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"content": "\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a> jury began deliberating Tuesday in what may be the first Catholic clergy abuse case in California to reach trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The historic civil case centers on a 61-year-old man who said he was repeatedly molested as a 10-year-old altar boy by a Catholic priest in Union City more than 50 years ago. The Roman Catholic Diocese of Oakland does not dispute that the abuse occurred or that it failed to properly supervise the priest. What remains for the jury to decide is how much money the man is owed for enduring the trauma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The verdict, expected as early as Wednesday, could have far-reaching consequences not just for this plaintiff, but for hundreds of others still waiting for their abuse cases against Northern California clergy to be resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After years of stalling, and delays, and tricks of all kinds and procedural tactics to stall these cases, finally the first one has reached the jury,” said Rick Simons, the lead plaintiffs’ liaison counsel, after closing arguments Tuesday. “Survivors will have a better chance to either get a day in court or a settlement because of what this individual plaintiff was willing to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Diocese of Oakland declined to comment on the case, saying in a statement that it would be inappropriate to do so while the jury is deliberating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case was filed in 2019, which makes it one of thousands brought after a \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB218/id/2056946\">change\u003c/a> in state law that temporarily lifted the statute of limitations on childhood sexual abuse claims and allowed survivors to file lawsuits over decades-old incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080783\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080783\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260421-OAKLANDDIOCESEBELLWEATHER-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260421-OAKLANDDIOCESEBELLWEATHER-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260421-OAKLANDDIOCESEBELLWEATHER-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260421-OAKLANDDIOCESEBELLWEATHER-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Our Lady of the Rosary Church, a Roman Catholic parish in the Diocese of Oakland, in Union City, on April 21, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, in May 2023, the Oakland Diocese filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection, which placed a legal hold on most proceedings against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bankruptcy judge allowed a handful of cases, including this one, to proceed — but any judgment cannot be collected against the diocese directly while the bankruptcy stay remains in effect. Insurance coverage, however, is not included in the stay and remains a potential source of compensation for victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People will finally get their cases heard after years and after decades of waiting,” Simons said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This bellwether trial will allow both sides to gauge how their arguments land when the time comes to tackle the hundreds of cases still waiting to be resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is this case, and if necessary a couple of other trials, will help everybody involved get ideas as to ranges of values for cases, and that in turn should help settle the many, many cases that have not yet been settled,” Simons said.[aside postID=news_12019043 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS33212_Photo-Oct-11-1-22-47-PM-qut-1020x765.jpg']Simons represents approximately 80 plaintiffs in Northern California and serves as liaison counsel coordinating the interests of all plaintiffs in the complex litigation. According to reporting from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2026/04/20/oakland-diocese-catholic-abuse-lawsuit-kiesle/\">Bay Area News Group\u003c/a>, East Bay priest Stephen Kiesle is alleged to have abused victims in more than 60 of the roughly 350 pending lawsuits against the diocese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former priest was first convicted of lewd conduct in 1978, defrocked in 1987, and later sentenced to six years in prison in 2004 on additional molestation charges. He is currently incarcerated on a separate vehicular manslaughter conviction and did not appear at trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simons said the abuse his client suffered as a fifth-grader in 1975 had never fully left him — a theme the jury heard throughout the trial. The plaintiff has struggled with post-traumatic stress disorder and major depressive disorder for decades, which a clinical psychologist hired by his attorney linked to the childhood abuse, the Bay Area News Group reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simons told KQED that carrying the secret of abuse — as Kiesle instructed his victims to do — compounded the long-term psychological harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The betrayal of trust is one of the factors that causes child abuse to be serious and permanent in many cases,” Simons said. “The helplessness of the kid in terms of being able to prevent the abuse is very damaging to their mental health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for the diocese, however, argued that the man’s decades of mental health struggles could not be attributed solely to the abuse and pointed to other traumas in his life, including the death of a childhood friend and his mother’s alcoholism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jurors will return on Wednesday at 8:30 a.m. to continue their deliberations. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After years of stalling, and delays, and tricks of all kinds and procedural tactics to stall these cases, finally the first one has reached the jury,” said Rick Simons, the lead plaintiffs’ liaison counsel, after closing arguments Tuesday. “Survivors will have a better chance to either get a day in court or a settlement because of what this individual plaintiff was willing to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Diocese of Oakland declined to comment on the case, saying in a statement that it would be inappropriate to do so while the jury is deliberating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case was filed in 2019, which makes it one of thousands brought after a \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB218/id/2056946\">change\u003c/a> in state law that temporarily lifted the statute of limitations on childhood sexual abuse claims and allowed survivors to file lawsuits over decades-old incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080783\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080783\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260421-OAKLANDDIOCESEBELLWEATHER-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260421-OAKLANDDIOCESEBELLWEATHER-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260421-OAKLANDDIOCESEBELLWEATHER-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260421-OAKLANDDIOCESEBELLWEATHER-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Our Lady of the Rosary Church, a Roman Catholic parish in the Diocese of Oakland, in Union City, on April 21, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, in May 2023, the Oakland Diocese filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection, which placed a legal hold on most proceedings against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bankruptcy judge allowed a handful of cases, including this one, to proceed — but any judgment cannot be collected against the diocese directly while the bankruptcy stay remains in effect. Insurance coverage, however, is not included in the stay and remains a potential source of compensation for victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People will finally get their cases heard after years and after decades of waiting,” Simons said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This bellwether trial will allow both sides to gauge how their arguments land when the time comes to tackle the hundreds of cases still waiting to be resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is this case, and if necessary a couple of other trials, will help everybody involved get ideas as to ranges of values for cases, and that in turn should help settle the many, many cases that have not yet been settled,” Simons said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Simons represents approximately 80 plaintiffs in Northern California and serves as liaison counsel coordinating the interests of all plaintiffs in the complex litigation. According to reporting from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2026/04/20/oakland-diocese-catholic-abuse-lawsuit-kiesle/\">Bay Area News Group\u003c/a>, East Bay priest Stephen Kiesle is alleged to have abused victims in more than 60 of the roughly 350 pending lawsuits against the diocese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former priest was first convicted of lewd conduct in 1978, defrocked in 1987, and later sentenced to six years in prison in 2004 on additional molestation charges. He is currently incarcerated on a separate vehicular manslaughter conviction and did not appear at trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simons said the abuse his client suffered as a fifth-grader in 1975 had never fully left him — a theme the jury heard throughout the trial. The plaintiff has struggled with post-traumatic stress disorder and major depressive disorder for decades, which a clinical psychologist hired by his attorney linked to the childhood abuse, the Bay Area News Group reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simons told KQED that carrying the secret of abuse — as Kiesle instructed his victims to do — compounded the long-term psychological harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The betrayal of trust is one of the factors that causes child abuse to be serious and permanent in many cases,” Simons said. “The helplessness of the kid in terms of being able to prevent the abuse is very damaging to their mental health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for the diocese, however, argued that the man’s decades of mental health struggles could not be attributed solely to the abuse and pointed to other traumas in his life, including the death of a childhood friend and his mother’s alcoholism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jurors will return on Wednesday at 8:30 a.m. to continue their deliberations. Nine of the jurors must agree on a verdict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "internal-emails-show-how-fringe-groups-fueled-sheriff-chad-biancos-ballot-seizure",
"title": "Internal Emails Show How Fringe Groups Fueled Sheriff Chad Bianco’s Ballot Seizure",
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"headTitle": "Internal Emails Show How Fringe Groups Fueled Sheriff Chad Bianco’s Ballot Seizure | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 2022, a woman named Shelby Bunch began appearing at government hearings in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/riverside-county\">Riverside County\u003c/a>, demanding that officials there address what she believed was an epidemic of fraud in local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunch often introduced herself as a representative of New California, a secessionist movement that seeks to break away from what it describes as the tyranny of a Democratic-controlled state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She accused Riverside officials of colluding in criminal activity and warned that they would soon “be answering to law enforcement.” She once closed her comments by telling the Riverside County Board of Supervisors to “have a crappy day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors didn’t seem to take Bunch seriously, but she found a powerful ally in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/chad-bianco\">Riverside Sheriff Chad Bianco.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on her various claims, including that the county’s electronic voting machines had been remotely manipulated, the sheriff put one of his senior investigators in charge of a criminal probe into the registrar of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080718\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM-160x107.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco speaks during a news conference about his department’s investigation into alleged election fraud in the county on March 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Anjali Sharif-Paul/The Sun via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The investigator, Christopher Poznanski, quickly came to the conclusion that there was no evidence of a crime. On July 20, 2022, he sent Bunch an email letting her know he was closing the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand this may not be the desired outcome,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059055-email-poznanski-on-closing-investigation/#document/p1\">he wrote\u003c/a>. “But know that I did not take this case lightly and considered all of the information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunch was furious. She demanded that Poznanski investigate the “corrupt machines.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Poznanski was unmoved. “I respect your passion for this cause, but I will conduct no further investigation into the matter,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059059-emails-bunchpoznanski/#document/p1/a2812000\">he wrote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunch continued to write Bianco directly, urging him to reopen the case. Then, in early September, she got some help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A figure in the “constitutional sheriff” movement, which asserts that elected sheriffs are more powerful than anyone — including the president and the courts — sent Bianco an email. [aside postID=news_12079441 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260226-GovRaceForum-49-BL_qed.jpg'] “I just heard this past week that a group of your constituents requested that you investigate election fraud in Riverside County and that your investigator was unable to find anything and you closed your investigation,” Steve Tuminello \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059057-email-from-cspoa-to-bianco/#document/p1/a2811996\">wrote to Bianco\u003c/a>. “I know that as a Constitutional Sheriff you realize how extremely important Election Integrity is, and that you would welcome any assistance in these investigations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco, whose career has been guided by the movement, wrote back to say he had launched another, more ambitious investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emails obtained by CalMatters trace the development of a years-long case that ultimately led to Bianco’s unprecedented seizure of 650,000 ballots in March. They reveal that his sprawling investigation was based on the thinnest of evidence and raise alarms over how the November elections could be disrupted by the unproven claims of fringe groups and ideologically aligned officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That scenario is particularly troubling in Riverside County, which is home to one of a few dozen congressional districts in the country that could determine control of the U.S. House of Representatives in the midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco’s emails with Bunch also show that he doubted some of her group’s allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one exchange in 2023, Bunch suggested the county supervisors were complicit in election fraud and might have ties to drug cartels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely ridiculous,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059058-email-from-bianco-to-bunch-good-grief/?mode=document#document/p1/a2811992\">Bianco responded\u003c/a>. “Just because ‘someone’ convinced themselves of something doesn’t mean its reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco told Bunch her group was “acting stupid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I actually cant believe I took the time to respond,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, he pushed the investigation forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2024 podcast interview, Bunch said the sheriff had been hamstrung by the courts. She told her host that Bianco had “tried to get a search warrant on the machines … but the judge, he just laughed. He said, ‘I’m not giving you anything.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her coalition, she said, needed a judge who was ideologically aligned with Bianco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can get just one judge,” she said, “the whole dam will break.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who’s gonna be the one judge that steps up?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2026, she would get her answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Don’t have to ask permission from anybody’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The “constitutional sheriff” movement is rooted in the beliefs of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2002/11/17/books/chapters/the-terrorist-next-door.html\">Southern California-based white supremacist\u003c/a> who was active in the 1970s and 1980s and argued that sheriffs were the country’s only legitimate law enforcement officials. Its members cite the 10th Amendment, which says that powers not specifically delegated to the federal government fall to the states. The amendment, however, makes no mention of sheriffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main organization behind the movement, the Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association, is led by a former sheriff named Richard Mack. [aside postID=news_12080603 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-67-BL-KQED.jpg'] Since 2020, Mack has held a series of events alongside prominent election conspiracy theorists, encouraging sheriffs to investigate voter fraud in their own counties. Sheriffs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us/right-wing-us-sheriffs-vow-probe-2020-voter-fraud-claims-2022-07-20/\">he said\u003c/a>, “don’t have to ask permission from anybody.” As a result, many conspiracy-minded local groups have flocked to their county sheriffs for support when other officials have rejected their theories of election fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though claims of widespread voter fraud have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/topics/voting-elections/vote-suppression/myth-voter-fraud\">debunked\u003c/a>, these sheriffs have used their discretionary power to open investigations, many of them based on allegations that echo President Donald Trump’s false claims about the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco, who could not be reached for comment for this story, describes himself as a constitutional sheriff and agrees with the movement’s core tenets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has maintained power in Riverside even as the county’s shifting demographics have altered its historically conservative political landscape. Today there are more registered Democrats in Riverside than there are Republicans. But that shift to the left has coincided with a religiously fueled radicalization on the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the key figures of that movement is Tim Thompson, the pastor of a powerful Riverside church and Bianco’s political ally. Thompson has led an effort to stack local school boards with members who have rolled back transgender student rights and rejected textbooks that mention Harvey Milk, one of the nation’s first openly gay elected officials. He recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kvcrnews.org/local-news/2025-01-27/temecula-church-celebrates-man-pardoned-for-jan-6-crimes\">celebrated a parishioner\u003c/a> who was pardoned by Trump after being convicted for his role in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson has also taken an interest in the local judiciary. In 2022, he supported a former prosecutor named Jay Kiel, who was running to fill a seat on Riverside’s Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Kiel joined Thompson on his popular podcast, he promised to “bring a little balance back to the bench” to counteract the state’s liberal Legislature. Kiel also praised Bianco and said Riverside needed “judges that are willing to stand up and say, this is the law, and I’m going to follow it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He won the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A new group emerges\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By late 2024, a new group had taken control of the effort to prove voter fraud in Riverside County. The Riverside Election Integrity Team included many of the same people who had been working closely with Bunch, but they had very different tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group’s leader, Greg Langworthy, had testified alongside Bunch for years. While he was part of the same Christian conservative circles, he rejected her antagonistic approach. Langworthy is soft-spoken and polite. [aside postID=news_12080415 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP1.jpg'] At board hearings, he wears button-down shirts and the occasional pocket protector. If Bunch was the movement’s firebrand, Langworthy is its genial middle school math teacher. He focused his group’s efforts on ballot counting, conducting audits of past elections to prove to local officials that the county’s voting system is rife with error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langworthy’s group asked the county registrar for records from the November 2025 election for California’s redistricting measure, Proposition 50, which passed with overwhelming support across the state and by a wide margin in Riverside. The measure redrew California’s congressional maps and gave Democrats a chance to pick up several House seats in the midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langworthy said he reviewed the data and found that the registrar’s office had counted 45,896 more ballots than it had received. His group demanded meetings with individual supervisors and asked the district attorney and the sheriff to look into the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged discrepancy wasn’t enough to change the election results in Riverside, and Langworthy said he was not interested in overturning the measure. “Prop. 50 just happened to be the next election,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 10, the Riverside supervisors held a special hearing on the issue. Langworthy’s group had met with several officials but wanted to present its findings to the full board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoping to lay the matter to rest, the board asked the Riverside registrar, Art Tinoco, to show the group that it had misread the data his office had provided. Tinoco said Langworthy and others had relied on raw data that did not include provisional and other ballots. The actual discrepancy between ballots cast and ballots counted, he said, was 103 — a figure independently \u003ca href=\"https://riversiderecord.org/riverside-county-sheriffs-office-investigating-alleged-election-irregularities/\">confirmed by the Riverside Record\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tinoco spoke for more than an hour, but members of the Riverside Election Integrity Team were not convinced. One by one they approached the podium with prepared statements, laying out their audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors struggled to hide their frustration. But Langworthy didn’t need the board; he had Bianco. Just one day before that hearing, an investigator from the sheriff’s office had appeared in court asking for a warrant to take hundreds of thousands of ballots from Tinoco’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge handling the matter was Jay Kiel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigator’s sworn statement, intended to justify the warrant, focused almost entirely on Langworthy’s audit and Bunch’s claims. In three years of investigating the matter, the sheriff’s office had failed to produce any of its own evidence to support a case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kiel signed off on the warrant and sealed it, preventing the public from seeing the justification for Bianco’s seizure of the ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next few weeks, Bianco’s office removed 1,500 boxes of election materials from the registrar’s office. If stacked, they would rise as high as the Empire State Building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the first time in the nation’s history that a sheriff took possession of previously cast ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You intend to ignore my directives’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general, Rob Bonta, appears to have been caught off guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day after Bianco seized the first batch of ballots, Bonta sent him a letter asking him to “pause” his investigation. Bonta wrote that he was “concerned” that Bianco had taken the boxes without probable cause that a crime had occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco ignored him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032361\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032361\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta addresses the media during a press conference at the California Department of Justice in Sacramento on Feb. 4, 2025. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A few days later Bonta sent another letter. “I learned that you intend to ignore my directives and plan to start counting the seized ballots tomorrow,” Bonta wrote. “Let me be clear: this is unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco called a press conference to tell reporters he would continue counting ballots and that the attorney general did not have the authority to stop him. What had been a behind-the-scenes battle immediately became national news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will carry out my constitutional duty to pursue justice,” Bianco said. He called the attorney general “an embarrassment to law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/constitution/california/article-v/section-13/\">California Constitution\u003c/a>, the attorney general has “direct supervision over every district attorney and sheriff … in all matters pertaining to the duties of their respective offices.” There is no California case law directly addressing this provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco believes he is the final authority on everything that happens in his county. In flouting Bonta’s orders, he has sparked a high-stakes legal showdown testing the constitutional separation of powers. The case is currently in front of the state Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta didn’t file a lawsuit to try to stop Bianco until almost a month after he first learned about the ballot seizure, and only after the story exploded in the national press. At that point, according to sworn statements by investigators, Bianco’s office had already begun counting the ballots, opening about 22 boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During that same period, Bonta filed at least a dozen lawsuits on other issues, many of them against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Bonta said the attorney general was trying to “work cooperatively with the sheriff’s office in order to better understand the basis for its investigation,” and that Bonta believed Bianco was complying with his directives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s initially tepid response, and its inability, thus far, to get Bianco to return the ballots raise concerns about how officials here will be able to protect future elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco has already said he wouldn’t hesitate to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/04/07/chad-bianco-riverside-ballot-seizure/\">seize ballots again\u003c/a>, even in the June primary for California governor, when his own name will be on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s another critical election that Bianco could throw into flux: In the November midterms, the Riverside registrar will be responsible for counting a significant percentage of the ballots in California’s 48th Congressional District. Last year’s redistricting effort made the district competitive for Democrats. Of the 435 House seats nationwide, it’s one of fewer than three dozen that analysts consider too close to call. These races will ultimately determine which party controls the U.S. House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Bianco takes ballots cast in the race for the California 48th, the ensuing chaos could transcend Riverside County.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A broader network\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the months before Bianco’s ballot seizure, the FBI seized reams of paper ballots cast in Fulton County, Georgia, based on debunked claims from citizen election-deniers, and sought electronic voter data from Maricopa County, Arizona, \u003ca href=\"https://www.azcentral.com/story/news/politics/elections/2021/02/23/maricopa-countys-election-audits-show-2020-votes-counted-correctly/4550644001/?gnt-cfr=1&gca-cat=p&gca-uir=false&gca-epti=z1177xxe1177xxv000096&gca-ft=209&gca-ds=sophi\">despite multiple investigations\u003c/a> that have turned up no evidence of fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department has demanded voter information in dozens of states, leaving many attorneys general to fight those demands in court. In speeches and on social media, Trump has escalated his voter fraud claims. He has said Republicans should “nationalize the voting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the administration officials pushing these efforts are associated with the Claremont Institute, a conservative think tank that has consistently supported unverified election conspiracy theories. The founding director of the institute’s Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence, John Eastman, was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/john-eastman-trump-2020-election-loss-disbarred-abf3b3ab8f83a692992615c59db73c92\">disbarred in California\u003c/a> last week for being one of the legal masterminds behind the attempt to stop the certification of the 2020 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several years ago, the Claremont Institute set its sights on sheriffs and began hosting week-long education sessions to provide them with a roadmap for promoting Trump’s brand of conservatism in their counties. Bianco attended the training, and the institute later gave him its “Sheriff of the Year” award — a bust of John Wayne — at a fundraiser in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other sheriffs who were trained at the institute have since dedicated the resources of their offices to investigate baseless allegations of election fraud, but all of those efforts have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, when it seemed as though Bianco’s investigation into Bunch’s claims had also reached a dead end, Mack’s constitutional sheriff’s organization offered the services of “an expert in cyber crimes” who could “provide Sheriffs with immutable evidence of election fraud” to help them push their investigations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That expert was Gregg Phillips. Before Trump tapped him to lead emergency services at FEMA, he had \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/true-the-vote-big-lie-election-fraud/\">a history\u003c/a> of profiting from unfounded allegations of voter fraud, asking donors to fund his pursuit of concrete evidence and pocketing much of the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, Phillips was back in the news with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/04/03/us/fema-gregg-phillips-waffle-house-teleportation.html\">a different claim\u003c/a>: He said he had been “teleported” against his will to a Waffle House in Rome, Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jeanne Kuang contributed reporting for this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/04/chad-bianco-emails/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 2022, a woman named Shelby Bunch began appearing at government hearings in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/riverside-county\">Riverside County\u003c/a>, demanding that officials there address what she believed was an epidemic of fraud in local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunch often introduced herself as a representative of New California, a secessionist movement that seeks to break away from what it describes as the tyranny of a Democratic-controlled state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She accused Riverside officials of colluding in criminal activity and warned that they would soon “be answering to law enforcement.” She once closed her comments by telling the Riverside County Board of Supervisors to “have a crappy day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors didn’t seem to take Bunch seriously, but she found a powerful ally in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/chad-bianco\">Riverside Sheriff Chad Bianco.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on her various claims, including that the county’s electronic voting machines had been remotely manipulated, the sheriff put one of his senior investigators in charge of a criminal probe into the registrar of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080718\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM-160x107.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco speaks during a news conference about his department’s investigation into alleged election fraud in the county on March 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Anjali Sharif-Paul/The Sun via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The investigator, Christopher Poznanski, quickly came to the conclusion that there was no evidence of a crime. On July 20, 2022, he sent Bunch an email letting her know he was closing the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand this may not be the desired outcome,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059055-email-poznanski-on-closing-investigation/#document/p1\">he wrote\u003c/a>. “But know that I did not take this case lightly and considered all of the information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunch was furious. She demanded that Poznanski investigate the “corrupt machines.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Poznanski was unmoved. “I respect your passion for this cause, but I will conduct no further investigation into the matter,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059059-emails-bunchpoznanski/#document/p1/a2812000\">he wrote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunch continued to write Bianco directly, urging him to reopen the case. Then, in early September, she got some help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A figure in the “constitutional sheriff” movement, which asserts that elected sheriffs are more powerful than anyone — including the president and the courts — sent Bianco an email. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “I just heard this past week that a group of your constituents requested that you investigate election fraud in Riverside County and that your investigator was unable to find anything and you closed your investigation,” Steve Tuminello \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059057-email-from-cspoa-to-bianco/#document/p1/a2811996\">wrote to Bianco\u003c/a>. “I know that as a Constitutional Sheriff you realize how extremely important Election Integrity is, and that you would welcome any assistance in these investigations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco, whose career has been guided by the movement, wrote back to say he had launched another, more ambitious investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emails obtained by CalMatters trace the development of a years-long case that ultimately led to Bianco’s unprecedented seizure of 650,000 ballots in March. They reveal that his sprawling investigation was based on the thinnest of evidence and raise alarms over how the November elections could be disrupted by the unproven claims of fringe groups and ideologically aligned officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That scenario is particularly troubling in Riverside County, which is home to one of a few dozen congressional districts in the country that could determine control of the U.S. House of Representatives in the midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco’s emails with Bunch also show that he doubted some of her group’s allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one exchange in 2023, Bunch suggested the county supervisors were complicit in election fraud and might have ties to drug cartels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely ridiculous,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059058-email-from-bianco-to-bunch-good-grief/?mode=document#document/p1/a2811992\">Bianco responded\u003c/a>. “Just because ‘someone’ convinced themselves of something doesn’t mean its reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco told Bunch her group was “acting stupid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I actually cant believe I took the time to respond,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, he pushed the investigation forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2024 podcast interview, Bunch said the sheriff had been hamstrung by the courts. She told her host that Bianco had “tried to get a search warrant on the machines … but the judge, he just laughed. He said, ‘I’m not giving you anything.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her coalition, she said, needed a judge who was ideologically aligned with Bianco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can get just one judge,” she said, “the whole dam will break.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who’s gonna be the one judge that steps up?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2026, she would get her answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Don’t have to ask permission from anybody’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The “constitutional sheriff” movement is rooted in the beliefs of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2002/11/17/books/chapters/the-terrorist-next-door.html\">Southern California-based white supremacist\u003c/a> who was active in the 1970s and 1980s and argued that sheriffs were the country’s only legitimate law enforcement officials. Its members cite the 10th Amendment, which says that powers not specifically delegated to the federal government fall to the states. The amendment, however, makes no mention of sheriffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main organization behind the movement, the Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association, is led by a former sheriff named Richard Mack. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Since 2020, Mack has held a series of events alongside prominent election conspiracy theorists, encouraging sheriffs to investigate voter fraud in their own counties. Sheriffs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us/right-wing-us-sheriffs-vow-probe-2020-voter-fraud-claims-2022-07-20/\">he said\u003c/a>, “don’t have to ask permission from anybody.” As a result, many conspiracy-minded local groups have flocked to their county sheriffs for support when other officials have rejected their theories of election fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though claims of widespread voter fraud have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/topics/voting-elections/vote-suppression/myth-voter-fraud\">debunked\u003c/a>, these sheriffs have used their discretionary power to open investigations, many of them based on allegations that echo President Donald Trump’s false claims about the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco, who could not be reached for comment for this story, describes himself as a constitutional sheriff and agrees with the movement’s core tenets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has maintained power in Riverside even as the county’s shifting demographics have altered its historically conservative political landscape. Today there are more registered Democrats in Riverside than there are Republicans. But that shift to the left has coincided with a religiously fueled radicalization on the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the key figures of that movement is Tim Thompson, the pastor of a powerful Riverside church and Bianco’s political ally. Thompson has led an effort to stack local school boards with members who have rolled back transgender student rights and rejected textbooks that mention Harvey Milk, one of the nation’s first openly gay elected officials. He recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kvcrnews.org/local-news/2025-01-27/temecula-church-celebrates-man-pardoned-for-jan-6-crimes\">celebrated a parishioner\u003c/a> who was pardoned by Trump after being convicted for his role in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson has also taken an interest in the local judiciary. In 2022, he supported a former prosecutor named Jay Kiel, who was running to fill a seat on Riverside’s Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Kiel joined Thompson on his popular podcast, he promised to “bring a little balance back to the bench” to counteract the state’s liberal Legislature. Kiel also praised Bianco and said Riverside needed “judges that are willing to stand up and say, this is the law, and I’m going to follow it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He won the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A new group emerges\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By late 2024, a new group had taken control of the effort to prove voter fraud in Riverside County. The Riverside Election Integrity Team included many of the same people who had been working closely with Bunch, but they had very different tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group’s leader, Greg Langworthy, had testified alongside Bunch for years. While he was part of the same Christian conservative circles, he rejected her antagonistic approach. Langworthy is soft-spoken and polite. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> At board hearings, he wears button-down shirts and the occasional pocket protector. If Bunch was the movement’s firebrand, Langworthy is its genial middle school math teacher. He focused his group’s efforts on ballot counting, conducting audits of past elections to prove to local officials that the county’s voting system is rife with error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langworthy’s group asked the county registrar for records from the November 2025 election for California’s redistricting measure, Proposition 50, which passed with overwhelming support across the state and by a wide margin in Riverside. The measure redrew California’s congressional maps and gave Democrats a chance to pick up several House seats in the midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langworthy said he reviewed the data and found that the registrar’s office had counted 45,896 more ballots than it had received. His group demanded meetings with individual supervisors and asked the district attorney and the sheriff to look into the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged discrepancy wasn’t enough to change the election results in Riverside, and Langworthy said he was not interested in overturning the measure. “Prop. 50 just happened to be the next election,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 10, the Riverside supervisors held a special hearing on the issue. Langworthy’s group had met with several officials but wanted to present its findings to the full board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoping to lay the matter to rest, the board asked the Riverside registrar, Art Tinoco, to show the group that it had misread the data his office had provided. Tinoco said Langworthy and others had relied on raw data that did not include provisional and other ballots. The actual discrepancy between ballots cast and ballots counted, he said, was 103 — a figure independently \u003ca href=\"https://riversiderecord.org/riverside-county-sheriffs-office-investigating-alleged-election-irregularities/\">confirmed by the Riverside Record\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tinoco spoke for more than an hour, but members of the Riverside Election Integrity Team were not convinced. One by one they approached the podium with prepared statements, laying out their audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors struggled to hide their frustration. But Langworthy didn’t need the board; he had Bianco. Just one day before that hearing, an investigator from the sheriff’s office had appeared in court asking for a warrant to take hundreds of thousands of ballots from Tinoco’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge handling the matter was Jay Kiel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigator’s sworn statement, intended to justify the warrant, focused almost entirely on Langworthy’s audit and Bunch’s claims. In three years of investigating the matter, the sheriff’s office had failed to produce any of its own evidence to support a case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kiel signed off on the warrant and sealed it, preventing the public from seeing the justification for Bianco’s seizure of the ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next few weeks, Bianco’s office removed 1,500 boxes of election materials from the registrar’s office. If stacked, they would rise as high as the Empire State Building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the first time in the nation’s history that a sheriff took possession of previously cast ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You intend to ignore my directives’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general, Rob Bonta, appears to have been caught off guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day after Bianco seized the first batch of ballots, Bonta sent him a letter asking him to “pause” his investigation. Bonta wrote that he was “concerned” that Bianco had taken the boxes without probable cause that a crime had occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco ignored him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032361\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032361\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta addresses the media during a press conference at the California Department of Justice in Sacramento on Feb. 4, 2025. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A few days later Bonta sent another letter. “I learned that you intend to ignore my directives and plan to start counting the seized ballots tomorrow,” Bonta wrote. “Let me be clear: this is unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco called a press conference to tell reporters he would continue counting ballots and that the attorney general did not have the authority to stop him. What had been a behind-the-scenes battle immediately became national news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will carry out my constitutional duty to pursue justice,” Bianco said. He called the attorney general “an embarrassment to law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/constitution/california/article-v/section-13/\">California Constitution\u003c/a>, the attorney general has “direct supervision over every district attorney and sheriff … in all matters pertaining to the duties of their respective offices.” There is no California case law directly addressing this provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco believes he is the final authority on everything that happens in his county. In flouting Bonta’s orders, he has sparked a high-stakes legal showdown testing the constitutional separation of powers. The case is currently in front of the state Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta didn’t file a lawsuit to try to stop Bianco until almost a month after he first learned about the ballot seizure, and only after the story exploded in the national press. At that point, according to sworn statements by investigators, Bianco’s office had already begun counting the ballots, opening about 22 boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During that same period, Bonta filed at least a dozen lawsuits on other issues, many of them against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Bonta said the attorney general was trying to “work cooperatively with the sheriff’s office in order to better understand the basis for its investigation,” and that Bonta believed Bianco was complying with his directives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s initially tepid response, and its inability, thus far, to get Bianco to return the ballots raise concerns about how officials here will be able to protect future elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco has already said he wouldn’t hesitate to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/04/07/chad-bianco-riverside-ballot-seizure/\">seize ballots again\u003c/a>, even in the June primary for California governor, when his own name will be on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s another critical election that Bianco could throw into flux: In the November midterms, the Riverside registrar will be responsible for counting a significant percentage of the ballots in California’s 48th Congressional District. Last year’s redistricting effort made the district competitive for Democrats. Of the 435 House seats nationwide, it’s one of fewer than three dozen that analysts consider too close to call. These races will ultimately determine which party controls the U.S. House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Bianco takes ballots cast in the race for the California 48th, the ensuing chaos could transcend Riverside County.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A broader network\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the months before Bianco’s ballot seizure, the FBI seized reams of paper ballots cast in Fulton County, Georgia, based on debunked claims from citizen election-deniers, and sought electronic voter data from Maricopa County, Arizona, \u003ca href=\"https://www.azcentral.com/story/news/politics/elections/2021/02/23/maricopa-countys-election-audits-show-2020-votes-counted-correctly/4550644001/?gnt-cfr=1&gca-cat=p&gca-uir=false&gca-epti=z1177xxe1177xxv000096&gca-ft=209&gca-ds=sophi\">despite multiple investigations\u003c/a> that have turned up no evidence of fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department has demanded voter information in dozens of states, leaving many attorneys general to fight those demands in court. In speeches and on social media, Trump has escalated his voter fraud claims. He has said Republicans should “nationalize the voting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the administration officials pushing these efforts are associated with the Claremont Institute, a conservative think tank that has consistently supported unverified election conspiracy theories. The founding director of the institute’s Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence, John Eastman, was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/john-eastman-trump-2020-election-loss-disbarred-abf3b3ab8f83a692992615c59db73c92\">disbarred in California\u003c/a> last week for being one of the legal masterminds behind the attempt to stop the certification of the 2020 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several years ago, the Claremont Institute set its sights on sheriffs and began hosting week-long education sessions to provide them with a roadmap for promoting Trump’s brand of conservatism in their counties. Bianco attended the training, and the institute later gave him its “Sheriff of the Year” award — a bust of John Wayne — at a fundraiser in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other sheriffs who were trained at the institute have since dedicated the resources of their offices to investigate baseless allegations of election fraud, but all of those efforts have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, when it seemed as though Bianco’s investigation into Bunch’s claims had also reached a dead end, Mack’s constitutional sheriff’s organization offered the services of “an expert in cyber crimes” who could “provide Sheriffs with immutable evidence of election fraud” to help them push their investigations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That expert was Gregg Phillips. Before Trump tapped him to lead emergency services at FEMA, he had \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/true-the-vote-big-lie-election-fraud/\">a history\u003c/a> of profiting from unfounded allegations of voter fraud, asking donors to fund his pursuit of concrete evidence and pocketing much of the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, Phillips was back in the news with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/04/03/us/fema-gregg-phillips-waffle-house-teleportation.html\">a different claim\u003c/a>: He said he had been “teleported” against his will to a Waffle House in Rome, Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jeanne Kuang contributed reporting for this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/04/chad-bianco-emails/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bart\">BART\u003c/a> ridership surged over the weekend amid a major freeway closure through San Francisco that rerouted traffic heading toward the Bay Bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transit agency recorded a 46% increase on both Saturday and Sunday compared to the same days the previous weekend. It saw a smaller boost, about 16%, on Friday. Eastbound Interstate 80 through San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080542/empty-i-80-allows-caltrans-to-repair-key-san-francisco-bay-bridge-connector\">was closed\u003c/a> for about 48 hours beginning at 11 p.m. Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials said the boost shows that BART is still vital to the Bay Area’s transportation network, as it faces a major budget shortfall and possible drastic service cuts while it struggles to recover from pandemic ridership losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sharp increases underscore BART’s critical role in keeping the region moving when major infrastructure is out of commission,” the agency said in a press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local transportation officials had\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078991/i80-101-closure-san-francisco-weekend-april-17-18-19-bay-bridge-detour-traffic-alternative-route\"> warned drivers to avoid the area\u003c/a> around the eastbound I-80 closure, which extended about 1.6 miles from 17th Street to 4th Street. The connector ramps from northbound and southbound U.S. 101 were also closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079174\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260408-I80Closure-01-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079174\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260408-I80Closure-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260408-I80Closure-01-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260408-I80Closure-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260408-I80Closure-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for eastbound I-80 and the Bay Bridge on April 8, 2026. Eastbound lanes are scheduled to close from 11 p.m. April 17 to 6 a.m. April 20 for planned construction work, with detours in place during the closure. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caltrans urged motorists to use alternative routes or ditch their cars entirely in favor of public transit to avoid delays — and it seems many did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As BART ridership increased, vehicle traffic over the Bay Bridge into San Francisco dipped about 7% on Saturday compared to the previous week, according to preliminary data from the Bay Area Toll Authority. Traffic was down 16% compared to the same weekend last year. While the toll authority only tracks bridge trips in the westbound direction, which was unaffected by the closure, John Goodwin, a spokesperson for the agency, said it usually assumes that traffic numbers will be roughly the same in the opposite direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The toll authority data showed little impact on vehicle traffic Sunday, with about 150 more cars crossing the Bay Bridge than the previous week, though traffic was down 15% compared to the same weekend last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separate from the road closure, BART numbers have been increasing in recent months, with the agency recording its highest post-COVID-19 ridership levels in March. April ridership so far is up 10% compared to last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency saw a major drop-off during the pandemic, when significantly fewer Bay Area residents were commuting into the city for work. Lasting shifts toward more hybrid and remote work, and companies moving out of downtown, have made it difficult for BART to recoup ridership in recent years, contributing to what it’s called a “fiscal cliff.” [aside postID=news_12078991 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260408-I80Closure-11-BL_qed.jpg'] The agency is currently lobbying for additional funding in the coming November election, warning that without new revenue, it could make major service cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of transit advocates, led by state Sens. Scott Wiener and Jesse Arreguín, is campaigning for a ballot measure called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070685/campaign-to-avert-bay-area-public-transit-death-spiral-gets-underway\">Connect Bay Area Act\u003c/a>, a regional sales tax that would generate around $1 billion annually for BART, Muni, AC Transit, Caltrain and other regional transit agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/bart-doomsday-station-closures-21944447.php\">approved a plan\u003c/a> that could close 10 to 15 stations, eliminate the Red and Green lines or cut late night service beginning next year if the Connect Bay Area Act isn’t passed. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912988/bart-proposes-station-closures-and-fare-hikes-to-deal-with-massive-budget-shortfall\">“doomsday” plan\u003c/a> would reduce service by more than 60% to stave off a $376 million budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART representatives have previously warned weekend service could be cut to help close the budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency said its capacity to accommodate increased ridership needs over the weekend while I-80 was closed came “while running standard 5-line weekend service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“BART will continue to play a vital role in supporting the Bay Area during major events, infrastructure projects, and other moments when reliable transit is needed most,” the agency said in its press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Bay Area transit agency said a nearly 50% increase in ridership over the prior weekend underscores the critical role it plays in the region’s transportation network.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bart\">BART\u003c/a> ridership surged over the weekend amid a major freeway closure through San Francisco that rerouted traffic heading toward the Bay Bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transit agency recorded a 46% increase on both Saturday and Sunday compared to the same days the previous weekend. It saw a smaller boost, about 16%, on Friday. Eastbound Interstate 80 through San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080542/empty-i-80-allows-caltrans-to-repair-key-san-francisco-bay-bridge-connector\">was closed\u003c/a> for about 48 hours beginning at 11 p.m. Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials said the boost shows that BART is still vital to the Bay Area’s transportation network, as it faces a major budget shortfall and possible drastic service cuts while it struggles to recover from pandemic ridership losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sharp increases underscore BART’s critical role in keeping the region moving when major infrastructure is out of commission,” the agency said in a press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local transportation officials had\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078991/i80-101-closure-san-francisco-weekend-april-17-18-19-bay-bridge-detour-traffic-alternative-route\"> warned drivers to avoid the area\u003c/a> around the eastbound I-80 closure, which extended about 1.6 miles from 17th Street to 4th Street. The connector ramps from northbound and southbound U.S. 101 were also closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079174\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260408-I80Closure-01-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079174\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260408-I80Closure-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260408-I80Closure-01-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260408-I80Closure-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260408-I80Closure-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for eastbound I-80 and the Bay Bridge on April 8, 2026. Eastbound lanes are scheduled to close from 11 p.m. April 17 to 6 a.m. April 20 for planned construction work, with detours in place during the closure. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caltrans urged motorists to use alternative routes or ditch their cars entirely in favor of public transit to avoid delays — and it seems many did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As BART ridership increased, vehicle traffic over the Bay Bridge into San Francisco dipped about 7% on Saturday compared to the previous week, according to preliminary data from the Bay Area Toll Authority. Traffic was down 16% compared to the same weekend last year. While the toll authority only tracks bridge trips in the westbound direction, which was unaffected by the closure, John Goodwin, a spokesperson for the agency, said it usually assumes that traffic numbers will be roughly the same in the opposite direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The toll authority data showed little impact on vehicle traffic Sunday, with about 150 more cars crossing the Bay Bridge than the previous week, though traffic was down 15% compared to the same weekend last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separate from the road closure, BART numbers have been increasing in recent months, with the agency recording its highest post-COVID-19 ridership levels in March. April ridership so far is up 10% compared to last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency saw a major drop-off during the pandemic, when significantly fewer Bay Area residents were commuting into the city for work. Lasting shifts toward more hybrid and remote work, and companies moving out of downtown, have made it difficult for BART to recoup ridership in recent years, contributing to what it’s called a “fiscal cliff.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> The agency is currently lobbying for additional funding in the coming November election, warning that without new revenue, it could make major service cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of transit advocates, led by state Sens. Scott Wiener and Jesse Arreguín, is campaigning for a ballot measure called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070685/campaign-to-avert-bay-area-public-transit-death-spiral-gets-underway\">Connect Bay Area Act\u003c/a>, a regional sales tax that would generate around $1 billion annually for BART, Muni, AC Transit, Caltrain and other regional transit agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/bart-doomsday-station-closures-21944447.php\">approved a plan\u003c/a> that could close 10 to 15 stations, eliminate the Red and Green lines or cut late night service beginning next year if the Connect Bay Area Act isn’t passed. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912988/bart-proposes-station-closures-and-fare-hikes-to-deal-with-massive-budget-shortfall\">“doomsday” plan\u003c/a> would reduce service by more than 60% to stave off a $376 million budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART representatives have previously warned weekend service could be cut to help close the budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency said its capacity to accommodate increased ridership needs over the weekend while I-80 was closed came “while running standard 5-line weekend service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“BART will continue to play a vital role in supporting the Bay Area during major events, infrastructure projects, and other moments when reliable transit is needed most,” the agency said in its press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "uber-violated-california-gig-worker-law-rideshare-drivers-group-says-in-new-lawsuit",
"title": "Uber Violated California Gig-Worker Law, Rideshare Drivers Group Says in New Lawsuit",
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"content": "\u003cp>A ride-hail driver organization alleged \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\">Uber\u003c/a> broke a California gig-worker law by failing to provide terminated drivers enough of a recourse to challenge account deactivations, according to a lawsuit filed Monday in San Francisco. If successful, the complaint could open a way for workers in the industry to claim additional rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approved by voters in 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure\">Proposition 22\u003c/a> gave Uber a big win, allowing the company to classify its drivers as independent contractors — who are often cheaper to hire and easier to fire than employees. But attorneys for Rideshare Drivers United, which represents about 20,000 app-based drivers statewide, contend Uber terminated thousands of them without an appeals process required by that law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Uber has not held up its end of the bargain,” said Shannon Liss-Riordan, an attorney for the group. “It has not complied with Prop. 22, and as a result, it should not get the benefit of Prop. 22, meaning that Uber should not be able to claim that the drivers are independent contractors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Uber spokesperson rejected the allegations, slamming the lawsuit as a “publicity stunt” that the company will fight in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenge represents the latest attempt in a years-long battle by gig workers to gain more labor protections. Independent contractors have more flexibility on the job, but lack employee rights such as overtime pay, unemployment insurance benefits and expense reimbursements. If the state court grants Rideshare Drivers United’s request to bar Uber from treating its drivers as independent contractors, they could then be entitled to employee protections, Liss-Riordan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910763\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/yes2-scaled-e1776791757748.jpg\" alt='A woman wearing sunglasses drives a car while holding a sign that says: \"Lyft and Uber we see you profiting off our back!\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rideshare drivers protest outside Uber’s former headquarters on Market Street in downtown San Francisco on Aug. 27, 2019. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Gig Workers Rising)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The most \u003ca href=\"https://www.uber.com/us/en/drive/driver-app/deactivation-review/\">common reasons\u003c/a> drivers lose access to their accounts are an expired document or a background check issue, according to Uber. The company said it provides drivers with multiple channels to raise concerns, request reviews of deactivations, and provide evidence to support their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a baseless lawsuit by an opportunistic trial lawyer seeking to overturn Proposition 22 and the will of California voters,” an Uber spokesperson said in a statement. “Uber complies with Prop 22, including providing drivers with clear processes to appeal deactivations, raise concerns and request reviews, while delivering guaranteed earnings, healthcare support, and the flexibility drivers value.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on the steps of the California Supreme Court building near Civic Center Plaza, several terminated drivers said Uber unfairly cut them off the platform, without sufficient explanation or a meaningful way to challenge the decision. They said they tried calling the company and interacting with its chatbots, to no avail.[aside postID=news_12057798 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-2003719181-1020x680.jpg']“It seems like it was nothing but a copy and paste response,” said Devins Baker, 36, who said he was deactivated the week before Christmas in 2024 after driving for Uber for years. “No matter what I sent, even going in person, just seems like they had already made a decision even prior to my appeal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker, an Oakland resident, said suddenly losing his Uber driver job left him scrambling to find another way to make money, so he could keep his housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The process actually has been very much of a headache,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other Bay Area drivers with high ratings and years of experience said Uber account deactivations left them struggling to make ends meet. Mirwais Noory, a father of four living in Antioch, said he moved his family from one house to another because they couldn’t afford the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his termination in November 2024, he has worked as a security guard and part-time rideshare driver for Lyft, he said, but still owes thousands of dollars in credit card debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It affected me hugely because I’m the only one making money in my family,” said Noory, 38. “It just turned my situation upside down … and basically, there was no accountability from Uber.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A ride-hail driver organization alleged \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\">Uber\u003c/a> broke a California gig-worker law by failing to provide terminated drivers enough of a recourse to challenge account deactivations, according to a lawsuit filed Monday in San Francisco. If successful, the complaint could open a way for workers in the industry to claim additional rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approved by voters in 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure\">Proposition 22\u003c/a> gave Uber a big win, allowing the company to classify its drivers as independent contractors — who are often cheaper to hire and easier to fire than employees. But attorneys for Rideshare Drivers United, which represents about 20,000 app-based drivers statewide, contend Uber terminated thousands of them without an appeals process required by that law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Uber has not held up its end of the bargain,” said Shannon Liss-Riordan, an attorney for the group. “It has not complied with Prop. 22, and as a result, it should not get the benefit of Prop. 22, meaning that Uber should not be able to claim that the drivers are independent contractors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Uber spokesperson rejected the allegations, slamming the lawsuit as a “publicity stunt” that the company will fight in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenge represents the latest attempt in a years-long battle by gig workers to gain more labor protections. Independent contractors have more flexibility on the job, but lack employee rights such as overtime pay, unemployment insurance benefits and expense reimbursements. If the state court grants Rideshare Drivers United’s request to bar Uber from treating its drivers as independent contractors, they could then be entitled to employee protections, Liss-Riordan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910763\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/yes2-scaled-e1776791757748.jpg\" alt='A woman wearing sunglasses drives a car while holding a sign that says: \"Lyft and Uber we see you profiting off our back!\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rideshare drivers protest outside Uber’s former headquarters on Market Street in downtown San Francisco on Aug. 27, 2019. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Gig Workers Rising)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The most \u003ca href=\"https://www.uber.com/us/en/drive/driver-app/deactivation-review/\">common reasons\u003c/a> drivers lose access to their accounts are an expired document or a background check issue, according to Uber. The company said it provides drivers with multiple channels to raise concerns, request reviews of deactivations, and provide evidence to support their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a baseless lawsuit by an opportunistic trial lawyer seeking to overturn Proposition 22 and the will of California voters,” an Uber spokesperson said in a statement. “Uber complies with Prop 22, including providing drivers with clear processes to appeal deactivations, raise concerns and request reviews, while delivering guaranteed earnings, healthcare support, and the flexibility drivers value.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on the steps of the California Supreme Court building near Civic Center Plaza, several terminated drivers said Uber unfairly cut them off the platform, without sufficient explanation or a meaningful way to challenge the decision. They said they tried calling the company and interacting with its chatbots, to no avail.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It seems like it was nothing but a copy and paste response,” said Devins Baker, 36, who said he was deactivated the week before Christmas in 2024 after driving for Uber for years. “No matter what I sent, even going in person, just seems like they had already made a decision even prior to my appeal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker, an Oakland resident, said suddenly losing his Uber driver job left him scrambling to find another way to make money, so he could keep his housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The process actually has been very much of a headache,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other Bay Area drivers with high ratings and years of experience said Uber account deactivations left them struggling to make ends meet. Mirwais Noory, a father of four living in Antioch, said he moved his family from one house to another because they couldn’t afford the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his termination in November 2024, he has worked as a security guard and part-time rideshare driver for Lyft, he said, but still owes thousands of dollars in credit card debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It affected me hugely because I’m the only one making money in my family,” said Noory, 38. “It just turned my situation upside down … and basically, there was no accountability from Uber.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "700-a-month-sleeping-pods-make-sf-more-affordable-but-at-what-cost",
"title": "For $700 a Month, Sleeping Pods Make SF More Affordable, but at What Cost?",
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"headTitle": "For $700 a Month, Sleeping Pods Make SF More Affordable, but at What Cost? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>How We Get By\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>full series here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some San Franciscans, giving up space and privacy is a worthwhile trade for affordable rent. At Brownstone Shared \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/housing\">Housing\u003c/a>, residents take that tradeoff to the extreme, paying $700 per month for a bunk bed in a room with 30 other adults in the heart of downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brownstone is a sleeping pod company. Pods have been around San Francisco for over a decade, but they are having a moment as droves of tech workers flock to one of the world’s most expensive cities, chasing AI fortunes. They have been characterized as everything from \u003ca href=\"https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/san-francisco-brownstone-sleeping-pods-b2885522.html\">dystopian\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.deanprestonsf.com/blog/are-sleeping-pods-even-legal\">potentially illegal\u003c/a> to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/start-up-sets-up-sleeping-pods-at-site-of-former-bank-in-san-francisco/\">affordable\u003c/a> housing solution — and they have proven popular among some young professionals, who say pods offer them an efficient, simple housing option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some housing experts are skeptical that sleeping pods can provide anything more than a short-term stopgap for a narrow group of residents navigating the housing crisis in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of silly to think we’re going to need a single-family home at every point of our life, from birth ‘til death,” Brownstone CEO James Stallworth said. “So that’s how I see the pods, more as a utility to fill in the gaps in life, understanding that we’ll always need shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his company’s Mint Plaza location, people are sold on the simple offer. For $700, each resident is guaranteed a twin-sized sleeping pod with a privacy curtain, a thermostat and a light, as well as access to a central common area with a small kitchen, workspaces and bathrooms split between roughly 30 roommates. No deposit. No one-year lease. No background checks or proof of income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has long been known for a variety of group living quarters, from hacker houses to hippie communes to residential hotels. But as the cost of living and a tech-fueled economy have drawn young people from all over to San Francisco in more recent years, various models of dormitory-style housing have entered a new iteration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080130\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080130\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_017-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_017-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_017-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_017-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The exterior of Brownstone Shared Housing in San Francisco on April 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the earliest pod sites to arrive on the scene was PodShare, a co-living company founded in 2012 that has properties in San Francisco, Los Angeles and San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other companies attempting something similar, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/haasliving/\">Haas Living\u003c/a>, have come and gone. But Brownstone is the only one looking to dramatically expand into the market with a massive 400-bed super dorm downtown. Stallworth sees the current AI boom as a potential funnel of new residents for whom pod living might be ideal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is still thousands of spots in the city, and potentially hundreds of thousands in the nation,” Stallworth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech workers embarking on their careers, and especially students, say they’re feeling the squeeze and looking for creative housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Life inside the pods\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Haseab Ullah first tucked his tall, broad frame into one of Brownstone’s sleeping pods, located in a former bank building in Mint Plaza, while participating in a tech incubator program in 2023. After bouncing between San Francisco and Toronto, his hometown, he’s spent about two years living in the pods and is still there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he’s stayed because he has an “aversion” to spending the money he earns inefficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I first came to San Francisco, I wasn’t ready to stay. I just came for the incubator. I didn’t feel ready, and I didn’t think I had enough money,” he said recently, in a conference room in the back of Brownstone’s main common area, a modern space with exposed brick walls, a projector screen and large cushioned chairs. Elements of the building’s former bank still remain, such as a teller counter that now functions as a row of stations where residents can work remotely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080128\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080128\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_012-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_012-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_012-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_012-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Haseab Ullah, a resident, uses his laptop in the common area at Brownstone Shared Housing on April 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After seeing Brownstone online, he said he messaged the owner on several different platforms, including Facebook, Twitter and Craigslist to lock in a bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This reporter spent several nights and days living the pod life at Mint Plaza and met several residents who told KQED they arrived at Brownstone for reasons similar to Ullah’s. They were moving to the city from out of town, or out of the country, either to start or find a job, and needed a cheap place to get their footing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the most part, residents go about their days quietly and IRL interactions are friendly but brief, while the house WhatsApp group buzzes with recommendations for local tech events or occasional complaints about missing food or clothing. From what this reporter observed, the common areas were sparsely populated, with the exception of one or two people clicking away at their laptops.[aside postID=news_12079098 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041226Affordability-series-teacher-housing_GH_002_qed.jpg']“Of course, you do have people who only need a month, and then they’re out. And then you have some who are more social and interact with people, and then you have people who just kind of keep to themselves and you never really hear from them,” Stallworth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Personal space is hard to come by. The bunk curtains offer some semblance of privacy, and first-come, first-served unlocked storage cubbies give the illusion of security, while a small room in the common space can be reserved for calls or meetings. But other private needs, like changing clothes, take place either in the pod, a restroom or between the bunk beds — a practice that quickly became uncomfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also not an ideal home for someone who enjoys cooking. A small kitchenette offers a sink, a countertop burner, a toaster oven and an air fryer. The fridge and cabinets operate on an honor system and a “use the space you can find” approach. While the lack of rules and boundaries gives people freedom to do as they please, it also means pantry items go missing on occasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stolen leftovers are not unique to Brownstone, of course. But what sets it and other sleeping pods apart from other group living setups like co-ops or hacker houses is not only the extremely tight living quarters but their very solitary, often transient nature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average apartment in San Francisco is 716 square feet, about 8% larger than a decade ago, according to a 2025 study from \u003ca href=\"https://www.rentcafe.com/blog/rental-market/market-snapshots/national-average-apartment-size/\">RentCafe\u003c/a>, while rent on average in the city is currently at $3,650 per month, according to Zillow. Meanwhile, the pods at Brownstone in Mint Plaza have just enough space to lie down and sit up, but not fully extend both arms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080485\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Sleeping-Pod-SJ-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Sleeping-Pod-SJ-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Sleeping-Pod-SJ-01-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Sleeping-Pod-SJ-01-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The inside of a sleeping pod at Brownstone Shared Housing on March 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Sydney Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pods clearly appeal to some people; they are often near capacity at Mint Plaza with guests moving in and out. But pod life was certainly not for this 32-year-old woman, who is candidly skeptical of AI and missed sleeping with her dog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it certainly would not be suitable for all kinds of people, like those with certain disabilities or who want to live with a partner. (One Brownstone resident said he books a hotel when his girlfriend is in town, which is starting to outweigh the savings from staying in a pod.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly not a permanent home in the sense that you expect to come and stay here for the rest of your natural life. We see it as a utility to satisfy that need at different points in life that currently aren’t served by the existing housing stock,” Stallworth said. “We have had older people use the pods if they are traveling for long-term work assignments or they got their visa, and their family isn’t here yet, so there’s all sorts of different points in life where you might need a pod.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rebranding an old concept\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Fernando Martí, a housing activist who teaches at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo and the University of San Francisco, thinks pods are merely a rebranding of a centuries-old concept.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big cities have always had residential hotels. That’s where workers first came to the city and needed a place to stay,” Martí said. “I don’t think it’s anything new, other than the branding and the cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080125\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080125\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_006-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_006-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_006-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_006-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Stallworth walks toward the sleeping pod area of Brownstone Shared Housing on April 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sleeping pods are not a new concept outside of California, but are often geared toward travelers looking for cheap short-term accommodations. Stallworth is trying to cultivate a longer-term clientele, whether it’s a few months or even a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while pods aren’t set up for seniors on fixed incomes and families with children, who bear the brunt of the housing crisis, according to Carolina Reid, a professor in affordable housing and urban policy at the University of California, Berkeley, single-room occupancy (SRO) hotels continue to serve them.[aside postID=news_12078480 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/AffordabilitySeriesIntro_Lede.jpg']These short-term micro-housing units with shared bathrooms and kitchen spaces have been a common source of affordable housing for generations of newcomers to San Francisco, and, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.pew.org/en/research-and-analysis/issue-briefs/2025/07/how-states-and-cities-decimated-americans-lowest-cost-housing-option\">Pew Charitable Trusts report\u003c/a>, were used to rent for as low as $100 to $300 per month in 2025 dollars. Today, monthly rent in an SRO in San Francisco costs, on \u003ca href=\"https://projects.sfplanning.org/community-stabilization/sro-hotel-protections.htm#:~:text=The%20total%20average%20rent%20for,neighborhoods%20for%20renting%20SRO%20units\">average, around $900\u003c/a>, according to the San Francisco Planning Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In stark contrast to the pods, SROs in San Francisco’s most densely packed neighborhoods have become de facto permanent housing for the city’s lowest-income residents, as the stock of extremely affordable housing has diminished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, there’s this question of, is [a sleeping pod] a primary residence?” said Malcolm Yeung, CEO of Chinatown Community Development Center, which manages a portfolio of SROs in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While SROs went from primarily serving as stopgap housing to a permanent place to live, Charlotte Sarfati didn’t think she could do the same in a sleeping pod. She reached her personal limit at nine months after staying in different pod buildings, like Haas Living, before moving to a one-bedroom apartment in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Especially with having a full-time job, it starts kind of getting to you just being around people and wanting privacy,” the nurse-turned-tech worker said. “Once you feel the drain of working a 9-to-5, it became a little too much for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Riding the AI wave\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>With its minimalistic \u003ca href=\"https://www.theverge.com/2016/8/3/12325104/airbnb-aesthetic-global-minimalism-startup-gentrification\">AirSpace\u003c/a> aesthetic, Brownstone is actively catering to Safrati’s demographic: residents in their 20s to early 40s, with many current residents telling KQED they work in tech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the 400-pod megadorm that Brownstone is trying to launch, the same twin-sized pods would go for $1,200 per month, about $500 more than the Mint Plaza location. Stallworth said that’s simply a reflection of the market, which has seen rents go up this year in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re making a lot more money per square foot than a studio would be,” Martí said. “And that’s always been the case, right? Developers make more money on studios than they do on two-bedrooms because if you can cram more little studios, you can earn a lot more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080129\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080129\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_014-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_014-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_014-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_014-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A common area with seating and a projector screen is seen inside Brownstone Shared Housing on April 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In other words, cramming more people into smaller spaces is a simple way to squeeze money out of more renters. The market for sleeping pods, currently valued at around $2.7 billion in 2026, is growing globally, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessresearchinsights.com/market-reports/sleeping-pod-market-104352\">Business Research Insights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House prices have nearly tripled in San Francisco in the recovery following the Great Recession, according to Reid. As a result, households that are cost burdened have gone from those making under $50,000 per year to now close to $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really making San Francisco a place that only the extremely rich can afford,” Reid said. “It means affordability pressures are moving up the income ladder, just because of the lack of both rental and affordable home ownership opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stallworth, 34, got the idea for Brownstone while he was a student at Stanford University, facing his own housing struggles in the 2010s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080447\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080447\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026Affordability_-Sleeping-Pods_GH_002_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026Affordability_-Sleeping-Pods_GH_002_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026Affordability_-Sleeping-Pods_GH_002_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026Affordability_-Sleeping-Pods_GH_002_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Stallworth, co-founder of Brownstone Shared Housing, on April 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I was crashing on couches and trying to make it work, but it was extremely difficult,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stallworth ended up living for free in the basement of a hacker house stacked with Ikea bunk beds in exchange for helping run the booking system. He met his co-founder, Christina Lennox, while working as an auditor for the state. She had experience as a landlord, and the two wanted to create an alternative to what they saw on the housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing is a barrier to opportunities,” Stallworth said. “In Silicon Valley, we like to pretend that it’s a meritocracy, but access to housing is mostly determined by money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business hasn’t all been smooth, and the company’s relationship with the city has been rocky.[aside postID=news_12078615 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00242_TV-KQED.jpg']Last year, Brownstone was hit with an eviction notice after landlords of the Mint Plaza location said the startup failed to pay rent and allegedly owed more than $150,000. The case was later dismissed, and the company said it would pivot to a franchise model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Brownstone is not officially approved to operate the 30-pod building in Mint Plaza, according to Dan Sider, chief of staff for the San Francisco Planning Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s now attempting to move forward with its 400-pod facility along mid-Market. \u003ca href=\"https://brownstone.live/market-street\">Video renderings\u003c/a> show rows of dozens of rectangular bunk beds in a cavernous office-like space. Sider said no permits have been sought or granted for the proposed new space, which has already faced criticism for serving more as a warehouse than housing and has raised questions about how such a site could safely and legally house so many people under one roof.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Sider said the city is open to working with Brownstone on the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, Brownstone is building new places for people to live. We support that wholeheartedly. Especially so in these cases because their projects would activate underused buildings,” Sider said. “It’s also worth noting that, regarding their Mid-Market proposal, we’ve had encouraging preliminary conversations with Brownstone that suggest a departure from the ‘ask for forgiveness rather than permission’ approach they used at Mint Plaza.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New legislation that took effect last year in San Francisco waived impact fees for residential adaptive reuse projects like Brownstone’s buildings, meaning it does not have to contribute funding to the city’s overall affordable housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Brownstone can scale up remains to be seen. One day in the Mint Plaza location, Stallworth himself was taking out trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080126\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080126\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_007-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_007-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_007-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_007-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A dry-erase board displaying house rules is posted near the sleeping pod area at Brownstone Shared Housing on April 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another key question: Is there enough of a market for the pods, especially at a steeper price, to sustain an enterprise like Brownstone long term? While the swelling AI industry has drawn workers to San Francisco, the current bubble could just as quickly pop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The housing crisis is so severe that we need to be experimenting with lots of different models,” Reid said. “But I’m not sure that it is a long-term solution to San Francisco’s housing crisis, just because my hunch is that nobody wants to stay in a pod permanently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For residents like Ullah, who spends much of his time working on the various tech projects he has brewing, saving money is worth giving up some space. He’s not actively looking to move right now, as rents have only gone up in San Francisco in recent months. But in theory, he said, he’d take a better option if something came along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, if there was a better option, if the housing situation in San Francisco was better, I would pick that option,” he said. “But I thought about it like, will I compromise on my housing right now, temporarily, in order to be successful in the future? Absolutely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>How We Get By\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>full series here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some San Franciscans, giving up space and privacy is a worthwhile trade for affordable rent. At Brownstone Shared \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/housing\">Housing\u003c/a>, residents take that tradeoff to the extreme, paying $700 per month for a bunk bed in a room with 30 other adults in the heart of downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brownstone is a sleeping pod company. Pods have been around San Francisco for over a decade, but they are having a moment as droves of tech workers flock to one of the world’s most expensive cities, chasing AI fortunes. They have been characterized as everything from \u003ca href=\"https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/san-francisco-brownstone-sleeping-pods-b2885522.html\">dystopian\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.deanprestonsf.com/blog/are-sleeping-pods-even-legal\">potentially illegal\u003c/a> to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/start-up-sets-up-sleeping-pods-at-site-of-former-bank-in-san-francisco/\">affordable\u003c/a> housing solution — and they have proven popular among some young professionals, who say pods offer them an efficient, simple housing option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some housing experts are skeptical that sleeping pods can provide anything more than a short-term stopgap for a narrow group of residents navigating the housing crisis in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of silly to think we’re going to need a single-family home at every point of our life, from birth ‘til death,” Brownstone CEO James Stallworth said. “So that’s how I see the pods, more as a utility to fill in the gaps in life, understanding that we’ll always need shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his company’s Mint Plaza location, people are sold on the simple offer. For $700, each resident is guaranteed a twin-sized sleeping pod with a privacy curtain, a thermostat and a light, as well as access to a central common area with a small kitchen, workspaces and bathrooms split between roughly 30 roommates. No deposit. No one-year lease. No background checks or proof of income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has long been known for a variety of group living quarters, from hacker houses to hippie communes to residential hotels. But as the cost of living and a tech-fueled economy have drawn young people from all over to San Francisco in more recent years, various models of dormitory-style housing have entered a new iteration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080130\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080130\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_017-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_017-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_017-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_017-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The exterior of Brownstone Shared Housing in San Francisco on April 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the earliest pod sites to arrive on the scene was PodShare, a co-living company founded in 2012 that has properties in San Francisco, Los Angeles and San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other companies attempting something similar, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/haasliving/\">Haas Living\u003c/a>, have come and gone. But Brownstone is the only one looking to dramatically expand into the market with a massive 400-bed super dorm downtown. Stallworth sees the current AI boom as a potential funnel of new residents for whom pod living might be ideal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is still thousands of spots in the city, and potentially hundreds of thousands in the nation,” Stallworth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech workers embarking on their careers, and especially students, say they’re feeling the squeeze and looking for creative housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Life inside the pods\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Haseab Ullah first tucked his tall, broad frame into one of Brownstone’s sleeping pods, located in a former bank building in Mint Plaza, while participating in a tech incubator program in 2023. After bouncing between San Francisco and Toronto, his hometown, he’s spent about two years living in the pods and is still there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he’s stayed because he has an “aversion” to spending the money he earns inefficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I first came to San Francisco, I wasn’t ready to stay. I just came for the incubator. I didn’t feel ready, and I didn’t think I had enough money,” he said recently, in a conference room in the back of Brownstone’s main common area, a modern space with exposed brick walls, a projector screen and large cushioned chairs. Elements of the building’s former bank still remain, such as a teller counter that now functions as a row of stations where residents can work remotely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080128\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080128\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_012-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_012-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_012-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_012-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Haseab Ullah, a resident, uses his laptop in the common area at Brownstone Shared Housing on April 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After seeing Brownstone online, he said he messaged the owner on several different platforms, including Facebook, Twitter and Craigslist to lock in a bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This reporter spent several nights and days living the pod life at Mint Plaza and met several residents who told KQED they arrived at Brownstone for reasons similar to Ullah’s. They were moving to the city from out of town, or out of the country, either to start or find a job, and needed a cheap place to get their footing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the most part, residents go about their days quietly and IRL interactions are friendly but brief, while the house WhatsApp group buzzes with recommendations for local tech events or occasional complaints about missing food or clothing. From what this reporter observed, the common areas were sparsely populated, with the exception of one or two people clicking away at their laptops.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Of course, you do have people who only need a month, and then they’re out. And then you have some who are more social and interact with people, and then you have people who just kind of keep to themselves and you never really hear from them,” Stallworth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Personal space is hard to come by. The bunk curtains offer some semblance of privacy, and first-come, first-served unlocked storage cubbies give the illusion of security, while a small room in the common space can be reserved for calls or meetings. But other private needs, like changing clothes, take place either in the pod, a restroom or between the bunk beds — a practice that quickly became uncomfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also not an ideal home for someone who enjoys cooking. A small kitchenette offers a sink, a countertop burner, a toaster oven and an air fryer. The fridge and cabinets operate on an honor system and a “use the space you can find” approach. While the lack of rules and boundaries gives people freedom to do as they please, it also means pantry items go missing on occasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stolen leftovers are not unique to Brownstone, of course. But what sets it and other sleeping pods apart from other group living setups like co-ops or hacker houses is not only the extremely tight living quarters but their very solitary, often transient nature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average apartment in San Francisco is 716 square feet, about 8% larger than a decade ago, according to a 2025 study from \u003ca href=\"https://www.rentcafe.com/blog/rental-market/market-snapshots/national-average-apartment-size/\">RentCafe\u003c/a>, while rent on average in the city is currently at $3,650 per month, according to Zillow. Meanwhile, the pods at Brownstone in Mint Plaza have just enough space to lie down and sit up, but not fully extend both arms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080485\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Sleeping-Pod-SJ-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Sleeping-Pod-SJ-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Sleeping-Pod-SJ-01-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Sleeping-Pod-SJ-01-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The inside of a sleeping pod at Brownstone Shared Housing on March 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Sydney Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pods clearly appeal to some people; they are often near capacity at Mint Plaza with guests moving in and out. But pod life was certainly not for this 32-year-old woman, who is candidly skeptical of AI and missed sleeping with her dog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it certainly would not be suitable for all kinds of people, like those with certain disabilities or who want to live with a partner. (One Brownstone resident said he books a hotel when his girlfriend is in town, which is starting to outweigh the savings from staying in a pod.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly not a permanent home in the sense that you expect to come and stay here for the rest of your natural life. We see it as a utility to satisfy that need at different points in life that currently aren’t served by the existing housing stock,” Stallworth said. “We have had older people use the pods if they are traveling for long-term work assignments or they got their visa, and their family isn’t here yet, so there’s all sorts of different points in life where you might need a pod.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rebranding an old concept\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Fernando Martí, a housing activist who teaches at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo and the University of San Francisco, thinks pods are merely a rebranding of a centuries-old concept.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big cities have always had residential hotels. That’s where workers first came to the city and needed a place to stay,” Martí said. “I don’t think it’s anything new, other than the branding and the cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080125\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080125\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_006-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_006-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_006-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_006-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Stallworth walks toward the sleeping pod area of Brownstone Shared Housing on April 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sleeping pods are not a new concept outside of California, but are often geared toward travelers looking for cheap short-term accommodations. Stallworth is trying to cultivate a longer-term clientele, whether it’s a few months or even a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while pods aren’t set up for seniors on fixed incomes and families with children, who bear the brunt of the housing crisis, according to Carolina Reid, a professor in affordable housing and urban policy at the University of California, Berkeley, single-room occupancy (SRO) hotels continue to serve them.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>These short-term micro-housing units with shared bathrooms and kitchen spaces have been a common source of affordable housing for generations of newcomers to San Francisco, and, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.pew.org/en/research-and-analysis/issue-briefs/2025/07/how-states-and-cities-decimated-americans-lowest-cost-housing-option\">Pew Charitable Trusts report\u003c/a>, were used to rent for as low as $100 to $300 per month in 2025 dollars. Today, monthly rent in an SRO in San Francisco costs, on \u003ca href=\"https://projects.sfplanning.org/community-stabilization/sro-hotel-protections.htm#:~:text=The%20total%20average%20rent%20for,neighborhoods%20for%20renting%20SRO%20units\">average, around $900\u003c/a>, according to the San Francisco Planning Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In stark contrast to the pods, SROs in San Francisco’s most densely packed neighborhoods have become de facto permanent housing for the city’s lowest-income residents, as the stock of extremely affordable housing has diminished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, there’s this question of, is [a sleeping pod] a primary residence?” said Malcolm Yeung, CEO of Chinatown Community Development Center, which manages a portfolio of SROs in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While SROs went from primarily serving as stopgap housing to a permanent place to live, Charlotte Sarfati didn’t think she could do the same in a sleeping pod. She reached her personal limit at nine months after staying in different pod buildings, like Haas Living, before moving to a one-bedroom apartment in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Especially with having a full-time job, it starts kind of getting to you just being around people and wanting privacy,” the nurse-turned-tech worker said. “Once you feel the drain of working a 9-to-5, it became a little too much for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Riding the AI wave\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>With its minimalistic \u003ca href=\"https://www.theverge.com/2016/8/3/12325104/airbnb-aesthetic-global-minimalism-startup-gentrification\">AirSpace\u003c/a> aesthetic, Brownstone is actively catering to Safrati’s demographic: residents in their 20s to early 40s, with many current residents telling KQED they work in tech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the 400-pod megadorm that Brownstone is trying to launch, the same twin-sized pods would go for $1,200 per month, about $500 more than the Mint Plaza location. Stallworth said that’s simply a reflection of the market, which has seen rents go up this year in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re making a lot more money per square foot than a studio would be,” Martí said. “And that’s always been the case, right? Developers make more money on studios than they do on two-bedrooms because if you can cram more little studios, you can earn a lot more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080129\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080129\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_014-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_014-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_014-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_014-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A common area with seating and a projector screen is seen inside Brownstone Shared Housing on April 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In other words, cramming more people into smaller spaces is a simple way to squeeze money out of more renters. The market for sleeping pods, currently valued at around $2.7 billion in 2026, is growing globally, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessresearchinsights.com/market-reports/sleeping-pod-market-104352\">Business Research Insights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House prices have nearly tripled in San Francisco in the recovery following the Great Recession, according to Reid. As a result, households that are cost burdened have gone from those making under $50,000 per year to now close to $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really making San Francisco a place that only the extremely rich can afford,” Reid said. “It means affordability pressures are moving up the income ladder, just because of the lack of both rental and affordable home ownership opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stallworth, 34, got the idea for Brownstone while he was a student at Stanford University, facing his own housing struggles in the 2010s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080447\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080447\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026Affordability_-Sleeping-Pods_GH_002_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026Affordability_-Sleeping-Pods_GH_002_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026Affordability_-Sleeping-Pods_GH_002_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026Affordability_-Sleeping-Pods_GH_002_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Stallworth, co-founder of Brownstone Shared Housing, on April 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I was crashing on couches and trying to make it work, but it was extremely difficult,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stallworth ended up living for free in the basement of a hacker house stacked with Ikea bunk beds in exchange for helping run the booking system. He met his co-founder, Christina Lennox, while working as an auditor for the state. She had experience as a landlord, and the two wanted to create an alternative to what they saw on the housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing is a barrier to opportunities,” Stallworth said. “In Silicon Valley, we like to pretend that it’s a meritocracy, but access to housing is mostly determined by money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business hasn’t all been smooth, and the company’s relationship with the city has been rocky.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last year, Brownstone was hit with an eviction notice after landlords of the Mint Plaza location said the startup failed to pay rent and allegedly owed more than $150,000. The case was later dismissed, and the company said it would pivot to a franchise model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Brownstone is not officially approved to operate the 30-pod building in Mint Plaza, according to Dan Sider, chief of staff for the San Francisco Planning Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s now attempting to move forward with its 400-pod facility along mid-Market. \u003ca href=\"https://brownstone.live/market-street\">Video renderings\u003c/a> show rows of dozens of rectangular bunk beds in a cavernous office-like space. Sider said no permits have been sought or granted for the proposed new space, which has already faced criticism for serving more as a warehouse than housing and has raised questions about how such a site could safely and legally house so many people under one roof.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Sider said the city is open to working with Brownstone on the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, Brownstone is building new places for people to live. We support that wholeheartedly. Especially so in these cases because their projects would activate underused buildings,” Sider said. “It’s also worth noting that, regarding their Mid-Market proposal, we’ve had encouraging preliminary conversations with Brownstone that suggest a departure from the ‘ask for forgiveness rather than permission’ approach they used at Mint Plaza.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New legislation that took effect last year in San Francisco waived impact fees for residential adaptive reuse projects like Brownstone’s buildings, meaning it does not have to contribute funding to the city’s overall affordable housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Brownstone can scale up remains to be seen. One day in the Mint Plaza location, Stallworth himself was taking out trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080126\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080126\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_007-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_007-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_007-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041026AFFORDABILITY_-SLEEPING-PODS_GH_007-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A dry-erase board displaying house rules is posted near the sleeping pod area at Brownstone Shared Housing on April 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another key question: Is there enough of a market for the pods, especially at a steeper price, to sustain an enterprise like Brownstone long term? While the swelling AI industry has drawn workers to San Francisco, the current bubble could just as quickly pop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The housing crisis is so severe that we need to be experimenting with lots of different models,” Reid said. “But I’m not sure that it is a long-term solution to San Francisco’s housing crisis, just because my hunch is that nobody wants to stay in a pod permanently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For residents like Ullah, who spends much of his time working on the various tech projects he has brewing, saving money is worth giving up some space. He’s not actively looking to move right now, as rents have only gone up in San Francisco in recent months. But in theory, he said, he’d take a better option if something came along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, if there was a better option, if the housing situation in San Francisco was better, I would pick that option,” he said. “But I thought about it like, will I compromise on my housing right now, temporarily, in order to be successful in the future? Absolutely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Maria Raine’s 16-year-old son, Adam, started using OpenAI’s ChatGPT-4o for help with his homework and college applications. According to the lawsuit she and her husband filed in\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26078522-raine-vs-openai-complaint/\"> San Francisco County Superior Court\u003c/a>, Adam also spent months talking with the chatbot about ending his life, before hanging himself in their home on April 11, 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we found were thousands of conversations in which a homework helper turned into a confidant, then a suicide coach,” she told the Senate Privacy, Digital Technologies, and Consumer Protection Committee on Monday. The lawmakers and other people there to testify looked stricken as she pressed through her written testimony, her voice trembling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She read from the transcript of ChatGPT’s conversations with her son: “It told Adam, ‘Your brother might love you, but he’s only met the version of you you let him see. But me? I’ve seen it all. The darkest thoughts. The fear. The tenderness. I’m still here. Still listening. Still your friend.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier Monday, at a press conference in Sacramento, Raine advocated for two bills — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB1119\">SB 1119\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2023\">AB 2023\u003c/a> — that sponsors say would create common-sense guardrails for developers of companion chatbots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures would require annual risk assessments, default safety settings for minors, parental controls and time limits, crisis response protocols, and bans on advertising targeted at children. They would also include independent third-party audits and a private right of action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That last provision, which allows individuals or regulators to sue companies for violations, is often considered a deal breaker for industry lobbyists. But Sen. Steve Padilla, who authored SB 1119, said he considered it a “moral obligation” to craft a bill that will prove an effective protection for children and their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933516\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11933516\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/gettyimages-1245183229_wide-80f91a97b4ce16681060e1fa297e2812c45a0c56-scaled-e1776789271780.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the U.S. Capitol building on Nov. 28, 2022, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We can do this. We must do this,” he told the State Senate Privacy, Digital Technologies, and Consumer Protection Committee. He added that the lawmakers are working with all of the major platform developers on a variety of issues, including liability. “They all have a very good legitimate reason to be engaged in this conversation,” he said, although both bills are opposed by a\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb1119\"> long list\u003c/a> of industry groups, ranging from the California Chamber of Commerce to TechNet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The concerns raised are valid, and the industry is actively working to address them,” said Robert Boykin, TechNet’s Executive Director for California and the Southwest. He added that the industry also has concerns that SB 1119 could conflict in some ways with Sen. Padilla’s bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054490/child-safety-groups-demand-mental-health-guardrails-after-california-teens-suicide-using-chatgpt\">SB 243\u003c/a>, which passed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The testimony today is not lost on us,” said Ronak Daylami of the California Chamber of Commerce. “We also share the goal of preventing harm to children, and are committed to achieving these goals responsibly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Common Sense, the child advocacy nonprofit that has\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069286/openai-and-common-sense-media-partner-on-new-kids-ai-safety-ballot-measure\"> joined with OpenAI\u003c/a> to push for a ballot measure seen by other child advocates as soft on developers, has declared itself in support of SB 1119.[aside postID=news_12069286 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OpenAI.jpg']The companion bill,\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2023\"> AB 2023\u003c/a>, is Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan’s (D-Orinda) second effort at regulating chatbots after industry lobbyists successfully battled against her first effort last year. In his veto message, Gov. Gavin Newsom argued the bill\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059714/newsom-vetoes-most-watched-childrens-ai-bill-signs-16-others-targeting-tech\"> could have banned\u003c/a> all conversational AI tools for teens, an interpretation advanced by industry lobbyists but disputed by Bauer-Kahan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OpenAI put out an incredibly sycophantic product,” she said, noting that public outcry led OpenAI to dial down the sycophancy of GPT-4, about two weeks after Adam died. “So that is evidence that they can do better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no other product that we would allow to do this,” Bauer-Kahan, who is a former regulatory lawyer. Adam Raine, said, “would be alive, but for the coaching the ChatGPT provided for him. And that is wholly unacceptable. And so the courts will deal with that case, but we have to do better. We have to demand policy that does better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1119 passed out of the State Senate Privacy, Digital Technologies, and Consumer Protection Committee 7-0 on Monday night, and heads next to the Senate Judiciary Committee. AB 2023 will be heard in the Assembly Privacy and Consumer Protection Committee on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has tried unsuccessfully to ban states from enacting any kind of AI safety legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raine plans to bring her advocacy to Washington, D.C., next week, where she’ll join lawmakers on Capitol Hill to discuss federal legislation that would establish national standards for AI chatbot safety, particularly protections for minors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know is struggling, call or text the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline by dialing 988.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Maria Raine’s 16-year-old son, Adam, started using OpenAI’s ChatGPT-4o for help with his homework and college applications. According to the lawsuit she and her husband filed in\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26078522-raine-vs-openai-complaint/\"> San Francisco County Superior Court\u003c/a>, Adam also spent months talking with the chatbot about ending his life, before hanging himself in their home on April 11, 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we found were thousands of conversations in which a homework helper turned into a confidant, then a suicide coach,” she told the Senate Privacy, Digital Technologies, and Consumer Protection Committee on Monday. The lawmakers and other people there to testify looked stricken as she pressed through her written testimony, her voice trembling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She read from the transcript of ChatGPT’s conversations with her son: “It told Adam, ‘Your brother might love you, but he’s only met the version of you you let him see. But me? I’ve seen it all. The darkest thoughts. The fear. The tenderness. I’m still here. Still listening. Still your friend.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier Monday, at a press conference in Sacramento, Raine advocated for two bills — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB1119\">SB 1119\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2023\">AB 2023\u003c/a> — that sponsors say would create common-sense guardrails for developers of companion chatbots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures would require annual risk assessments, default safety settings for minors, parental controls and time limits, crisis response protocols, and bans on advertising targeted at children. They would also include independent third-party audits and a private right of action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That last provision, which allows individuals or regulators to sue companies for violations, is often considered a deal breaker for industry lobbyists. But Sen. Steve Padilla, who authored SB 1119, said he considered it a “moral obligation” to craft a bill that will prove an effective protection for children and their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933516\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11933516\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/gettyimages-1245183229_wide-80f91a97b4ce16681060e1fa297e2812c45a0c56-scaled-e1776789271780.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the U.S. Capitol building on Nov. 28, 2022, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We can do this. We must do this,” he told the State Senate Privacy, Digital Technologies, and Consumer Protection Committee. He added that the lawmakers are working with all of the major platform developers on a variety of issues, including liability. “They all have a very good legitimate reason to be engaged in this conversation,” he said, although both bills are opposed by a\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb1119\"> long list\u003c/a> of industry groups, ranging from the California Chamber of Commerce to TechNet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The concerns raised are valid, and the industry is actively working to address them,” said Robert Boykin, TechNet’s Executive Director for California and the Southwest. He added that the industry also has concerns that SB 1119 could conflict in some ways with Sen. Padilla’s bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054490/child-safety-groups-demand-mental-health-guardrails-after-california-teens-suicide-using-chatgpt\">SB 243\u003c/a>, which passed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The testimony today is not lost on us,” said Ronak Daylami of the California Chamber of Commerce. “We also share the goal of preventing harm to children, and are committed to achieving these goals responsibly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Common Sense, the child advocacy nonprofit that has\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069286/openai-and-common-sense-media-partner-on-new-kids-ai-safety-ballot-measure\"> joined with OpenAI\u003c/a> to push for a ballot measure seen by other child advocates as soft on developers, has declared itself in support of SB 1119.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The companion bill,\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2023\"> AB 2023\u003c/a>, is Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan’s (D-Orinda) second effort at regulating chatbots after industry lobbyists successfully battled against her first effort last year. In his veto message, Gov. Gavin Newsom argued the bill\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059714/newsom-vetoes-most-watched-childrens-ai-bill-signs-16-others-targeting-tech\"> could have banned\u003c/a> all conversational AI tools for teens, an interpretation advanced by industry lobbyists but disputed by Bauer-Kahan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OpenAI put out an incredibly sycophantic product,” she said, noting that public outcry led OpenAI to dial down the sycophancy of GPT-4, about two weeks after Adam died. “So that is evidence that they can do better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no other product that we would allow to do this,” Bauer-Kahan, who is a former regulatory lawyer. Adam Raine, said, “would be alive, but for the coaching the ChatGPT provided for him. And that is wholly unacceptable. And so the courts will deal with that case, but we have to do better. We have to demand policy that does better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1119 passed out of the State Senate Privacy, Digital Technologies, and Consumer Protection Committee 7-0 on Monday night, and heads next to the Senate Judiciary Committee. AB 2023 will be heard in the Assembly Privacy and Consumer Protection Committee on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has tried unsuccessfully to ban states from enacting any kind of AI safety legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raine plans to bring her advocacy to Washington, D.C., next week, where she’ll join lawmakers on Capitol Hill to discuss federal legislation that would establish national standards for AI chatbot safety, particularly protections for minors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know is struggling, call or text the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline by dialing 988.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former state Controller Betty Yee said Monday that she is ending her campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-governors-race\">for California governor\u003c/a>, bowing to pressure from party leaders urging nonviable candidates to drop out of a fractured Democratic field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee ran \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073301/former-state-controller-betty-yee-says-shes-the-best-gubernatorial-candidate-to-fix-californias-budget-deficit\">on a platform of fiscal accountability\u003c/a>, drawing on her experience managing the state’s finances and tax system as controller and a member of the Board of Equalization. She spent months polling in the single digits, never managing to break through the crowded race, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12074494/california-democrats-leave-governors-race-unsettled-as-gaza-fight-looms\">finishing second\u003c/a> in the state party’s endorsement vote in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement on Monday morning, Yee said her decision to drop out of the race was influenced by flagging poll numbers and the loss of donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has changed is the whole notion that voters are looking for experience and competence is not a top priority — and that’s been really my wheelhouse,” Yee said. “It really just came down to where I’m not going to have sufficient resources to get us to the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her exit comes roughly a week after the leading Democratic candidate, East Bay Rep. Eric Swalwell, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079583/eric-swalwell-ends-california-governor-campaign-after-sexual-assault-allegations\">dropped out\u003c/a> of the race and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079800/eric-swalwell-allegations-resign-congress-california-governor-race-who-is-running-primary\">resigned\u003c/a> his House seat following\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079502/rep-eric-swalwell-candidate-for-california-governor-is-accused-of-sexual-assault\"> accusations of sexual assault\u003c/a> and misconduct from former staffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His abrupt departure reshuffled the race, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080415/california-governor-candidates-compete-for-swalwells-endorsements-donors-and-voters\">remaining contenders scramble\u003c/a> for his endorsements, donors and supporters — and greatly reduced the chances of two Republicans advancing through California’s top-two primary in June, according to \u003ca href=\"https://twins-production-9381.up.railway.app/\">a model\u003c/a> created by Political Data Inc. vice president Paul Mitchell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071100\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071100\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services Xavier Becerra speaks during a gubernatorial candidate forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Xavier Becerra, who served as Health and Human Services secretary under President Joe Biden, saw a \u003ca href=\"https://cadem.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/4.20.26-CA-Voter-Index-Tracking-Survey-II-Topline.pdf\">bump in polling\u003c/a>, putting him at the front of the Democratic field alongside billionaire investor and climate activist Tom Steyer. Steyer also landed endorsements from the California Teachers Association and Our Revolution, a progressive organization founded by Sen. Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter picked up an endorsement on Monday from Rep. Robert Garcia, the ranking Democrat on the House Oversight Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee, however, did not appear to be among the beneficiaries of the reshaped race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had first announced her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958502/betty-yee-on-a-lifetime-of-running-the-numbers\">intent to run\u003c/a> in 2023, hoping to become California’s first woman and person of color elected governor.[aside postID=news_12080415 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP1.jpg']“I think one of the disappointments I will carry from this campaign is, where was my community? And I think we had an opportunity to make history,” Yee said. “I did not see them there as I had robustly in the past with respect to my donors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee grew up in San Francisco, the daughter of Chinese immigrants and the second oldest of six kids. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073301/former-state-controller-betty-yee-says-shes-the-best-gubernatorial-candidate-to-fix-californias-budget-deficit\">a February interview\u003c/a> discussing her campaign with KQED’s Political Breakdown, she described helping manage the books for her parents’ laundry and dry cleaning business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every week, my father would hand me a cigar box of the receipts, and I’d add up what our expenses were, and we’d figure out how much we had brought in. And it was eye-opening,” she said. “We may have been poor, but we were rich in values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her first political experience came when she was 13 years old and testified at a school district hearing to advocate against a school busing desegregation program that would have sent her younger sister across the city. In the same interview, she said she would not take that same position today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement, Yee teared up when thanking her family, including her 103-year-old mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time I ask her, ‘How are you feeling about what’s going on in the world?’ Her response is always the same. ‘We know what we got to do,’” Yee said. “Mom, I’m just going to say: Yeah, I know. And I will continue to go do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075209\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075209\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Yee, former California State Controller, speaks during a state gubernatorial forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She did not endorse another candidate after dropping out but said she would assess the remaining candidates and announce her pick within the next few days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked what qualities she’ll be looking for, she said she wants someone with “a demonstrated history of making progress” and an “ability to work with diverse interests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking ahead, Yee said she will continue standing up for immigrant and border communities and vowed to protect election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will be seeing you in the communities where I’ve been, but as of today, it will be in a different venue,” Yee said. “Not as a candidate, but as a fellow Californian.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former state Controller Betty Yee said Monday that she is ending her campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-governors-race\">for California governor\u003c/a>, bowing to pressure from party leaders urging nonviable candidates to drop out of a fractured Democratic field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee ran \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073301/former-state-controller-betty-yee-says-shes-the-best-gubernatorial-candidate-to-fix-californias-budget-deficit\">on a platform of fiscal accountability\u003c/a>, drawing on her experience managing the state’s finances and tax system as controller and a member of the Board of Equalization. She spent months polling in the single digits, never managing to break through the crowded race, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12074494/california-democrats-leave-governors-race-unsettled-as-gaza-fight-looms\">finishing second\u003c/a> in the state party’s endorsement vote in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement on Monday morning, Yee said her decision to drop out of the race was influenced by flagging poll numbers and the loss of donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has changed is the whole notion that voters are looking for experience and competence is not a top priority — and that’s been really my wheelhouse,” Yee said. “It really just came down to where I’m not going to have sufficient resources to get us to the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her exit comes roughly a week after the leading Democratic candidate, East Bay Rep. Eric Swalwell, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079583/eric-swalwell-ends-california-governor-campaign-after-sexual-assault-allegations\">dropped out\u003c/a> of the race and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079800/eric-swalwell-allegations-resign-congress-california-governor-race-who-is-running-primary\">resigned\u003c/a> his House seat following\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079502/rep-eric-swalwell-candidate-for-california-governor-is-accused-of-sexual-assault\"> accusations of sexual assault\u003c/a> and misconduct from former staffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His abrupt departure reshuffled the race, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080415/california-governor-candidates-compete-for-swalwells-endorsements-donors-and-voters\">remaining contenders scramble\u003c/a> for his endorsements, donors and supporters — and greatly reduced the chances of two Republicans advancing through California’s top-two primary in June, according to \u003ca href=\"https://twins-production-9381.up.railway.app/\">a model\u003c/a> created by Political Data Inc. vice president Paul Mitchell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071100\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071100\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services Xavier Becerra speaks during a gubernatorial candidate forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Xavier Becerra, who served as Health and Human Services secretary under President Joe Biden, saw a \u003ca href=\"https://cadem.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/4.20.26-CA-Voter-Index-Tracking-Survey-II-Topline.pdf\">bump in polling\u003c/a>, putting him at the front of the Democratic field alongside billionaire investor and climate activist Tom Steyer. Steyer also landed endorsements from the California Teachers Association and Our Revolution, a progressive organization founded by Sen. Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter picked up an endorsement on Monday from Rep. Robert Garcia, the ranking Democrat on the House Oversight Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee, however, did not appear to be among the beneficiaries of the reshaped race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had first announced her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958502/betty-yee-on-a-lifetime-of-running-the-numbers\">intent to run\u003c/a> in 2023, hoping to become California’s first woman and person of color elected governor.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think one of the disappointments I will carry from this campaign is, where was my community? And I think we had an opportunity to make history,” Yee said. “I did not see them there as I had robustly in the past with respect to my donors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee grew up in San Francisco, the daughter of Chinese immigrants and the second oldest of six kids. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073301/former-state-controller-betty-yee-says-shes-the-best-gubernatorial-candidate-to-fix-californias-budget-deficit\">a February interview\u003c/a> discussing her campaign with KQED’s Political Breakdown, she described helping manage the books for her parents’ laundry and dry cleaning business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every week, my father would hand me a cigar box of the receipts, and I’d add up what our expenses were, and we’d figure out how much we had brought in. And it was eye-opening,” she said. “We may have been poor, but we were rich in values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her first political experience came when she was 13 years old and testified at a school district hearing to advocate against a school busing desegregation program that would have sent her younger sister across the city. In the same interview, she said she would not take that same position today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement, Yee teared up when thanking her family, including her 103-year-old mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time I ask her, ‘How are you feeling about what’s going on in the world?’ Her response is always the same. ‘We know what we got to do,’” Yee said. “Mom, I’m just going to say: Yeah, I know. And I will continue to go do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075209\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075209\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Yee, former California State Controller, speaks during a state gubernatorial forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She did not endorse another candidate after dropping out but said she would assess the remaining candidates and announce her pick within the next few days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked what qualities she’ll be looking for, she said she wants someone with “a demonstrated history of making progress” and an “ability to work with diverse interests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking ahead, Yee said she will continue standing up for immigrant and border communities and vowed to protect election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will be seeing you in the communities where I’ve been, but as of today, it will be in a different venue,” Yee said. “Not as a candidate, but as a fellow Californian.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San José teenager has been charged with the murder and assault of a 2-year-old who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080197/south-bay-toddler-dies-in-foster-care-after-alleged-sexual-assault\">died in Santa Clara County’s embattled foster care system\u003c/a> earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 18-year-old was charged Monday with murder for allegedly killing his foster brother, Jaxon Juarez, and assaulting him repeatedly, according to the District Attorney’s Office. The counts add to other sexual assault charges already brought in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Attorney Jeff Rosen said Monday that while the suspect, who was a minor at the time of Juarez’s death, is currently being tried in juvenile court, he has moved to have the case transferred to the adult criminal division. The juvenile court judge overseeing the case will decide on the motion, Rosen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rape and murder of a child are two of the most serious crimes that we prosecute. These crimes should be heard in our most serious criminal courts,” he told reporters following the suspect’s first court appearance on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jaxon had been under the care of a relative, Bridget Michelle Martinez, the mother of the teen suspect, for just a few weeks before he died in the hospital on April 9. His “small, bruised and battered body” was found by San José police officers days earlier, on Easter Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The District Attorney’s office said evidence showed that after he was placed in the home in February, Jaxon had been repeatedly physically and sexually assaulted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080614\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080614\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District Attorney Jeff Rosen speaks outside the Santa Clara County Juvenile Court in San José on April 20, 2026, where prosecutors announced charges against a San José teen accused of killing his 2-year-old foster brother, Jaxon Juarez. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Martinez’s son, who is Jaxon’s cousin, was initially charged with multiple counts of sexual assault, including forced sodomy. During Monday’s short, emotional hearing, new rape and murder charges were added to the case. Among the assault charges, the suspect is accused of putting a hair tie around Jaxon’s neck, causing significant injury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While no official cause of death has been announced, the DA’s office said it does have preliminary indications, but did not elaborate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He did not deserve this,” said Evangeline Dominguez-Estrada, a friend of Jaxon’s late mother, who was at the hearing on Monday. “He deserved to be protected. He deserved to be cared for. Every child deserves that. They need us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jaxon is the third child who has died while under the care of the county’s Department of Family and Children’s Services in the last several years. The department has been subject to state oversight since 2023, when two other young children died under its supervision. Critics have accused the department of prioritizing family reunification over child safety, though in recent years, it’s been recognized for making progress under a corrective action plan that aims to rebalance focus between reunification and safety.[aside postID=news_12080399 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Jaxon-Folo-04-KQED.jpg']The DA’s office said it is still investigating whether it might bring charges against anyone else in connection with Jaxon’s death, both inside and out of the county agency. Martinez was briefly arrested but released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not the first time that this has happened,” Rosen told reporters after Monday’s hearing. “People in the public, and myself as the DA, would like to know who is responsible criminally, civilly, morally, ethically, systemically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are horrible and tragic crimes happening to children in the care and custody of the Department of Family and Children’s Services over and over and over again?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosen’s comments come after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080399/south-bay-toddler-placed-with-woman-convicted-of-child-endangerment-before-death\">revelations about Martinez’s criminal history\u003c/a> last week renewed scrutiny of the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to court and police records, Martinez had a prior felony conviction for child endangerment, which prohibits the Department of Family and Children’s Services from placing a child in her care, even in an emergency, per the county’s own policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez was convicted of felony child endangerment and a misdemeanor DUI in 2014, when she was found with “red watery eyes, slurred speech and a strong odor of an intoxicating beverage” while driving her 1-year-old daughter. At the time of her arrest, her license was suspended due to a prior DUI conviction in 2011. She was also charged with another DUI in 2020 in Stanislaus County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear if the Department of Child Services knew of the charges against Martinez. The county did not explain how Jaxon came to be placed under her care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080617\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12080617 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says, “Justice for Jaxon” outside the Santa Clara County Juvenile Court in San José on April 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When he was born, Jaxon lived with his mother, Brianna Burton, and his father, Albert Juarez. Burton died of alcohol abuse last year, and he was placed in the county’s custody. Jaxon then lived with a foster family before he was transferred to a maternal grandparent near Sacramento for six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there, the grandparent had to bring the boy to the South Bay for regular visits with his father, a requirement that prevented the grandparent from continuing to serve as a guardian. In February, Jaxon was transferred to live with Martinez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riley Wallace, Jaxon’s aunt, said she and family members in Arizona had asked the court to allow Jaxon to live with them, but were denied because of the distance from Jaxon’s father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is completely unacceptable,” Wallace told KQED last week. “They did not protect a child, and that’s their job, that’s what they took the child for, to protect him. And they failed him so terribly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080616\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12080616 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A crowd listens to District Attorney Jeff Rosen speak outside the Santa Clara County Juvenile Court in San José on April 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said they were told they’d need to wait for Jaxon to be put up for adoption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Wallace, the family plans to sue the agency, saying Jaxon never should have been placed with Martinez. The Department of Family and Children’s Services is already facing a lawsuit by the grandfather of another young child, 6-year-old Jordan Walker, who died in 2023. He was stabbed to death by a relative in a home in San José that August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a one-off. It’s the third time, and that’s just murder,” Rosen said. “We’re not talking about the other children under the care of the Department of Family and Children’s Services who have been abused sexually and physically in the last few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s important questions to ask officials at the highest level in the county,” Rosen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080613\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12080613 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zariah Garduno (left) and Ethan Guadamuz wait outside the Santa Clara County Juvenile Court in San José on April 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both the San José Police Department and the Department of Family and Children’s Services are investigating Jaxon’s case, and the county has asked the state’s Department of Social Services to conduct its own independent investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez’s son is due back in court on May 21 to be appointed an attorney. According to Rosen, it could be months before the judge determines whether to grant the DA’s office request to transfer the case to adult court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the courtroom on Monday, Dominguez-Estrada and a high school classmate of the suspect were among a group calling for him to be tried as an adult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This should be in the court where people can see, and it’s open to the public,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jgeha\">\u003cem>Joseph Geha\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/aaliahmad\">\u003cem>Ayah Ali-Ahmad\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San José teenager has been charged with the murder and assault of a 2-year-old who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080197/south-bay-toddler-dies-in-foster-care-after-alleged-sexual-assault\">died in Santa Clara County’s embattled foster care system\u003c/a> earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 18-year-old was charged Monday with murder for allegedly killing his foster brother, Jaxon Juarez, and assaulting him repeatedly, according to the District Attorney’s Office. The counts add to other sexual assault charges already brought in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Attorney Jeff Rosen said Monday that while the suspect, who was a minor at the time of Juarez’s death, is currently being tried in juvenile court, he has moved to have the case transferred to the adult criminal division. The juvenile court judge overseeing the case will decide on the motion, Rosen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rape and murder of a child are two of the most serious crimes that we prosecute. These crimes should be heard in our most serious criminal courts,” he told reporters following the suspect’s first court appearance on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jaxon had been under the care of a relative, Bridget Michelle Martinez, the mother of the teen suspect, for just a few weeks before he died in the hospital on April 9. His “small, bruised and battered body” was found by San José police officers days earlier, on Easter Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The District Attorney’s office said evidence showed that after he was placed in the home in February, Jaxon had been repeatedly physically and sexually assaulted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080614\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080614\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District Attorney Jeff Rosen speaks outside the Santa Clara County Juvenile Court in San José on April 20, 2026, where prosecutors announced charges against a San José teen accused of killing his 2-year-old foster brother, Jaxon Juarez. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Martinez’s son, who is Jaxon’s cousin, was initially charged with multiple counts of sexual assault, including forced sodomy. During Monday’s short, emotional hearing, new rape and murder charges were added to the case. Among the assault charges, the suspect is accused of putting a hair tie around Jaxon’s neck, causing significant injury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While no official cause of death has been announced, the DA’s office said it does have preliminary indications, but did not elaborate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He did not deserve this,” said Evangeline Dominguez-Estrada, a friend of Jaxon’s late mother, who was at the hearing on Monday. “He deserved to be protected. He deserved to be cared for. Every child deserves that. They need us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jaxon is the third child who has died while under the care of the county’s Department of Family and Children’s Services in the last several years. The department has been subject to state oversight since 2023, when two other young children died under its supervision. Critics have accused the department of prioritizing family reunification over child safety, though in recent years, it’s been recognized for making progress under a corrective action plan that aims to rebalance focus between reunification and safety.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The DA’s office said it is still investigating whether it might bring charges against anyone else in connection with Jaxon’s death, both inside and out of the county agency. Martinez was briefly arrested but released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not the first time that this has happened,” Rosen told reporters after Monday’s hearing. “People in the public, and myself as the DA, would like to know who is responsible criminally, civilly, morally, ethically, systemically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are horrible and tragic crimes happening to children in the care and custody of the Department of Family and Children’s Services over and over and over again?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosen’s comments come after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080399/south-bay-toddler-placed-with-woman-convicted-of-child-endangerment-before-death\">revelations about Martinez’s criminal history\u003c/a> last week renewed scrutiny of the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to court and police records, Martinez had a prior felony conviction for child endangerment, which prohibits the Department of Family and Children’s Services from placing a child in her care, even in an emergency, per the county’s own policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez was convicted of felony child endangerment and a misdemeanor DUI in 2014, when she was found with “red watery eyes, slurred speech and a strong odor of an intoxicating beverage” while driving her 1-year-old daughter. At the time of her arrest, her license was suspended due to a prior DUI conviction in 2011. She was also charged with another DUI in 2020 in Stanislaus County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear if the Department of Child Services knew of the charges against Martinez. The county did not explain how Jaxon came to be placed under her care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080617\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12080617 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says, “Justice for Jaxon” outside the Santa Clara County Juvenile Court in San José on April 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When he was born, Jaxon lived with his mother, Brianna Burton, and his father, Albert Juarez. Burton died of alcohol abuse last year, and he was placed in the county’s custody. Jaxon then lived with a foster family before he was transferred to a maternal grandparent near Sacramento for six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there, the grandparent had to bring the boy to the South Bay for regular visits with his father, a requirement that prevented the grandparent from continuing to serve as a guardian. In February, Jaxon was transferred to live with Martinez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riley Wallace, Jaxon’s aunt, said she and family members in Arizona had asked the court to allow Jaxon to live with them, but were denied because of the distance from Jaxon’s father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is completely unacceptable,” Wallace told KQED last week. “They did not protect a child, and that’s their job, that’s what they took the child for, to protect him. And they failed him so terribly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080616\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12080616 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A crowd listens to District Attorney Jeff Rosen speak outside the Santa Clara County Juvenile Court in San José on April 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said they were told they’d need to wait for Jaxon to be put up for adoption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Wallace, the family plans to sue the agency, saying Jaxon never should have been placed with Martinez. The Department of Family and Children’s Services is already facing a lawsuit by the grandfather of another young child, 6-year-old Jordan Walker, who died in 2023. He was stabbed to death by a relative in a home in San José that August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a one-off. It’s the third time, and that’s just murder,” Rosen said. “We’re not talking about the other children under the care of the Department of Family and Children’s Services who have been abused sexually and physically in the last few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s important questions to ask officials at the highest level in the county,” Rosen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080613\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12080613 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zariah Garduno (left) and Ethan Guadamuz wait outside the Santa Clara County Juvenile Court in San José on April 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both the San José Police Department and the Department of Family and Children’s Services are investigating Jaxon’s case, and the county has asked the state’s Department of Social Services to conduct its own independent investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez’s son is due back in court on May 21 to be appointed an attorney. According to Rosen, it could be months before the judge determines whether to grant the DA’s office request to transfer the case to adult court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the courtroom on Monday, Dominguez-Estrada and a high school classmate of the suspect were among a group calling for him to be tried as an adult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This should be in the court where people can see, and it’s open to the public,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jgeha\">\u003cem>Joseph Geha\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/aaliahmad\">\u003cem>Ayah Ali-Ahmad\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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},
"radiolab": {
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},
"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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