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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco County Superior Court judge, Harry Dorfman, ordered the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-public-defender\">public defender\u003c/a> to pay $26,000 in fines on Tuesday after ruling that his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075775/san-francisco-public-defender-faces-contempt-charges-after-refusing-new-cases\">repeated refusals\u003c/a> to accept new criminal cases each constituted a separate act of contempt — the latest escalation in a dispute that began nearly a year ago, when the office first started turning away cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mano Raju, the San Francisco public defender, had defied his orders 26 times, Dorfman found, assessing a $1,000 fine per count and ordering payment by April 3. Raju said he intends to appeal and made clear outside the courthouse ahead of the hearing that even after being held in contempt, he has continued to turn away cases one day a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our view is that his order is an illegal order,” Raju told reporters. “So one day a week, we have declined to take some of the cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dispute has been ongoing since May 2025, when the public defender’s office first declared itself unavailable one day a week due to excessive caseloads. The 26 counts of contempt stem from refusals between January 12 and February 10, according to court documents. Raju said active misdemeanor cases have grown 78% and felony cases 56% since 2019 — and that each case now requires far more work than it once did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman acknowledged receiving 45 letters from legal experts around the country urging him to reverse his contempt finding — and said he read them all but was not persuaded. He said he had concluded from earlier hearings that Raju’s office had available attorneys and that once he reached that finding, he was obligated to issue the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1207\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-800x503.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-1020x641.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-1536x966.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Superior Court of California and San Francisco City Hall. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And Mr. Raju, you have defied every order,” Dorfman said, ruling that each refusal constitutes a separate act of contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kory DeClark, Raju’s attorney, argued the fines are the wrong tool for what is fundamentally a systemic funding problem. He told the judge the court “doesn’t have the contempt power to hold the [mayor’s office or district attorney],” and that imposing monetary sanctions on an office already starved of resources “will just make it worse.” If any sanction was warranted at all, DeClark said, it should be $1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside the courtroom, Deputy Public Defender Tal Klement, who has worked at the office since 2003, described working 50 to 60 hours a week on top of court time and going to physical therapy for shoulder pain while raising two children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My excessive caseload impacts the quality of my representation,” Klement testified.[aside postID=news_12077372 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/005_KQED_630Sansome_02052020_1455_qed.jpg']Deputy Public Defender Seth Meisels, a 21-year veteran of the office, pointed to the sheer volume of digital evidence attorneys must now review in every case — body-worn camera footage, surveillance video, forensic records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has become increasingly difficult to determine which cases will go to trial,” he said. “But we still have to do the work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the courthouse before the hearing, public defenders from Contra Costa, Alameda, Sacramento, Sonoma, Santa Cruz and Yolo counties gathered in solidarity with Raju. San Joaquin County Public Defender Judyanne Vallado, whose office declared itself unavailable for homicide and sex offenses carrying potential life sentences last year, said the move ultimately helped clear the court’s docket — not just her office’s caseload.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Declaring unavailable isn’t just about helping the public defender’s office,” she said. “It’s helping the entire court justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Public Defender Brendon Woods said he is considering taking the same steps as Raju if conditions in his office reach a breaking point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point in time, we have to say no,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju said his office is in conversations with City Hall about a five-year plan to bring staffing closer to the standards set by a 2023 national workload study, which found the office needs 36 additional attorneys, along with more investigators, social workers and support staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He acknowledged the plan would still not bring the office to parity with the district attorney’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco County Superior Court judge, Harry Dorfman, ordered the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-public-defender\">public defender\u003c/a> to pay $26,000 in fines on Tuesday after ruling that his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075775/san-francisco-public-defender-faces-contempt-charges-after-refusing-new-cases\">repeated refusals\u003c/a> to accept new criminal cases each constituted a separate act of contempt — the latest escalation in a dispute that began nearly a year ago, when the office first started turning away cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mano Raju, the San Francisco public defender, had defied his orders 26 times, Dorfman found, assessing a $1,000 fine per count and ordering payment by April 3. Raju said he intends to appeal and made clear outside the courthouse ahead of the hearing that even after being held in contempt, he has continued to turn away cases one day a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our view is that his order is an illegal order,” Raju told reporters. “So one day a week, we have declined to take some of the cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dispute has been ongoing since May 2025, when the public defender’s office first declared itself unavailable one day a week due to excessive caseloads. The 26 counts of contempt stem from refusals between January 12 and February 10, according to court documents. Raju said active misdemeanor cases have grown 78% and felony cases 56% since 2019 — and that each case now requires far more work than it once did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman acknowledged receiving 45 letters from legal experts around the country urging him to reverse his contempt finding — and said he read them all but was not persuaded. He said he had concluded from earlier hearings that Raju’s office had available attorneys and that once he reached that finding, he was obligated to issue the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1207\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-800x503.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-1020x641.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-1536x966.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Superior Court of California and San Francisco City Hall. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And Mr. Raju, you have defied every order,” Dorfman said, ruling that each refusal constitutes a separate act of contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kory DeClark, Raju’s attorney, argued the fines are the wrong tool for what is fundamentally a systemic funding problem. He told the judge the court “doesn’t have the contempt power to hold the [mayor’s office or district attorney],” and that imposing monetary sanctions on an office already starved of resources “will just make it worse.” If any sanction was warranted at all, DeClark said, it should be $1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside the courtroom, Deputy Public Defender Tal Klement, who has worked at the office since 2003, described working 50 to 60 hours a week on top of court time and going to physical therapy for shoulder pain while raising two children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My excessive caseload impacts the quality of my representation,” Klement testified.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Deputy Public Defender Seth Meisels, a 21-year veteran of the office, pointed to the sheer volume of digital evidence attorneys must now review in every case — body-worn camera footage, surveillance video, forensic records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has become increasingly difficult to determine which cases will go to trial,” he said. “But we still have to do the work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the courthouse before the hearing, public defenders from Contra Costa, Alameda, Sacramento, Sonoma, Santa Cruz and Yolo counties gathered in solidarity with Raju. San Joaquin County Public Defender Judyanne Vallado, whose office declared itself unavailable for homicide and sex offenses carrying potential life sentences last year, said the move ultimately helped clear the court’s docket — not just her office’s caseload.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Declaring unavailable isn’t just about helping the public defender’s office,” she said. “It’s helping the entire court justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Public Defender Brendon Woods said he is considering taking the same steps as Raju if conditions in his office reach a breaking point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point in time, we have to say no,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju said his office is in conversations with City Hall about a five-year plan to bring staffing closer to the standards set by a 2023 national workload study, which found the office needs 36 additional attorneys, along with more investigators, social workers and support staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He acknowledged the plan would still not bring the office to parity with the district attorney’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A judge found San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-public-defender\">public defender\u003c/a> in contempt Tuesday in a dispute over limited staffing and caseloads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco County Superior Court Judge Harry M. Dorfman found Public Defender Mano Raju had not followed the court’s lawful order to accept dozens of new criminal cases over January and February of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju said his office is overwhelmed by the high volume of cases, and that it would be “unethical” to take on clients if their office could not provide due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a huge amount of work to do in being an effective public defender, and we have an ethical obligation to make sure we can provide constitutionally effective representation to all of our clients,” Raju told KQED before the hearing. “If we continue to take every single case that comes in, that’s impossible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the public defender, there has been a 78% increase in active misdemeanor cases and a 56% increase in active felony cases since early 2019 — a period Raju says has also transformed what it takes to defend a single case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032493\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12032493 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju speaks at the Japanese Cultural and Community Center in San Francisco on March 20, 2025, during a press conference condemning the use of the Alien Enemies Act to target immigrants. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With body-worn cameras, surveillance technology, cell phone technology, each case is much, much more than the cases used to be,” Raju said. “There’s just a lot more materials to review in every single case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crisis at the courts has escalated since May, when the public defender’s office declared itself unavailable one day a week due to excessive caseloads and understaffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bar Association of San Francisco previously provided privately-contracted attorneys to represent those defendants, but their caseloads also ballooned, and they have said they will no longer accept new appointments.[aside postID=news_12028351 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2195560285-1020x680.jpg']Raju’s office points to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA2559-1.html\">recent study \u003c/a>of public defender workloads, which concluded that excessive workloads violate court ethics and compromise the judicial system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using those standards, the office determined it needs 36 additional attorneys and dozens of support staff just to reach constitutional compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Attorney Brooke Jenkins has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061089/jenkins-san-francisco-superior-court-is-complicit-in-dereliction-of-duty\">previously criticized the office’s stance\u003c/a>, lashing out at the public defender’s “dereliction of duty” as a tactic to extract more funding from city leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court has also pushed back, suggesting the office has capacity to accept new cases — a position Raju disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Weisberg, co-director of the Stanford Criminal Justice Center, said that while the situation is unusual, it is not unheard of, and that public defender offices in other states have pursued similar legal standoffs when caseloads became unmanageable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not unusual for public defenders to seek some kind of legal relief when they claim that their caseloads are too high,” Weisberg told KQED. “This is really, in a sense, a threat to go on strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061152\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061152\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-24_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-24_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-24_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-24_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins speaks at a rally outside City Hall on Monday, Oct. 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Similar standoffs have played out across California. Public defender offices in Los Angeles, San Diego, Alameda, Contra Costa and Sacramento counties have all declared some form of limited unavailability of new cases in recent years, according to Raju.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kory DeClark, an attorney representing Raju and Gonzalez, said the office’s refusals reflect a principled effort to safeguard clients’ rights. He said that threatening the city’s top defense officials with contempt only moves the system further from a workable solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman said jail time would not be appropriate, and that he was still deciding whether Raju’s actions are one continuous contempt or separate instances of it. That decision will determine what fines will come as a result of the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Raju said his office will appeal the judge’s decision.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/lklivans\">\u003cem>Laura Klivans\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A judge found San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-public-defender\">public defender\u003c/a> in contempt Tuesday in a dispute over limited staffing and caseloads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco County Superior Court Judge Harry M. Dorfman found Public Defender Mano Raju had not followed the court’s lawful order to accept dozens of new criminal cases over January and February of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju said his office is overwhelmed by the high volume of cases, and that it would be “unethical” to take on clients if their office could not provide due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a huge amount of work to do in being an effective public defender, and we have an ethical obligation to make sure we can provide constitutionally effective representation to all of our clients,” Raju told KQED before the hearing. “If we continue to take every single case that comes in, that’s impossible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the public defender, there has been a 78% increase in active misdemeanor cases and a 56% increase in active felony cases since early 2019 — a period Raju says has also transformed what it takes to defend a single case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032493\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12032493 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250320-JAPANESEAMERICANSDENOUNCE-01-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju speaks at the Japanese Cultural and Community Center in San Francisco on March 20, 2025, during a press conference condemning the use of the Alien Enemies Act to target immigrants. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With body-worn cameras, surveillance technology, cell phone technology, each case is much, much more than the cases used to be,” Raju said. “There’s just a lot more materials to review in every single case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crisis at the courts has escalated since May, when the public defender’s office declared itself unavailable one day a week due to excessive caseloads and understaffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bar Association of San Francisco previously provided privately-contracted attorneys to represent those defendants, but their caseloads also ballooned, and they have said they will no longer accept new appointments.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Raju’s office points to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA2559-1.html\">recent study \u003c/a>of public defender workloads, which concluded that excessive workloads violate court ethics and compromise the judicial system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using those standards, the office determined it needs 36 additional attorneys and dozens of support staff just to reach constitutional compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Attorney Brooke Jenkins has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061089/jenkins-san-francisco-superior-court-is-complicit-in-dereliction-of-duty\">previously criticized the office’s stance\u003c/a>, lashing out at the public defender’s “dereliction of duty” as a tactic to extract more funding from city leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court has also pushed back, suggesting the office has capacity to accept new cases — a position Raju disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Weisberg, co-director of the Stanford Criminal Justice Center, said that while the situation is unusual, it is not unheard of, and that public defender offices in other states have pursued similar legal standoffs when caseloads became unmanageable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not unusual for public defenders to seek some kind of legal relief when they claim that their caseloads are too high,” Weisberg told KQED. “This is really, in a sense, a threat to go on strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061152\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061152\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-24_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-24_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-24_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-24_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins speaks at a rally outside City Hall on Monday, Oct. 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Similar standoffs have played out across California. Public defender offices in Los Angeles, San Diego, Alameda, Contra Costa and Sacramento counties have all declared some form of limited unavailability of new cases in recent years, according to Raju.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kory DeClark, an attorney representing Raju and Gonzalez, said the office’s refusals reflect a principled effort to safeguard clients’ rights. He said that threatening the city’s top defense officials with contempt only moves the system further from a workable solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman said jail time would not be appropriate, and that he was still deciding whether Raju’s actions are one continuous contempt or separate instances of it. That decision will determine what fines will come as a result of the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Raju said his office will appeal the judge’s decision.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/lklivans\">\u003cem>Laura Klivans\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> officials \u003ca href=\"https://sf.courts.ca.gov/system/files/news/25crim.pdf\">announced\u003c/a> Tuesday that they would release some defendants from pre-trial custody who don’t have an attorney to represent them, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-district-attorney\">District Attorney\u003c/a> Brooke Jenkins lashed out at the county’s judges for being “complicit” in what she called the public defender’s office’s “dereliction of duty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is new is that the court has become complicit in this by now stating that they are going to release potentially dangerous and violent felons back into the community because of what’s happening,” Jenkins told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court has the power to appoint the public defender, whether or not they are saying they don’t have the capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court officials have said they’re “facing an unprecedented number of misdemeanor cases, most of which must be brought to trial within 45 days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since May, the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office has declared itself unavailable one day per week in misdemeanor and some felony cases, due to what the office calls excessive workloads and understaffing. The Bar Association of San Francisco provided private attorneys to represent those defendants, but their caseloads have now increased, and they have said they will no longer accept new appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins said she believes the move is a tactic designed to extract more money for the office from city leaders, one that threatens to disrupt her office’s efforts to prosecute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999100\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999100\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The door for Superior Court Criminal Division Department 10 at the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on Aug. 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The district attorney came into office promising a stricter attitude toward prosecutions and plea deals than her former boss and predecessor, Chesa Boudin, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">recalled\u003c/a> in 2022 amid shifting attitudes in San Francisco toward criminal justice reform. Jenkins has even floated the idea of charging fentanyl dealers with murder in drug-related deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfdistrictattorney.org/policy/data-dashboards/#case-resolutions\">dashboard\u003c/a>, she filed 8,000 cases in 2024, compared to about 5,600 in 2021 during Boudin’s last full year, though the rate of convictions and diversions remains proportionately similar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, as Jenkins pointed out, the numbers haven’t yet rebounded to the peaks seen before Boudin took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not adding up,” Jenkins said. “They didn’t say in 2019, when the numbers were at their highest, that they were unable to manage their caseloads.”[aside postID=news_12060821 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/031523-ICE-Arrest-AP-CM-01-copy.jpg']Jenkins also accused the public defender’s office of mismanagement, such as double-staffing felony cases and intentionally avoiding plea deals to force misdemeanor cases to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju rejected those accusations, noting that his office has consistently advocated for more resources over the years. He added that while he double-staffs certain felony cases, each lawyer still has numerous cases at any given time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It is my ethical and legal mandate to represent our clients in an effective way, and our defenders understand what that means,” Raju said. “We’ve had several attorneys who had to go out on some form of stress leave or medical issues … To have a caseload where several of your clients are looking at decades in prison or life sentences at one time is extremely, extremely difficult work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju said he’s optimistic that the Mayor’s office and Board of Supervisors will help create more parity between the two offices’ budgets — the District Attorney’s office receives more than \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/PDR_letter_to_Steven_Betz_9.16.25_Redacted-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$30,000,000\u003c/a> more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>The district attorney’s office has sole discretion over what cases to file, and there’s been a nearly 60% increase in filing since 2021,” Raju said, “and that had some predictable results, filling our jails to over capacity and increasing our case loads to a breaking point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028393\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju speaks at a rally protesting Mayor Daniel Lurie’s attempt to remove Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission on the steps of San Francisco City Hall, on Feb. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Raju pointed to a first-of-its-kind comprehensive national \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA2559-1.html\">study\u003c/a> on appropriate case workload for public defenders, which his office’s internal analysis used to determine that it needs 26 more attorneys. He said the office is now unavailable two days a week for misdemeanor cases, something that it’s regularly evaluating and may dial down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I’m hoping that the courts are not intimidated by these tactics,” said Raju, in reference to Jenkins’ comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038250/da-jenkins-accused-personal-attacks-against-judges-state-bar-complaint\">reported to the State Bar\u003c/a> by a former Superior Court Judge in April for alleged incendiary attacks against judges over their decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But what I’m concerned about,” Raju continued, “is being able to represent my clients in a constitutionally mandated way.”\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Weisberg, co-director of the Stanford Criminal Justice Center, said the public defender’s office’s move is not uncommon when understaffed, and a similar thing happened during the tenure of a previous public defender, Jeff Adachi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An important thing is that it’s not just a question of the right to counsel [at] a trial, it’s the right to effective counsel under the Constitution,” Weisberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the issue is often settled in some way, though the Court has the option to hold Raju’s office in contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> officials \u003ca href=\"https://sf.courts.ca.gov/system/files/news/25crim.pdf\">announced\u003c/a> Tuesday that they would release some defendants from pre-trial custody who don’t have an attorney to represent them, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-district-attorney\">District Attorney\u003c/a> Brooke Jenkins lashed out at the county’s judges for being “complicit” in what she called the public defender’s office’s “dereliction of duty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is new is that the court has become complicit in this by now stating that they are going to release potentially dangerous and violent felons back into the community because of what’s happening,” Jenkins told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court has the power to appoint the public defender, whether or not they are saying they don’t have the capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court officials have said they’re “facing an unprecedented number of misdemeanor cases, most of which must be brought to trial within 45 days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since May, the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office has declared itself unavailable one day per week in misdemeanor and some felony cases, due to what the office calls excessive workloads and understaffing. The Bar Association of San Francisco provided private attorneys to represent those defendants, but their caseloads have now increased, and they have said they will no longer accept new appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins said she believes the move is a tactic designed to extract more money for the office from city leaders, one that threatens to disrupt her office’s efforts to prosecute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999100\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999100\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The door for Superior Court Criminal Division Department 10 at the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on Aug. 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The district attorney came into office promising a stricter attitude toward prosecutions and plea deals than her former boss and predecessor, Chesa Boudin, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">recalled\u003c/a> in 2022 amid shifting attitudes in San Francisco toward criminal justice reform. Jenkins has even floated the idea of charging fentanyl dealers with murder in drug-related deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfdistrictattorney.org/policy/data-dashboards/#case-resolutions\">dashboard\u003c/a>, she filed 8,000 cases in 2024, compared to about 5,600 in 2021 during Boudin’s last full year, though the rate of convictions and diversions remains proportionately similar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, as Jenkins pointed out, the numbers haven’t yet rebounded to the peaks seen before Boudin took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not adding up,” Jenkins said. “They didn’t say in 2019, when the numbers were at their highest, that they were unable to manage their caseloads.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Jenkins also accused the public defender’s office of mismanagement, such as double-staffing felony cases and intentionally avoiding plea deals to force misdemeanor cases to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju rejected those accusations, noting that his office has consistently advocated for more resources over the years. He added that while he double-staffs certain felony cases, each lawyer still has numerous cases at any given time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It is my ethical and legal mandate to represent our clients in an effective way, and our defenders understand what that means,” Raju said. “We’ve had several attorneys who had to go out on some form of stress leave or medical issues … To have a caseload where several of your clients are looking at decades in prison or life sentences at one time is extremely, extremely difficult work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju said he’s optimistic that the Mayor’s office and Board of Supervisors will help create more parity between the two offices’ budgets — the District Attorney’s office receives more than \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/PDR_letter_to_Steven_Betz_9.16.25_Redacted-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$30,000,000\u003c/a> more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>The district attorney’s office has sole discretion over what cases to file, and there’s been a nearly 60% increase in filing since 2021,” Raju said, “and that had some predictable results, filling our jails to over capacity and increasing our case loads to a breaking point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028393\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju speaks at a rally protesting Mayor Daniel Lurie’s attempt to remove Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission on the steps of San Francisco City Hall, on Feb. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Raju pointed to a first-of-its-kind comprehensive national \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA2559-1.html\">study\u003c/a> on appropriate case workload for public defenders, which his office’s internal analysis used to determine that it needs 26 more attorneys. He said the office is now unavailable two days a week for misdemeanor cases, something that it’s regularly evaluating and may dial down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I’m hoping that the courts are not intimidated by these tactics,” said Raju, in reference to Jenkins’ comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038250/da-jenkins-accused-personal-attacks-against-judges-state-bar-complaint\">reported to the State Bar\u003c/a> by a former Superior Court Judge in April for alleged incendiary attacks against judges over their decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But what I’m concerned about,” Raju continued, “is being able to represent my clients in a constitutionally mandated way.”\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Weisberg, co-director of the Stanford Criminal Justice Center, said the public defender’s office’s move is not uncommon when understaffed, and a similar thing happened during the tenure of a previous public defender, Jeff Adachi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An important thing is that it’s not just a question of the right to counsel [at] a trial, it’s the right to effective counsel under the Constitution,” Weisberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the issue is often settled in some way, though the Court has the option to hold Raju’s office in contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The state Supreme Court dealt a blow Thursday to California’s reliance on cash bail, ruling that judges can’t hold people before trial just because they can’t afford to pay for their release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s unanimous opinion finds that judges can’t simply rely on pre-determined bail amounts that functionally keep the less affluent behind bars, and concluded “that our Constitution prohibits pretrial detention to combat an arrestee’s risk of flight unless the court first finds, based upon clear and convincing evidence, that no condition or conditions of release can reasonably assure the arrestee’s appearance in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling is the latest step in a several-year struggle in California and nationally to upend the use of bail, which the court found often results in “wealth-based detention” that violates defendants’ equal protection and due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='USF law professor Lara Bazelon']'Grounding it firmly in the constitution makes it very clear that this is a right that is fundamental and it must be respected in trial courts in every part of the state.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University of San Francisco law professor Lara Bazelon said the ruling is potentially a “watershed” moment that enforces a defendant’s presumption of innocence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Grounding it firmly in the constitution makes it very clear that this is a right that is fundamental and it must be respected in trial courts in every part of the state,” she said. “That’s important because we were getting disparate outcomes depending on who the DA was and what kind of jurisdiction the person was in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges must now consider whether other requirements — such as electronic monitoring, pretrial check-ins or addiction treatment — can reasonably ensure a defendant won’t reoffend or skip court. And while judges may still impose bail, it can only be set at an amount the defendant can afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices made the ruling in the case of Kenneth Humphrey, a now 66-year-old Black man who faced $350,000 bail in 2017, when he was charged in San Francisco with robbery after taking $5 and a bottle of cologne from a neighbor. Humphrey’s public defender argued in court that he couldn’t afford that bail, and was held in jail unconstitutionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Humphrey asks whether it is constitutional to incarcerate a defendant solely because he lacks financial resources,” the opinion says. “We conclude it is not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opinion written by Associate Justice Mariano-Florentino Cuéllar cites research finding that large urban counties in California incarcerate people pretrial at higher rates than elsewhere in the country. And in this state, bail isn’t cheap. The median bail amount in California is $50,000, over five times the national median.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s historic decision affirms that people like our client Kenneth Humphrey, who bravely fought for his pretrial freedom, can no longer be locked up in jail simply for being poor and when they pose no threat to public safety,\" said San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju in a statement. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling is distinct from a recent failed attempt by state legislators to completely eliminate the use of cash bail in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB10\">Senate Bill 10\u003c/a>, signed into law in 2018, was overturned by referendum and subsequently \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_25,_Replace_Cash_Bail_with_Risk_Assessments_Referendum_(2020)\">rejected by voters\u003c/a> in the last election. The law split progressives, many of whom thought that it left too much discretion in the hands of trial judges to continue to jail people awaiting trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Robert Hertzberg, D-Van Nuys, one of the authors of SB 10, said Thursday that he is “over the moon” with the high court’s ruling. He said judges can no longer rely on predetermined bail amounts, and must now “look at each person who’s sitting before that judge in the eye, looking at their facts, and making a determination instead of somebody being subject to a price list for their liberty.\" [aside tag=\"bail,bail-reform\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hertzberg’s latest legislation on bail, currently in the state Senate, will do what the Supreme Court’s ruling does not, he said: lay out the details of exactly how busy trial courts will implement the constitutional requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among other changes, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB262\">Senate Bill 262\u003c/a> would set bail at zero dollars for all but the most serious charges, freeing trial courts to hold pretrial detention hearings only in cases that are a tougher call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some bail industry and police organizations oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are pleased to see that the opinion has ended up being both thoughtful and fair to all sides,” a spokesperson for the California Bail Agents Association said of the state Supreme Court’s ruling Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bazelon, the USF law professor, said the ruling will go a long way toward addressing systemic inequality in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision speaks to the criminalization of poverty, but I also think it’s very important to say this decision speaks to the criminalization of race,” she said. “Overwhelmingly, the people who are stopped, arrested and detained are people of color, often without the ability to pay. Those are the people generally who are not able to be released, not able to fight their case, not able to pay their rent, whose families spiral into a circle of poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that the ruling “takes that tool out of the mass incarceration tool box.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The state Supreme Court dealt a blow Thursday to California’s reliance on cash bail, ruling that judges can’t hold people before trial just because they can’t afford to pay for their release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s unanimous opinion finds that judges can’t simply rely on pre-determined bail amounts that functionally keep the less affluent behind bars, and concluded “that our Constitution prohibits pretrial detention to combat an arrestee’s risk of flight unless the court first finds, based upon clear and convincing evidence, that no condition or conditions of release can reasonably assure the arrestee’s appearance in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling is the latest step in a several-year struggle in California and nationally to upend the use of bail, which the court found often results in “wealth-based detention” that violates defendants’ equal protection and due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University of San Francisco law professor Lara Bazelon said the ruling is potentially a “watershed” moment that enforces a defendant’s presumption of innocence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Grounding it firmly in the constitution makes it very clear that this is a right that is fundamental and it must be respected in trial courts in every part of the state,” she said. “That’s important because we were getting disparate outcomes depending on who the DA was and what kind of jurisdiction the person was in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges must now consider whether other requirements — such as electronic monitoring, pretrial check-ins or addiction treatment — can reasonably ensure a defendant won’t reoffend or skip court. And while judges may still impose bail, it can only be set at an amount the defendant can afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices made the ruling in the case of Kenneth Humphrey, a now 66-year-old Black man who faced $350,000 bail in 2017, when he was charged in San Francisco with robbery after taking $5 and a bottle of cologne from a neighbor. Humphrey’s public defender argued in court that he couldn’t afford that bail, and was held in jail unconstitutionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Humphrey asks whether it is constitutional to incarcerate a defendant solely because he lacks financial resources,” the opinion says. “We conclude it is not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opinion written by Associate Justice Mariano-Florentino Cuéllar cites research finding that large urban counties in California incarcerate people pretrial at higher rates than elsewhere in the country. And in this state, bail isn’t cheap. The median bail amount in California is $50,000, over five times the national median.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s historic decision affirms that people like our client Kenneth Humphrey, who bravely fought for his pretrial freedom, can no longer be locked up in jail simply for being poor and when they pose no threat to public safety,\" said San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju in a statement. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling is distinct from a recent failed attempt by state legislators to completely eliminate the use of cash bail in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB10\">Senate Bill 10\u003c/a>, signed into law in 2018, was overturned by referendum and subsequently \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_25,_Replace_Cash_Bail_with_Risk_Assessments_Referendum_(2020)\">rejected by voters\u003c/a> in the last election. The law split progressives, many of whom thought that it left too much discretion in the hands of trial judges to continue to jail people awaiting trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Robert Hertzberg, D-Van Nuys, one of the authors of SB 10, said Thursday that he is “over the moon” with the high court’s ruling. He said judges can no longer rely on predetermined bail amounts, and must now “look at each person who’s sitting before that judge in the eye, looking at their facts, and making a determination instead of somebody being subject to a price list for their liberty.\" \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hertzberg’s latest legislation on bail, currently in the state Senate, will do what the Supreme Court’s ruling does not, he said: lay out the details of exactly how busy trial courts will implement the constitutional requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among other changes, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB262\">Senate Bill 262\u003c/a> would set bail at zero dollars for all but the most serious charges, freeing trial courts to hold pretrial detention hearings only in cases that are a tougher call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some bail industry and police organizations oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are pleased to see that the opinion has ended up being both thoughtful and fair to all sides,” a spokesperson for the California Bail Agents Association said of the state Supreme Court’s ruling Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bazelon, the USF law professor, said the ruling will go a long way toward addressing systemic inequality in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision speaks to the criminalization of poverty, but I also think it’s very important to say this decision speaks to the criminalization of race,” she said. “Overwhelmingly, the people who are stopped, arrested and detained are people of color, often without the ability to pay. Those are the people generally who are not able to be released, not able to fight their case, not able to pay their rent, whose families spiral into a circle of poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that the ruling “takes that tool out of the mass incarceration tool box.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Lexis Hernandez Avilez returned to her family home in Monterey County last Friday after being released from immigration detention, she said she felt nervous and was shaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, I feel alone,” Avilez said. “I feel a little strange still, here. And right now, when I came in … I started kind of feeling the same way I was in the cell, being isolated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After nearly 17 months locked up in U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention centers, Avilez is now adjusting to a strange kind of freedom — with Californians ordered to shelter at home because of the coronavirus pandemic. [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avilez has lived most of her 41 years in California, after being brought to the U.S. from Mexico as a baby. But in 2018, Avilez was turned over to ICE after serving time for a felony assault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avilez was assigned male at birth but struggled with gender identity for years. While in ICE custody at the Yuba County Jail in Marysville, California, and fighting deportation in immigration court, Avilez began to identify as female, and a jail doctor ordered treatment for gender dysphoria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December 2019, without the knowledge of her lawyer, ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11793952/sf-public-defenders-office-takes-on-ice-over-transfer-of-client-to-texas\">transferred Avilez\u003c/a> to a detention facility in Texas — which officials said was the only place the agency could provide her the hormone therapy she needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, on April 8, U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer ruled that Avilez was entitled to a bond hearing. An immigration judge found Avilez was not a flight risk and granted her release on a bond of $10,000, which was paid by the California-based nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/\">Freedom for Immigrants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE released Avilez on April 24 and flew her back to California. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avilez said she’s happy to be free. But, ironically, she has found it hard to be away from the Prairieland Detention Center, south of Dallas, where ICE houses some transgender detainees. Avilez spent just over three months there and received the hormone treatment she sought. She said it was one of the few places she felt accepted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t see me no different, and that’s why I was happy and I got real close with them,” she said of the other immigrants in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Avilez is back with her family. But returning home in the midst of a pandemic is complicated, and being home has brought up feelings of isolation and claustrophobia that she felt before she found friends at the Texas facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other people who’ve been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11813278/for-formerly-incarcerated-students-shelter-in-place-can-feel-like-prison-again\">previously incarcerated\u003c/a> have also reported that the shelter-in-place order has triggered some memories of isolation from inside. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Lexis Hernandez Avilez']‘… I want to be able to wear my makeup. I don’t have to be scared no more.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Avilez, the difficult adjustment is not just the result of the time she spent in prison and detention, but that she’s back in her aunt’s house — trying to live her life authentically in close quarters with some family members who haven’t seen her since she transitioned to female.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My aunt still calls me m’ijo. It’s kind of hard for her, and I understand that. I’ll have to sit down and talk with her about that later,” Avilez said. “But, I want to be able to wear my makeup. I don’t have to be scared no more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avilez lost an initial bid for asylum, but she has appealed. While she awaits her next immigration court hearing, she said she’s eager to get her life started again. She wants to get a cellphone, so that she can call the friends she made in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also wants to get her job back. Avilez said she used to work in the medical field as a service technician, helping people who use wheelchairs and providing assistance to the elderly across Monterey County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m happy I’m free. [Though] I don’t feel completely free because I’m wearing an ankle monitor … I can’t go out,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Avilez left ICE custody, she has not had access to hormone treatment. But attorney Hector Vega of the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, who represents Avilez in her immigration case, said social workers in his office have found a clinic in Monterey County that can provide her the medication, free of charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her first act of independence since being released from detention, Avilez bought a pink T-shirt with a single parentheses in the middle and colons dotting either side, creating the image of both a sad and happy face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is it a happy face?” Avilez asked. “You decide if it’s happy or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Lexis Hernandez Avilez returned to her family home in Monterey County last Friday after being released from immigration detention, she said she felt nervous and was shaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, I feel alone,” Avilez said. “I feel a little strange still, here. And right now, when I came in … I started kind of feeling the same way I was in the cell, being isolated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After nearly 17 months locked up in U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention centers, Avilez is now adjusting to a strange kind of freedom — with Californians ordered to shelter at home because of the coronavirus pandemic. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avilez has lived most of her 41 years in California, after being brought to the U.S. from Mexico as a baby. But in 2018, Avilez was turned over to ICE after serving time for a felony assault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avilez was assigned male at birth but struggled with gender identity for years. While in ICE custody at the Yuba County Jail in Marysville, California, and fighting deportation in immigration court, Avilez began to identify as female, and a jail doctor ordered treatment for gender dysphoria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December 2019, without the knowledge of her lawyer, ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11793952/sf-public-defenders-office-takes-on-ice-over-transfer-of-client-to-texas\">transferred Avilez\u003c/a> to a detention facility in Texas — which officials said was the only place the agency could provide her the hormone therapy she needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, on April 8, U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer ruled that Avilez was entitled to a bond hearing. An immigration judge found Avilez was not a flight risk and granted her release on a bond of $10,000, which was paid by the California-based nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/\">Freedom for Immigrants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE released Avilez on April 24 and flew her back to California. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avilez said she’s happy to be free. But, ironically, she has found it hard to be away from the Prairieland Detention Center, south of Dallas, where ICE houses some transgender detainees. Avilez spent just over three months there and received the hormone treatment she sought. She said it was one of the few places she felt accepted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t see me no different, and that’s why I was happy and I got real close with them,” she said of the other immigrants in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Avilez is back with her family. But returning home in the midst of a pandemic is complicated, and being home has brought up feelings of isolation and claustrophobia that she felt before she found friends at the Texas facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other people who’ve been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11813278/for-formerly-incarcerated-students-shelter-in-place-can-feel-like-prison-again\">previously incarcerated\u003c/a> have also reported that the shelter-in-place order has triggered some memories of isolation from inside. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Avilez, the difficult adjustment is not just the result of the time she spent in prison and detention, but that she’s back in her aunt’s house — trying to live her life authentically in close quarters with some family members who haven’t seen her since she transitioned to female.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My aunt still calls me m’ijo. It’s kind of hard for her, and I understand that. I’ll have to sit down and talk with her about that later,” Avilez said. “But, I want to be able to wear my makeup. I don’t have to be scared no more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avilez lost an initial bid for asylum, but she has appealed. While she awaits her next immigration court hearing, she said she’s eager to get her life started again. She wants to get a cellphone, so that she can call the friends she made in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also wants to get her job back. Avilez said she used to work in the medical field as a service technician, helping people who use wheelchairs and providing assistance to the elderly across Monterey County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m happy I’m free. [Though] I don’t feel completely free because I’m wearing an ankle monitor … I can’t go out,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Avilez left ICE custody, she has not had access to hormone treatment. But attorney Hector Vega of the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, who represents Avilez in her immigration case, said social workers in his office have found a clinic in Monterey County that can provide her the medication, free of charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her first act of independence since being released from detention, Avilez bought a pink T-shirt with a single parentheses in the middle and colons dotting either side, creating the image of both a sad and happy face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is it a happy face?” Avilez asked. “You decide if it’s happy or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Immigrant advocates and San Francisco’s public defender announced a class-action lawsuit against U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Tuesday, calling for a substantial reduction in the population at two immigration detention centers in California, which they say is the only way of protecting detainees from the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/ICE_CLASS_ACTION_COMPLAINT_042020.pdf\">suit\u003c/a>, which was filed in federal district court in San Francisco Monday, is the first class action filed on behalf of more than 400 people detained by ICE at the Yuba County Jail and the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Facility, a private prison in Bakersfield, according to the plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the detained people in either facility have yet been diagnosed with COVID-19. But unless ICE can reduce the population enough to permit detainees to maintain social distancing of 6 feet or more, it’s just a matter of time advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The detainees in these facilities live in crowded, shared spaces,” according to the complaint. “Many sleep and spend most waking hours within arm’s reach of one another in assigned bunk beds in cramped dormitories. They share dining areas, standing inches apart as they wait in line for food and then sitting shoulder to shoulder as they eat on chairs that are bolted to the floor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a news conference Tuesday, Charles Joseph, a Sacramento resident who was released from Mesa Verde on April 13 under a judge’s orders, said he felt ICE treated the health of detainees with disregard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They continue to fill dorms to capacity with people who could be carriers. There are 100 bunks in one room,” said Joseph. “This pandemic has caused us not to be quiet anymore, because our detention for a civil matter may be a death sentence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph said he had joined a sit-in and a hunger strike at Mesa Verde to protest conditions. The lawsuit also seeks to prevent ICE from retaliating against those who participate in such protests, and asked the court to set aside an ICE policy that prohibits “engaging in or inciting a group demonstration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE will not comment on pending litigation, the agency said in a statement released by spokesman Jonathan Moor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement also said that the agency “is taking all necessary precautionary measures to ensure all ICE detainees are screened medically upon their arrival to our facilities. Comprehensive protocols are in place for the protection of staff and detainee patients, including the appropriate use of personal protective equipment (PPE), in accordance with CDC guidance ... . As an additional measure of defense, ICE detainees suspected of exposure or infection of certain diseases are medically ‘cohorted,’ in line with CDC guidelines and ICE detention standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency added that starting April 17, people detained at Mesa Verde would receive surgical masks every Monday, Wednesday and Friday during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Tuesday evening, 253 ICE detainees \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus\">had been diagnosed with COVID-19\u003c/a> across the country, along with 32 ICE agents working in detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"immigration\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An outbreak at the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego has infected 29 detained immigrants and at least 16 staff members from both ICE and the company that operates the jail, CoreCivic. It is the only one of the four ICE facilities in California to report coronavirus cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration lawyers representing detainees at the Yuba County Jail and Mesa Verde say they don’t believe ICE is testing people for coronavirus at either location. Moor, the ICE spokesman, said he did not know whether COVID-19 tests have been performed on anyone at the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, U.S. Sens. Kamala Harris and Dianne Feinstein, along with Rep. Juan Vargas, D-San Diego, called on the Department of Homeland Security’s inspector general to investigate an incident at Otay Mesa in which some detainees say they were pepper-sprayed or threatened with pepper spray when they resisted guards’ requirement that they sign liability release forms in order to receive protective masks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has reduced the number of people in custody nationally, from more than 38,000 three weeks ago to a total of just over 32,000 as of April 11. There were 3,402 people in ICE’s four California detention facilities as of March 28, according to the most recent data available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials said they have released almost 700 medically vulnerable immigrants, including pregnant women and people over 60. Many of these releases have been ordered by courts responding to a series of lawsuits filed in recent weeks by advocates around the country, including at least 10 in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco lawsuit comes just one day after a federal judge in Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://creeclaw.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/2020-04-20-132-Order-Granting-Amicus-Brs.-Subclass-Cert.-PI.pdf\">ordered\u003c/a> ICE to promptly identify every person in its custody nationally who is at risk for coronavirus complications and to consider each one for release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Los Angeles case, U.S. District Judge Jesus Bernal gave ICE 10 days to identify all detainees who are over 55 years old, pregnant or suffer from chronic health conditions. He wrote that ICE’s policies and delayed response were likely to subject them to a “substantial risk of serious harm” and amounted to “callous indifference” to their safety and well-being.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bernal also pointed out that ICE has the option to release people — including medically vulnerable individuals — “on bond or conditional parole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In announcing the San Francisco lawsuit Tuesday, Bree Bernwanger, an attorney with the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights, said plaintiffs were asking the court to order ICE to release enough people to make the facilities safe for those who remain inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The conditions of confinement in both facilities is unconstitutional and incredibly dangerous,\" Bernwanger said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Immigrant advocates and San Francisco’s public defender announced a class-action lawsuit against U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Tuesday, calling for a substantial reduction in the population at two immigration detention centers in California, which they say is the only way of protecting detainees from the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/ICE_CLASS_ACTION_COMPLAINT_042020.pdf\">suit\u003c/a>, which was filed in federal district court in San Francisco Monday, is the first class action filed on behalf of more than 400 people detained by ICE at the Yuba County Jail and the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Facility, a private prison in Bakersfield, according to the plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the detained people in either facility have yet been diagnosed with COVID-19. But unless ICE can reduce the population enough to permit detainees to maintain social distancing of 6 feet or more, it’s just a matter of time advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The detainees in these facilities live in crowded, shared spaces,” according to the complaint. “Many sleep and spend most waking hours within arm’s reach of one another in assigned bunk beds in cramped dormitories. They share dining areas, standing inches apart as they wait in line for food and then sitting shoulder to shoulder as they eat on chairs that are bolted to the floor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a news conference Tuesday, Charles Joseph, a Sacramento resident who was released from Mesa Verde on April 13 under a judge’s orders, said he felt ICE treated the health of detainees with disregard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They continue to fill dorms to capacity with people who could be carriers. There are 100 bunks in one room,” said Joseph. “This pandemic has caused us not to be quiet anymore, because our detention for a civil matter may be a death sentence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph said he had joined a sit-in and a hunger strike at Mesa Verde to protest conditions. The lawsuit also seeks to prevent ICE from retaliating against those who participate in such protests, and asked the court to set aside an ICE policy that prohibits “engaging in or inciting a group demonstration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE will not comment on pending litigation, the agency said in a statement released by spokesman Jonathan Moor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement also said that the agency “is taking all necessary precautionary measures to ensure all ICE detainees are screened medically upon their arrival to our facilities. Comprehensive protocols are in place for the protection of staff and detainee patients, including the appropriate use of personal protective equipment (PPE), in accordance with CDC guidance ... . As an additional measure of defense, ICE detainees suspected of exposure or infection of certain diseases are medically ‘cohorted,’ in line with CDC guidelines and ICE detention standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency added that starting April 17, people detained at Mesa Verde would receive surgical masks every Monday, Wednesday and Friday during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Tuesday evening, 253 ICE detainees \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus\">had been diagnosed with COVID-19\u003c/a> across the country, along with 32 ICE agents working in detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An outbreak at the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego has infected 29 detained immigrants and at least 16 staff members from both ICE and the company that operates the jail, CoreCivic. It is the only one of the four ICE facilities in California to report coronavirus cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration lawyers representing detainees at the Yuba County Jail and Mesa Verde say they don’t believe ICE is testing people for coronavirus at either location. Moor, the ICE spokesman, said he did not know whether COVID-19 tests have been performed on anyone at the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, U.S. Sens. Kamala Harris and Dianne Feinstein, along with Rep. Juan Vargas, D-San Diego, called on the Department of Homeland Security’s inspector general to investigate an incident at Otay Mesa in which some detainees say they were pepper-sprayed or threatened with pepper spray when they resisted guards’ requirement that they sign liability release forms in order to receive protective masks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has reduced the number of people in custody nationally, from more than 38,000 three weeks ago to a total of just over 32,000 as of April 11. There were 3,402 people in ICE’s four California detention facilities as of March 28, according to the most recent data available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials said they have released almost 700 medically vulnerable immigrants, including pregnant women and people over 60. Many of these releases have been ordered by courts responding to a series of lawsuits filed in recent weeks by advocates around the country, including at least 10 in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco lawsuit comes just one day after a federal judge in Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://creeclaw.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/2020-04-20-132-Order-Granting-Amicus-Brs.-Subclass-Cert.-PI.pdf\">ordered\u003c/a> ICE to promptly identify every person in its custody nationally who is at risk for coronavirus complications and to consider each one for release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Los Angeles case, U.S. District Judge Jesus Bernal gave ICE 10 days to identify all detainees who are over 55 years old, pregnant or suffer from chronic health conditions. He wrote that ICE’s policies and delayed response were likely to subject them to a “substantial risk of serious harm” and amounted to “callous indifference” to their safety and well-being.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bernal also pointed out that ICE has the option to release people — including medically vulnerable individuals — “on bond or conditional parole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In announcing the San Francisco lawsuit Tuesday, Bree Bernwanger, an attorney with the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights, said plaintiffs were asking the court to order ICE to release enough people to make the facilities safe for those who remain inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The conditions of confinement in both facilities is unconstitutional and incredibly dangerous,\" Bernwanger said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>An undocumented man was detained by federal immigration authorities this week in front of the San Francisco Hall of Justice, where the criminal courts are located. The arrest was strongly condemned by the city’s public defender and district attorney, who say courthouses should be off limits to immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco resident was on his way to a court hearing at 850 Bryant St. when he was arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents — the first such arrest in the city, said the Public Defender’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This undermines community trust and public safety,” said San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju. “It does deter people from coming to court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, ICE agents also \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/ICE-arrests-3-at-Sonoma-County-courthouse-local-15067595.php\">detained two men\u003c/a> at the Sonoma County Superior Court. [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courthouse arrests come as the Trump administration has renewed efforts to counter sanctuary jurisdictions, arguing they interfere with federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, President Trump said the federal government will begin \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/486078-trump-government-will-start-withholding-funds-from-sanctuary-cities\">withholding grants\u003c/a> from sanctuary cities and states, after an appeals court in Manhattan ruled they have the authority to do so. U.S. Attorney General William Barr \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-william-p-barr-delivers-remarks-national-sheriffs-association-winter\">said\u003c/a> last month that public areas of courthouses must be accessible to federal law enforcement officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California law that took effect this year, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB668\">Assembly Bill 668\u003c/a>, which prohibits civil arrests in courthouses without a judicial warrant, which the agents did not have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California law explicitly forbids a civil enforcement agency like ICE from making a civil arrest without warrant outside of a courthouse,” Raju said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Trump administration argues that immigration agents have the authority to make courthouse arrests without judicial warrants. While ICE generally avoids immigration enforcement at “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/ero/enforcement/sensitive-loc\">sensitive locations\u003c/a>” such as schools, churches and hospitals, it does not treat courthouses that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The undocumented Mexican national who was detained in San Francisco on Tuesday had three felony convictions for second-degree burglary from 2016, 2017 and 2019, according to ICE. The agency identified him as 43-year-old Alberto Uc Ponce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency said it arrested him near the courthouse because local law enforcement had refused to turn him over to ICE several times. The agency said local jurisdictions that don’t cooperate with ICE are likely to see an increase of arrests in the community, as agents are less able to detain immigrants at jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Jennings, field office director for ICE in San Francisco, blamed sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Criminals like this individual are released to reoffend again and again,” said Jennings in a statement. “A simple phone call to ICE to arrange the secure transfer of such individuals would serve the hard-working residents of the city far more than a misguided sanctuary policy that, as proven here and numerous times in the past, goes to great lengths to protect criminals under the guise of protecting the citizenry.” [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s sanctuary law, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\">Senate Bill 54\u003c/a>, prohibits local police, sheriffs and jail officials from handing over immigrants to ICE, unless they have been convicted of serious felonies or other crimes, including burglary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man’s attorney at the Public Defender’s Office, Emilou MacLean, declined to comment on her client’s criminal history, or whether he was protected by SB 54.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a question of the illegitimacy and the illegality of courthouse arrests — where ICE is essentially stationing itself at the courthouse and ambushing someone who shows up for a court hearing,” said MacLean in an email. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Attorney Emilou MacLean']'This is a question of the illegitimacy and the illegality of courthouse arrests — where ICE is essentially stationing itself at the courthouse and ambushing someone who shows up for a court hearing'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin also called for ICE to stop making arrests at courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE actions in or near our courthouses deters people from accessing our justice system, making us all less safe,” Boudin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jennings, the ICE field office director, said federal immigration agents are not bound by California's law against courthouse arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California Assembly Bill 668 cannot and will not govern the conduct of federal officers acting pursuant to duly-enacted laws passed by Congress that provide the authority to make administrative arrests of removable aliens inside the United States,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez, D-San Diego, who authored AB 668, said President Trump’s “aggressive immigration policies are making all of our communities less safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people don’t feel safe showing up to court to act as a witness, pay a fine or file papers — the system is broken,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courthouse arrests come as the Trump administration has renewed efforts to counter sanctuary jurisdictions, arguing they interfere with federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, President Trump said the federal government will begin \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/486078-trump-government-will-start-withholding-funds-from-sanctuary-cities\">withholding grants\u003c/a> from sanctuary cities and states, after an appeals court in Manhattan ruled they have the authority to do so. U.S. Attorney General William Barr \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-william-p-barr-delivers-remarks-national-sheriffs-association-winter\">said\u003c/a> last month that public areas of courthouses must be accessible to federal law enforcement officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California law that took effect this year, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB668\">Assembly Bill 668\u003c/a>, which prohibits civil arrests in courthouses without a judicial warrant, which the agents did not have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California law explicitly forbids a civil enforcement agency like ICE from making a civil arrest without warrant outside of a courthouse,” Raju said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Trump administration argues that immigration agents have the authority to make courthouse arrests without judicial warrants. While ICE generally avoids immigration enforcement at “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/ero/enforcement/sensitive-loc\">sensitive locations\u003c/a>” such as schools, churches and hospitals, it does not treat courthouses that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The undocumented Mexican national who was detained in San Francisco on Tuesday had three felony convictions for second-degree burglary from 2016, 2017 and 2019, according to ICE. The agency identified him as 43-year-old Alberto Uc Ponce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency said it arrested him near the courthouse because local law enforcement had refused to turn him over to ICE several times. The agency said local jurisdictions that don’t cooperate with ICE are likely to see an increase of arrests in the community, as agents are less able to detain immigrants at jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Jennings, field office director for ICE in San Francisco, blamed sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Criminals like this individual are released to reoffend again and again,” said Jennings in a statement. “A simple phone call to ICE to arrange the secure transfer of such individuals would serve the hard-working residents of the city far more than a misguided sanctuary policy that, as proven here and numerous times in the past, goes to great lengths to protect criminals under the guise of protecting the citizenry.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s sanctuary law, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\">Senate Bill 54\u003c/a>, prohibits local police, sheriffs and jail officials from handing over immigrants to ICE, unless they have been convicted of serious felonies or other crimes, including burglary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man’s attorney at the Public Defender’s Office, Emilou MacLean, declined to comment on her client’s criminal history, or whether he was protected by SB 54.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a question of the illegitimacy and the illegality of courthouse arrests — where ICE is essentially stationing itself at the courthouse and ambushing someone who shows up for a court hearing,” said MacLean in an email. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The San Francisco Public Defender’s Office is requesting an immediate hearing to have a transgender woman, who was transferred out of California on Christmas Day, released or returned to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public defender’s office \u003ca href=\"https://sfpublicdefender.org/news/2020/01/sf-public-defenders-file-restraining-order-against-ice-for-christmas-night-transfer-of-transgender-detainee-to-texas-isolation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">filed a motion\u003c/a> on Friday for a temporary restraining order against Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and the Yuba County Sheriff’s Office on behalf of their client, 41-year old Lexis Avilez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='immigration' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defendants have until noon on Jan. 7 to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly 14 months, Avilez has been held at the Yuba County Detention Center while lawyers worked on getting her a bond hearing, according to court documents filed on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the public defender’s office, on Christmas 2019, officials at Yuba led Avilez to believe she was being released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was extremely happy,” said Deputy Public Defender Hector Vega, who represents Avilez. “She called it a ‘Christmas miracle’ and called her family to tell them she was going to be released and be home soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Vega said later that night, after she was transferred to the ICE processing facility in Sacramento, officials told her she was, instead, being transferred to the Prairieland Detention Center in Alvarado, Texas, nearly 2,000 miles away from her family and legal counsel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I received no notice of the transfer until it happened,” said Vega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Vega finally got in touch with ICE officials, they explained that they moved Avilez to the Texas facility because it was better suited to her needs.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Lexis Avilez']‘I think this has been so cruel to me. ICE and the other officers know how difficult the last 14 months have been for me and yet have had no compassion for the way they detain me and move me around like I mean nothing.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Vega’s concerned that’s not the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that she’s in the new detention center, I’ve been in talks with the new medical staff who have also not provided the hormonal treatment, and have given me no assurances that Ms. Avilez will receive the medication she needs,” said Vega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public defender’s office also stated in a press release that Avilez is being detained in “segregated confinement, forced to wear male clothes, and denied the ability to call her lawyer at no cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this has been so cruel to me,” said Avilez in a statement. “ICE and the other officers know how difficult the last 14 months have been for me and yet have had no compassion for the way they detain me and move me around like I mean nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avilez has lived in California for the past 40 years after being brought to the United States as a baby. After struggling with her identity for years, she began to identify as female after being taken into ICE custody in 2018. Federal officials are seeking to deport her due to a past felony assault charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June 2019, during her time at Yuba, Avilez was diagnosed with gender dysphoria. At that time, Avilez’s lawyers began communication with ICE and Yuba officials regarding her healthcare, but she still did not receive necessary medication while there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials said they had no comment regarding the case. The Yuba County Sheriff’s Office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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},
"radiolab": {
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"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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