologized for the harms from the real estate and banking industry against African Americans and other people of color. The Hayward Community Services Commission also created a list of 10 steps the city could take to address historical racism. Hayward’s formal apology to Russell City residents and their descendants was spurred by the actions of residents like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Artavia Berry, chair of the Hayward Community Services Commission\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other local initiatives in Oakland, Alameda County, Compton and San Diego. Some argue that programs like Stockton’s universal basic income effort provide a form of reparatory justice. But since UBI programs are not specifically targeted toward descendants of enslaved people, they don’t meet the full definition of both restitution and atonement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Is there a local initiative in your community or city you would like to share? Let us know: Lsarah@kqed.org\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"happensafter\">\u003c/a>What happens after the task force delivers its recommendations?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It will be up to the Legislature to decide whether or not to implement policy change or act upon the recommendations from the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who gets to participate?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are a few different ways to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11898258/how-to-participate-in-californias-reparations-task-force-meetings\">get involved\u003c/a>, such as watching meetings online and participating in public comment. But there’s also a bigger push to hear from African Americans in California through listening sessions across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, the state reparations task force, in partnership with the UCLA Ralph J. Bunche Center for African American Studies, will begin conducting sessions to hear from individuals. The session logistics are still being worked out, but the basic goal is to hear from California’s diverse Black communities about how the legacy of slavery has affected their lives and how they’d like to see California work to make it right.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I stay informed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By watching this space, of course. You also can keep an eye on the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, a statewide coalition of organizations and one of the anchor organizations working with the task force, to stay informed about upcoming events and listening sessions. California’s Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/meetings\">shares information from each meeting\u003c/a>, including meeting materials with a detailed agenda.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"What are reparations, what is owed, and why hasn't this happened before? Frequently asked questions on reparations in the context of California.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1652403661,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":63,"wordCount":3448},"headData":{"title":"'It Means to Repair': What You Should Know About Reparations for Black Californians | KQED","description":"What are reparations, what is owed, and why hasn't this happened before? Frequently asked questions on reparations in the context of California.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"'It Means to Repair': What You Should Know About Reparations for Black Californians","datePublished":"2022-02-24T13:05:41.000Z","dateModified":"2022-05-13T01:01:01.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11906054 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11906054","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2022/02/24/it-means-to-repair-what-you-should-know-about-reparations-for-black-californians/","disqusTitle":"'It Means to Repair': What You Should Know About Reparations for Black Californians","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11906054/it-means-to-repair-what-you-should-know-about-reparations-for-black-californians","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Thursday, May 12\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Reparations in California\u003c/a>\u003c/strong> is a series of KQED stories exploring the road to racial equity in the state.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip straight to: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#definition\">What’s the definition of reparations?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#taskforce\">Why did California create a task force to study reparations?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#paidbefore\">Have reparations been paid before?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#talkingnow\">Why are we talking about reparations now when slavery ended so long ago?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#needed\">Are reparations needed?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#enterunion\">Didn’t California enter the union as a slavery-free state?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#owed\">What is owed and who is eligible?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#looklike\">What might reparations look like? And how will compensation be granted?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#cities\">Do California cities have their own reparations programs?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#happensafter\">What happens after the task force delivers its recommendations? And how can I participate?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> was born and raised in California, and I feel a certain pride to be a product of this state. I’ve even considered getting a tattoo of the California produce sticker, like the neon orange ones from my youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mother, who self-identifies as an Italian Jew, grew up in the suburbs of Chicago. She arrived in California in the 1970s as a divorcée with a young child in tow — my brother. My father was raised in a Catholic family in rural Kerala, India. They had a mixed-faith and mixed-race marriage, but they found a home in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My family benefited from government-subsidized housing in Palo Alto, one of the wealthiest cities in the country. My family story and personal trajectory could have been very different had either of my parents been Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the roots of racism run deep in this state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why I’ve been concentrating my reporting on the California Reparations Task Force, a nine-member body created to study and develop reparations proposals for Black Californians, with special consideration for descendants of those enslaved in the United States. The task force, which began conducting meetings in June 2021, is a result of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">Assembly Bill 3121\u003c/a>, a bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876194/first-in-the-us-californias-task-force-on-reparations-looks-at-harms-of-slavery\">written by Shirley Weber\u003c/a>, currently California’s secretary of state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11876194","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/1920_GettyImages-941502582-1020x574.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Academics, who have studied the various ways in which racism and white supremacy have created lasting inequities in the state, have testified before the task force, as have people who have been affected by that racism. The meetings are creating a necessary archive of California’s history that wasn't taught in most schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I chose to cover the task force, not only because it’s groundbreaking and its recommendations could potentially serve as a model for the rest of the country, but also because the hearings are deeply moving. There’s a disconnect between who we say we are as Californians and what we do in practice. We should unpack the history of this state and reexamine it in a way that decenters whiteness and the prevailing sanitized version of our history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important for the future of our aspiring multiracial democracy to set the record straight — and, as Amos Brown, the pastor of Third Baptist Church in San Francisco and vice chair of the task force likes to say, “return to the scene of the crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The egregious discrimination and racism in California can be traced to the state's founding. It’s necessary to look at the systems put in place by the state’s “founding fathers” that were designed to allow some to prosper and others to fail. So, when people ask me why I'm so interested in reparations, what I want to ask in return is, “Why aren’t you?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Reparations in California ","link1":"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The call for reparations is specifically about race and enslavement, but it touches on basic questions of accountability and fairness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1850, California entered the union as a slavery-free state. Still, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/index.html\">the state benefited from the exploitation of enslaved Black and Indigenous people\u003c/a>, as documented by Gold Chains, the ACLU’s exhaustive look at the hidden history of slavery in California. The beauty and promise of the state’s beaches and palm-tree-lined educational institutions contrasts starkly with its ugly past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ongoing ramifications of slavery are seen in the glaring disparities in the criminal justice system and health outcomes. Historical data also shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.minneapolisfed.org/research/institute-working-papers/income-and-wealth-inequality-in-america-1949-2016\">no progress has been made in reducing wealth inequalities between Black and white\u003c/a> households over the past 70 years, according to a study by the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s coverage of the state's reparations task force is for anyone who wonders about bigger questions like, why is there a disproportionate number of unhoused Black people? Why are incarceration rates highest for Black people? How do guns make it into Black communities? Why do Black communities lack what’s easily accessible to predominantly white communities?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grocery stores, libraries, restaurants, banks and basic investment are missing in Black communities, many that were formed because of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\">discriminatory redlining policies\u003c/a>. And when investors descend on Black communities, why is it that Black people are displaced?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>History provides context, and yet our education system fails to trace the throughlines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906238\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11906238\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine.jpg\" alt=\"Black and white image of men holding shovels standing next to a pile of rocks with a horse-drawn wagon in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1722\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-800x718.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-1020x915.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-160x144.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-1536x1378.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Enslaved people work in a California gold mine in 1852. \u003ccite>(Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Why haven’t Black people been compensated for more than two centuries of enslavement and the subsequent restrictive and discriminatory laws enacted to stifle their progress?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparations is an issue, ironically, that's been used as a divisive issue, but it means to repair relationships — that should be seen as a very positive kind of thing to do,” Charles P. Henry, a professor emeritus of African American Studies at UC Berkeley, told me in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless you get an agreement on the basic facts of what happened, and then the acknowledgment of what happened, it’s impossible to move to the next process,” Henry continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you feel any sense of pride and appreciation for this state, and the nation as a whole, then examining California’s history is essential to imagining a more equitable future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I compiled this FAQ to help guide readers through understanding the work of the reparations task force, and how that work fits into the broader local and national conversations. Think of this as a living document, as I’ll be updating this space as the task force progresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"definition\">\u003c/a>What's the definition of reparations?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The term \"reparation\" comes from \"repair.\" Scholars often see reparations as a form of redress that can take two forms: restitution or atonement. Restitution is often seen as concrete and monetary, while atonement focuses on the ethical, moral and intangible nature of apology. One without the other wouldn’t fly for true reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'Reparations is an issue, ironically, that's been used as a divisive issue — but it means to repair relationships.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Charles P. Henry, professor emeritus of African American Studies, UC Berkeley","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In modern reparations discussions, the focus is on three main principles: acknowledgment, redress and closure. For Roy L. Brooks, who provided expert testimony to the task force in September and is the author of “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520343405/atonement-and-forgiveness\">Atonement and Forgiveness: A New Model for Black Reparations\u003c/a>,” a return of what has been unjustly taken is an essential element of reparations. In his book, he argues no one should be able to benefit from an injustice, and that victims should be compensated and the harm caused by the injustice removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"taskforce\">\u003c/a>Why did California create a task force to study reparations?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A better question might be, why has it taken so long for the United States to study and develop reparations proposals for ancestors of the enslaved? In the wake of protests after the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer in May 2020, Shirley Weber, then a California Assemblymember, authored AB 3121. Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill in September 2020, establishing the nine-member task force to examine ways California might provide reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force is expected to submit a first report to the state Legislature this summer. A final report, which is expected to include recommendations and proposals, will be submitted next summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906229\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11906229\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"screenshot of zoom meeting with participants faces\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the California Reparations Task Force listen to public comment during a virtual meeting on Jan. 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"paidbefore\">\u003c/a>Have reparations been paid before?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, but not on the federal or state level for chattel slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might’ve heard about “40 acres and a mule” before. It’s the name of Spike Lee’s film production company. Here’s where that comes from: In 1865, Special Field Order No. 15 authorized the distribution of 40-acre parcels of abandoned or confiscated land in the Confederate South to emancipated people. Some were given mules left over from the war — hence, 40 acres and a mule. After President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, the \u003ca href=\"https://americanexperience.si.edu/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/Racial-Relations-during-Reconstruction_.pdf\">Southern apologist and vice president Andrew Johnson\u003c/a> assumed the presidency. He ordered that all the redistributed land be returned to the original owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the federal level, reparations were awarded by the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 in response to the incarceration of people of Japanese ancestry, many of whom were American citizens, during World War II. The legislation authorized a national apology, an education fund and individual payments of $20,000 to each surviving person who was imprisoned. Even earlier, in 1946, the federal government created the Indian Claims Commission to respond to more than 100 years of treaty violations and land theft from Indigenous peoples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11906015","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53414_006_KQED_ReparatioinsTaskForce_DonTamaki_02012022-qut-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Several cities across the country, including Evanston, Illinois, and Asheville, North Carolina, have created reparation programs to address harms committed locally. On the state level, in 2021, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/12/31/california-launches-program-to-compensate-survivors-of-state-sponsored-sterilization/\">allocated financial compensation for survivors of forced sterilization\u003c/a> and acknowledged the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"talkingnow\">\u003c/a>Why are we talking about reparations now when slavery ended so long ago?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After George Floyd’s murder and the subsequent racial reckoning, a greater awareness of structural inequities seems to have briefly seeped into the national consciousness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discussions of systemic inequality and white supremacy gained traction in communities across the country and around the world. In 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/3/11/18246741/reparations-democrats-2020-inequality-warren-harris-castro\">several Democratic candidates for president issued statements expressing different levels of support for reparations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles P. Henry, professor emeritus of African American Studies at UC Berkeley, noted that public opinion polling has shifted generally to more “pro-reparations among Democrats and independents.” But he credits the development of the Black Lives Matter movement and the “embrace of white supremacy by the Trump administration” for amplifying the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906233\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11906233\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A young Black protester with pink bandana over their faces raises a fist along with other protesters\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in downtown Oakland on May 29, 2020, during a protest over the Minneapolis police murder of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"needed\">\u003c/a>Are reparations needed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without some kind of policy change and reparations, wealth inequality will continue to grow. Thomas Craemer — a public policy professor specializing in race relations and reparations at the University of Connecticut who \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kv2KNh0-_y8\">testified before California's reparations task force in October\u003c/a> — has done calculations to understand the financial implications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Slavery produced the start-up capital for the rise of the U.S. economy at the exclusive expense of the African Americans who were enslaved,” he said. “Their descendants deserve recognition of this fact through a comprehensive federal reparations program. Whatever California can do to support the call for federal reparations to the African American descendants of the enslaved in the U.S. will be an exercise in the restoration of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without any interventions, Craemer said the wealth gap could become even more pronounced. Closing the gap in California alone could cost $778.6 billion, Craemer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Has there been federal legislation for reparations for Black Americans?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/11/12/1054889820/a-bill-to-study-reparations-for-slavery-had-momentum-in-congress-but-still-no-vo\">HR 40\u003c/a>, named after the 40 acres promise, is a bill to study reparations on the national level. It was proposed by the late John Conyers Jr., a member of Congress from Michigan, for decades — every year since 1989 until he left office in 2017. In 2018, Sheila Jackson Lee, a member of Congress from Texas, took up the mantle. If passed, HR 40 would establish a 13-person commission to study the effects of slavery and racial discrimination in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"enterunion\">\u003c/a>Didn't California enter the union as a slavery-free state?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When California became a state in 1850, enslaved people had already been imported to the state. The ACLU’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/index.html\">Gold Chains podcast\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-meeting-materials-0921-part3.pdf\">testimony\u003c/a> to the state's reparations task force from Stacy L. Smith, a USC professor and founder of the Annenberg Inclusion Initiative, provide an in-depth look at this early history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11905371","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CA-capitol-building-1020x574.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Smith’s testimony detailed how California’s early state government protected the institution of slavery and severely restricted Black people’s civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s state constitution proclaimed that “neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crimes, shall ever be tolerated in this State,” little was done to stop the violent exploitation of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"owed\">\u003c/a>What is owed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are many different calculations used to determine what the cost of labor would be in today’s terms. Some include calculations for unpaid wages, the purchase prices of human property or the land promised to the formerly enslaved. National estimates range from \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2020/08/12/slavery-reparations-cost-us-government-10-to-12-trillion.html\">$10 trillion\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://magazine.uconn.edu/2020/06/15/the-new-reparations-math/#\">$14 trillion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who will be eligible?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the February meeting, the task force \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909471/unpacking-reparations-eligibility-in-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">voted 5-4 in favor of lineage-based reparations\u003c/a> — a decision that has the potential to set precedent and affect other local, state and federal plans for reparations. The definition of the community of eligibility is “based on lineage determined by an individual being an African American descendant of a chattel-enslaved person or the descendant of a free Black person living in the United States prior to the end of the 19th century,” said task force member Jovan Scott Lewis, chair of UC Berkeley’s geography department, who introduced the motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the task force has not yet determined what the formula for proving lineage will be. The criteria outlined by the authors of “From Here to Equality: Reparations for Black Americans in the Twenty-First Century,” A. Kirsten Mullen and William A. Darity Jr., provides one model. Darity, a professor of public policy and economics at Duke, and Mullen, a writer and folklorist, suggest eligibility on a federal level be based on two factors: American citizens should establish that they had at least one enslaved ancestor after the formation of the republic, and they would have to prove they self-identified as Black or African American at least 12 years before a reparations program.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who has testified to California's reparations task force?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of February, over 30 people have provided their expertise. Some names that might be familiar include the following (click a name to watch their testimony):\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8NRosq_2GCE\">Isabel Wilkerson\u003c/a>, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of “The Warmth of Other Suns” and “Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oUE91a3cf_c\">Mehrsa Baradaran\u003c/a>, UC Irvine law professor and author of “The Color of Money: Black Banks and the Racial Wealth Gap“\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://vimeo.com/manage/videos/670990780?embedded=false&source=video_title&owner=5065180\">Safiya U. Noble\u003c/a>, internet studies scholar and professor of gender studies and African American studies at UCLA\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/vRtsUTLhqbc\">William Spriggs\u003c/a>, economics professor at Howard University and chief economist for the AFL-CIO\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/t72wzjJnIBo\">Rucker Johnson\u003c/a>, professor of public policy in the Goldman School of Public Policy at UC Berkeley\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/uEaNq95dXHk\">Daina Ramey Berry\u003c/a>, chair of the history department at the University of Texas at Austin\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ao5any6D97c\">Darrick Hamilton\u003c/a>, professor of economics and urban policy at the New School for Social Research\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>A full list of those who have testified \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/meetings\">is available on the California Department of Justice website\u003c/a> under each meeting date.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"looklike\">\u003c/a>What might reparations look like?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, the chair of California's reparations task force, told KQED in a recent interview that reparations could look like direct payments, subsidies for free mental health care and other forms of restitution such as the return of land, similar to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891836/a-black-family-got-their-beach-back-and-inspired-others-to-fight-against-land-theft\">case of Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11891836","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr146-a9c2f203ff6c47e533d385d9548763cc026c8fc0-1020x764.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Reparations might also take the form of policy changes in policing and sentencing. People who have testified before the task force have brought up education subsidies, support for genealogy studies, reinvestment and funding for archiving and preserving arts and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How will compensation be granted?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The task force is working with a team of economists to decide how to compensate descendants of enslaved people and what financial models will be used to come up with a number. Many advocates and scholars believe that it would be best to have a federal reparations process instead of multiple separate state and local initiatives for the purpose of compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"cities\">\u003c/a>Do California cities have their own reparations programs?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some cities have established programs and committees to examine reparatory justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe San Francisco Board of Supervisors established the 15-member \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/public-body/african-american-reparations-advisory-committee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco African American Reparations Advisory Committee\u003c/a> in December 2020. The advisory committee holds public meetings on the second Monday of the month and submitted its \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/sites/default/files/2022-01/AA%20Reparations%20Advisory%20Committee%20-%20December%202021%20Update%20FINAL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first report\u003c/a> in December 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Berkeley\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe Berkeley City Council voted in March 2022 to allocate $350,000 for a consultant to design and implement a reparations process. The consultant is tasked with holding symposiums for the public about the generational wealth gap, barriers to economic mobility and systemic racism. They will also work with the community to make policy recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel it in my DNA. I feel like the people before me … whose bones are in the ground are humming right now,” said City Council member Ben Bartlett, who authored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bartlett hopes to have someone in place before 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hayward\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn 2021, the Hayward City Council apologized for the harms from the real estate and banking industry against African Americans and other people of color. The Hayward Community Services Commission also created a list of 10 steps the city could take to address historical racism. Hayward’s formal apology to Russell City residents and their descendants was spurred by the actions of residents like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Artavia Berry, chair of the Hayward Community Services Commission\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other local initiatives in Oakland, Alameda County, Compton and San Diego. Some argue that programs like Stockton’s universal basic income effort provide a form of reparatory justice. But since UBI programs are not specifically targeted toward descendants of enslaved people, they don’t meet the full definition of both restitution and atonement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Is there a local initiative in your community or city you would like to share? Let us know: Lsarah@kqed.org\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"happensafter\">\u003c/a>What happens after the task force delivers its recommendations?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It will be up to the Legislature to decide whether or not to implement policy change or act upon the recommendations from the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who gets to participate?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are a few different ways to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11898258/how-to-participate-in-californias-reparations-task-force-meetings\">get involved\u003c/a>, such as watching meetings online and participating in public comment. But there’s also a bigger push to hear from African Americans in California through listening sessions across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, the state reparations task force, in partnership with the UCLA Ralph J. Bunche Center for African American Studies, will begin conducting sessions to hear from individuals. The session logistics are still being worked out, but the basic goal is to hear from California’s diverse Black communities about how the legacy of slavery has affected their lives and how they’d like to see California work to make it right.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I stay informed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By watching this space, of course. You also can keep an eye on the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, a statewide coalition of organizations and one of the anchor organizations working with the task force, to stay informed about upcoming events and listening sessions. California’s Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/meetings\">shares information from each meeting\u003c/a>, including meeting materials with a detailed agenda.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11906054/it-means-to-repair-what-you-should-know-about-reparations-for-black-californians","authors":["11626"],"categories":["news_6188","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_30656","news_18538","news_20397","news_30345","news_30652","news_27626","news_19216","news_2923","news_25419","news_28497"],"featImg":"news_11906220","label":"news"},"news_11905371":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11905371","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11905371","score":null,"sort":[1645095649000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-celebrates-its-history-as-a-free-state-but-there-was-slavery-here","title":"California Celebrates Its History As a 'Free State.' But There Was Slavery Here.","publishDate":1645095649,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Celebrates Its History As a ‘Free State.’ But There Was Slavery Here. | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>When we look at the California of today, so much of who we are is because of the Gold Rush. It’s true that people flooded into the state after gold was found in 1848, and that there were opportunities here for some fortune-seekers. But there are darker parts of that history we don’t often hear about. Some of those gold-seekers came from the South and brought enslaved people with them to mine for gold in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I find it very interesting that we don’t know any of this part of California’s history,” said Bay Curious listener Doug Spindler. “And yet this is so big and so important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doug came across some of this information while researching the Gold Rush era and California’s recognition of statehood soon after. California entered the union in 1850 as a “free state.” The \u003ca href=\"https://www.visitthecapitol.gov/exhibitions/artifact/first-constitution-california-1849\">state constitution says\u003c/a>: “Neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crimes, shall ever be tolerated in this State.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what’s on paper is not the reality of what happened here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California was filling up with gold-seekers, a Civil War about slavery was brewing in the United States, and 3,000 miles wasn’t enough distance to keep California out of the dispute. Some of California’s first leaders built their wealth by exploiting the labor of enslaved people. At the constitutional convention, many argued that California shouldn’t allow Black people into the state at all. There were fears that they would compete with white people for jobs — and win. While those voices didn’t prevail, early state legislators showed their sympathy to the South in other ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1850, Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Act — a law that required white people living in free states to help catch and re-enslave people living in freedom. Many free states fought against the mandate. Not California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Learn More About Slavery in California\" link1=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/,ACLU's Gold Chains Podcast\" link2=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,KQED's Reparations Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California did the opposite,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101887335/reparations-task-force-sheds-light-on-history-of-slavery-in-california\">said Stacey L. Smith, professor of history at Oregon State University\u003c/a>. “Not just cooperating with the Fugitive Slave Act, the federal one from 1850, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/pacific-bound-california-s-1852-fugitive-slave-law/\">passing its own 1852 Fugitive Slave Act that essentially was a supplement to that federal act\u003c/a> and pledged that the state would help the federal government do everything it could to help protect slave holders and not freedom seekers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Supreme Court ruled that enslavers who came to California before it became a state — and thus was not technically a free state yet — should have the right to reclaim their human property.[aside label=“Learn More About Slavery in California” link1=“https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/,ACLU's Gold Chains Podcast” link2=“https://www.kqed.org/reparations,KQED's Reparations Coverage”]Smith’s book, “Freedom’s Frontier: California and the Struggle Over Unfree Labor, Emancipation, and Reconstruction,” traces California’s history of supporting enslavers and how that legacy set the stage for its brutal treatment of other ethnic groups, particularly Native Americans and Chinese immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11906054']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even after the Civil War ended and President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, California’s representatives to Congress fought against new legislation to give rights to the formerly enslaved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California legislators really opposed the 14th and 15th amendments,” Smith said. The 14th Amendment granted citizenship to Black people and the 15th gave them the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are all of these concerns among whites in California that Chinese immigrants and Chinese Americans were going to get new rights, new legal protections and the right to vote under the 14th and 15th amendments,” Smith said. “California was among some of the few states that really fought Reconstruction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legacy of California’s early sympathy with the South and a litany of early laws that ensured people of color would have little to no power in the state are still being felt in the racial disparities we see today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith, along with other Californians who have lived experience of this deep-seated inequality, have been testifying to \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\">California’s Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans\u003c/a>. The task force is specifically looking at the history of chattel slavery in California and how the state could formally apologize and make amends. The task force has been meeting since the summer of 2021 and plans to make an initial report to the legislature in the summer of 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED has been following the work of the task force closely and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">will continue to report on the testimony and recommendations presented there\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"When California became a state in 1850, it did not allow slavery. That's the history most people know. But in reality, California did allow slavery, and its early leaders sided with the South and the rights of enslavers through a litany of early laws. The effects of that racist foundation are still being felt by people of color in California today.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1700532887,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":true,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":20,"wordCount":831},"headData":{"title":"California Celebrates Its History As a 'Free State.' But There Was Slavery Here. | KQED","description":"When California became a state in 1850, it did not allow slavery. That's the history most people know. But in reality, California did allow slavery, and its early leaders sided with the South and the rights of enslavers through a litany of early laws. The effects of that racist foundation are still being felt by people of color in California today.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Celebrates Its History As a 'Free State.' But There Was Slavery Here.","datePublished":"2022-02-17T11:00:49.000Z","dateModified":"2023-11-21T02:14:47.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Bay Curious","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/baycurious","audioUrl":"https://dcs.megaphone.fm/KQINC3400079856.mp3?key=238539dd02789c3c69e640ca8fd1f355","templateType":"standard","featuredImageType":"standard","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11905371/california-celebrates-its-history-as-a-free-state-but-there-was-slavery-here","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When we look at the California of today, so much of who we are is because of the Gold Rush. It’s true that people flooded into the state after gold was found in 1848, and that there were opportunities here for some fortune-seekers. But there are darker parts of that history we don’t often hear about. Some of those gold-seekers came from the South and brought enslaved people with them to mine for gold in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I find it very interesting that we don’t know any of this part of California’s history,” said Bay Curious listener Doug Spindler. “And yet this is so big and so important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doug came across some of this information while researching the Gold Rush era and California’s recognition of statehood soon after. California entered the union in 1850 as a “free state.” The \u003ca href=\"https://www.visitthecapitol.gov/exhibitions/artifact/first-constitution-california-1849\">state constitution says\u003c/a>: “Neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crimes, shall ever be tolerated in this State.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what’s on paper is not the reality of what happened here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California was filling up with gold-seekers, a Civil War about slavery was brewing in the United States, and 3,000 miles wasn’t enough distance to keep California out of the dispute. Some of California’s first leaders built their wealth by exploiting the labor of enslaved people. At the constitutional convention, many argued that California shouldn’t allow Black people into the state at all. There were fears that they would compete with white people for jobs — and win. While those voices didn’t prevail, early state legislators showed their sympathy to the South in other ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1850, Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Act — a law that required white people living in free states to help catch and re-enslave people living in freedom. Many free states fought against the mandate. Not California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Learn More About Slavery in California ","link1":"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/,ACLU's Gold Chains Podcast","link2":"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,KQED's Reparations Coverage"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California did the opposite,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101887335/reparations-task-force-sheds-light-on-history-of-slavery-in-california\">said Stacey L. Smith, professor of history at Oregon State University\u003c/a>. “Not just cooperating with the Fugitive Slave Act, the federal one from 1850, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/pacific-bound-california-s-1852-fugitive-slave-law/\">passing its own 1852 Fugitive Slave Act that essentially was a supplement to that federal act\u003c/a> and pledged that the state would help the federal government do everything it could to help protect slave holders and not freedom seekers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Supreme Court ruled that enslavers who came to California before it became a state — and thus was not technically a free state yet — should have the right to reclaim their human property.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"“Learn More About Slavery in California link1=“https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/,ACLU's Gold Chains Podcast link2=“https://www.kqed.org/reparations,KQED's Reparations Coverage"},"numeric":["More","About","Slavery","in","California”","link1=“https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/,ACLU's","Gold","Chains","Podcast”","link2=“https://www.kqed.org/reparations,KQED's","Reparations","Coverage”"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Smith’s book, “Freedom’s Frontier: California and the Struggle Over Unfree Labor, Emancipation, and Reconstruction,” traces California’s history of supporting enslavers and how that legacy set the stage for its brutal treatment of other ethnic groups, particularly Native Americans and Chinese immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11906054","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even after the Civil War ended and President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, California’s representatives to Congress fought against new legislation to give rights to the formerly enslaved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California legislators really opposed the 14th and 15th amendments,” Smith said. The 14th Amendment granted citizenship to Black people and the 15th gave them the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are all of these concerns among whites in California that Chinese immigrants and Chinese Americans were going to get new rights, new legal protections and the right to vote under the 14th and 15th amendments,” Smith said. “California was among some of the few states that really fought Reconstruction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legacy of California’s early sympathy with the South and a litany of early laws that ensured people of color would have little to no power in the state are still being felt in the racial disparities we see today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith, along with other Californians who have lived experience of this deep-seated inequality, have been testifying to \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\">California’s Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans\u003c/a>. The task force is specifically looking at the history of chattel slavery in California and how the state could formally apologize and make amends. The task force has been meeting since the summer of 2021 and plans to make an initial report to the legislature in the summer of 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED has been following the work of the task force closely and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">will continue to report on the testimony and recommendations presented there\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"baycuriousquestion","attributes":{"named":{"label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11905371/california-celebrates-its-history-as-a-free-state-but-there-was-slavery-here","authors":["234"],"programs":["news_33523"],"series":["news_17986"],"categories":["news_8","news_33520"],"tags":["news_18538","news_20397","news_30652","news_27626","news_2923","news_22493"],"featImg":"news_11905406","label":"source_news_11905371"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.","airtime":"SUN 2pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.possible.fm/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"Possible"},"link":"/radio/program/possible","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/possible/id1677184070","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"}},"1a":{"id":"1a","title":"1A","info":"1A is home to the national conversation. 1A brings on great guests and frames the best debate in ways that make you think, share and engage.","airtime":"MON-THU 11pm-12am","imageSrc":"https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/1a.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://the1a.org/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/1a","subscribe":{"npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/RBrW","apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=1188724250&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/1A-p947376/","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510316/podcast.xml"}},"all-things-considered":{"id":"all-things-considered","title":"All Things Considered","info":"Every weekday, \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em> hosts Robert Siegel, Audie Cornish, Ari Shapiro, and Kelly McEvers present the program's trademark mix of news, interviews, commentaries, reviews, and offbeat features. 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You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. 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You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn","officialWebsiteLink":"/mindshift/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"2"},"link":"/podcasts/mindshift","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/0MxSpNYZKNprFLCl7eEtyx"}},"morning-edition":{"id":"morning-edition","title":"Morning Edition","info":"\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.","airtime":"MON-FRI 3am-9am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/morning-edition"},"onourwatch":{"id":"onourwatch","title":"On Our Watch","tagline":"Police secrets, unsealed","info":"For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"On Our Watch from NPR and KQED","officialWebsiteLink":"/podcasts/onourwatch","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"1"},"link":"/podcasts/onourwatch","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw","npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/onourwatch","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/0OLWoyizopu6tY1XiuX70x","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/On-Our-Watch-p1436229/","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"}},"on-the-media":{"id":"on-the-media","title":"On The Media","info":"Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us","airtime":"SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am","imageSrc":"https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm","meta":{"site":"news","source":"wnyc"},"link":"/radio/program/on-the-media","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/","rss":"http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"}},"our-body-politic":{"id":"our-body-politic","title":"Our Body Politic","info":"Presented by KQED, KCRW and KPCC, and created and hosted by award-winning journalist Farai Chideya, Our Body Politic is unapologetically centered on reporting on not just how women of color experience the major political events of today, but how they’re impacting those very issues.","airtime":"SAT 6pm-7pm, SUN 1am-2am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Our-Body-Politic-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://our-body-politic.simplecast.com/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kcrw"},"link":"/radio/program/our-body-politic","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/our-body-politic/id1533069868","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5zaW1wbGVjYXN0LmNvbS9feGFQaHMxcw","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/4ApAiLT1kV153TttWAmqmc","rss":"https://feeds.simplecast.com/_xaPhs1s","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/podcasts/News--Politics-Podcasts/Our-Body-Politic-p1369211/"}},"pbs-newshour":{"id":"pbs-newshour","title":"PBS NewsHour","info":"Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.","airtime":"MON-FRI 3pm-4pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"pbs"},"link":"/radio/program/pbs-newshour","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/","rss":"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"}},"perspectives":{"id":"perspectives","title":"Perspectives","tagline":"KQED's series of of daily listener commentaries since 1991","info":"KQED's series of of daily listener commentaries since 1991.","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Perspectives-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"/perspectives/","meta":{"site":"radio","source":"kqed","order":"15"},"link":"/perspectives","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives","rss":"https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"}},"planet-money":{"id":"planet-money","title":"Planet Money","info":"The economy explained. 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