Breaking Down Napa County's Board of Supervisors Election
Two Bay Area Men Sentenced to Multiple Years in Prison for Plot to Destroy California Democratic Party Headquarters
In Deep Blue California, Anti-Abortion Centers Outnumber Abortion Clinics
The Anti-Abortion Movement Next Door
Plot to Blow Up Democratic Headquarters Exposed California Extremists Hiding in Plain Sight
How Two Wineries are Dealing With Climate Change
Latinx Artists Promote Covid-19 Vaccination, Saying Goodbye to 'Roadrunner,' Birds Helping CA Farms
'I Don't Want My Ballot Getting Lost': Voters Bring Mail-In Ballots to Polling Places
Immigrant Workers Make ‘Wine Country’ Possible. Now Many Have Evacuated.
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(In these races, nobody is advancing to November— voters will pick the winner in this election!)\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The wine industry looms large, but so do issues about housing, wildfire protection, and environmental conservation. KQED’s Carlos Cabrera-Lomeli tells us about the stakes, and focuses on the race in District 5.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC9204213170&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Links:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED Voter Guide\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan \u003c/strong>Hey, this is Alan Montecillo. Just reminding you that tomorrow is the last day to vote in the March primary. If you still need to read up on the issues and candidates, KQED has a handy voter guide. You can find it at KQED.org/VoterGuide tomorrow night as results come in, you can check out KQED.org/Election and we’ll also share a few episodes about some of the different races in today’s show notes. Happy voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>I’m Alan Montecillo in for Ericka Cruz Guevarra. And welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted. Napa County voters could change the direction of their local government in a big way. Three of the five seats on the Board of Supervisors are up in a nonpartisan race that will be decided in the primary tomorrow. Now, of course, Napa is world famous for its wine industry, but voters are also worried about the same issues as everyone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Things like housing, wildfires, inequality. Napa is in danger of becoming mostly a playground for the wealthy. We need a durable funding source to fund wildfire mitigation efforts and strike a balance between the economic growth that the wine industry provides and the human aspect of the labor force that we need to make that work. Today, the race for Board of Supervisors in Napa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Napa County is, population wise, the smallest county in the Bay area. It doesn’t even make it to a million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí is a community engagement reporter for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>However, size wise, it’s huge. You could fit several San Francisco’s inside of there. And just because there’s a, you know, a lot of people doesn’t mean that things don’t get heated. The wine industry is definitely a huge factor, a huge contributor to investment, to employment and everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>But you also have a lot, a lot of folks who, you know, work in other things, have been living there their whole lives and, you know, kind of have to live with this industry that brings millions of people a year and they have to share resources. This balancing game between the needs of the wine industry and the needs of residents is one of the many reasons it makes politics in Napa really, really interesting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So there’s an election coming. The last day to vote is tomorrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Yes. What is it going to be decided in Napa County this week?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Yeah, I would say that for locals, this is a big year in Napa. There’s five people sitting on the board of supervisors of the county. These five people get to decide and supervise the budget. The county prison, the county airport, regulating wineries, wildfire protection plans. And three of those seats on the board, with three out of five majority, will be decided on Tuesday. You know, in other parts of the state, the results of Tuesday are like they’re a primary, right? Like it’s kind of like we’re getting ready for what’s going to happen in November. Napa. It’s what happens on Tuesday. Who wins on Tuesday? That’s it. This is final results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Let’s dive more into the big issues in Napa County politics. I have to imagine there’s some overlap with the rest of the bay, like housing. But what else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>In Napa County? We’re trying to figure out housing, how? We’re trying to figure out how to boost the supply of housing. We’re also figuring out wildfire protection, how to make it financially sustainable for the future as climate change gets more and more intense. We’re also dealing with issues of transportation, especially in the southern part of the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>A lot of folks, you know, they got to go to Vallejo, they got to go to Solano, Contra Costa County and to work. And getting in and out of Napa is pretty tough during the week. Cost of living. Also investment in the sense of like, you know, you have a county that depends on tourism, on people traveling. They’re still catching up. They’re still recovering from the pandemic when it was so hard to make it out there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And what about the wine industry? What are the ways that it comes up in local politics?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>So over the years, if you if you look at candidates pages, who supports them? Who endorses them? The Napa Wine Growers Association, the Farm Bureau, there will always be a candidate that has their endorsement. They always have something to say. This is an industry that represents millions and millions of dollars. And of course, they want to support a candidate that you know is going to make things a lot easier for them, right? Whether that’s the new vineyard in the works, the it has to go to the Board of Supervisors. And having folks on the Board of Supervisors friendly to the wine industry makes things a lot easier, and they’re very keen on that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>All right, Carlos, so there are three races for the Napa County Board of Supervisors that could reshape big issues like how the wine industry is regulated. And really, this question of what should be done with land in the county. One race where we’re seeing this is in district five, which I know that you followed closely. Tell me a little bit more about district five.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>So I’d say the district five challenges a lot of the preconceptions we have about Napa County. Majority of Napa County is white. The biggest city in district five is American Canyon. American Canyon is actually really, really diverse. It’s overwhelmingly Latino. It’s overwhelmingly Asian, very middle class, very family. A lot of folks work in Vallejo. Work at Six Flags have been there for a while and been able to, like, make a life in the southern part of Napa. You don’t see that many folks going to work in a vineyard or a winery. Economy is a little more varied here, which makes, I think, more integrated with the rest of the bay as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Let’s talk about the candidates for district five, starting with the incumbent, Belia Ramos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>So there are two candidates in the race and it’s rematch. They’ve actually faced off in 2020. Bailey Ramos who’s currently supervisor won in 2020. And now she’s going against Mariam Aboudamous again, who is a city council member for American Canyon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Belia Ramos: \u003c/strong>I’m as homegrown as it gets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Ramos definitely emphasizes that she’s born and raised like Napa, like how how rooted she is in Napa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Belia Ramos: \u003c/strong>I was born at Queen of the Valley Hospital, and I moved over to unincorporated Napa County outside of Saint Helena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Folks, take that pride in that small town connection, right? And she definitely emphasizes that she’s representing the interests of, like, middle class Napa residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Belia Ramos: \u003c/strong>This calling for me, it’s about improving people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Part of her story is that she’s a single mom. You know, she had to raise, kids by herself for a moment. She also dealt with housing insecurity. Not even that there is enough affordable housing in Napa. Just that there’s not enough housing in Napa, period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>How does Supervisor Ramos brand herself, like, when she is talking about what kind of leader she is and wants to be? What does she talk about?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>She has been chair of the board. She’s very, very involved. She knows how the county works really, really well because she’s been on the board since 2016. She’s been involved in a lot of the recovery efforts from wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Belia Ramos: \u003c/strong>We were brought to our meetings with fires in 2017, the first Mega Fire Tahoe. So when you ask me, what am I most proud of? I’m proud of the investments we’ve made to make our community more resilient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>She’s very well connected with Congressman Mike Thompson’s office, with labor groups throughout the county. And she’s also she’s involved with the Association of Bay Area Governments, a bag so, you know, well connected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>As you said, this is a rematch. Let’s talk about the challenger, Mariam Aboudamous. Who is she? And why is she running again?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Mariam Aboudamous is currently a city council member for American Canyon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mariam Aboudamous: \u003c/strong>I actually looked up at the county almost my entire life, and when I was just one year old, we moved to Brownes Valley Nampa. And then when I was to come from this valley to American Canyon. And I’ve lived there ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>She’s been in city council for several years now, and what got her into politics, public service was one of the issues that we’ve been talking about. Traffic congestion, mobility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mariam Aboudamous: \u003c/strong>I was driving home from my office, and it was literally less than two miles on a drive, but it took me 45 minutes to get home. And I said, this is ridiculous. I should be in San Francisco by now. What’s our city Council doing about traffic? And that’s actually when I ran in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>I was critical in something that I think was really, really cool that a city like American Canyon passed in a pandemic. So the city had actually decided to require, grocery stores to provide hazard pay to its workers during the 2020 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mariam Aboudamous: \u003c/strong>Way that I like to do things is I like to talk to both sides and reach a happy medium in the middle where both parties can agree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And who is supporting her?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>So she’ll tell you that she has support from all over Napa County, from every industry. I will point out that the first people also came out to support her. Are all groups related to agriculture? The Napa County Farm Bureau, winegrowers of Napa County, the Napa Chamber of Commerce. So groups associated with these, multimillion dollar businesses and industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Coming up, where these two candidates stand on the big issues facing Napa County. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So two candidates, both with public service experience. How different are these two candidates?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>You know, Alan, on a lot of stuff, they do see eye to eye. You know, they both want more housing for now, but they both won a sustainable solution to finance wildfire protection. But I would just say that there’s different ways that they they want to go about it. The big difference is, is when you ask them how we should regulate the wine industry. Take the example of the local nine vineyard. A group of winegrowers came together to open up a new vineyard called Lake Colleen in the north part of the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>And it required turning dozens of acres, which were zoned previously for, you know, as like this natural space into a vineyard space. An environmental group actually appeals the process. And it’s like, hey, actually, this vineyard is going to have really bad impacts on the local ecology, on the water, on lake various on your buy. And it had to go to the Board of Supervisors when the time came for a vote. Supervisor Ramos was the tiebreaker vote. Ramos voted to essentially stop the project. Well Aboudamous, she would have acted very differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mariam Aboudamous: \u003c/strong>Lately, the board has shifted in a way that, you know is not favorable to the industry that’s made the Napa Valley what it is today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>You know, for her, folks are making an investment in Napa. The county should make it easier for those investments to come through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So these two candidates for district five appear aligned on many issues. But there are also a few sticking points, including regulation of the wine industry. What would it mean for Ramos to keep this seat or for Aboudamous to defeat her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>The thing is that, the Lake William project is not the only project in the works. Wine country is a multibillion dollar industry. There’s always something, whether it’s an expansion of an existing vineyard or a new vineyard. It’s just the wine industry is always going to have certain needs, and they need to go to the board and whoever sits on the board, even by just one seat, just change it by one seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>It has huge implications on future decisions, on how future vineyards are going to be decided, on how future like permits are going to be, deciding on, hey, whether this plot of land should we make it into housing, or should we make it into a one another vineyard, a new vineyard? Ramos I mean, she’s you know, when I asked her, I mean, I think she just wants there to be a better working relationship between county officials and and the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Belia Ramos: \u003c/strong>It really goes back to integrity, a core value of the county of Napa, that this is going to require us to engage with our industry partners, at really looking at what, what the concerns are. And, and also listening to our community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Carlos, when it comes to news coverage of the Bay area, the big cities and counties, you know, San Francisco, Oakland, they get the most attention. And they’re also, I think, sometimes held up as bellwethers for the whole region. We’ve been talking about Napa County, much less populous, but also world famous. Do you think these results will say something about where our broader region is headed?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Yeah, I think so, because, for example, San Francisco or San Jose cities where they’re like, hey, we have a booming industry, the tech industry, that industry has needs, but we also have longtime residents being like, hey, what about us? That’s the same in Napa. You have a booming industry that folks take a lot of pride in, but also the needs of residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>We’ve seen a shift in the past few years where the county is sitting down and strategizing on how to make the county a place, not just for wine. Wine has brought in a lot of money, millions of dollars. But if you see what the decisions and a lot of the things that the Board of Supervisors has been taking up on ADUs, accessory dwelling units, granny homes, thinking more critically about public transportation and how to make it more widely accessible child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>These are all things that you’re like, whoa! Like if you look at the Board of Supervisors 20 years ago, these things weren’t coming up. And now the reality, I mean, that that the cost of living is just too high. It’s gotten to a point where the Board of Supervisors cannot ignore it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Yeah. And how do you balance all of those things? How do you balance the needs and wants of industry versus the cost of living versus the land? I mean, that’s that’s that’s everybody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>It’s in it’s it’s in its DNA agriculture. But it’s gotten to a point where like tough decisions need to be made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>I guess we’ll see what happens in this race and many, many others this week in this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Thanks, Carlos. Thank you. Alan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>That was Carlos Cabrera-Lomeli, community engagement reporter for KQED. This episode was cut down and edited by Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Maria Esquinca scored and added all the tape. Our intern is Ellie Prickett-Morgan. Thanks to KQED’s forum for the calls you heard at the top of the show. Music courtesy of Audio Network. The Bay is a production of member supported KQED public radio in San Francisco. I’m Alan Montecillo in for Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"In this episode of The Bay, we talk about the District 5 race in the Napa County Board of Supervisors election.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1709766481,"stats":{"hasAudio":true,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":64,"wordCount":3045},"headData":{"title":"Breaking Down Napa County's Board of Supervisors Election | KQED","description":"In this episode of The Bay, we talk about the District 5 race in the Napa County Board of Supervisors election.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Breaking Down Napa County's Board of Supervisors Election","datePublished":"2024-03-04T11:00:46.000Z","dateModified":"2024-03-06T23:08:01.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"The Bay","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/thebay","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC9204213170.mp3?updated=1709330337","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11977784/breaking-down-napa-countys-board-of-supervisors-election","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In Napa County, 3 out of the 5 seats on the Board of Supervisors are on the ballot, in nonpartisan races that will be decided in the March 5 primary. (In these races, nobody is advancing to November— voters will pick the winner in this election!)\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The wine industry looms large, but so do issues about housing, wildfire protection, and environmental conservation. KQED’s Carlos Cabrera-Lomeli tells us about the stakes, and focuses on the race in District 5.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC9204213170&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Links:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED Voter Guide\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan \u003c/strong>Hey, this is Alan Montecillo. Just reminding you that tomorrow is the last day to vote in the March primary. If you still need to read up on the issues and candidates, KQED has a handy voter guide. You can find it at KQED.org/VoterGuide tomorrow night as results come in, you can check out KQED.org/Election and we’ll also share a few episodes about some of the different races in today’s show notes. Happy voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>I’m Alan Montecillo in for Ericka Cruz Guevarra. And welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted. Napa County voters could change the direction of their local government in a big way. Three of the five seats on the Board of Supervisors are up in a nonpartisan race that will be decided in the primary tomorrow. Now, of course, Napa is world famous for its wine industry, but voters are also worried about the same issues as everyone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Things like housing, wildfires, inequality. Napa is in danger of becoming mostly a playground for the wealthy. We need a durable funding source to fund wildfire mitigation efforts and strike a balance between the economic growth that the wine industry provides and the human aspect of the labor force that we need to make that work. Today, the race for Board of Supervisors in Napa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Napa County is, population wise, the smallest county in the Bay area. It doesn’t even make it to a million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí is a community engagement reporter for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>However, size wise, it’s huge. You could fit several San Francisco’s inside of there. And just because there’s a, you know, a lot of people doesn’t mean that things don’t get heated. The wine industry is definitely a huge factor, a huge contributor to investment, to employment and everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>But you also have a lot, a lot of folks who, you know, work in other things, have been living there their whole lives and, you know, kind of have to live with this industry that brings millions of people a year and they have to share resources. This balancing game between the needs of the wine industry and the needs of residents is one of the many reasons it makes politics in Napa really, really interesting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So there’s an election coming. The last day to vote is tomorrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Yes. What is it going to be decided in Napa County this week?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Yeah, I would say that for locals, this is a big year in Napa. There’s five people sitting on the board of supervisors of the county. These five people get to decide and supervise the budget. The county prison, the county airport, regulating wineries, wildfire protection plans. And three of those seats on the board, with three out of five majority, will be decided on Tuesday. You know, in other parts of the state, the results of Tuesday are like they’re a primary, right? Like it’s kind of like we’re getting ready for what’s going to happen in November. Napa. It’s what happens on Tuesday. Who wins on Tuesday? That’s it. This is final results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Let’s dive more into the big issues in Napa County politics. I have to imagine there’s some overlap with the rest of the bay, like housing. But what else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>In Napa County? We’re trying to figure out housing, how? We’re trying to figure out how to boost the supply of housing. We’re also figuring out wildfire protection, how to make it financially sustainable for the future as climate change gets more and more intense. We’re also dealing with issues of transportation, especially in the southern part of the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>A lot of folks, you know, they got to go to Vallejo, they got to go to Solano, Contra Costa County and to work. And getting in and out of Napa is pretty tough during the week. Cost of living. Also investment in the sense of like, you know, you have a county that depends on tourism, on people traveling. They’re still catching up. They’re still recovering from the pandemic when it was so hard to make it out there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And what about the wine industry? What are the ways that it comes up in local politics?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>So over the years, if you if you look at candidates pages, who supports them? Who endorses them? The Napa Wine Growers Association, the Farm Bureau, there will always be a candidate that has their endorsement. They always have something to say. This is an industry that represents millions and millions of dollars. And of course, they want to support a candidate that you know is going to make things a lot easier for them, right? Whether that’s the new vineyard in the works, the it has to go to the Board of Supervisors. And having folks on the Board of Supervisors friendly to the wine industry makes things a lot easier, and they’re very keen on that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>All right, Carlos, so there are three races for the Napa County Board of Supervisors that could reshape big issues like how the wine industry is regulated. And really, this question of what should be done with land in the county. One race where we’re seeing this is in district five, which I know that you followed closely. Tell me a little bit more about district five.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>So I’d say the district five challenges a lot of the preconceptions we have about Napa County. Majority of Napa County is white. The biggest city in district five is American Canyon. American Canyon is actually really, really diverse. It’s overwhelmingly Latino. It’s overwhelmingly Asian, very middle class, very family. A lot of folks work in Vallejo. Work at Six Flags have been there for a while and been able to, like, make a life in the southern part of Napa. You don’t see that many folks going to work in a vineyard or a winery. Economy is a little more varied here, which makes, I think, more integrated with the rest of the bay as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Let’s talk about the candidates for district five, starting with the incumbent, Belia Ramos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>So there are two candidates in the race and it’s rematch. They’ve actually faced off in 2020. Bailey Ramos who’s currently supervisor won in 2020. And now she’s going against Mariam Aboudamous again, who is a city council member for American Canyon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Belia Ramos: \u003c/strong>I’m as homegrown as it gets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Ramos definitely emphasizes that she’s born and raised like Napa, like how how rooted she is in Napa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Belia Ramos: \u003c/strong>I was born at Queen of the Valley Hospital, and I moved over to unincorporated Napa County outside of Saint Helena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Folks, take that pride in that small town connection, right? And she definitely emphasizes that she’s representing the interests of, like, middle class Napa residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Belia Ramos: \u003c/strong>This calling for me, it’s about improving people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Part of her story is that she’s a single mom. You know, she had to raise, kids by herself for a moment. She also dealt with housing insecurity. Not even that there is enough affordable housing in Napa. Just that there’s not enough housing in Napa, period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>How does Supervisor Ramos brand herself, like, when she is talking about what kind of leader she is and wants to be? What does she talk about?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>She has been chair of the board. She’s very, very involved. She knows how the county works really, really well because she’s been on the board since 2016. She’s been involved in a lot of the recovery efforts from wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Belia Ramos: \u003c/strong>We were brought to our meetings with fires in 2017, the first Mega Fire Tahoe. So when you ask me, what am I most proud of? I’m proud of the investments we’ve made to make our community more resilient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>She’s very well connected with Congressman Mike Thompson’s office, with labor groups throughout the county. And she’s also she’s involved with the Association of Bay Area Governments, a bag so, you know, well connected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>As you said, this is a rematch. Let’s talk about the challenger, Mariam Aboudamous. Who is she? And why is she running again?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Mariam Aboudamous is currently a city council member for American Canyon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mariam Aboudamous: \u003c/strong>I actually looked up at the county almost my entire life, and when I was just one year old, we moved to Brownes Valley Nampa. And then when I was to come from this valley to American Canyon. And I’ve lived there ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>She’s been in city council for several years now, and what got her into politics, public service was one of the issues that we’ve been talking about. Traffic congestion, mobility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mariam Aboudamous: \u003c/strong>I was driving home from my office, and it was literally less than two miles on a drive, but it took me 45 minutes to get home. And I said, this is ridiculous. I should be in San Francisco by now. What’s our city Council doing about traffic? And that’s actually when I ran in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>I was critical in something that I think was really, really cool that a city like American Canyon passed in a pandemic. So the city had actually decided to require, grocery stores to provide hazard pay to its workers during the 2020 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mariam Aboudamous: \u003c/strong>Way that I like to do things is I like to talk to both sides and reach a happy medium in the middle where both parties can agree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And who is supporting her?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>So she’ll tell you that she has support from all over Napa County, from every industry. I will point out that the first people also came out to support her. Are all groups related to agriculture? The Napa County Farm Bureau, winegrowers of Napa County, the Napa Chamber of Commerce. So groups associated with these, multimillion dollar businesses and industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Coming up, where these two candidates stand on the big issues facing Napa County. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So two candidates, both with public service experience. How different are these two candidates?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>You know, Alan, on a lot of stuff, they do see eye to eye. You know, they both want more housing for now, but they both won a sustainable solution to finance wildfire protection. But I would just say that there’s different ways that they they want to go about it. The big difference is, is when you ask them how we should regulate the wine industry. Take the example of the local nine vineyard. A group of winegrowers came together to open up a new vineyard called Lake Colleen in the north part of the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>And it required turning dozens of acres, which were zoned previously for, you know, as like this natural space into a vineyard space. An environmental group actually appeals the process. And it’s like, hey, actually, this vineyard is going to have really bad impacts on the local ecology, on the water, on lake various on your buy. And it had to go to the Board of Supervisors when the time came for a vote. Supervisor Ramos was the tiebreaker vote. Ramos voted to essentially stop the project. Well Aboudamous, she would have acted very differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mariam Aboudamous: \u003c/strong>Lately, the board has shifted in a way that, you know is not favorable to the industry that’s made the Napa Valley what it is today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>You know, for her, folks are making an investment in Napa. The county should make it easier for those investments to come through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So these two candidates for district five appear aligned on many issues. But there are also a few sticking points, including regulation of the wine industry. What would it mean for Ramos to keep this seat or for Aboudamous to defeat her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>The thing is that, the Lake William project is not the only project in the works. Wine country is a multibillion dollar industry. There’s always something, whether it’s an expansion of an existing vineyard or a new vineyard. It’s just the wine industry is always going to have certain needs, and they need to go to the board and whoever sits on the board, even by just one seat, just change it by one seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>It has huge implications on future decisions, on how future vineyards are going to be decided, on how future like permits are going to be, deciding on, hey, whether this plot of land should we make it into housing, or should we make it into a one another vineyard, a new vineyard? Ramos I mean, she’s you know, when I asked her, I mean, I think she just wants there to be a better working relationship between county officials and and the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Belia Ramos: \u003c/strong>It really goes back to integrity, a core value of the county of Napa, that this is going to require us to engage with our industry partners, at really looking at what, what the concerns are. And, and also listening to our community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Carlos, when it comes to news coverage of the Bay area, the big cities and counties, you know, San Francisco, Oakland, they get the most attention. And they’re also, I think, sometimes held up as bellwethers for the whole region. We’ve been talking about Napa County, much less populous, but also world famous. Do you think these results will say something about where our broader region is headed?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Yeah, I think so, because, for example, San Francisco or San Jose cities where they’re like, hey, we have a booming industry, the tech industry, that industry has needs, but we also have longtime residents being like, hey, what about us? That’s the same in Napa. You have a booming industry that folks take a lot of pride in, but also the needs of residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>We’ve seen a shift in the past few years where the county is sitting down and strategizing on how to make the county a place, not just for wine. Wine has brought in a lot of money, millions of dollars. But if you see what the decisions and a lot of the things that the Board of Supervisors has been taking up on ADUs, accessory dwelling units, granny homes, thinking more critically about public transportation and how to make it more widely accessible child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>These are all things that you’re like, whoa! Like if you look at the Board of Supervisors 20 years ago, these things weren’t coming up. And now the reality, I mean, that that the cost of living is just too high. It’s gotten to a point where the Board of Supervisors cannot ignore it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Yeah. And how do you balance all of those things? How do you balance the needs and wants of industry versus the cost of living versus the land? I mean, that’s that’s that’s everybody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>It’s in it’s it’s in its DNA agriculture. But it’s gotten to a point where like tough decisions need to be made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>I guess we’ll see what happens in this race and many, many others this week in this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí: \u003c/strong>Thanks, Carlos. Thank you. Alan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>That was Carlos Cabrera-Lomeli, community engagement reporter for KQED. This episode was cut down and edited by Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Maria Esquinca scored and added all the tape. Our intern is Ellie Prickett-Morgan. Thanks to KQED’s forum for the calls you heard at the top of the show. Music courtesy of Audio Network. The Bay is a production of member supported KQED public radio in San Francisco. I’m Alan Montecillo in for Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11977784/breaking-down-napa-countys-board-of-supervisors-election","authors":["11649","11708","8654","11802"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_23394","news_2520","news_22598"],"featImg":"news_10858176","label":"source_news_11977784"},"news_11942146":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11942146","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11942146","score":null,"sort":[1677700874000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"bay-area-man-sentenced-to-9-years-in-prison-for-plot-to-destroy-california-democratic-party-headquarters","title":"Two Bay Area Men Sentenced to Multiple Years in Prison for Plot to Destroy California Democratic Party Headquarters","publishDate":1677700874,"format":"standard","headTitle":"KQED News","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 8 p.m. Wednesday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two men who plotted to bomb the headquarters of the California Democratic Party, spurred by former President Donald Trump’s false claims of election fraud, were sentenced to federal prison Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ian Benjamin Rogers, of Napa, was sentenced to nine years and three years of supervision after he is released. Jarrod Copeland, of Vallejo, was sentenced to 4 1/2 years. He also has three years of supervision after he is released. Both men were forbidden to contact each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland worked together at Rogers’ auto repair shop in downtown Napa. After Joe Biden was elected president in 2020, Rogers and Copeland discussed attacking Democrats in a series of text messages. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913965/plot-to-blow-up-democratic-headquarters-exposed-california-extremists-hiding-in-plain-sight\">They targeted the party headquarters in Sacramento\u003c/a>, just blocks from the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to court records, the following exchange occurred after Rogers sent Copeland a link to the building’s location:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: sent link to the address of the California Democratic Party office…\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: Right next to CHP\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: gotta be cautious\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Only takes 3 minutes\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Take a brick break a window pour gas in and light\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The pair settled on Jan. 20, 2021, the date of Biden’s inauguration, but they didn’t get to launch their plan: The Napa County Sheriff’s Office raided Rogers’ business and home on Jan. 15, 2021. Officers found a cache of more than 50 weapons, including pipe bombs and illegally modified firearms. Rogers, 47, was arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11913965 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/200809-IIIUP-BBQ-JarrodCopeland-IanRogers-AndSpouses-at-source-FB-post-1-1020x788.jpg']Prior to his arrest, Rogers owned the now-defunct British Auto Repair and often exercised at a local gym with the 39-year-old Copeland, who was taken into custody in July 2021. Both men were charged with conspiracy to destroy by fire or explosive a building used in interstate commerce. Copeland faced an additional charge of destruction of records in official proceedings for deleting Rogers’ text messages from his phone, according to court records. Both still face state charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland, who have been incarcerated at Santa Rita Jail in Dublin, appeared in person in the U.S. District Court in San Francisco. Family and friends were there to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sentencing decision by U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer reflects a heightened vigilance around domestic extremism amid repeated warnings of violence from the Department of Homeland Security. In November, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/ntas/advisory/national-terrorism-advisory-system-bulletin-november-30-2022\">Homeland Security issued a bulletin about the “persistent and lethal threat” in the United States\u003c/a>, citing, among other incidents, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11939421/sf-court-releases-911-call-and-sfpd-body-cam-recordings-of-paul-pelosi-attack\">vicious attack on Paul Pelosi\u003c/a>, husband of former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Several recent attacks, plots, and threats of violence demonstrate the continued dynamic and complex nature of the threat environment in the United States,” the bulletin read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland’s case is part of a surge in domestic extremism activity the FBI is investigating in Northern California and throughout the nation. Federal law \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCODE-2009-title18/html/USCODE-2009-title18-partI-chap113B-sec2331.htm\">defines domestic terrorism\u003c/a> as “acts dangerous to human life” that violate state or federal criminal law, and appear to be an attempt to “influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion” or “affect the conduct of a government by mass destruction, assassination, or kidnapping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the spring of 2020, the number of FBI investigations of suspected domestic extremists has more than doubled, according to the U.S. Department of Justice. And just over a year after hundreds of people were arrested after storming the United States Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, in an attempt to stop the certification of the presidential election, the DOJ announced it was creating a special unit to address “the threat posed by domestic extremism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers pleaded guilty in May 2022 to conspiring to use explosives or fire to destroy the John L. Burton Democratic Headquarters, and for possessing an explosive device and a machine gun. In September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926952/sentencing-delayed-for-napa-man-who-plotted-to-destroy-democratic-headquarters\">Breyer refused to approve the plea agreement for Rogers\u003c/a>, citing an apparent lack of remorse. The judge asked federal prosecutors to justify why they thought a sentence of seven to nine years in prison would be appropriate, “especially in light of the defendant’s statements, which to the court suggests that he continues to be a substantial danger to the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11940804 label='Related Coverage']Breyer also ordered a psychiatric evaluation to assess the level of threat Rogers poses to the public. The report is confidential, but Rogers’ attorney Colin Cooper said the evaluator concluded his client was at low risk for reoffending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October, Rogers submitted a handwritten letter to Breyer. “I was wrong to think about causing damage to any building or anyone. And, I think about that every day,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers also said he struggled with substance abuse and was duped by the former president’s lies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the time, I believed the election was stolen,” he wrote. “At the time, I believed things said by the Trump administration. At the time, I was in a dark place in my life and I was abusing alcohol and acting out, in part, because of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rogers blamed alcohol abuse for warping his judgment, and said he would regret possessing machine guns and pipe bombs for the rest of his life.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I am sorry for all these things I said, but I can assure you I never seriously meant them in any way,” he told the court. “They were just dumb, stupid, drunken thoughts, and I regret saying them all.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rogers also apologized to family members in the courtroom, including his wife and two sons. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I let you down,” he said as his voice cracked. “I hope you can forgive me.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Breyer told Rogers he had to believe that alcoholism was the reason someone with no previous criminal record would threaten to harm political opponents. Breyer added that he understood that Rogers had serious disagreements with the way the government is operated.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“And you're not wrong to have those views,\" he said. \"You are entitled to have those views. You are entitled to it, because you are an American living in this society.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\"What you’re not entitled to is to violate the law and to threaten the existence of the government and its institutions.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rusty Hicks, chair of the California Democratic Party, read a victim impact statement. He said employees and volunteers suffered emotional and mental harm.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Dedicated folks who work at the party headquarters expressed concern about their own safety, fearing that individuals associated with the defendants or those who shared the defendants’ political views and happened to see the news would follow through with the defendants’ plans,” Hicks said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Copeland apologized to the party in his statement, and said he regretted causing fear. He stopped reading several times to fight back tears. “I’m truly ashamed of myself,” he said. “I ask for your forgiveness.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the plea deal, federal prosecutors agreed that Rogers may serve his federal sentence concurrently with a potential state sentence. The Napa County district attorney has charged Rogers with 28 felony counts, including conspiracy and possession of illegal weapons. If the case goes to trial, Rogers faces a statutory maximum of 45 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That state case is expected to move forward now that Rogers has been sentenced in federal court. A hearing at the Napa County Superior Court is scheduled for Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Alex Hall contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Ian Benjamin Rogers, of Napa, was sentenced to nine years, and Jarrod Copeland, of Vallejo, to 4 1/2 years, for conspiring to firebomb the party's Sacramento office after the 2020 presidential election.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1677787814,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":32,"wordCount":1308},"headData":{"title":"Two Bay Area Men Sentenced to Multiple Years in Prison for Plot to Destroy California Democratic Party Headquarters | KQED","description":"Ian Benjamin Rogers, of Napa, was sentenced to nine years, and Jarrod Copeland, of Vallejo, to 4 1/2 years, for conspiring to firebomb the party's Sacramento office after the 2020 presidential election.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Two Bay Area Men Sentenced to Multiple Years in Prison for Plot to Destroy California Democratic Party Headquarters","datePublished":"2023-03-01T20:01:14.000Z","dateModified":"2023-03-02T20:10:14.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/1b640873-4d7e-4bfd-959d-afb9012f32f6/audio.mp3","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11942146/bay-area-man-sentenced-to-9-years-in-prison-for-plot-to-destroy-california-democratic-party-headquarters","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 8 p.m. Wednesday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two men who plotted to bomb the headquarters of the California Democratic Party, spurred by former President Donald Trump’s false claims of election fraud, were sentenced to federal prison Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ian Benjamin Rogers, of Napa, was sentenced to nine years and three years of supervision after he is released. Jarrod Copeland, of Vallejo, was sentenced to 4 1/2 years. He also has three years of supervision after he is released. Both men were forbidden to contact each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland worked together at Rogers’ auto repair shop in downtown Napa. After Joe Biden was elected president in 2020, Rogers and Copeland discussed attacking Democrats in a series of text messages. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913965/plot-to-blow-up-democratic-headquarters-exposed-california-extremists-hiding-in-plain-sight\">They targeted the party headquarters in Sacramento\u003c/a>, just blocks from the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to court records, the following exchange occurred after Rogers sent Copeland a link to the building’s location:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: sent link to the address of the California Democratic Party office…\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: Right next to CHP\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: gotta be cautious\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Only takes 3 minutes\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Take a brick break a window pour gas in and light\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The pair settled on Jan. 20, 2021, the date of Biden’s inauguration, but they didn’t get to launch their plan: The Napa County Sheriff’s Office raided Rogers’ business and home on Jan. 15, 2021. Officers found a cache of more than 50 weapons, including pipe bombs and illegally modified firearms. Rogers, 47, was arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11913965","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/200809-IIIUP-BBQ-JarrodCopeland-IanRogers-AndSpouses-at-source-FB-post-1-1020x788.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Prior to his arrest, Rogers owned the now-defunct British Auto Repair and often exercised at a local gym with the 39-year-old Copeland, who was taken into custody in July 2021. Both men were charged with conspiracy to destroy by fire or explosive a building used in interstate commerce. Copeland faced an additional charge of destruction of records in official proceedings for deleting Rogers’ text messages from his phone, according to court records. Both still face state charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland, who have been incarcerated at Santa Rita Jail in Dublin, appeared in person in the U.S. District Court in San Francisco. Family and friends were there to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sentencing decision by U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer reflects a heightened vigilance around domestic extremism amid repeated warnings of violence from the Department of Homeland Security. In November, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/ntas/advisory/national-terrorism-advisory-system-bulletin-november-30-2022\">Homeland Security issued a bulletin about the “persistent and lethal threat” in the United States\u003c/a>, citing, among other incidents, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11939421/sf-court-releases-911-call-and-sfpd-body-cam-recordings-of-paul-pelosi-attack\">vicious attack on Paul Pelosi\u003c/a>, husband of former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Several recent attacks, plots, and threats of violence demonstrate the continued dynamic and complex nature of the threat environment in the United States,” the bulletin read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland’s case is part of a surge in domestic extremism activity the FBI is investigating in Northern California and throughout the nation. Federal law \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCODE-2009-title18/html/USCODE-2009-title18-partI-chap113B-sec2331.htm\">defines domestic terrorism\u003c/a> as “acts dangerous to human life” that violate state or federal criminal law, and appear to be an attempt to “influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion” or “affect the conduct of a government by mass destruction, assassination, or kidnapping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the spring of 2020, the number of FBI investigations of suspected domestic extremists has more than doubled, according to the U.S. Department of Justice. And just over a year after hundreds of people were arrested after storming the United States Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, in an attempt to stop the certification of the presidential election, the DOJ announced it was creating a special unit to address “the threat posed by domestic extremism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers pleaded guilty in May 2022 to conspiring to use explosives or fire to destroy the John L. Burton Democratic Headquarters, and for possessing an explosive device and a machine gun. In September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926952/sentencing-delayed-for-napa-man-who-plotted-to-destroy-democratic-headquarters\">Breyer refused to approve the plea agreement for Rogers\u003c/a>, citing an apparent lack of remorse. The judge asked federal prosecutors to justify why they thought a sentence of seven to nine years in prison would be appropriate, “especially in light of the defendant’s statements, which to the court suggests that he continues to be a substantial danger to the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11940804","label":"Related Coverage "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Breyer also ordered a psychiatric evaluation to assess the level of threat Rogers poses to the public. The report is confidential, but Rogers’ attorney Colin Cooper said the evaluator concluded his client was at low risk for reoffending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October, Rogers submitted a handwritten letter to Breyer. “I was wrong to think about causing damage to any building or anyone. And, I think about that every day,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers also said he struggled with substance abuse and was duped by the former president’s lies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the time, I believed the election was stolen,” he wrote. “At the time, I believed things said by the Trump administration. At the time, I was in a dark place in my life and I was abusing alcohol and acting out, in part, because of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rogers blamed alcohol abuse for warping his judgment, and said he would regret possessing machine guns and pipe bombs for the rest of his life.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I am sorry for all these things I said, but I can assure you I never seriously meant them in any way,” he told the court. “They were just dumb, stupid, drunken thoughts, and I regret saying them all.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rogers also apologized to family members in the courtroom, including his wife and two sons. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I let you down,” he said as his voice cracked. “I hope you can forgive me.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Breyer told Rogers he had to believe that alcoholism was the reason someone with no previous criminal record would threaten to harm political opponents. Breyer added that he understood that Rogers had serious disagreements with the way the government is operated.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“And you're not wrong to have those views,\" he said. \"You are entitled to have those views. You are entitled to it, because you are an American living in this society.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\"What you’re not entitled to is to violate the law and to threaten the existence of the government and its institutions.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rusty Hicks, chair of the California Democratic Party, read a victim impact statement. He said employees and volunteers suffered emotional and mental harm.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Dedicated folks who work at the party headquarters expressed concern about their own safety, fearing that individuals associated with the defendants or those who shared the defendants’ political views and happened to see the news would follow through with the defendants’ plans,” Hicks said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Copeland apologized to the party in his statement, and said he regretted causing fear. He stopped reading several times to fight back tears. “I’m truly ashamed of myself,” he said. “I ask for your forgiveness.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the plea deal, federal prosecutors agreed that Rogers may serve his federal sentence concurrently with a potential state sentence. The Napa County district attorney has charged Rogers with 28 felony counts, including conspiracy and possession of illegal weapons. If the case goes to trial, Rogers faces a statutory maximum of 45 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That state case is expected to move forward now that Rogers has been sentenced in federal court. A hearing at the Napa County Superior Court is scheduled for Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Alex Hall contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11942146/bay-area-man-sentenced-to-9-years-in-prison-for-plot-to-destroy-california-democratic-party-headquarters","authors":["6625"],"categories":["news_6188","news_8"],"tags":["news_20156","news_17725","news_29027","news_29026","news_30202","news_31706","news_32458","news_2520","news_29025","news_95"],"featImg":"news_11942163","label":"news"},"news_11941250":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11941250","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11941250","score":null,"sort":[1676631650000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"in-deep-blue-california-anti-abortion-centers-outnumber-abortion-clinics","title":"In Deep Blue California, Anti-Abortion Centers Outnumber Abortion Clinics","publishDate":1676631650,"format":"audio","headTitle":"In Deep Blue California, Anti-Abortion Centers Outnumber Abortion Clinics | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Crisis pregnancy centers, or anti-abortion centers, are designed to look like community health clinics. But the vast majority of them don’t have a medical license, and all of them have an explicit goal: to persuade people to not have an abortion. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There are thousands of these centers all over the country. They advertise aggressively — especially in lower-income communities of color — and are in many cases located \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937191/abortion-crisis-pregnancy-centers-reproductive-rights-california-roe-v-wade\">directly next to abortion clinics\u003c/a>. And despite California’s reputation as a sanctuary state for abortion rights, there are more crisis pregnancy centers than abortion centers in our state.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Emma Silvers, KQED digital editor/producer\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC5326785960&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937191/abortion-crisis-pregnancy-centers-reproductive-rights-california-roe-v-wade\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Anti-Abortion Movement Next Door\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/about/17653/help-make-the-bay-even-better\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Bay Survey\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Despite California’s reputation as a sanctuary state for abortion rights, there are more crisis pregnancy centers than abortion centers in our state.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1700682843,"stats":{"hasAudio":true,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":7,"wordCount":125},"headData":{"title":"In Deep Blue California, Anti-Abortion Centers Outnumber Abortion Clinics | KQED","description":"Despite California’s reputation as a sanctuary state for abortion rights, there are more crisis pregnancy centers than abortion centers in our state.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"In Deep Blue California, Anti-Abortion Centers Outnumber Abortion Clinics","datePublished":"2023-02-17T11:00:50.000Z","dateModified":"2023-11-22T19:54:03.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"The Bay","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/thebay","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/A511B8/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC5326785960.mp3?updated=1676587538","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11941250/in-deep-blue-california-anti-abortion-centers-outnumber-abortion-clinics","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Crisis pregnancy centers, or anti-abortion centers, are designed to look like community health clinics. But the vast majority of them don’t have a medical license, and all of them have an explicit goal: to persuade people to not have an abortion. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There are thousands of these centers all over the country. They advertise aggressively — especially in lower-income communities of color — and are in many cases located \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937191/abortion-crisis-pregnancy-centers-reproductive-rights-california-roe-v-wade\">directly next to abortion clinics\u003c/a>. And despite California’s reputation as a sanctuary state for abortion rights, there are more crisis pregnancy centers than abortion centers in our state.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Emma Silvers, KQED digital editor/producer\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC5326785960&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937191/abortion-crisis-pregnancy-centers-reproductive-rights-california-roe-v-wade\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Anti-Abortion Movement Next Door\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/about/17653/help-make-the-bay-even-better\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Bay Survey\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11941250/in-deep-blue-california-anti-abortion-centers-outnumber-abortion-clinics","authors":["8654","7237","11649","11802"],"programs":["news_28779"],"categories":["news_8","news_33520"],"tags":["news_2520","news_20296","news_31062","news_23688","news_22598"],"featImg":"news_11941251","label":"source_news_11941250"},"news_11937191":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11937191","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11937191","score":null,"sort":[1674133309000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"abortion-crisis-pregnancy-centers-reproductive-rights-california-roe-v-wade","title":"The Anti-Abortion Movement Next Door","publishDate":1674133309,"format":"standard","headTitle":"The Anti-Abortion Movement Next Door | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]n a sunny October afternoon, a young woman exits the Planned Parenthood office in Napa carrying a small white paper bag. She hasn’t taken more than five steps toward her car before she’s approached: “Hi, can I give you some information about free resources?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the Friday before Halloween of 2022, four months after the Supreme Court issued its landmark decision that overturned Roe v. Wade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/06/24/1107126432/abortion-bans-supreme-court-roe-v-wade\">leading to bans on most abortions in about 13 states\u003c/a> (so far). It’s about a week before the midterms, when California voters will decide to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931183/californians-vote-to-protect-abortion-in-constitution\">enshrine the right to an abortion in the state constitution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today, here in Napa, the abortion conversation looks like this: A woman named Teresa Conemac sits on a stool steps away from the Planned Parenthood entrance, wearing scrubs and a badge that reads “client advocate,” praying and performing what she and her fellow volunteers with the Christian anti-abortion organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.40daysforlife.com/en/\">40 Days for Life\u003c/a> call “sidewalk counseling.” She talks to people approaching or exiting the clinic, and gives them pamphlets featuring widely debunked claims about the dangers of abortion and birth control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937384\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937384 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a older white woman in orange scrubs talks to a Black woman in dark clothing outside a Planned Parenthood health clinic\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Conemac talks to a person leaving a Planned Parenthood clinic in Napa. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Conemac also tells them about resources at, and distributes cards for, the facility next door: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3xuUaKU87J8\">Napa Women’s Center\u003c/a>, opened by the Christian nonprofit Napa Valley Culture of Life in 2020. No medical professionals work at this facility, but a visitor can take a free pregnancy test, learn about adoption agencies and pick up pamphlets that inaccurately link abortion to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/healthy/cancer-causes/medical-treatments/abortion-and-breast-cancer-risk.html\">breast cancer\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/30/well/can-an-abortion-affect-your-fertility.html\">infertility\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.apa.org/monitor/2022/09/news-facts-abortion-mental-health\">depression\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/22270271/\">death\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Napa Women’s Center is an anti-abortion center — sometimes known as a “crisis pregnancy center.” It’s one of approximately 3,000 such facilities across the country. Established by faith-based organizations, anti-abortion centers exist primarily to dissuade people from having abortions. They often attract clients by opening in close proximity to abortion care clinics and by advertising reproductive health services, despite the vast majority operating without medical licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Napa, it is no accident that an anti-abortion center operates right next to the city’s lone Planned Parenthood, in a state of uneasy tension, on one small city block. Connected by a 6-foot wooden fence, their facades are plain, and notably similar to the casual observer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But behind those doors lie two vastly different worlds. For a pregnant person seeking health care, the choice of which one to enter comes with potentially life-changing consequences. None of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926949/newsom-signs-slate-of-abortion-protection-bills\">new state laws aimed at strengthening abortion rights\u003c/a> can help a patient who’s standing on the sidewalk outside, deciding between the two, confused about what they’re seeing. And as long as California fails to regulate anti-abortion centers, advocates say, calling itself a sanctuary state won’t change a thing about that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We don’t have a moment to lose’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Anti-abortion centers have existed in some form since the late 1960s, when Catholic activists first sought to counter the growing legalization of abortion in the United States. After the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the right to an abortion was protected by the Constitution in its 1973 Roe v. Wade decision — which, had it been upheld, would have celebrated a 50th anniversary Jan. 22 — the so-called crisis pregnancy center movement expanded to include evangelical Christians. That expansion led to networks like Heartbeat International, which operates more than 2,000 centers worldwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-abortion centers proliferated throughout the ’90s and aughts, in part thanks to federal grants for abstinence-only education under President George W. Bush; many received further federal funds due to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11730464/california-sues-trump-administration-over-new-abortion-restrictions\">changes made to Title X under the Trump administration\u003c/a>. In 2019, for example, the California-based network of centers calling itself Obria Medical Clinics — which operates in Oakland, Redwood City, Union City and San José — was awarded $5.1 million over three years by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11934819,news_11931183\"]But with the fall of Roe, abortion-rights advocates say these centers have assumed an even more powerful role in the landscape, becoming an increasingly valuable tool in the anti-abortion movement’s arsenal. At the same time, advocates charge, anti-abortion centers only intensify the inequities in abortion access along racial and socioeconomic lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These centers’ impact might be most dramatic in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/us/abortion-laws-roe-v-wade.html\">26 states that either recently banned or plan to heavily restrict abortions\u003c/a>, where even seeking out abortion information could put a pregnant person on the wrong side of the law. But advocates say anti-abortion centers also play a surprisingly significant role in blue states like California, where they \u003ca href=\"https://www.cwlc.org/report-shows-anti-abortion-cpcs-receive-federal-and-state-funding-to-mislead-clients-provide-few-services/#:~:text=The%20number%20of%20CPCs%20in,than%20CPCs%20in%20other%20states\">outnumber clinics that provide abortions by 20%\u003c/a> — and where as many as \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/PDFs/Center_on_Reproductive_Health/California_Abortion_Estimates.pdf?campaign_id=49&emc=edit_ca_20220627&instance_id=65130&nl=california-today®i_id=161520323&segment_id=96906&te=1&user_id=fa2fb80d2a88c6eb21eaedcb8ce6386f\">16,000 people are now expected to travel each year in search of abortion care (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of those issues where time is of the essence to the women who are involved, whose lives are at stake,” says former Los Angeles City Attorney Mike Feuer of the lack of regulation around anti-abortion centers. “And because of what’s happening nationally, we don’t have a moment to lose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his last months as city attorney in 2022, Feuer successfully introduced a city ordinance that makes it punishable by up to $10,000 for a facility to “mislead women into believing they offer a full range of reproductive health services, including abortion or abortion referrals” when they do not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may already be in a situation where women who are utterly desperate to exercise their full reproductive choices are coming to our city,” says Feuer. “And we need to ensure that when they do, no pregnancy center misleads them about their services and what their options are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Christine Henneberg, Bay Area OB-GYN and author\"]‘Working at medical facilities, we have so many regulations on everything we do. But then these places that are \u003cem>not\u003c/em> medical facilities — that are disguising themselves as medical facilities — are totally unregulated? It makes no sense.’[/pullquote]Going unmentioned in LA’s new ordinance is how difficult it’s proven to regulate these facilities — Democratic lawmakers have been trying, and mostly failing, for years. Most recently, California’s 2015 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB775\">Reproductive FACT Act\u003c/a> required reproductive health care facilities to inform clients about the state’s programs that provide low-cost or free contraception and abortion, and forced unlicensed centers to post notices acknowledging that they were not licensed health care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, after the law was challenged by an anti-abortion legal organization, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/26/606427673/supreme-court-sides-with-california-anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers\">U.S. Supreme Court voted 5–4 to strike it down\u003c/a> on the grounds that it violated the First Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For \u003ca href=\"https://christinehenneberg.com/\">Christine Henneberg\u003c/a>, a Bay Area OB-GYN and abortion provider — who says “a fair number” of her patients have interacted with an anti-abortion center by the time they land in her office — the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2022-06-22/crisis-pregnancy-centers-abortion-deception-regulation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">continued lack of regulation\u003c/a> is “absurd.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working at medical facilities, we have so many regulations on everything we do,” says Henneberg. “But then these places that are \u003cem>not\u003c/em> medical facilities — that are disguising themselves as medical facilities — are totally unregulated? It makes no sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Absent meaningful regulation, some agencies have focused on education: In June of 2022, California Attorney General Rob Bonta issued \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-issues-consumer-alert-warning-californians-crisis\">a consumer alert about anti-abortion centers\u003c/a>. And the state’s new hub for abortion resources, abortion.ca.gov, includes a section on \u003ca href=\"https://abortion.ca.gov/find-a-provider/#fake-abortion-information\">how to spot the differences between such centers and legitimate clinics that offer abortion care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to Henneberg, it’s unfair to put the onus of research on the consumer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you send a patient to get their tonsils removed, the language is of informed consent: You tell them the risks, benefits and alternatives that you can offer them. That is the physician’s responsibility in an ethical sense, and it’s the law,” she says. “You don’t assume, oh, well, they can find out for themselves … it boggles my mind that anyone would think it’s the responsibility of the consumer seeking a legal service to figure this out on their own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Patients get confused’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lynda Metz knew immediately that the building she’d entered wasn’t a health clinic. But it was 1995, she was 17, and the center had been the first thing listed when she looked up “pregnancy test” in the Yellow Pages. Pregnant and terrified in a strict Southern Baptist community north of Little Rock, Arkansas, she was happy to take whatever free services were closest to home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was nothing clinical about it,” recalls Metz, who went on to have two children by the age of 20. “I peed on the stick, and then a woman pulled me into a room and took out her Bible … and kind of held me hostage for two hours. She showed me pictures of little plastic babies with arms and legs and said, ‘This is what your baby looks like now.’ There was nothing about how to [take care of myself]. Their focus was just baby, baby, baby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937406\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1534px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11937406\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM.png\" alt=\"a young teen girl with brown hair in a school photo at left, and in a portrait with her infant son on the right\" width=\"1534\" height=\"864\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM.png 1534w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM-800x451.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM-1020x574.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM-160x90.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1534px) 100vw, 1534px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On the left, Lynda Metz in a photo from her sophomore year of high school, the year before she became pregnant. On the right, Metz a month before her 18th birthday, with her son Matthew. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Lynda Metz)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nearly three decades later, search engines have taken the place of the Yellow Pages — with arguably more complicated results. Last August, responding to mounting public pressure, both \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2022/08/23/tech/yelp-crisis-pregnancy-centers/index.html\">Yelp\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/08/25/google-maps-abortions/\">Google Maps\u003c/a> announced that their apps would begin labeling so-called crisis pregnancy centers differently from health clinics that provide abortion care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would appear they’ve followed through, to a point: Up until July, a search for “abortion” on Google Maps returned nearly two dozen anti-abortion centers across the Bay Area’s nine counties, including one in San Francisco, one in Oakland and several in the South Bay. Six months later, that’s no longer the case. However, a search for “pregnancy center” or “women’s clinic” still returns most of these centers. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2022-google-search-abortion-clinic-crisis-pregnancy-center-ads/\">paid advertisements for anti-abortion centers still regularly appear in Google’s search results\u003c/a> without any disclaimers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carly Thomsen, assistant professor of gender and sexuality at Middlebury College in Vermont, thinks the algorithm update was a small, overdue step in the right direction — but she doesn’t expect it to put much of a dent in anti-abortion centers’ business model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can see how people would think crisis pregnancy centers are using technology to transform their approach, but I actually don’t think that’s true. I think technology has allowed them to make their same strategies more sophisticated and more wide-reaching,” says Thomsen, who recently co-authored a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/05/12/opinion/crisis-pregnancy-centers-roe.html\">deeply researched opinion piece on these facilities for \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “And that strategy is to use scare tactics and deception to make claims about what they will offer you in terms of support, even though they’re never held accountable for any of these things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937631\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937631\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt='a mural that says \"live life love\" is seen on the side of a building labeled \"alpha pregnancy center\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Alpha Pregnancy Center, a faith-based anti-abortion center on Mission Street in the Excelsior neighborhood of San Francisco. After months of public pressure, Google Maps recently updated its algorithm so this center no longer appears when a user searches the word ‘abortion.’ \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a graduate student at UC Santa Barbara, Thomsen was part of a successful effort in 2010 to ban anti-abortion centers from advertising on campus. It’s still the only school, to her knowledge, with that restriction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But perhaps the most insidious tactic, says Thomsen, remains simple geography: By design, religious groups open anti-abortion centers in close proximity to clinics that offer abortion care. In Thomsen’s research on these geographic relationships, she found that more than 99% of clinics that offer abortion care nationwide have an anti-abortion center located close by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any place there’s an abortion clinic, there’s a crisis pregnancy center,” she says. “And that’s very intentional.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, say experts: these facilities count on vulnerable people making mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic is especially evident in places like Napa, where anti-abortion activists work blatantly to direct people away from Planned Parenthood and toward the Napa Women’s Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Patients get confused,” says Gloria Martinez, senior director of operations for Planned Parenthood Northern California, of the situation at those two facilities. “Especially if it’s their first time with us or visiting that location, and there’s this person out there in scrubs and this person is telling them, ‘Oh, come over here instead.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a \u003ca href=\"https://napavalleyregister.com/news/local/napa-council-votes-for-30-foot-buffer-at-planned-parenthood-center-after-years-of-abortion/article_5338519e-c089-5a82-8bcd-562d833ea369.html\">so-called buffer zone\u003c/a> is supposed to render the clinic’s entrance off-limits to protesters, Martinez says local law enforcement seems hesitant to enforce it due to fears “that the opposition will take action against them” with lawsuits that claim the buffer violates their First Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The presence of protesters is one major reason this Napa location of Planned Parenthood is scheduled to close in 2023 after more than 20 years. It will reopen in a new, larger facility elsewhere in Napa — staff are hesitant to say exactly where, lest anti-abortion activists begin planning protests there as well — in the hopes of a better patient experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the current patient experience, it’s difficult to quantify exactly how many people who intend to visit Planned Parenthood end up at the anti-abortion center next door. But there are indicators. During the twice-yearly campaigns by 40 Days for Life — in which anti-abortion protesters are present in larger numbers for, yes, 40 days — Martinez says the no-show rate for appointments at that Planned Parenthood doubles: It normally hovers at around 19%, but during campaigns, the number “skyrockets to 40, sometimes 50%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937702\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937702 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The hand of an older white woman holds a pamphlet describing inaccurate side effects of abortions\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">40 Days for Life volunteer Teresa Conemac holds pamphlets she distributes outside Planned Parenthood in Napa. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s just another barrier [for patients], when there are already so many barriers,” says Martinez. “So many of our patients are low-income, or maybe they’re facing a language barrier or a transportation barrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then this is another layer that they have to face: harassment. Harassment when seeking health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Targeting communities of color\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if a person mistakenly visits an anti-abortion center, then eventually finds their way to a clinic that offers abortion care, it’s difficult to overstate the trauma that such an experience can inflict, says Susy Chávez Herrera, communications director for California Latinas for Reproductive Justice in Los Angeles (CLRJ).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be really intense, and it can really hurt a person’s well-being,” says Chávez Herrera. “Whether physically, by delaying a procedure that might be needed for medical reasons, or mentally, because of the toll it takes on folks who are seeking a medical service and met with this series of misinformation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be especially true considering the already vulnerable communities targeted by anti-abortion centers, according to advocates: immigrants, first-generation Americans, Black and Latinx people, young people and people from lower-income families living in rural areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11938511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11938511\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-800x529.jpg\" alt='pamphlets in English and Spanish on a shelf show a Black woman and a Latina woman who are pregnant. The pamphlet is titled \"the first 9 months\"' width=\"800\" height=\"529\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-800x529.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-1020x675.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-1536x1016.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-2048x1355.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-1920x1270.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamphlets available at the Alpha Pregnancy Center in San Francisco. The APC, unlike the majority of anti-abortion centers, has a medical license. \u003ccite>(Emma Silvers/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know they target the Latinx community,” says Chávez Herrera. “Just driving down the street here in LA, you see billboards from these groups, with this misinformation, in neighborhoods that we know have largely Latinx communities. And we know these anti-abortion clinics set up shop in our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A study by The Alliance, a consortium of law organizations and policy groups studying reproductive justice, found that \u003ca href=\"https://alliancestateadvocates.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/107/Alliance-CPC-Study-Designed-to-Deceive.pdf\">some anti-abortion centers try to appeal to Black communities (PDF)\u003c/a> — which already face disproportionate maternal mortality rates — by “blackwashing” their websites or pamphlets, prominently featuring images of Black women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Latinx community, advocates say anti-abortion centers prey on fears undocumented immigrants might have about visiting a government-funded health clinic, wary that it could lead to deportation; others note that anti-abortion centers make a point of advertising on Spanish-language radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937634\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-800x439.png\" alt=\"a screenshot of a spanish language website of a crisis pregnancy center called real options medical clinics, featuring a woman in scrubs talking to another woman, a patient\" width=\"800\" height=\"439\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-800x439.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-1020x560.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-160x88.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-1536x844.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-2048x1125.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-1920x1055.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from the website of Obria Medical Clinics, a network of anti-abortion centers that operates five facilities in the Bay Area, funded partially by federal grants it received under the Trump administration. Obria clinics also advertise that they accept Medi-Cal, which means their clinics receive reimbursements from the taxpayer-funded state program.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Care Net, one of the two biggest national networks of anti-abortion centers, has had \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9189146/\">a programming arm explicitly devoted to outreach in Black and Latinx communities\u003c/a> since 2003, according to a study in the \u003cem>International Journal of Women’s Health\u003c/em>. Initially dubbed the “Urban Initiative,” tactics include advertising on Black Entertainment Television (BET) and “drawing comparisons between abortion and slavery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no question that they target communities of color,” says Thomsen. “So we also need to be talking about crisis pregnancy centers as something that is impeding racial justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937639\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937639\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-800x338.png\" alt=\"a Black woman is seen on a website for the Alpha Pregnancy Center, a Christian anti-abortion center \" width=\"800\" height=\"338\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-800x338.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-1020x431.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-160x68.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-1536x650.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-2048x866.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-1920x812.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from the website of the Alpha Pregnancy Center, an anti-abortion center in San Francisco.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One small step in the right direction, according to abortion rights advocates, is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2586\">Assembly Bill 2586\u003c/a>, which was signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in September as a means of addressing “the reproductive and sexual health inequities that Black, Indigenous and other communities of color face” by issuing grants to community-based organizations that focus on culturally relevant care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Carly Thomsen, assistant professor of gender and sexuality, Middlebury College\"]‘There’s no question that they target communities of color. So we also need to be talking about crisis pregnancy centers as something that is impeding racial justice.’[/pullquote]The bill’s text included a pointed section about how the “dissemination of misinformation … particularly at the hands of organizations with a demonstrated interest in limiting choice that often misrepresent themselves as health centers, imposes a harmful barrier to reproductive health care access, especially for communities most impacted by a number of other obstacles to care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While abortion-rights advocates applaud the bill — CLRJ endorsed it enthusiastically — some also note that funding legitimate reproductive health organizations does little to directly curtail the impact that anti-abortion centers have in communities of color, the result of decades of groundwork by anti-abortion activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re talking about is an organized campaign of misinformation,” says Chávez Herrera. “And that has been around since well before the repeal [of Roe v. Wade], even in states that are trying to protect abortion rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘God works in mysterious ways’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the street in Napa, as Conemac and a fellow volunteer perform their “sidewalk counseling” next to signs they’ve brought that read “EXPOSE PLANNED PARENTHOOD,” people drive by and honk every few minutes in response. In some cases the honk is followed by a middle finger, or a yelled epithet. They also receive thumbs-up signals, and in one case a shout of “God bless you!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But inside the Napa Women’s Center, it’s quiet; the paint and furniture are all soothing beige and pastels. In a room often used to counsel pregnant people, Julie Murillo, executive director of the center, declines to estimate what percentage of the people entering the center are doing so mistakenly, thinking they will be able to access birth control or abortion care. It happens, she says casually, “all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937694\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a car with signs that read 'expose planned parenthood' outside a crisis pregnancy center\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A car with signs for the organization 40 Days for Life sits outside the Napa Women’s Center, an anti-abortion center opened by faith-based nonprofit Napa Valley Culture of Life. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I tell them that we’re not Planned Parenthood, we’re the Napa Women’s Center, and then I ask them if we can help them on what they need,” she says. She’s seated by a shelf full of English and Spanish brochures with titles like “Life Before Birth,” “What You Need to Know About Abortion Procedures” and one advertising information about “abortion pill reversal” — an experimental hormonal treatment not approved by the FDA, which the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists has said is potentially dangerous and not supported by science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not here to lie to anybody,” says Murillo. “We are here to try and tell them the truth about what happens to their bodies, and to help them make good decisions for their life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937683 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Three printed-out signs advertising, among other things, 'abortion pill reversal' in a row of glass panels in a front door.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs on the door for the Napa Women’s Center advertise ‘abortion pill reversal’ at the facility in Napa on Nov. 4, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Like most anti-abortion centers, the Napa Women’s Center has no medical professionals on staff. But the organization is in the process of recruiting a nurse practitioner; then, the center plans to begin offering ultrasounds, which anti-abortion activists consider a powerful tool in dissuading a person from having an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alpha Pregnancy Center in San Francisco may be an example of what many anti-abortion centers would like to achieve. The facility — which is not located near an abortion care clinic, and which states clearly on its website that it does not offer abortions — \u003ca href=\"https://www.alphapc.org/our-beginnings\">was founded by a group of pastors in 1983. \u003c/a>But the center completed a two-year process to obtain a medical license in 2015, and now has a full-time registered nurse overseeing its medical services, including ultrasounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For certified OB-GYNs like Henneberg, ultrasounds are also, notably, often the first indication that a patient has mistakenly been to an anti-abortion center before landing in a legitimate medical office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ll ask me questions like, ‘Do I have to look at the ultrasound?’ And I’ll say, ‘No, of course not.’ And they’ll say, ‘Oh, well, the other place made me look at the ultrasound, and I really don’t wanna see it,’” she says. In some cases, according to several reports, \u003ca href=\"https://19thnews.org/2021/10/crisis-pregnancy-centers-ultrasounds-accuracy-stakes/\">an anti-abortion center might perform an ultrasound, then show patients a falsified image of a fetus at a later stage of development\u003c/a> to dissuade them from seeking an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you probe a little, often you’ll hear, ‘Yeah, I went to this place first and they told me not to get [an abortion]. And they’re obviously usually annoyed by that,” says Henneberg. “That’s not why they went there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937400\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937400\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a gray building with words that say 'free pregnancy tests' and 'Napa Women's Center, health and wellness matter'\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Napa Women’s Center, a facility opened by faith-based nonprofit Napa Valley Culture of Life, advertises free pregnancy tests. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Murillo remains adamant that Napa Women’s Center staff are not out to trick anyone. And she says that while the center and 40 Days for Life share the same beliefs about abortion — they are hoping to “help people choose life” — they are separate organizations. (Technically, the two nonprofits do have separate tax ID numbers. But in a video advertising the Napa Women’s Center, Napa Valley Culture of Life president Gerry Cruz details how the center grew directly out of 40 Days for Life’s 2009 campaign in front of Planned Parenthood. Volunteers and staff are on a first-name basis, many belong to the same church, and so on.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In discussing the center’s offerings, Murillo is especially proud of the center’s “baby boutique”: In exchange for watching videos on relationships, fetal development and parenting, visitors can earn points, which can be exchanged for diapers or formula.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Murillo, she comes from a wine and hospitality background. “God works in mysterious ways,” she says, by way of explaining how she landed in this profession, which amounts to a combination of unlicensed social work and, ostensibly, distributing medical information. “You never know where you’re going to end up, and sometimes you just say yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I felt tricked’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are encouraging signs, say some abortion-rights advocates, that anti-abortion centers may finally be garnering attention. In June, a group of four Democratic congressmembers including Sen. Elizabeth Warren introduced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/4469/text?r=18&s=1\">Stop Anti-Abortion Disinformation Act\u003c/a>, which would have the Federal Trade Commission issue rules regarding deceptive advertising by anti-abortion centers. And the newly formed \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-launches-california-reproductive-rights-task-force\">California Reproductive Rights Task Force\u003c/a> lists “enforcing consumer protection laws against deceptive or unlawful conduct concerning reproductive healthcare” as one of its objectives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the anti-abortion movement may already be adjusting its strategies in response. Anti-abortion activists have explicitly stated that they view the Dobbs decision as a chance to expand their networks, including opening new centers. The National Institute of Family and Life Advocates has led an effort to help existing anti-abortion centers hire trained nurses and obtain medical licensing — potentially shielding them from lawsuits about false advertising. And some facilities have increasingly touted their so-called baby boutiques, branding themselves primarily as charities, though due to lack of oversight there’s very little data on how much they actually give away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937697\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937697\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a white woman with short blond and gray hair in a pink suit speaks in front of the Capitol building\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), seen here speaking about abortion rights at a press conference on June 15, 2022, is one of the members of Congress behind the Stop Anti-Abortion Disinformation Act, which would have the Federal Trade Commission issue rules regarding deceptive advertising by anti-abortion centers. \u003ccite>(Joe Raedle/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, according to the Alliance study, as of a 2021 count, anti-abortion centers outnumbered clinics that offer abortion care nationally by an average ratio of 3 to 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, roughly 170 anti-abortion centers continue to operate — and at least 10 have received state funding through Medi-Cal reimbursements, also according to the Alliance study, which noted that “[i]nvestment of public money in CPCs is escalating, especially in the states, with virtually no government oversight, accountability, or transparency.” An untold number of centers also received both federal and state funds during the pandemic through the Paycheck Protection Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Napa, as daylight wanes, the 40 Days for Life volunteers pack up their things; Conemac likes to focus on the hours of 10 a.m. to 3 p.m., since that’s when she believes Planned Parenthood pharmacists give out RU-486, otherwise known as the abortion pill. (This location does not perform surgical abortions.) In her place, a group of teenage volunteers from the organization gathers with anti-abortion signs, and stands laughing and talking, flanking the space between the two centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937681\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937681 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"a row of young teens holds anti-abortion signs on the sidewalk in between a Planned Parenthood and a crisis pregnancy center. From across the street, they seem to be diverse in terms of ethnicity, age., and gender.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Young volunteers for 40 Days for Life stand with anti-abortion signs on the sidewalk between Planned Parenthood and the Napa Women’s Center in Napa on Oct. 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Emma Silvers/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some of them look to be around 17. That’s the age Lynda Metz was when she first set foot in an anti-abortion center, scared and confused. Some 27 years later, Metz — now a proudly pro-abortion-rights grandmother still living in a conservative area of Arkansas — can’t help but think about her experience. For one, that center is still in operation, and occasionally she has to drive by it. Or she’ll see a sign from a local business announcing they donate to that facility, and she makes a mental note not to shop there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also makes a point to talk to other young women in her community, and lets them know they have options. However, as Arkansas is now a state where abortion is “completely banned with very limited exceptions,” according to the Guttmacher Institute, those options are severely limited: A person seeking an abortion has to drive \u003ca href=\"https://states.guttmacher.org/policies/arkansas/abortion-statistics\">an average of more than 300 miles one-way to visit a clinic\u003c/a> that offers them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mostly, when Metz thinks about her experience, it still feels fresh, and she still feels confused. She can place herself in that room, trapped with that woman and the Bible, realizing she was not going to receive any support or information about her health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt tricked,” she says. And nearly three decades later, she says, “I still just don’t understand. It’s not a necessary service. You are literally tricking people into thinking that this is a certified health clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, how is this still legal?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This story has been updated to reflect The Associated Press’ new guidance on language to describe anti-abortion centers.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"In California, a supposed sanctuary state for reproductive rights, Christian anti-abortion centers outnumber abortion care clinics by 20%.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1706210242,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":75,"wordCount":4987},"headData":{"title":"Inside the Anti-Abortion Movement’s Crisis Pregnancy Centers","description":"In California, a supposed sanctuary state for reproductive rights, Christian crisis pregnancy centers outnumber abortion care clinics by 20%.","ogTitle":"The Anti-Abortion Movement Next Door","ogDescription":"In California, a supposed sanctuary state for reproductive rights, Christian crisis pregnancy centers outnumber abortion care clinics by 20%.","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"The Anti-Abortion Movement Next Door","twDescription":"In California, a supposed sanctuary state for reproductive rights, Christian crisis pregnancy centers outnumber abortion care clinics by 20%.","twImgId":"","socialTitle":"Inside the Anti-Abortion Movement’s Crisis Pregnancy Centers","socialDescription":"In California, a supposed sanctuary state for reproductive rights, Christian crisis pregnancy centers outnumber abortion care clinics by 20%.","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"The Anti-Abortion Movement Next Door","datePublished":"2023-01-19T13:01:49.000Z","dateModified":"2024-01-25T19:17:22.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/96af5a34-f15d-46e0-bcda-af9101058e3d/audio.mp3","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11937191/abortion-crisis-pregnancy-centers-reproductive-rights-california-roe-v-wade","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n a sunny October afternoon, a young woman exits the Planned Parenthood office in Napa carrying a small white paper bag. She hasn’t taken more than five steps toward her car before she’s approached: “Hi, can I give you some information about free resources?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the Friday before Halloween of 2022, four months after the Supreme Court issued its landmark decision that overturned Roe v. Wade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/06/24/1107126432/abortion-bans-supreme-court-roe-v-wade\">leading to bans on most abortions in about 13 states\u003c/a> (so far). It’s about a week before the midterms, when California voters will decide to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931183/californians-vote-to-protect-abortion-in-constitution\">enshrine the right to an abortion in the state constitution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today, here in Napa, the abortion conversation looks like this: A woman named Teresa Conemac sits on a stool steps away from the Planned Parenthood entrance, wearing scrubs and a badge that reads “client advocate,” praying and performing what she and her fellow volunteers with the Christian anti-abortion organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.40daysforlife.com/en/\">40 Days for Life\u003c/a> call “sidewalk counseling.” She talks to people approaching or exiting the clinic, and gives them pamphlets featuring widely debunked claims about the dangers of abortion and birth control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937384\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937384 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a older white woman in orange scrubs talks to a Black woman in dark clothing outside a Planned Parenthood health clinic\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Conemac talks to a person leaving a Planned Parenthood clinic in Napa. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Conemac also tells them about resources at, and distributes cards for, the facility next door: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3xuUaKU87J8\">Napa Women’s Center\u003c/a>, opened by the Christian nonprofit Napa Valley Culture of Life in 2020. No medical professionals work at this facility, but a visitor can take a free pregnancy test, learn about adoption agencies and pick up pamphlets that inaccurately link abortion to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/healthy/cancer-causes/medical-treatments/abortion-and-breast-cancer-risk.html\">breast cancer\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/30/well/can-an-abortion-affect-your-fertility.html\">infertility\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.apa.org/monitor/2022/09/news-facts-abortion-mental-health\">depression\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/22270271/\">death\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Napa Women’s Center is an anti-abortion center — sometimes known as a “crisis pregnancy center.” It’s one of approximately 3,000 such facilities across the country. Established by faith-based organizations, anti-abortion centers exist primarily to dissuade people from having abortions. They often attract clients by opening in close proximity to abortion care clinics and by advertising reproductive health services, despite the vast majority operating without medical licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Napa, it is no accident that an anti-abortion center operates right next to the city’s lone Planned Parenthood, in a state of uneasy tension, on one small city block. Connected by a 6-foot wooden fence, their facades are plain, and notably similar to the casual observer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But behind those doors lie two vastly different worlds. For a pregnant person seeking health care, the choice of which one to enter comes with potentially life-changing consequences. None of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926949/newsom-signs-slate-of-abortion-protection-bills\">new state laws aimed at strengthening abortion rights\u003c/a> can help a patient who’s standing on the sidewalk outside, deciding between the two, confused about what they’re seeing. And as long as California fails to regulate anti-abortion centers, advocates say, calling itself a sanctuary state won’t change a thing about that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We don’t have a moment to lose’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Anti-abortion centers have existed in some form since the late 1960s, when Catholic activists first sought to counter the growing legalization of abortion in the United States. After the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the right to an abortion was protected by the Constitution in its 1973 Roe v. Wade decision — which, had it been upheld, would have celebrated a 50th anniversary Jan. 22 — the so-called crisis pregnancy center movement expanded to include evangelical Christians. That expansion led to networks like Heartbeat International, which operates more than 2,000 centers worldwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-abortion centers proliferated throughout the ’90s and aughts, in part thanks to federal grants for abstinence-only education under President George W. Bush; many received further federal funds due to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11730464/california-sues-trump-administration-over-new-abortion-restrictions\">changes made to Title X under the Trump administration\u003c/a>. In 2019, for example, the California-based network of centers calling itself Obria Medical Clinics — which operates in Oakland, Redwood City, Union City and San José — was awarded $5.1 million over three years by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11934819,news_11931183"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But with the fall of Roe, abortion-rights advocates say these centers have assumed an even more powerful role in the landscape, becoming an increasingly valuable tool in the anti-abortion movement’s arsenal. At the same time, advocates charge, anti-abortion centers only intensify the inequities in abortion access along racial and socioeconomic lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These centers’ impact might be most dramatic in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/us/abortion-laws-roe-v-wade.html\">26 states that either recently banned or plan to heavily restrict abortions\u003c/a>, where even seeking out abortion information could put a pregnant person on the wrong side of the law. But advocates say anti-abortion centers also play a surprisingly significant role in blue states like California, where they \u003ca href=\"https://www.cwlc.org/report-shows-anti-abortion-cpcs-receive-federal-and-state-funding-to-mislead-clients-provide-few-services/#:~:text=The%20number%20of%20CPCs%20in,than%20CPCs%20in%20other%20states\">outnumber clinics that provide abortions by 20%\u003c/a> — and where as many as \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/PDFs/Center_on_Reproductive_Health/California_Abortion_Estimates.pdf?campaign_id=49&emc=edit_ca_20220627&instance_id=65130&nl=california-today®i_id=161520323&segment_id=96906&te=1&user_id=fa2fb80d2a88c6eb21eaedcb8ce6386f\">16,000 people are now expected to travel each year in search of abortion care (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of those issues where time is of the essence to the women who are involved, whose lives are at stake,” says former Los Angeles City Attorney Mike Feuer of the lack of regulation around anti-abortion centers. “And because of what’s happening nationally, we don’t have a moment to lose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his last months as city attorney in 2022, Feuer successfully introduced a city ordinance that makes it punishable by up to $10,000 for a facility to “mislead women into believing they offer a full range of reproductive health services, including abortion or abortion referrals” when they do not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may already be in a situation where women who are utterly desperate to exercise their full reproductive choices are coming to our city,” says Feuer. “And we need to ensure that when they do, no pregnancy center misleads them about their services and what their options are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘Working at medical facilities, we have so many regulations on everything we do. But then these places that are \u003cem>not\u003c/em> medical facilities — that are disguising themselves as medical facilities — are totally unregulated? It makes no sense.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Christine Henneberg, Bay Area OB-GYN and author","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Going unmentioned in LA’s new ordinance is how difficult it’s proven to regulate these facilities — Democratic lawmakers have been trying, and mostly failing, for years. Most recently, California’s 2015 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB775\">Reproductive FACT Act\u003c/a> required reproductive health care facilities to inform clients about the state’s programs that provide low-cost or free contraception and abortion, and forced unlicensed centers to post notices acknowledging that they were not licensed health care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, after the law was challenged by an anti-abortion legal organization, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/26/606427673/supreme-court-sides-with-california-anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers\">U.S. Supreme Court voted 5–4 to strike it down\u003c/a> on the grounds that it violated the First Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For \u003ca href=\"https://christinehenneberg.com/\">Christine Henneberg\u003c/a>, a Bay Area OB-GYN and abortion provider — who says “a fair number” of her patients have interacted with an anti-abortion center by the time they land in her office — the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2022-06-22/crisis-pregnancy-centers-abortion-deception-regulation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">continued lack of regulation\u003c/a> is “absurd.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working at medical facilities, we have so many regulations on everything we do,” says Henneberg. “But then these places that are \u003cem>not\u003c/em> medical facilities — that are disguising themselves as medical facilities — are totally unregulated? It makes no sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Absent meaningful regulation, some agencies have focused on education: In June of 2022, California Attorney General Rob Bonta issued \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-issues-consumer-alert-warning-californians-crisis\">a consumer alert about anti-abortion centers\u003c/a>. And the state’s new hub for abortion resources, abortion.ca.gov, includes a section on \u003ca href=\"https://abortion.ca.gov/find-a-provider/#fake-abortion-information\">how to spot the differences between such centers and legitimate clinics that offer abortion care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to Henneberg, it’s unfair to put the onus of research on the consumer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you send a patient to get their tonsils removed, the language is of informed consent: You tell them the risks, benefits and alternatives that you can offer them. That is the physician’s responsibility in an ethical sense, and it’s the law,” she says. “You don’t assume, oh, well, they can find out for themselves … it boggles my mind that anyone would think it’s the responsibility of the consumer seeking a legal service to figure this out on their own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Patients get confused’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lynda Metz knew immediately that the building she’d entered wasn’t a health clinic. But it was 1995, she was 17, and the center had been the first thing listed when she looked up “pregnancy test” in the Yellow Pages. Pregnant and terrified in a strict Southern Baptist community north of Little Rock, Arkansas, she was happy to take whatever free services were closest to home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was nothing clinical about it,” recalls Metz, who went on to have two children by the age of 20. “I peed on the stick, and then a woman pulled me into a room and took out her Bible … and kind of held me hostage for two hours. She showed me pictures of little plastic babies with arms and legs and said, ‘This is what your baby looks like now.’ There was nothing about how to [take care of myself]. Their focus was just baby, baby, baby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937406\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1534px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11937406\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM.png\" alt=\"a young teen girl with brown hair in a school photo at left, and in a portrait with her infant son on the right\" width=\"1534\" height=\"864\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM.png 1534w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM-800x451.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM-1020x574.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM-160x90.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1534px) 100vw, 1534px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On the left, Lynda Metz in a photo from her sophomore year of high school, the year before she became pregnant. On the right, Metz a month before her 18th birthday, with her son Matthew. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Lynda Metz)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nearly three decades later, search engines have taken the place of the Yellow Pages — with arguably more complicated results. Last August, responding to mounting public pressure, both \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2022/08/23/tech/yelp-crisis-pregnancy-centers/index.html\">Yelp\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/08/25/google-maps-abortions/\">Google Maps\u003c/a> announced that their apps would begin labeling so-called crisis pregnancy centers differently from health clinics that provide abortion care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would appear they’ve followed through, to a point: Up until July, a search for “abortion” on Google Maps returned nearly two dozen anti-abortion centers across the Bay Area’s nine counties, including one in San Francisco, one in Oakland and several in the South Bay. Six months later, that’s no longer the case. However, a search for “pregnancy center” or “women’s clinic” still returns most of these centers. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2022-google-search-abortion-clinic-crisis-pregnancy-center-ads/\">paid advertisements for anti-abortion centers still regularly appear in Google’s search results\u003c/a> without any disclaimers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carly Thomsen, assistant professor of gender and sexuality at Middlebury College in Vermont, thinks the algorithm update was a small, overdue step in the right direction — but she doesn’t expect it to put much of a dent in anti-abortion centers’ business model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can see how people would think crisis pregnancy centers are using technology to transform their approach, but I actually don’t think that’s true. I think technology has allowed them to make their same strategies more sophisticated and more wide-reaching,” says Thomsen, who recently co-authored a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/05/12/opinion/crisis-pregnancy-centers-roe.html\">deeply researched opinion piece on these facilities for \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “And that strategy is to use scare tactics and deception to make claims about what they will offer you in terms of support, even though they’re never held accountable for any of these things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937631\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937631\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt='a mural that says \"live life love\" is seen on the side of a building labeled \"alpha pregnancy center\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Alpha Pregnancy Center, a faith-based anti-abortion center on Mission Street in the Excelsior neighborhood of San Francisco. After months of public pressure, Google Maps recently updated its algorithm so this center no longer appears when a user searches the word ‘abortion.’ \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a graduate student at UC Santa Barbara, Thomsen was part of a successful effort in 2010 to ban anti-abortion centers from advertising on campus. It’s still the only school, to her knowledge, with that restriction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But perhaps the most insidious tactic, says Thomsen, remains simple geography: By design, religious groups open anti-abortion centers in close proximity to clinics that offer abortion care. In Thomsen’s research on these geographic relationships, she found that more than 99% of clinics that offer abortion care nationwide have an anti-abortion center located close by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any place there’s an abortion clinic, there’s a crisis pregnancy center,” she says. “And that’s very intentional.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, say experts: these facilities count on vulnerable people making mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic is especially evident in places like Napa, where anti-abortion activists work blatantly to direct people away from Planned Parenthood and toward the Napa Women’s Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Patients get confused,” says Gloria Martinez, senior director of operations for Planned Parenthood Northern California, of the situation at those two facilities. “Especially if it’s their first time with us or visiting that location, and there’s this person out there in scrubs and this person is telling them, ‘Oh, come over here instead.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a \u003ca href=\"https://napavalleyregister.com/news/local/napa-council-votes-for-30-foot-buffer-at-planned-parenthood-center-after-years-of-abortion/article_5338519e-c089-5a82-8bcd-562d833ea369.html\">so-called buffer zone\u003c/a> is supposed to render the clinic’s entrance off-limits to protesters, Martinez says local law enforcement seems hesitant to enforce it due to fears “that the opposition will take action against them” with lawsuits that claim the buffer violates their First Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The presence of protesters is one major reason this Napa location of Planned Parenthood is scheduled to close in 2023 after more than 20 years. It will reopen in a new, larger facility elsewhere in Napa — staff are hesitant to say exactly where, lest anti-abortion activists begin planning protests there as well — in the hopes of a better patient experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the current patient experience, it’s difficult to quantify exactly how many people who intend to visit Planned Parenthood end up at the anti-abortion center next door. But there are indicators. During the twice-yearly campaigns by 40 Days for Life — in which anti-abortion protesters are present in larger numbers for, yes, 40 days — Martinez says the no-show rate for appointments at that Planned Parenthood doubles: It normally hovers at around 19%, but during campaigns, the number “skyrockets to 40, sometimes 50%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937702\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937702 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The hand of an older white woman holds a pamphlet describing inaccurate side effects of abortions\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">40 Days for Life volunteer Teresa Conemac holds pamphlets she distributes outside Planned Parenthood in Napa. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s just another barrier [for patients], when there are already so many barriers,” says Martinez. “So many of our patients are low-income, or maybe they’re facing a language barrier or a transportation barrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then this is another layer that they have to face: harassment. Harassment when seeking health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Targeting communities of color\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if a person mistakenly visits an anti-abortion center, then eventually finds their way to a clinic that offers abortion care, it’s difficult to overstate the trauma that such an experience can inflict, says Susy Chávez Herrera, communications director for California Latinas for Reproductive Justice in Los Angeles (CLRJ).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be really intense, and it can really hurt a person’s well-being,” says Chávez Herrera. “Whether physically, by delaying a procedure that might be needed for medical reasons, or mentally, because of the toll it takes on folks who are seeking a medical service and met with this series of misinformation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be especially true considering the already vulnerable communities targeted by anti-abortion centers, according to advocates: immigrants, first-generation Americans, Black and Latinx people, young people and people from lower-income families living in rural areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11938511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11938511\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-800x529.jpg\" alt='pamphlets in English and Spanish on a shelf show a Black woman and a Latina woman who are pregnant. The pamphlet is titled \"the first 9 months\"' width=\"800\" height=\"529\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-800x529.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-1020x675.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-1536x1016.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-2048x1355.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-1920x1270.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamphlets available at the Alpha Pregnancy Center in San Francisco. The APC, unlike the majority of anti-abortion centers, has a medical license. \u003ccite>(Emma Silvers/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know they target the Latinx community,” says Chávez Herrera. “Just driving down the street here in LA, you see billboards from these groups, with this misinformation, in neighborhoods that we know have largely Latinx communities. And we know these anti-abortion clinics set up shop in our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A study by The Alliance, a consortium of law organizations and policy groups studying reproductive justice, found that \u003ca href=\"https://alliancestateadvocates.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/107/Alliance-CPC-Study-Designed-to-Deceive.pdf\">some anti-abortion centers try to appeal to Black communities (PDF)\u003c/a> — which already face disproportionate maternal mortality rates — by “blackwashing” their websites or pamphlets, prominently featuring images of Black women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Latinx community, advocates say anti-abortion centers prey on fears undocumented immigrants might have about visiting a government-funded health clinic, wary that it could lead to deportation; others note that anti-abortion centers make a point of advertising on Spanish-language radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937634\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-800x439.png\" alt=\"a screenshot of a spanish language website of a crisis pregnancy center called real options medical clinics, featuring a woman in scrubs talking to another woman, a patient\" width=\"800\" height=\"439\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-800x439.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-1020x560.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-160x88.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-1536x844.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-2048x1125.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-1920x1055.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from the website of Obria Medical Clinics, a network of anti-abortion centers that operates five facilities in the Bay Area, funded partially by federal grants it received under the Trump administration. Obria clinics also advertise that they accept Medi-Cal, which means their clinics receive reimbursements from the taxpayer-funded state program.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Care Net, one of the two biggest national networks of anti-abortion centers, has had \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9189146/\">a programming arm explicitly devoted to outreach in Black and Latinx communities\u003c/a> since 2003, according to a study in the \u003cem>International Journal of Women’s Health\u003c/em>. Initially dubbed the “Urban Initiative,” tactics include advertising on Black Entertainment Television (BET) and “drawing comparisons between abortion and slavery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no question that they target communities of color,” says Thomsen. “So we also need to be talking about crisis pregnancy centers as something that is impeding racial justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937639\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937639\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-800x338.png\" alt=\"a Black woman is seen on a website for the Alpha Pregnancy Center, a Christian anti-abortion center \" width=\"800\" height=\"338\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-800x338.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-1020x431.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-160x68.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-1536x650.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-2048x866.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-1920x812.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from the website of the Alpha Pregnancy Center, an anti-abortion center in San Francisco.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One small step in the right direction, according to abortion rights advocates, is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2586\">Assembly Bill 2586\u003c/a>, which was signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in September as a means of addressing “the reproductive and sexual health inequities that Black, Indigenous and other communities of color face” by issuing grants to community-based organizations that focus on culturally relevant care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘There’s no question that they target communities of color. So we also need to be talking about crisis pregnancy centers as something that is impeding racial justice.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Carly Thomsen, assistant professor of gender and sexuality, Middlebury College","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The bill’s text included a pointed section about how the “dissemination of misinformation … particularly at the hands of organizations with a demonstrated interest in limiting choice that often misrepresent themselves as health centers, imposes a harmful barrier to reproductive health care access, especially for communities most impacted by a number of other obstacles to care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While abortion-rights advocates applaud the bill — CLRJ endorsed it enthusiastically — some also note that funding legitimate reproductive health organizations does little to directly curtail the impact that anti-abortion centers have in communities of color, the result of decades of groundwork by anti-abortion activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re talking about is an organized campaign of misinformation,” says Chávez Herrera. “And that has been around since well before the repeal [of Roe v. Wade], even in states that are trying to protect abortion rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘God works in mysterious ways’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the street in Napa, as Conemac and a fellow volunteer perform their “sidewalk counseling” next to signs they’ve brought that read “EXPOSE PLANNED PARENTHOOD,” people drive by and honk every few minutes in response. In some cases the honk is followed by a middle finger, or a yelled epithet. They also receive thumbs-up signals, and in one case a shout of “God bless you!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But inside the Napa Women’s Center, it’s quiet; the paint and furniture are all soothing beige and pastels. In a room often used to counsel pregnant people, Julie Murillo, executive director of the center, declines to estimate what percentage of the people entering the center are doing so mistakenly, thinking they will be able to access birth control or abortion care. It happens, she says casually, “all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937694\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a car with signs that read 'expose planned parenthood' outside a crisis pregnancy center\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A car with signs for the organization 40 Days for Life sits outside the Napa Women’s Center, an anti-abortion center opened by faith-based nonprofit Napa Valley Culture of Life. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I tell them that we’re not Planned Parenthood, we’re the Napa Women’s Center, and then I ask them if we can help them on what they need,” she says. She’s seated by a shelf full of English and Spanish brochures with titles like “Life Before Birth,” “What You Need to Know About Abortion Procedures” and one advertising information about “abortion pill reversal” — an experimental hormonal treatment not approved by the FDA, which the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists has said is potentially dangerous and not supported by science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not here to lie to anybody,” says Murillo. “We are here to try and tell them the truth about what happens to their bodies, and to help them make good decisions for their life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937683 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Three printed-out signs advertising, among other things, 'abortion pill reversal' in a row of glass panels in a front door.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs on the door for the Napa Women’s Center advertise ‘abortion pill reversal’ at the facility in Napa on Nov. 4, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Like most anti-abortion centers, the Napa Women’s Center has no medical professionals on staff. But the organization is in the process of recruiting a nurse practitioner; then, the center plans to begin offering ultrasounds, which anti-abortion activists consider a powerful tool in dissuading a person from having an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alpha Pregnancy Center in San Francisco may be an example of what many anti-abortion centers would like to achieve. The facility — which is not located near an abortion care clinic, and which states clearly on its website that it does not offer abortions — \u003ca href=\"https://www.alphapc.org/our-beginnings\">was founded by a group of pastors in 1983. \u003c/a>But the center completed a two-year process to obtain a medical license in 2015, and now has a full-time registered nurse overseeing its medical services, including ultrasounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For certified OB-GYNs like Henneberg, ultrasounds are also, notably, often the first indication that a patient has mistakenly been to an anti-abortion center before landing in a legitimate medical office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ll ask me questions like, ‘Do I have to look at the ultrasound?’ And I’ll say, ‘No, of course not.’ And they’ll say, ‘Oh, well, the other place made me look at the ultrasound, and I really don’t wanna see it,’” she says. In some cases, according to several reports, \u003ca href=\"https://19thnews.org/2021/10/crisis-pregnancy-centers-ultrasounds-accuracy-stakes/\">an anti-abortion center might perform an ultrasound, then show patients a falsified image of a fetus at a later stage of development\u003c/a> to dissuade them from seeking an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you probe a little, often you’ll hear, ‘Yeah, I went to this place first and they told me not to get [an abortion]. And they’re obviously usually annoyed by that,” says Henneberg. “That’s not why they went there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937400\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937400\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a gray building with words that say 'free pregnancy tests' and 'Napa Women's Center, health and wellness matter'\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Napa Women’s Center, a facility opened by faith-based nonprofit Napa Valley Culture of Life, advertises free pregnancy tests. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Murillo remains adamant that Napa Women’s Center staff are not out to trick anyone. And she says that while the center and 40 Days for Life share the same beliefs about abortion — they are hoping to “help people choose life” — they are separate organizations. (Technically, the two nonprofits do have separate tax ID numbers. But in a video advertising the Napa Women’s Center, Napa Valley Culture of Life president Gerry Cruz details how the center grew directly out of 40 Days for Life’s 2009 campaign in front of Planned Parenthood. Volunteers and staff are on a first-name basis, many belong to the same church, and so on.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In discussing the center’s offerings, Murillo is especially proud of the center’s “baby boutique”: In exchange for watching videos on relationships, fetal development and parenting, visitors can earn points, which can be exchanged for diapers or formula.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Murillo, she comes from a wine and hospitality background. “God works in mysterious ways,” she says, by way of explaining how she landed in this profession, which amounts to a combination of unlicensed social work and, ostensibly, distributing medical information. “You never know where you’re going to end up, and sometimes you just say yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I felt tricked’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are encouraging signs, say some abortion-rights advocates, that anti-abortion centers may finally be garnering attention. In June, a group of four Democratic congressmembers including Sen. Elizabeth Warren introduced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/4469/text?r=18&s=1\">Stop Anti-Abortion Disinformation Act\u003c/a>, which would have the Federal Trade Commission issue rules regarding deceptive advertising by anti-abortion centers. And the newly formed \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-launches-california-reproductive-rights-task-force\">California Reproductive Rights Task Force\u003c/a> lists “enforcing consumer protection laws against deceptive or unlawful conduct concerning reproductive healthcare” as one of its objectives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the anti-abortion movement may already be adjusting its strategies in response. Anti-abortion activists have explicitly stated that they view the Dobbs decision as a chance to expand their networks, including opening new centers. The National Institute of Family and Life Advocates has led an effort to help existing anti-abortion centers hire trained nurses and obtain medical licensing — potentially shielding them from lawsuits about false advertising. And some facilities have increasingly touted their so-called baby boutiques, branding themselves primarily as charities, though due to lack of oversight there’s very little data on how much they actually give away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937697\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937697\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a white woman with short blond and gray hair in a pink suit speaks in front of the Capitol building\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), seen here speaking about abortion rights at a press conference on June 15, 2022, is one of the members of Congress behind the Stop Anti-Abortion Disinformation Act, which would have the Federal Trade Commission issue rules regarding deceptive advertising by anti-abortion centers. \u003ccite>(Joe Raedle/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, according to the Alliance study, as of a 2021 count, anti-abortion centers outnumbered clinics that offer abortion care nationally by an average ratio of 3 to 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, roughly 170 anti-abortion centers continue to operate — and at least 10 have received state funding through Medi-Cal reimbursements, also according to the Alliance study, which noted that “[i]nvestment of public money in CPCs is escalating, especially in the states, with virtually no government oversight, accountability, or transparency.” An untold number of centers also received both federal and state funds during the pandemic through the Paycheck Protection Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Napa, as daylight wanes, the 40 Days for Life volunteers pack up their things; Conemac likes to focus on the hours of 10 a.m. to 3 p.m., since that’s when she believes Planned Parenthood pharmacists give out RU-486, otherwise known as the abortion pill. (This location does not perform surgical abortions.) In her place, a group of teenage volunteers from the organization gathers with anti-abortion signs, and stands laughing and talking, flanking the space between the two centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937681\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937681 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"a row of young teens holds anti-abortion signs on the sidewalk in between a Planned Parenthood and a crisis pregnancy center. From across the street, they seem to be diverse in terms of ethnicity, age., and gender.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Young volunteers for 40 Days for Life stand with anti-abortion signs on the sidewalk between Planned Parenthood and the Napa Women’s Center in Napa on Oct. 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Emma Silvers/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some of them look to be around 17. That’s the age Lynda Metz was when she first set foot in an anti-abortion center, scared and confused. Some 27 years later, Metz — now a proudly pro-abortion-rights grandmother still living in a conservative area of Arkansas — can’t help but think about her experience. For one, that center is still in operation, and occasionally she has to drive by it. Or she’ll see a sign from a local business announcing they donate to that facility, and she makes a mental note not to shop there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also makes a point to talk to other young women in her community, and lets them know they have options. However, as Arkansas is now a state where abortion is “completely banned with very limited exceptions,” according to the Guttmacher Institute, those options are severely limited: A person seeking an abortion has to drive \u003ca href=\"https://states.guttmacher.org/policies/arkansas/abortion-statistics\">an average of more than 300 miles one-way to visit a clinic\u003c/a> that offers them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mostly, when Metz thinks about her experience, it still feels fresh, and she still feels confused. She can place herself in that room, trapped with that woman and the Bible, realizing she was not going to receive any support or information about her health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt tricked,” she says. And nearly three decades later, she says, “I still just don’t understand. It’s not a necessary service. You are literally tricking people into thinking that this is a certified health clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, how is this still legal?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This story has been updated to reflect The Associated Press’ new guidance on language to describe anti-abortion centers.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11937191/abortion-crisis-pregnancy-centers-reproductive-rights-california-roe-v-wade","authors":["7237"],"categories":["news_31795","news_457","news_8"],"tags":["news_866","news_30251","news_22880","news_21979","news_32388","news_30275","news_32309","news_32259","news_27626","news_18543","news_2520","news_20296","news_31062","news_23688"],"featImg":"news_11937385","label":"news"},"news_11913965":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11913965","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11913965","score":null,"sort":[1652698941000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"plot-to-blow-up-democratic-headquarters-exposed-california-extremists-hiding-in-plain-sight","title":"Plot to Blow Up Democratic Headquarters Exposed California Extremists Hiding in Plain Sight","publishDate":1652698941,"format":"audio","headTitle":"The California Report | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":72,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>[dropcap]Y[/dropcap]ears before law enforcement seized the contents of Ian Rogers’ safe, he earned a reputation as a talented mechanic and successful Napa Valley business owner. Rogers catered to an elite clientele of Jaguar, Land Rover and Rolls-Royce owners inside a garage off Napa’s main drag, a street spotted with boutiques and high-end bed and breakfasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 47-year-old from Sonoma County, who appeared to have a passion for guns, according to Facebook posts where he dissed prominent Democrats, was also a loving husband and father who paid his bills on time, according to his family and friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the fall of 2020, in the weeks after Joe Biden was declared the next president of the United States, Rogers sent an ominous text to someone he trusted, according to court records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ok bro we need to hit the enemy in the mouth,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22014785-copeland-rogers-motion-to-detain-public\">he messaged\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yeah so we punch Soros,” Rogers’ former employee and gym buddy, Jarrod Copeland, texted back, referring to billionaire investor George Soros.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland, a Kentucky native, had been a mechanic at Rogers’ shop nearly a decade earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think right now we attack democrats. They’re offices etc. Molotov cocktails and gasoline,” Rogers continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland replied, “We need more people bro. Gonna be hard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after Thanksgiving, the chatter kindled a plan. \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22014785-copeland-rogers-motion-to-detain-public\">Text messages contained in court records\u003c/a> show the two men agreed to burn down the headquarters of the California Democratic Party in Sacramento, a building diagonal to the California Highway Patrol office tasked with protecting state lawmakers and daily visitors to the Capitol. Also nearby: a youth center, a gym and a popular bookstore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: sent link to the address of the California Democratic Party office…\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: Right next to CHP\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: gotta be cautious\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Only takes 3 minutes\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Take a brick break a window pour gas in and light\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The two men texted that they hoped hitting that particular target would send a message and ignite a movement. They viewed themselves as action-film heroes, referencing “The Expendables,” a popular movie franchise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Scare the whole country\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Can you imagine cnn covering this haha !\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: I’ll leave a envelope with our demands and intentions\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Basically saying we declare war on the Democratic Party and all traitors to the republic.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: That’s some expendables stuff.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: We need to send a message\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: Yep I agree\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Start a movement\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 8, 2021, the two acknowledged they might die carrying out their plan. Rogers asked Copeland if he was ready to leave his wife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: What I’m talking about we probably will die unfortunately\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: She was crying yesterday and said to me “please don’t leave me I don’t know what to do without you” she was rubbing my back while I was watching...\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: She knows how i run and she knows I will put myself in harms way for what I believe in\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>It never came to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland were arrested in January and July of 2021, respectively, according to court records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two are charged in federal court with conspiracy to destroy by fire or explosive a building used in interstate commerce, with Copeland facing an additional charge of destruction of records in official proceedings for allegedly destroying evidence of his communication with Rogers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11913972\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11913972\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/CADemHQ.jpg\" alt=\"entrance of California Democratic Party headquarters\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1260\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/CADemHQ.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/CADemHQ-800x525.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/CADemHQ-1020x669.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/CADemHQ-160x105.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/CADemHQ-1536x1008.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ian Rogers and Jarrod Copeland planned to burn down the California Democratic Party headquarters building in Sacramento in text messages in November 2020. \u003ccite>(Juan Pablo Vazquez-Enriquez/Google Maps)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Napa County District Attorney’s Office also is prosecuting Rogers, for 28 felony counts over the numerous pipe bombs, and unregistered assault rifles authorities allegedly discovered inside his business, home and RV. He is also being charged with converting firearms into machine guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the case goes to trial, Rogers faces a statutory maximum of 45 years in prison. Copeland faces a statutory maximum of 25 years, if convicted on all charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their attorneys have been negotiating plea bargains over their alleged involvement for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland has entered a no-contest plea and is awaiting sentencing, his attorney, John Ambrosio, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s going to pay his debt and he’s taken responsibility,” Ambrosio added. “And we’re just waiting to see exactly what his punishment is going to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Part of a surge in domestic extremism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland’s case is part of a surge in violent extremist activity the FBI is investigating in Northern California and throughout the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCODE-2009-title18/html/USCODE-2009-title18-partI-chap113B-sec2331.htm\">defines domestic terrorism\u003c/a> as “acts dangerous to human life” that violate state or federal criminal law, and appear to be an attempt to “influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion” or “affect the conduct of a government by mass destruction, assassination, or kidnapping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the spring of 2020, the number of FBI investigations of suspected domestic extremists has more than doubled, according to the U.S. Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just over a year after hundreds of people stormed the United States Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, in an attempt to stop the certification of the presidential election, the DOJ announced it was creating a special unit to address “the threat posed by domestic extremism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department arrested and charged more than 725 people for their alleged involvement in the insurrection. KQED found that at least 40 were from California, including Evan Neumann, a Mill Valley resident charged with 14 counts, including assaulting Capitol police. Neumann fled to Europe, crossing through prewar Ukraine and successfully claiming asylum in Belarus, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/03/23/evan-neumann-belarus-capitol-riot-asylum-ukraine/\">according to The Washington Post\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11904864 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Carrillo-van-oakland-1020x631.jpg']In February, a sergeant at Travis Air Force Base allegedly aligned with \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2021/01/27/who-are-boogaloos-who-were-visible-capitol-and-later-rallies\">boogaloo\u003c/a> adherents in Turlock, part of a loose-knit anti-government group trying to ignite a civil war, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11904864/ex-air-force-sergeant-pleads-guilty-to-killing-federal-guard-in-oakland-during-george-floyd-protests\">entered a guilty plea\u003c/a> for gunning down a federal officer in Oakland during a 2020 protest over police violence. He's also accused of murdering a Santa Cruz County Sheriff’s deputy a week later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just last month, an Orange County man was arrested for allegedly threatening to bomb the headquarters of Merriam-Webster, the dictionary publisher, because he was upset by the company’s definition of “female.” According to The Washington Post, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2022/04/25/merriam-webster-gender-death-threats/\">the man has allegedly been sending threatening messages since 2014\u003c/a>, and the FBI interviewed him in 2015 and in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid growing concerns of potential extremist violence, the FBI and local police \u003ca href=\"https://account.modbee.com/paywall/subscriber-only?resume=259694010&intcid=ab_archive\">recently held a town hall in Modesto\u003c/a>, urging residents to report possible domestic extremist threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>United by rage\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In an attempt to understand why two Bay Area men allegedly conspired to blow up a Sacramento building, KQED’s reporters visited the places where Rogers and Copeland worked, reviewed hundreds of pages of court documents and public records and interviewed more than a dozen people, including family members. Copeland and Rogers' attorneys refused requests to interview their clients, pending a final decision in their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What emerged is a portrait of friends united by rage who found community within an obscure anti-government militia. But one kept his affiliation quiet, while the other proudly displayed his allegiance with a bumper sticker on his truck. Together, they allegedly hatched a violent plan that they hoped would spark more violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Blair, the assistant special agent in charge of counterterrorism at the FBI’s San Francisco field office, which investigated Rogers and Copeland, would not comment on the case, but said it’s not just the number of incidents that has gone up in California, but also the number of people involved and the severity of violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are actors who are predisposed towards these acts of violence, who are violating federal law and who are adhering to ideology,” Blair said. “They didn’t just come into existence after 2020, right? I do think they were a little more emboldened now because the rhetoric has become so pervasive and so loud in our culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jon Blair, FBI assistant special agent in charge of counterterrorism\"]'We are getting more reports from individuals who happen to be near people who are spewing the ideology and taking steps towards ... violent acts, saying, 'No, not here, not on my turf, not around me.'[/pullquote]The Southern Poverty Law Center, \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/hate-map\">which tracks hate groups throughout the country\u003c/a>, has identified 45 currently active anti-government groups in California, including four militias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, chapters of other groups — including III% United Patriots, III% Defense Militia, California Three Percenters, the original Three Percenters, Oath Keepers and West Coast Patriots — all have been active in California, according to the nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland joined one of those, according to court records and screenshots obtained by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time of his arrest, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21474115-rogers-motion-to-increase-bail-declaration\">Rogers told law enforcement\u003c/a> he was a member of a “prepper group” called 3UP, a California offshoot of the Three Percenters, court filings show. Detectives also found a bumper sticker on one of Rogers’ vehicles of the III% symbol: three lines encircled by 13 stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Three Percenters, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center, represent a sub-ideology of the broader anti-government militia movement, and some California members were \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us/three-percenters-militia-members-charged-us-capitol-attack-2021-06-10/\">charged for participating in the January 6 insurrection\u003c/a>. Three Percenters believe the unproven assertion that just 3% of colonists defeated the English during the American Revolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>3UP claimed to be a social club not affiliated with any militia, according to Facebook screenshots. When a reporter reached one member in Milpitas by phone, he said “no comment” and hung up the phone. Calls to a number of other members were not immediately returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland also was a member of 3UP, according to prosecutors. Screenshots of a now-defunct private Facebook group for Bay Area members showed Copeland as a member. A photograph posted to the page on Aug. 9, 2020, showed Rogers and Copeland with their wives at a barbecue that other members of 3UP attended, according to a screenshot shared with a KQED reporter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s nothing illegal about socializing with members of a so-called “prepper group,” purchasing tactical equipment and believing the government should be overthrown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the FBI’s strategy for combatting terrorism focuses on thwarting attacks before they happen — a concept the agency refers to as “left of boom” — the agency cannot interfere with people exercising their constitutional rights to voice their anger at elected officials and political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Blair said, the agency does not investigate groups — only individuals who break the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t care what you believe, because we’re not allowed to care what you believe, no matter how reprehensible those beliefs may be,” said Blair. “It’s only if your beliefs or your ideology are motivating you to commit an act of violence — that’s when you would suddenly become of concern to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blair said the FBI relies on tips to identify potential threats. He thinks more people are reporting extreme rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are people who are looking left and right and realizing that this is not necessarily the world we want to live in,” Blair surmised. “I think we are getting more reports from individuals who happen to be near people who are spewing the ideology and taking steps towards those violent acts, saying, ‘No, not here, not on my turf, not around me.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A 'one-man militia'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>An anonymous tipster urged the FBI to look into Rogers’ behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED reporter was able to contact the individual who reported Rogers and confirm that the two had once been friends. According to the tipster, they shared a love for exotic cars and guns and had both voted for Donald Trump in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, in 2019, Rogers began to threaten violence, often seething with rage and lashing out at people around him, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914068\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1125px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11914068\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IanRogers-with-rifle.jpg\" alt=\"man wearing military fatigues and sunglasses outdoors smiles as he holds what appears to be an assault rifle\" width=\"1125\" height=\"941\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IanRogers-with-rifle.jpg 1125w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IanRogers-with-rifle-800x669.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IanRogers-with-rifle-1020x853.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IanRogers-with-rifle-160x134.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1125px) 100vw, 1125px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This screenshot from Facebook of Ian Rogers holding a rifle was included on an SD card an informer provided to the FBI in September 2020. \u003ccite>(Facebook)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The informer began documenting Rogers’ behavior. In September of 2020, he mailed an envelope to the San Francisco field office of the FBI. Inside was an SD card with screenshots of Rogers’ social media posts and a video of Rogers firing an AK-47 at a shooting range previously owned by Craig Bock, a prominent member of the Three Percenter movement, according to a lawsuit filed by Bock’s family after county officials revoked their lease for the shooting range, and to \u003ca href=\"https://www.vallejosun.com/solano-county-gun-club-twin-sisters-three-percenters/\">reporting by The Vallejo Sun\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tipster also emailed the Napa County Sheriff’s Office, warning that Rogers was “deranged” and “a one-man militia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following excerpt from the tipster’s email \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21474115-rogers-motion-to-increase-bail-declaration\">was contained in a Napa County Superior Court filing\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22014620-rogers-motion-to-increase-bail-declaration\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11914074\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Screen-Shot-2022-05-13-at-12.18.54-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1638\" height=\"972\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Screen-Shot-2022-05-13-at-12.18.54-PM.png 1638w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Screen-Shot-2022-05-13-at-12.18.54-PM-800x475.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Screen-Shot-2022-05-13-at-12.18.54-PM-1020x605.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Screen-Shot-2022-05-13-at-12.18.54-PM-160x95.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Screen-Shot-2022-05-13-at-12.18.54-PM-1536x911.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1638px) 100vw, 1638px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Napa County Sheriff’s Office and the FBI jointly investigated Rogers, according to a declaration by a county detective filed as part of a motion opposing Rogers’ bail. In November of 2020, authorities learned that Rogers had sold his home in American Canyon, a city about 10 miles south of Napa, and was flush with cash, according to the motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 15, just nine days after the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol, sheriff’s deputies detained Rogers at a traffic stop in downtown Napa and served him with search warrants for his home and auto-repair shop, according to court papers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside a safe in Rogers’ office, law enforcement discovered five brick-sized pipe bombs, along with raw materials “that could be used to manufacture destructive devices, including black powder, pipes, endcaps,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22012703-210126-usa-v-rogers-complaint\">according to a federal criminal complaint\u003c/a>. There was “a Nazi flag and a Nazi dagger with markings from the Elite SS in Hitler’s army,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22011350-210510-rogers-napa-da-motion-to-deny-bail\">according to a separate court filing\u003c/a>. The safe also contained a “White Privilege Card,” according to an FBI affidavit and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22012703-210126-usa-v-rogers-complaint\">federal complaint\u003c/a> against Rogers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11914106\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/WhitePrivelegeCard.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/WhitePrivelegeCard.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/WhitePrivelegeCard-160x116.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photo of the 'White Privilege Card' found in Ian Rogers' safe, included in the federal complaint against him. \u003ccite>(U.S. District Court)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a storage closet, deputies found, according to records, “numerous rifles, including some that were fully automatic and some that had been modified to operate as machine guns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also found seven manuals on bomb making and survival tactics, including one called “The Anarchist Cookbook” and another titled “Homemade C-4,” an explosive material; approximately 15,000 rounds of ammunition; a homemade silencer; and “go bags” with body armor and bulletproof face shields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens more guns were found, unsecured, inside his home and RV. All told, officers collected 54 guns — including eight assault weapons considered illegal in California, according to the Napa County District Attorney. Rogers was arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers’ friends and family said he liked to pump iron, shoot semi-automatic rifles and drive fast cars. They also commented that he had used steroids to bulk up his 5’11” frame to 200 pounds in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2021/07/16/napa-man-with-white-privilege-card-and-accomplice/\">Facebook photo that went viral after his arrest\u003c/a>, Rogers sits at the wheel of his DeLorean, the gull-wing door raised, his muscular arms bulging under a cutoff T-shirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914001\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11914001\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersDelorean.jpg\" alt=\"man wearing camo shirt with bare arms and visible Nazi-esque eagle tattoo sits at wheel of Delorean car with door open\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1289\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersDelorean.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersDelorean-800x537.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersDelorean-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersDelorean-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersDelorean-1536x1031.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ian Rogers sits at the wheel of his DeLorean in a Facebook photo that went viral after his arrest in 2021. The photo shows his tattoo resembling a Nazi eagle. \u003ccite>(Facebook)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rogers has a tattoo on his upper left arm of an eagle that resembles the Nazi eagle, which he made no effort to hide. He is wearing camouflage fatigues and his hair is cropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers learned how to fix cars in his father’s repair shop in Sonoma County when he was young. In 2005, he and his first wife, Julie Crisci, opened British Auto Repair in Napa. Rogers catered to wine country residents of diverse ethnic backgrounds who praised his mechanical skills and professionalism in dozens of online reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two witnesses told KQED they heard Rogers use racist slurs to refer to clients. Those individuals said he expressed rage toward people of other races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A longtime Napa resident, who asked to remain anonymous for fear of retribution, described one of Rogers’ tirades: “He was just stomping around, you know, ‘these mother****ing’ — you know, dropping N-bombs — ‘with their stupid’ — just like, like flexing, just flipping out. Other times you just hear him screaming about whatever — the Jews or, you know, Nancy Pelosi.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said Rogers told people he named his German shepherd “Fritz” after Hitler’s personal dog handler, Fritz Tornow. Rogers also built a working MG 42, a machine gun that Allied troops nicknamed “Hitler’s Buzzsaw” because of the noise it made spewing 1,200-1,500 rounds of ammunition per minute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s a bad dude,” the Napa resident said. “He’s going to get what he deserves, hopefully. But, he’ll also be some sort of martyr for extremists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914113\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11914113\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersPipeBombs.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersPipeBombs.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersPipeBombs-160x101.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The five pipe bombs seized at Rogers' auto repair shop 'were fully operational and could cause great bodily harm or injury,' according to a Napa County Sheriff's Office bomb technician in the federal complaint against Rogers. \u003ccite>(US District Court)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rogers also \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22011730-210120-rogers-crisci-texts-exhibit2\">used racist slurs to describe his former Asian American neighbors in text messages to Crisci\u003c/a> that were included in court filings. On Sept. 16, 2019, he wrote:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hate this town I’ll be happier away from the [N-word]. I’m sick of my stupid [racist slur for people of Korean descent] neighbors. I can’t forgive them for calling the cops on my numerous times over bullshit. Neighbors should have your back and they are backstabbers. Typical Asian assholes, they only care about themselvs and they’re families. I hate Asians they are rude and dishonest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A business acquaintance of Rogers said he never heard him use racist language. Cliff Marden, who sold auto-repair tools to Rogers for over a decade, described his client as opinionated, but not violent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ian is not a terrorist by any means. He’s not a threat to the public,” Marden said when reached by phone. “He was a businessman and he was an outstanding person and individual of the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marden said Rogers got in trouble because he said the wrong things at the wrong time, but never would have acted on those threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had too much to lose to do something like that,” Marden said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers has a young son from his first marriage, and had recently remarried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A woman who answered the door at Rogers’ last known address confirmed she had married him a year and a half earlier. Yuliia Rogers said she met her husband online and that he came to see her in her native Ukraine three times before they married.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very wonderful,” she said, smiling as she reminisced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yuliia Rogers said she now reminds her husband of that time with a photograph “to keep him positive” while he’s incarcerated. She said her husband had been collecting guns for 20 years and that it was his “passion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She did not believe he was capable of violence and never feared for her own safety, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He never was mean or trying to do something bad to another person,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her husband was probably drinking when he wrote those texts to Copeland and was just venting his frustration over the presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He never was going to do it,” Yuliia Rogers said. “It was maybe like little boys like, ‘I will,’ ‘I can do this,’ or ‘we can do this.’ But it was just like playing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.instagram.com/p/CbLrxYCP1Fa/\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Rogers had a big personality and a wide circle of clients and friends, Copeland was friendly but quiet, according to people who talked to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had more meaningful conversations with Ian than Jarrod,” said Jag Rattu, owner of Audio House, a Napa car audio and window tint business, who often saw the two weight-lifting at a nearby gym.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland, 38, started working as a mechanic at Rogers’ shop in 2011, according to his LinkedIn profile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were like brothers. Like really close homies,” Rattu said. “They’d spot each other. I’m working [out] on a machine across from them, they’d be joking around, smiling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rattu said he noticed that after Trump was elected, Rogers, whom he’s known since 2007, became more politically vocal on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people got way to the left and some people got way to the right,” Rattu said. “I started seeing hatred come through in his Facebook posts. He hated Gavin Newsom for some reason. I heard something about him wanting to beat up Newsom. But I thought it was all jokes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rattu said that he was most surprised by the Nazi memorabilia and “white privilege card” investigators found in Rogers’ safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m Indian,” Rattu said. “I get mistaken for Muslim. I’ve gotten racist attacks against me. After 9/11, I almost got jumped by these guys. I tell you, Ian never, never — and Jarrod, too — never brought up stuff like this. They treated me like any old guy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'My communication consists of fists and bullets'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few years after meeting Rogers, Copeland enlisted in the U.S. Army. But his military career was cut short when he was arrested for desertion in May of 2014, not long after the start of basic training. In 2016, he was arrested for desertion a second time. He received an “other than honorable” discharge in lieu of court-martial the following month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22014785-copeland-rogers-motion-to-detain-public\">according to court records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors allege that after Copeland was discharged from the Army, he joined an affiliate of the Three Percenter movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to court documents, Copeland told Rogers that he was offered an officer position in the group, in either communications or security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But my communication consists of fists and bullets sooooo,” Copeland messaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several months after his discharge from the Army, Copeland became general manager of Pep Boys in Vallejo. Justin Laquindanum, who told KQED he worked there at the same time, said Copeland was into guns and wore a close-cropped, militaristic haircut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s more into the [right to bear] arms — one of the topics he says is a definition of being American. A lot of soldier talk,” Laquindanum said, adding that Copeland helped him through a difficult period in his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politics often came up in their conversations while working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He would ask me, ‘Hey, what do you think about this Black Lives Matter shit?’” Laquindanum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At times, Laquindanum felt Copeland was “testing” him, that his response would determine how much Copeland shared with him moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like he wanted to know, essentially, are you more Democratic or are you more Republican?” Laquindanum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland aspired to be a cop, and he seemed agitated about being rejected by numerous police departments throughout the Bay Area and the California Highway Patrol, according to Laquindanum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Laquindanum said, he helped Copeland move into his in-laws’ three-bedroom house in north Vallejo. A family member who spoke to KQED, but then later declined to be quoted for fear of retribution, said Copeland spent long hours alone on the computer, and often made emotionally charged comments about politics or quoted Bible verses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the week after the storming of the Capitol, Rogers and Copeland agreed to wait until Inauguration Day before taking action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s see what happens after the 20th we go to war,” Rogers messaged on Jan. 11, 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Copy,” Copeland replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside link1=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/03/23/1088205226/evan-neumann-jan-6-insurrection-suspect-refugee-belarus-asylum,Bay Area Capitol Insurrection Suspect Wanted by the FBI Granted Refugee Status in Belarus\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Neumann-1020x560.jpg\"]The day after Rogers’ business and home were searched, a friend sent Copeland a link to a news article about his friend’s arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you think they look at our texts?” Copeland asked, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22014785-copeland-rogers-motion-to-detain-public\">according to court records\u003c/a>. “Because we talk about some shit bro.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland immediately contacted one of the leaders of a militia he belonged to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crap,” the man replied, urging Copeland to delete the evidence from his phone and switch to a new communications platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Delete all. Jarrod this sucks, but we will get through it,” the man said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Copeland’s house was searched on Jan. 17, 2021, two days after Rogers’ arrest, the communication with Rogers was missing from his phone. Six months later, the FBI arrested Copeland in Sacramento, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22014788-motion-to-unseal-copeland-arrest-info-public\">according to court documents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland’s cousin, Novice Doublin, speaking to KQED by phone from Mayfield, Kentucky, said the allegations didn’t sound like Copeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Growing up, he wasn’t the one who was out hunting and fishing and trying to figure out how to take 30 firecrackers to a pop bottle and make it blow up, you know? That was the rest of us,” Doublin said. “As far as I can remember, he’s never even had a speeding ticket.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You meet different people at different points in your life,” Doublin continued. “Some good, some not so good. A lot of people talk shit. And, most people don’t pay it no attention. I don’t think Jarrod realized the severity behind the conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He made a mistake,” Copeland’s brother, Wesley Copeland, told a reporter via Facebook message. “He would never hurt anyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyle Harris, who told KQED he also worked with Copeland at Pep Boys, said that while he and Copeland talked about their shared conservative political views, Copeland never displayed an openness to extremism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just hard to believe that he went from that to just an extremist like over, what — since I met him, a couple months?” Harris said. “It’s a good possibility he was suckered into doing something like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, nothing in the text exchanges included in court records indicates Rogers pressured or manipulated Copeland into agreeing to an act of violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July of 2020, Copeland’s wife declined to be his court-appointed custodian at an initial bail hearing. Sheila Copeland later reconsidered, court records show, but after a judge reviewed transcripts of recorded phone calls between the two, he opted to keep Copeland behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fphoto.php%3Ffbid%3D10100850113931966%26set%3Da.660083400716%26type%3D3&show_text=false&width=500\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"600\" height=\"498\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" allow=\"autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Court has reviewed the transcripts of the Defendant's calls to his wife from the jail after the first bail hearing and is disturbed by the anger and volatility apparent in them,” U.S. Magistrate Judge Alex G. Tse \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21492306-copeland-order-detaining-the-defendant#document/p4/a2097114\">wrote in his order\u003c/a>. “It is clear to the Court from the Defendant’s statements made in the phone calls that he would present a danger to the community, and that no custodian or surety would have the moral suasion to ensure the necessary compliance with any conditions imposed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple attempts to reach Copeland’s wife were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If their federal case goes to trial, prosecutors will be faced with proving the men broke the law in the process of planning an attack that didn’t happen. Doing so could be difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no specific federal crimes attached to domestic terrorism in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors typically charge individuals planning to carry out homegrown, politically motivated violence with another crime they committed on their pathway toward launching an attack — like possession of illegal firearms or conspiracy — according to FBI Agent Blair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols, after the Oklahoma City bombing, they were not charged with a federal domestic terrorism crime — because there isn't one,” Blair said. “They were charged with murder at the state level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent acquittal of two men charged with conspiring to kidnap Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer is one example of how prosecutors can fail to prove conspiracy. In that case, defense attorneys argued the FBI entrapped the men.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland remain in federal custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers’ shop closed last year, according to a May 12, 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://napavalleyregister.com/news/local/crime-and-courts/napa-county-judge-keeps-bail-at-1-5-million-in-bombs-illegal-firearms-case/article_cd74c5e5-91e6-5ba8-a3ee-b8238b5627a2.html\">report in the Napa Valley Register\u003c/a> citing testimony from Crisci. At a hearing to determine whether Rogers posed a flight risk if allowed to post bail, his former wife and business partner told the judge that Rogers owed nearly $300,000 and had only enough cash to support his family for a few more months. Crisci did not return calls for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For people to say they did this because the president told them to do it or they were following orders — that has nothing to do with Mr. Rogers and who he is,” said Colin Cooper, Rogers’ attorney. “He’s accused of having essentially weapons that are deemed illegal, and he will pay a very serious penalty for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ambrosio said his client accepts responsibility, but distanced Copeland from those who participated in the 2021 insurrection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With all the Jan. 6 stuff that also happened, those people actually hopped on a bus or a plane or train and went to the Capitol. They actually trespassed onto federal property and took active steps to either protest or riot,” Ambrosio said. “But he’s a human being. I’ve known him for a number of years. I think he’s a good person. Now do we sit down and talk about politics? No, we don’t.”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"A look inside how two Bay Area men came to plot a mass casualty event.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1652825588,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":134,"wordCount":5158},"headData":{"title":"Plot to Blow Up Democratic Headquarters Exposed California Extremists Hiding in Plain Sight | KQED","description":"A look inside how two Bay Area men came to plot a mass casualty event.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Plot to Blow Up Democratic Headquarters Exposed California Extremists Hiding in Plain Sight","datePublished":"2022-05-16T11:02:21.000Z","dateModified":"2022-05-17T22:13:08.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11913965 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11913965","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2022/05/16/plot-to-blow-up-democratic-headquarters-exposed-california-extremists-hiding-in-plain-sight/","disqusTitle":"Plot to Blow Up Democratic Headquarters Exposed California Extremists Hiding in Plain Sight","audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/32d8be4d-8a6d-430f-a6b5-ae9700f71285/audio.mp3","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11913965/plot-to-blow-up-democratic-headquarters-exposed-california-extremists-hiding-in-plain-sight","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">Y\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ears before law enforcement seized the contents of Ian Rogers’ safe, he earned a reputation as a talented mechanic and successful Napa Valley business owner. Rogers catered to an elite clientele of Jaguar, Land Rover and Rolls-Royce owners inside a garage off Napa’s main drag, a street spotted with boutiques and high-end bed and breakfasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 47-year-old from Sonoma County, who appeared to have a passion for guns, according to Facebook posts where he dissed prominent Democrats, was also a loving husband and father who paid his bills on time, according to his family and friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the fall of 2020, in the weeks after Joe Biden was declared the next president of the United States, Rogers sent an ominous text to someone he trusted, according to court records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ok bro we need to hit the enemy in the mouth,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22014785-copeland-rogers-motion-to-detain-public\">he messaged\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yeah so we punch Soros,” Rogers’ former employee and gym buddy, Jarrod Copeland, texted back, referring to billionaire investor George Soros.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland, a Kentucky native, had been a mechanic at Rogers’ shop nearly a decade earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think right now we attack democrats. They’re offices etc. Molotov cocktails and gasoline,” Rogers continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland replied, “We need more people bro. Gonna be hard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after Thanksgiving, the chatter kindled a plan. \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22014785-copeland-rogers-motion-to-detain-public\">Text messages contained in court records\u003c/a> show the two men agreed to burn down the headquarters of the California Democratic Party in Sacramento, a building diagonal to the California Highway Patrol office tasked with protecting state lawmakers and daily visitors to the Capitol. Also nearby: a youth center, a gym and a popular bookstore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: sent link to the address of the California Democratic Party office…\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: Right next to CHP\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: gotta be cautious\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Only takes 3 minutes\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Take a brick break a window pour gas in and light\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The two men texted that they hoped hitting that particular target would send a message and ignite a movement. They viewed themselves as action-film heroes, referencing “The Expendables,” a popular movie franchise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Scare the whole country\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Can you imagine cnn covering this haha !\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: I’ll leave a envelope with our demands and intentions\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Basically saying we declare war on the Democratic Party and all traitors to the republic.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: That’s some expendables stuff.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: We need to send a message\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: Yep I agree\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: Start a movement\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 8, 2021, the two acknowledged they might die carrying out their plan. Rogers asked Copeland if he was ready to leave his wife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rogers\u003c/strong>: What I’m talking about we probably will die unfortunately\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: She was crying yesterday and said to me “please don’t leave me I don’t know what to do without you” she was rubbing my back while I was watching...\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Copeland\u003c/strong>: She knows how i run and she knows I will put myself in harms way for what I believe in\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>It never came to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland were arrested in January and July of 2021, respectively, according to court records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two are charged in federal court with conspiracy to destroy by fire or explosive a building used in interstate commerce, with Copeland facing an additional charge of destruction of records in official proceedings for allegedly destroying evidence of his communication with Rogers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11913972\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11913972\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/CADemHQ.jpg\" alt=\"entrance of California Democratic Party headquarters\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1260\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/CADemHQ.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/CADemHQ-800x525.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/CADemHQ-1020x669.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/CADemHQ-160x105.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/CADemHQ-1536x1008.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ian Rogers and Jarrod Copeland planned to burn down the California Democratic Party headquarters building in Sacramento in text messages in November 2020. \u003ccite>(Juan Pablo Vazquez-Enriquez/Google Maps)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Napa County District Attorney’s Office also is prosecuting Rogers, for 28 felony counts over the numerous pipe bombs, and unregistered assault rifles authorities allegedly discovered inside his business, home and RV. He is also being charged with converting firearms into machine guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the case goes to trial, Rogers faces a statutory maximum of 45 years in prison. Copeland faces a statutory maximum of 25 years, if convicted on all charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their attorneys have been negotiating plea bargains over their alleged involvement for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland has entered a no-contest plea and is awaiting sentencing, his attorney, John Ambrosio, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s going to pay his debt and he’s taken responsibility,” Ambrosio added. “And we’re just waiting to see exactly what his punishment is going to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Part of a surge in domestic extremism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland’s case is part of a surge in violent extremist activity the FBI is investigating in Northern California and throughout the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCODE-2009-title18/html/USCODE-2009-title18-partI-chap113B-sec2331.htm\">defines domestic terrorism\u003c/a> as “acts dangerous to human life” that violate state or federal criminal law, and appear to be an attempt to “influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion” or “affect the conduct of a government by mass destruction, assassination, or kidnapping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the spring of 2020, the number of FBI investigations of suspected domestic extremists has more than doubled, according to the U.S. Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just over a year after hundreds of people stormed the United States Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, in an attempt to stop the certification of the presidential election, the DOJ announced it was creating a special unit to address “the threat posed by domestic extremism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department arrested and charged more than 725 people for their alleged involvement in the insurrection. KQED found that at least 40 were from California, including Evan Neumann, a Mill Valley resident charged with 14 counts, including assaulting Capitol police. Neumann fled to Europe, crossing through prewar Ukraine and successfully claiming asylum in Belarus, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/03/23/evan-neumann-belarus-capitol-riot-asylum-ukraine/\">according to The Washington Post\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11904864","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Carrillo-van-oakland-1020x631.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In February, a sergeant at Travis Air Force Base allegedly aligned with \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2021/01/27/who-are-boogaloos-who-were-visible-capitol-and-later-rallies\">boogaloo\u003c/a> adherents in Turlock, part of a loose-knit anti-government group trying to ignite a civil war, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11904864/ex-air-force-sergeant-pleads-guilty-to-killing-federal-guard-in-oakland-during-george-floyd-protests\">entered a guilty plea\u003c/a> for gunning down a federal officer in Oakland during a 2020 protest over police violence. He's also accused of murdering a Santa Cruz County Sheriff’s deputy a week later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just last month, an Orange County man was arrested for allegedly threatening to bomb the headquarters of Merriam-Webster, the dictionary publisher, because he was upset by the company’s definition of “female.” According to The Washington Post, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2022/04/25/merriam-webster-gender-death-threats/\">the man has allegedly been sending threatening messages since 2014\u003c/a>, and the FBI interviewed him in 2015 and in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid growing concerns of potential extremist violence, the FBI and local police \u003ca href=\"https://account.modbee.com/paywall/subscriber-only?resume=259694010&intcid=ab_archive\">recently held a town hall in Modesto\u003c/a>, urging residents to report possible domestic extremist threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>United by rage\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In an attempt to understand why two Bay Area men allegedly conspired to blow up a Sacramento building, KQED’s reporters visited the places where Rogers and Copeland worked, reviewed hundreds of pages of court documents and public records and interviewed more than a dozen people, including family members. Copeland and Rogers' attorneys refused requests to interview their clients, pending a final decision in their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What emerged is a portrait of friends united by rage who found community within an obscure anti-government militia. But one kept his affiliation quiet, while the other proudly displayed his allegiance with a bumper sticker on his truck. Together, they allegedly hatched a violent plan that they hoped would spark more violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Blair, the assistant special agent in charge of counterterrorism at the FBI’s San Francisco field office, which investigated Rogers and Copeland, would not comment on the case, but said it’s not just the number of incidents that has gone up in California, but also the number of people involved and the severity of violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are actors who are predisposed towards these acts of violence, who are violating federal law and who are adhering to ideology,” Blair said. “They didn’t just come into existence after 2020, right? I do think they were a little more emboldened now because the rhetoric has become so pervasive and so loud in our culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'We are getting more reports from individuals who happen to be near people who are spewing the ideology and taking steps towards ... violent acts, saying, 'No, not here, not on my turf, not around me.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Jon Blair, FBI assistant special agent in charge of counterterrorism","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Southern Poverty Law Center, \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/hate-map\">which tracks hate groups throughout the country\u003c/a>, has identified 45 currently active anti-government groups in California, including four militias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, chapters of other groups — including III% United Patriots, III% Defense Militia, California Three Percenters, the original Three Percenters, Oath Keepers and West Coast Patriots — all have been active in California, according to the nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland joined one of those, according to court records and screenshots obtained by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time of his arrest, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21474115-rogers-motion-to-increase-bail-declaration\">Rogers told law enforcement\u003c/a> he was a member of a “prepper group” called 3UP, a California offshoot of the Three Percenters, court filings show. Detectives also found a bumper sticker on one of Rogers’ vehicles of the III% symbol: three lines encircled by 13 stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Three Percenters, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center, represent a sub-ideology of the broader anti-government militia movement, and some California members were \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us/three-percenters-militia-members-charged-us-capitol-attack-2021-06-10/\">charged for participating in the January 6 insurrection\u003c/a>. Three Percenters believe the unproven assertion that just 3% of colonists defeated the English during the American Revolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>3UP claimed to be a social club not affiliated with any militia, according to Facebook screenshots. When a reporter reached one member in Milpitas by phone, he said “no comment” and hung up the phone. Calls to a number of other members were not immediately returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland also was a member of 3UP, according to prosecutors. Screenshots of a now-defunct private Facebook group for Bay Area members showed Copeland as a member. A photograph posted to the page on Aug. 9, 2020, showed Rogers and Copeland with their wives at a barbecue that other members of 3UP attended, according to a screenshot shared with a KQED reporter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s nothing illegal about socializing with members of a so-called “prepper group,” purchasing tactical equipment and believing the government should be overthrown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the FBI’s strategy for combatting terrorism focuses on thwarting attacks before they happen — a concept the agency refers to as “left of boom” — the agency cannot interfere with people exercising their constitutional rights to voice their anger at elected officials and political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Blair said, the agency does not investigate groups — only individuals who break the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t care what you believe, because we’re not allowed to care what you believe, no matter how reprehensible those beliefs may be,” said Blair. “It’s only if your beliefs or your ideology are motivating you to commit an act of violence — that’s when you would suddenly become of concern to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blair said the FBI relies on tips to identify potential threats. He thinks more people are reporting extreme rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are people who are looking left and right and realizing that this is not necessarily the world we want to live in,” Blair surmised. “I think we are getting more reports from individuals who happen to be near people who are spewing the ideology and taking steps towards those violent acts, saying, ‘No, not here, not on my turf, not around me.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A 'one-man militia'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>An anonymous tipster urged the FBI to look into Rogers’ behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED reporter was able to contact the individual who reported Rogers and confirm that the two had once been friends. According to the tipster, they shared a love for exotic cars and guns and had both voted for Donald Trump in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, in 2019, Rogers began to threaten violence, often seething with rage and lashing out at people around him, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914068\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1125px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11914068\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IanRogers-with-rifle.jpg\" alt=\"man wearing military fatigues and sunglasses outdoors smiles as he holds what appears to be an assault rifle\" width=\"1125\" height=\"941\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IanRogers-with-rifle.jpg 1125w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IanRogers-with-rifle-800x669.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IanRogers-with-rifle-1020x853.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IanRogers-with-rifle-160x134.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1125px) 100vw, 1125px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This screenshot from Facebook of Ian Rogers holding a rifle was included on an SD card an informer provided to the FBI in September 2020. \u003ccite>(Facebook)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The informer began documenting Rogers’ behavior. In September of 2020, he mailed an envelope to the San Francisco field office of the FBI. Inside was an SD card with screenshots of Rogers’ social media posts and a video of Rogers firing an AK-47 at a shooting range previously owned by Craig Bock, a prominent member of the Three Percenter movement, according to a lawsuit filed by Bock’s family after county officials revoked their lease for the shooting range, and to \u003ca href=\"https://www.vallejosun.com/solano-county-gun-club-twin-sisters-three-percenters/\">reporting by The Vallejo Sun\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tipster also emailed the Napa County Sheriff’s Office, warning that Rogers was “deranged” and “a one-man militia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following excerpt from the tipster’s email \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21474115-rogers-motion-to-increase-bail-declaration\">was contained in a Napa County Superior Court filing\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22014620-rogers-motion-to-increase-bail-declaration\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11914074\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Screen-Shot-2022-05-13-at-12.18.54-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1638\" height=\"972\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Screen-Shot-2022-05-13-at-12.18.54-PM.png 1638w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Screen-Shot-2022-05-13-at-12.18.54-PM-800x475.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Screen-Shot-2022-05-13-at-12.18.54-PM-1020x605.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Screen-Shot-2022-05-13-at-12.18.54-PM-160x95.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Screen-Shot-2022-05-13-at-12.18.54-PM-1536x911.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1638px) 100vw, 1638px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Napa County Sheriff’s Office and the FBI jointly investigated Rogers, according to a declaration by a county detective filed as part of a motion opposing Rogers’ bail. In November of 2020, authorities learned that Rogers had sold his home in American Canyon, a city about 10 miles south of Napa, and was flush with cash, according to the motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 15, just nine days after the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol, sheriff’s deputies detained Rogers at a traffic stop in downtown Napa and served him with search warrants for his home and auto-repair shop, according to court papers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside a safe in Rogers’ office, law enforcement discovered five brick-sized pipe bombs, along with raw materials “that could be used to manufacture destructive devices, including black powder, pipes, endcaps,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22012703-210126-usa-v-rogers-complaint\">according to a federal criminal complaint\u003c/a>. There was “a Nazi flag and a Nazi dagger with markings from the Elite SS in Hitler’s army,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22011350-210510-rogers-napa-da-motion-to-deny-bail\">according to a separate court filing\u003c/a>. The safe also contained a “White Privilege Card,” according to an FBI affidavit and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22012703-210126-usa-v-rogers-complaint\">federal complaint\u003c/a> against Rogers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11914106\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/WhitePrivelegeCard.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/WhitePrivelegeCard.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/WhitePrivelegeCard-160x116.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photo of the 'White Privilege Card' found in Ian Rogers' safe, included in the federal complaint against him. \u003ccite>(U.S. District Court)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a storage closet, deputies found, according to records, “numerous rifles, including some that were fully automatic and some that had been modified to operate as machine guns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also found seven manuals on bomb making and survival tactics, including one called “The Anarchist Cookbook” and another titled “Homemade C-4,” an explosive material; approximately 15,000 rounds of ammunition; a homemade silencer; and “go bags” with body armor and bulletproof face shields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens more guns were found, unsecured, inside his home and RV. All told, officers collected 54 guns — including eight assault weapons considered illegal in California, according to the Napa County District Attorney. Rogers was arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers’ friends and family said he liked to pump iron, shoot semi-automatic rifles and drive fast cars. They also commented that he had used steroids to bulk up his 5’11” frame to 200 pounds in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2021/07/16/napa-man-with-white-privilege-card-and-accomplice/\">Facebook photo that went viral after his arrest\u003c/a>, Rogers sits at the wheel of his DeLorean, the gull-wing door raised, his muscular arms bulging under a cutoff T-shirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914001\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11914001\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersDelorean.jpg\" alt=\"man wearing camo shirt with bare arms and visible Nazi-esque eagle tattoo sits at wheel of Delorean car with door open\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1289\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersDelorean.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersDelorean-800x537.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersDelorean-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersDelorean-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersDelorean-1536x1031.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ian Rogers sits at the wheel of his DeLorean in a Facebook photo that went viral after his arrest in 2021. The photo shows his tattoo resembling a Nazi eagle. \u003ccite>(Facebook)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rogers has a tattoo on his upper left arm of an eagle that resembles the Nazi eagle, which he made no effort to hide. He is wearing camouflage fatigues and his hair is cropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers learned how to fix cars in his father’s repair shop in Sonoma County when he was young. In 2005, he and his first wife, Julie Crisci, opened British Auto Repair in Napa. Rogers catered to wine country residents of diverse ethnic backgrounds who praised his mechanical skills and professionalism in dozens of online reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two witnesses told KQED they heard Rogers use racist slurs to refer to clients. Those individuals said he expressed rage toward people of other races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A longtime Napa resident, who asked to remain anonymous for fear of retribution, described one of Rogers’ tirades: “He was just stomping around, you know, ‘these mother****ing’ — you know, dropping N-bombs — ‘with their stupid’ — just like, like flexing, just flipping out. Other times you just hear him screaming about whatever — the Jews or, you know, Nancy Pelosi.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said Rogers told people he named his German shepherd “Fritz” after Hitler’s personal dog handler, Fritz Tornow. Rogers also built a working MG 42, a machine gun that Allied troops nicknamed “Hitler’s Buzzsaw” because of the noise it made spewing 1,200-1,500 rounds of ammunition per minute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s a bad dude,” the Napa resident said. “He’s going to get what he deserves, hopefully. But, he’ll also be some sort of martyr for extremists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914113\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11914113\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersPipeBombs.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersPipeBombs.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RogersPipeBombs-160x101.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The five pipe bombs seized at Rogers' auto repair shop 'were fully operational and could cause great bodily harm or injury,' according to a Napa County Sheriff's Office bomb technician in the federal complaint against Rogers. \u003ccite>(US District Court)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rogers also \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22011730-210120-rogers-crisci-texts-exhibit2\">used racist slurs to describe his former Asian American neighbors in text messages to Crisci\u003c/a> that were included in court filings. On Sept. 16, 2019, he wrote:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hate this town I’ll be happier away from the [N-word]. I’m sick of my stupid [racist slur for people of Korean descent] neighbors. I can’t forgive them for calling the cops on my numerous times over bullshit. Neighbors should have your back and they are backstabbers. Typical Asian assholes, they only care about themselvs and they’re families. I hate Asians they are rude and dishonest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A business acquaintance of Rogers said he never heard him use racist language. Cliff Marden, who sold auto-repair tools to Rogers for over a decade, described his client as opinionated, but not violent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ian is not a terrorist by any means. He’s not a threat to the public,” Marden said when reached by phone. “He was a businessman and he was an outstanding person and individual of the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marden said Rogers got in trouble because he said the wrong things at the wrong time, but never would have acted on those threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had too much to lose to do something like that,” Marden said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers has a young son from his first marriage, and had recently remarried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A woman who answered the door at Rogers’ last known address confirmed she had married him a year and a half earlier. Yuliia Rogers said she met her husband online and that he came to see her in her native Ukraine three times before they married.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very wonderful,” she said, smiling as she reminisced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yuliia Rogers said she now reminds her husband of that time with a photograph “to keep him positive” while he’s incarcerated. She said her husband had been collecting guns for 20 years and that it was his “passion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She did not believe he was capable of violence and never feared for her own safety, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He never was mean or trying to do something bad to another person,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her husband was probably drinking when he wrote those texts to Copeland and was just venting his frustration over the presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He never was going to do it,” Yuliia Rogers said. “It was maybe like little boys like, ‘I will,’ ‘I can do this,’ or ‘we can do this.’ But it was just like playing.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"instagramLink","attributes":{"named":{"instagramId":"CbLrxYCP1Fa"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>While Rogers had a big personality and a wide circle of clients and friends, Copeland was friendly but quiet, according to people who talked to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had more meaningful conversations with Ian than Jarrod,” said Jag Rattu, owner of Audio House, a Napa car audio and window tint business, who often saw the two weight-lifting at a nearby gym.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland, 38, started working as a mechanic at Rogers’ shop in 2011, according to his LinkedIn profile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were like brothers. Like really close homies,” Rattu said. “They’d spot each other. I’m working [out] on a machine across from them, they’d be joking around, smiling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rattu said he noticed that after Trump was elected, Rogers, whom he’s known since 2007, became more politically vocal on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people got way to the left and some people got way to the right,” Rattu said. “I started seeing hatred come through in his Facebook posts. He hated Gavin Newsom for some reason. I heard something about him wanting to beat up Newsom. But I thought it was all jokes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rattu said that he was most surprised by the Nazi memorabilia and “white privilege card” investigators found in Rogers’ safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m Indian,” Rattu said. “I get mistaken for Muslim. I’ve gotten racist attacks against me. After 9/11, I almost got jumped by these guys. I tell you, Ian never, never — and Jarrod, too — never brought up stuff like this. They treated me like any old guy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'My communication consists of fists and bullets'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few years after meeting Rogers, Copeland enlisted in the U.S. Army. But his military career was cut short when he was arrested for desertion in May of 2014, not long after the start of basic training. In 2016, he was arrested for desertion a second time. He received an “other than honorable” discharge in lieu of court-martial the following month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22014785-copeland-rogers-motion-to-detain-public\">according to court records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors allege that after Copeland was discharged from the Army, he joined an affiliate of the Three Percenter movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to court documents, Copeland told Rogers that he was offered an officer position in the group, in either communications or security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But my communication consists of fists and bullets sooooo,” Copeland messaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several months after his discharge from the Army, Copeland became general manager of Pep Boys in Vallejo. Justin Laquindanum, who told KQED he worked there at the same time, said Copeland was into guns and wore a close-cropped, militaristic haircut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s more into the [right to bear] arms — one of the topics he says is a definition of being American. A lot of soldier talk,” Laquindanum said, adding that Copeland helped him through a difficult period in his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politics often came up in their conversations while working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He would ask me, ‘Hey, what do you think about this Black Lives Matter shit?’” Laquindanum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At times, Laquindanum felt Copeland was “testing” him, that his response would determine how much Copeland shared with him moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like he wanted to know, essentially, are you more Democratic or are you more Republican?” Laquindanum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland aspired to be a cop, and he seemed agitated about being rejected by numerous police departments throughout the Bay Area and the California Highway Patrol, according to Laquindanum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Laquindanum said, he helped Copeland move into his in-laws’ three-bedroom house in north Vallejo. A family member who spoke to KQED, but then later declined to be quoted for fear of retribution, said Copeland spent long hours alone on the computer, and often made emotionally charged comments about politics or quoted Bible verses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the week after the storming of the Capitol, Rogers and Copeland agreed to wait until Inauguration Day before taking action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s see what happens after the 20th we go to war,” Rogers messaged on Jan. 11, 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Copy,” Copeland replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"link1":"https://www.npr.org/2022/03/23/1088205226/evan-neumann-jan-6-insurrection-suspect-refugee-belarus-asylum,Bay Area Capitol Insurrection Suspect Wanted by the FBI Granted Refugee Status in Belarus","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Neumann-1020x560.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The day after Rogers’ business and home were searched, a friend sent Copeland a link to a news article about his friend’s arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you think they look at our texts?” Copeland asked, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22014785-copeland-rogers-motion-to-detain-public\">according to court records\u003c/a>. “Because we talk about some shit bro.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland immediately contacted one of the leaders of a militia he belonged to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crap,” the man replied, urging Copeland to delete the evidence from his phone and switch to a new communications platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Delete all. Jarrod this sucks, but we will get through it,” the man said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Copeland’s house was searched on Jan. 17, 2021, two days after Rogers’ arrest, the communication with Rogers was missing from his phone. Six months later, the FBI arrested Copeland in Sacramento, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22014788-motion-to-unseal-copeland-arrest-info-public\">according to court documents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copeland’s cousin, Novice Doublin, speaking to KQED by phone from Mayfield, Kentucky, said the allegations didn’t sound like Copeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Growing up, he wasn’t the one who was out hunting and fishing and trying to figure out how to take 30 firecrackers to a pop bottle and make it blow up, you know? That was the rest of us,” Doublin said. “As far as I can remember, he’s never even had a speeding ticket.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You meet different people at different points in your life,” Doublin continued. “Some good, some not so good. A lot of people talk shit. And, most people don’t pay it no attention. I don’t think Jarrod realized the severity behind the conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He made a mistake,” Copeland’s brother, Wesley Copeland, told a reporter via Facebook message. “He would never hurt anyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyle Harris, who told KQED he also worked with Copeland at Pep Boys, said that while he and Copeland talked about their shared conservative political views, Copeland never displayed an openness to extremism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just hard to believe that he went from that to just an extremist like over, what — since I met him, a couple months?” Harris said. “It’s a good possibility he was suckered into doing something like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, nothing in the text exchanges included in court records indicates Rogers pressured or manipulated Copeland into agreeing to an act of violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July of 2020, Copeland’s wife declined to be his court-appointed custodian at an initial bail hearing. Sheila Copeland later reconsidered, court records show, but after a judge reviewed transcripts of recorded phone calls between the two, he opted to keep Copeland behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fphoto.php%3Ffbid%3D10100850113931966%26set%3Da.660083400716%26type%3D3&show_text=false&width=500\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"600\" height=\"498\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" allow=\"autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Court has reviewed the transcripts of the Defendant's calls to his wife from the jail after the first bail hearing and is disturbed by the anger and volatility apparent in them,” U.S. Magistrate Judge Alex G. Tse \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21492306-copeland-order-detaining-the-defendant#document/p4/a2097114\">wrote in his order\u003c/a>. “It is clear to the Court from the Defendant’s statements made in the phone calls that he would present a danger to the community, and that no custodian or surety would have the moral suasion to ensure the necessary compliance with any conditions imposed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple attempts to reach Copeland’s wife were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If their federal case goes to trial, prosecutors will be faced with proving the men broke the law in the process of planning an attack that didn’t happen. Doing so could be difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no specific federal crimes attached to domestic terrorism in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors typically charge individuals planning to carry out homegrown, politically motivated violence with another crime they committed on their pathway toward launching an attack — like possession of illegal firearms or conspiracy — according to FBI Agent Blair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols, after the Oklahoma City bombing, they were not charged with a federal domestic terrorism crime — because there isn't one,” Blair said. “They were charged with murder at the state level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent acquittal of two men charged with conspiring to kidnap Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer is one example of how prosecutors can fail to prove conspiracy. In that case, defense attorneys argued the FBI entrapped the men.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers and Copeland remain in federal custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers’ shop closed last year, according to a May 12, 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://napavalleyregister.com/news/local/crime-and-courts/napa-county-judge-keeps-bail-at-1-5-million-in-bombs-illegal-firearms-case/article_cd74c5e5-91e6-5ba8-a3ee-b8238b5627a2.html\">report in the Napa Valley Register\u003c/a> citing testimony from Crisci. At a hearing to determine whether Rogers posed a flight risk if allowed to post bail, his former wife and business partner told the judge that Rogers owed nearly $300,000 and had only enough cash to support his family for a few more months. Crisci did not return calls for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For people to say they did this because the president told them to do it or they were following orders — that has nothing to do with Mr. Rogers and who he is,” said Colin Cooper, Rogers’ attorney. “He’s accused of having essentially weapons that are deemed illegal, and he will pay a very serious penalty for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ambrosio said his client accepts responsibility, but distanced Copeland from those who participated in the 2021 insurrection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With all the Jan. 6 stuff that also happened, those people actually hopped on a bus or a plane or train and went to the Capitol. They actually trespassed onto federal property and took active steps to either protest or riot,” Ambrosio said. “But he’s a human being. I’ve known him for a number of years. I think he’s a good person. Now do we sit down and talk about politics? No, we don’t.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11913965/plot-to-blow-up-democratic-headquarters-exposed-california-extremists-hiding-in-plain-sight","authors":["11490","6625"],"programs":["news_72"],"categories":["news_6188","news_8"],"tags":["news_18538","news_20156","news_29027","news_29026","news_30202","news_425","news_27626","news_31104","news_2520","news_6565","news_17968","news_19216"],"featImg":"news_11914097","label":"news_72"},"news_11889921":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11889921","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11889921","score":null,"sort":[1632736848000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"how-north-bay-wineries-are-adapting-to-climate-change","title":"How Two Wineries are Dealing With Climate Change","publishDate":1632736848,"format":"audio","headTitle":"How Two Wineries are Dealing With Climate Change | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wineries have been affected by heat, drought and wildfires. Many have seen lower yields and have even lost grapes. But winemakers are also adapting, and finding creative ways to make sure their livelihoods continue.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, we follow two wineries in the North Bay and learn how they’re experiencing and adapting to climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Guest\u003c/strong>: \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ezraromero\">Ezra David Romero\u003c/a>, KQED climate reporter\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3zQBiXD\">Episode transcript\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5689930505&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Follow \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/the-bay\">\u003ci>The Bay\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci> to hear more local Bay Area stories like this one. New episodes are released Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a.m. Find The Bay on \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452?mt=2\">\u003ci>Apple Podcasts\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>, \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/4BIKBKIujizLHlIlBNaAqQ\">\u003ci>Spotify\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>, \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/the-bay\">\u003ci>Stitcher\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>, NPR One or via \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/KQED-The-Bay-Flash-Briefing/dp/B07H6YYV23\">\u003ci>Alexa\u003c/i>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1700691138,"stats":{"hasAudio":true,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":7,"wordCount":106},"headData":{"title":"How Two Wineries are Dealing With Climate Change | KQED","description":"Wineries have been affected by heat, drought and wildfires. Many have seen lower yields and have even lost grapes. But winemakers are also adapting, and finding creative ways to make sure their livelihoods continue. Today, we follow two wineries in the North Bay and learn how they're experiencing and adapting to climate change. Guest: Ezra","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"How Two Wineries are Dealing With Climate Change","datePublished":"2021-09-27T10:00:48.000Z","dateModified":"2023-11-22T22:12:18.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"The Bay","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/thebay","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC5689930505.mp3?updated=1632626496","path":"/news/11889921/how-north-bay-wineries-are-adapting-to-climate-change","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wineries have been affected by heat, drought and wildfires. Many have seen lower yields and have even lost grapes. But winemakers are also adapting, and finding creative ways to make sure their livelihoods continue.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, we follow two wineries in the North Bay and learn how they’re experiencing and adapting to climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Guest\u003c/strong>: \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ezraromero\">Ezra David Romero\u003c/a>, KQED climate reporter\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3zQBiXD\">Episode transcript\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5689930505&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Follow \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/the-bay\">\u003ci>The Bay\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci> to hear more local Bay Area stories like this one. New episodes are released Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a.m. Find The Bay on \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452?mt=2\">\u003ci>Apple Podcasts\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>, \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/4BIKBKIujizLHlIlBNaAqQ\">\u003ci>Spotify\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>, \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/the-bay\">\u003ci>Stitcher\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>, NPR One or via \u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/KQED-The-Bay-Flash-Briefing/dp/B07H6YYV23\">\u003ci>Alexa\u003c/i>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11889921/how-north-bay-wineries-are-adapting-to-climate-change","authors":["8654","11746","11649","11583"],"programs":["news_28779"],"categories":["news_8","news_33520"],"tags":["news_255","news_17601","news_2520","news_22598"],"featImg":"news_11889981","label":"source_news_11889921"},"news_11880268":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11880268","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11880268","score":null,"sort":[1625269227000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"latinx-artists-promote-covid-19-vaccination-saying-goodbye-to-roadrunner-birds-helping-ca-farms","title":"Latinx Artists Promote Covid-19 Vaccination, Saying Goodbye to 'Roadrunner,' Birds Helping CA Farms","publishDate":1625269227,"format":"standard","headTitle":"The California Report Magazine | KQED News","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11879912/come-on-papi-la-vacuna-a-new-arts-campaign-aims-to-boost-vaccination-rates-in-san-joaquin-valley\">\u003cb>'Come on Papi, La Vacuna!': New Arts Campaign to Boost San Joaquin Valley Vaccine Rates\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More than 60 percent of Latinos in some Central Valley counties are still not vaccinated. The numbers are even more dramatic for younger folks, especially teens and those in their 20s -- and for indigenous farmworkers. Now former U.S. Poet Laureate Juan Felipe Herrera, along with famed Ranchera singer Carmencristina Moreno and other musical groups, are trying to get the word out through original songs, radio dramas, and poems in Spanish, English, and Mixteco. Sasha talks with Hugo Morales, founder of Radio Bilingüe, and Amy Kitchener, of the Alliance for California Traditional Arts, about the new campaign, with excerpts from the music and poetry.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11880066/he-wanted-to-move-forward-remembering-traveling-notary-athlete-tony-escobar\">\u003cb>‘Always On the Move:’ Remembering Traveling Notary, Athlete Tony Escobar\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“He was a shark in many ways. He didn't want to move backwards. He just always wanted to move forward.” That’s how Tony Escobar’s son describes his dad, who died of Covid-19 earlier this year. Tony, who immigrated to San Francisco from Nicaragua, was 68 years old. One of his many jobs was as a traveling notary. His family thinks that’s why he got sick. For them, it was heartbreaking to see Tony -- a star athlete from Mission High School, salesman and all-around family man -- forced to stop moving. As part of our ongoing series on remembering Californians who’ve died from Covid-19, KQED’s Brian Watt and Alexander Gonzales bring us the voices of Tony's family members paying tribute to a man they called \"The Energizer Bunny.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11879719/owls-swallows-and-bluebirds-the-secret-allies-of-bay-area-farmers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cb>Owls, Swallows, and Bluebirds: Secret Allies of California Farmers\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Maybe you’re one of the people who started noticing birds more during the pandemic. A lot of us spent time in our yards, or looking out windows, seeing these creatures in a new way. Even though we’re noticing more, there are fewer birds now than there were 50 years ago. For her series California Foodways, Lisa Morehouse visits farms in Napa and near Watsonville to learn how farmers can help these birds, and some new research that shows how those birds are helping farmers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1662485012,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":6,"wordCount":395},"headData":{"title":"Latinx Artists Promote Covid-19 Vaccination, Saying Goodbye to 'Roadrunner,' Birds Helping CA Farms | KQED","description":"Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast. ‘Come on Papi, La Vacuna!’: New Arts Campaign to Boost San Joaquin Valley Vaccine Rates More than 60 percent of Latinos in some Central Valley counties are still not vaccinated. The numbers are even more dramatic for younger folks, especially","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Latinx Artists Promote Covid-19 Vaccination, Saying Goodbye to 'Roadrunner,' Birds Helping CA Farms","datePublished":"2021-07-02T23:40:27.000Z","dateModified":"2022-09-06T17:23:32.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11880268 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11880268","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2021/07/02/latinx-artists-promote-covid-19-vaccination-saying-goodbye-to-roadrunner-birds-helping-ca-farms/","disqusTitle":"Latinx Artists Promote Covid-19 Vaccination, Saying Goodbye to 'Roadrunner,' Birds Helping CA Farms","source":"The California Report Magazine","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/ ","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC9467356724.mp3?updated=1625267335","path":"/news/11880268/latinx-artists-promote-covid-19-vaccination-saying-goodbye-to-roadrunner-birds-helping-ca-farms","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11879912/come-on-papi-la-vacuna-a-new-arts-campaign-aims-to-boost-vaccination-rates-in-san-joaquin-valley\">\u003cb>'Come on Papi, La Vacuna!': New Arts Campaign to Boost San Joaquin Valley Vaccine Rates\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More than 60 percent of Latinos in some Central Valley counties are still not vaccinated. The numbers are even more dramatic for younger folks, especially teens and those in their 20s -- and for indigenous farmworkers. Now former U.S. Poet Laureate Juan Felipe Herrera, along with famed Ranchera singer Carmencristina Moreno and other musical groups, are trying to get the word out through original songs, radio dramas, and poems in Spanish, English, and Mixteco. Sasha talks with Hugo Morales, founder of Radio Bilingüe, and Amy Kitchener, of the Alliance for California Traditional Arts, about the new campaign, with excerpts from the music and poetry.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11880066/he-wanted-to-move-forward-remembering-traveling-notary-athlete-tony-escobar\">\u003cb>‘Always On the Move:’ Remembering Traveling Notary, Athlete Tony Escobar\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“He was a shark in many ways. He didn't want to move backwards. He just always wanted to move forward.” That’s how Tony Escobar’s son describes his dad, who died of Covid-19 earlier this year. Tony, who immigrated to San Francisco from Nicaragua, was 68 years old. One of his many jobs was as a traveling notary. His family thinks that’s why he got sick. For them, it was heartbreaking to see Tony -- a star athlete from Mission High School, salesman and all-around family man -- forced to stop moving. As part of our ongoing series on remembering Californians who’ve died from Covid-19, KQED’s Brian Watt and Alexander Gonzales bring us the voices of Tony's family members paying tribute to a man they called \"The Energizer Bunny.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11879719/owls-swallows-and-bluebirds-the-secret-allies-of-bay-area-farmers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cb>Owls, Swallows, and Bluebirds: Secret Allies of California Farmers\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Maybe you’re one of the people who started noticing birds more during the pandemic. A lot of us spent time in our yards, or looking out windows, seeing these creatures in a new way. Even though we’re noticing more, there are fewer birds now than there were 50 years ago. For her series California Foodways, Lisa Morehouse visits farms in Napa and near Watsonville to learn how farmers can help these birds, and some new research that shows how those birds are helping farmers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11880268/latinx-artists-promote-covid-19-vaccination-saying-goodbye-to-roadrunner-birds-helping-ca-farms","authors":["236"],"programs":["news_72","news_26731"],"categories":["news_21291"],"tags":["news_29216","news_2426","news_29650","news_29566","news_29649","news_25409","news_2520","news_22012","news_38","news_20035"],"featImg":"news_11880219","label":"source_news_11880268"},"news_11844841":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11844841","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11844841","score":null,"sort":[1604254112000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"nobody-is-going-to-mess-with-my-vote-in-person-voting-underway-in-california","title":"'I Don't Want My Ballot Getting Lost': Voters Bring Mail-In Ballots to Polling Places","publishDate":1604254112,"format":"standard","headTitle":"KQED News","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Polling places opened to voters over the weekend in the Bay Area. W\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ith much at stake in this election, many voters said they just didn’t want to leave their ballot to chance. [aside postID=\"news_11841547\" \u003ci>label=\u003c/i>\"Did you make a Mistake?\"]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's too important ... especially this year,\" said Jeff Robinette with his wife Flo. They dropped their mail in ballots at the Richmond Civic Center voting location. \"With all the craziness going on right now, we wanted to make sure it was at an official, preferably a county or city, building,\" Robinette said. \"It's a beautiful day. We've done our civic duty and now we're going down to Point Richmond to have breakfast.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 22 million people are registered to vote in California, nearly 88% of all eligible adults. That’s the highest percentage heading into a general election in the past 80 years, according to the secretary of state’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845096\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11845096\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election workers (from left) Robert Steffani and Carolyn Jones collect mail-in ballots at the Coliseum official ballot dropoff location in Oakland on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Richmond voter Abraham Rodriguez was going to use a secured drop box outside the Richmond Civic Center, until he learned that at least 29 ballots dropped there on October 12 were still unaccounted for.\u003c/span> \"I came in to the actual in-person voting place to make sure my ballot was safely in there,\" Rodriguez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Dupuis, the Registrar of Voters for Alameda County said the county\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> had to turn volunteers away after thousands stepped forward to fill 1,500 election worker spots. Election workers wore face shields, plastic ponchos, masks and gloves and cleaned electronic voting touch screens between voters. Those with the roll of judges had to complete a two hour in-person course followed by a 90-minute online test to be approved.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11845097\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">At the Oakland Coliseum polling place, election judge Linda Zunas said she initially had concerns about volunteering because of COVID-19, but feels things are being run well. \"I was really relieved when I got assigned to the Coliseum because I know the Coliseum has good airflow, lots of space,\" Zunas said. \"We have a woman who has a compromised immune system working the drive-up drop boxes because she's thrilled she can be outside and still participate,\" she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One voter said as far as safety is concerned, voting felt no more dangerous than going to the grocery store. \u003c/span>This year, all California voters got a ballot in the mail, part of the state’s effort to encourage people to vote remotely and avoid spreading the coronavirus. As of Sunday, more than 9.4 million people have returned their ballot, accounting for nearly two-thirds of all votes Californians cast during the 2016 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That points to a potential record-high turnout as vote centers opened in advance of Election Day on Tuesday. The 14.6 million votes cast in 2016 was the most ever in a California election. The highest percentage of registered voters to cast ballots since 1910 was 88.38% in 1964.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature agreed to let counties offer fewer polling places this year, but only if they opened them earlier. But like most things in 2020, voting in person won’t be the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registrar for one Bay Area county is reporting that registered voters are returning their ballots early — and in large numbers. Napa County Registrar John Tuteur said that as of 5 p.m. Friday, the county's Registrar of Voters office has received and processed 46,869 ballots for Tuesday's presidential election. Tuteur added that this represents 55.4% of the overall turnout of the county's registered voters to date. \"I am pleased that voters are voting safely by using their vote by mail ballots and voting early to avoid congestion on Election Day,\" he said. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Krystal Bastyr, a Sacramento voter\"]'I wouldn’t mail it. I won’t even drop it in this box. I’m taking it inside,” she said. “Nobody is going to mess with my vote.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comparing the latest numbers for Tuesday's presidential election with the last presidential election in November 2016, only 33,117 registered voters returned their ballots at this point in the election cycle, which represented a 43 percent overall turnout. Tuteur added that when the 2016 election was certified, 82.3% of the county's registered voters had cast ballots. \"If this trend continues, we could approach a 90 percent final turnout which would be the highest turnout in the past 60 years,\" Tuteur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom cast his ballot on Thursday at the Golden 1 Center, home of the NBA’s Sacramento Kings. \"Suppress the virus. Not the vote,\" Newsom tweeted on October 30, adding that as of the day before over 9 million ballots had been cast in California, compared to over 4 million at the same time in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1322298145762471936\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the primary in March, Santa Barbara County opened 86 traditional polling places on Election Day. But this election, the county planned to have 35 consolidated polling places open on Saturday, three days ahead of Election Day. Registrar of Voters Joe Holland isn’t sure what to expect because, out of roughly 241,000 registered voters, more than 123,000 have already voted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really fundamentally changing the way America votes,” he said. “The old-fashioned way of voting is history, and it’s really exciting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who do vote in person will be greeted by poll workers who will follow behind them to clean the equipment after they use it. It’s likely to slow down the process and could create long lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844845\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Olivia Vong puts on her 'I Voted' sticker at the Chase Center official ballot dropoff location in San Francisco on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials are also worried about the potential for violence, given the tense political environment this year. Businesses in Beverly Hills and some San Francisco Bay Area counties are boarding up windows and coming up with emergency plans, the San Francisco Chronicle reported. A report by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project listed California as a “moderate risk” for election-related violence. [aside label=\"More 2020 Election Coverage\" tag=\"election-2020\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic has also changed how election workers count the ballots. In a normal year, observers from campaigns and advocacy groups will look over the shoulders of election workers as they count ballots on Election Night, often sharing tight spaces. That’s not possible during a pandemic, with public health orders requiring people to stay socially distant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento County, observers can still watch the county this year through the eyes of a robot, affectionately nicknamed “Clyde,” purchased with the help of grant funding. County spokeswoman Janna Haynes said Clyde looks like “a tablet riding a Segway,” with its camera projecting video onto a screen in the lobby for observers to monitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s pretty stealth,” Haynes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844846\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844846\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Voters drop off their mail-in ballots at the Chase Center official ballot dropoff location on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Republican President Donald Trump has routinely cast doubts about the integrity of mail-in voting, a message amplified by social media and conservative media outlets. California Republicans are working hard to boost turnout through other means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, the county GOP hosted a drive-thru ballot collection on Saturday, encouraging people to show up in costume to hand over their ballots to “trained collectors” who promise to deliver their ballots to the county elections office on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844849\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844849\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew Nelson (L) and Travis Strong (R) pose for a portrait after dropping off their mail-in ballots in costume at the Chase Center official drop-off location in San Francisco on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In some counties with closely contested U.S. House races — including Orange and Los Angeles — Republicans have set up their unofficial ballot drop boxes to assuage any fears of spooked GOP voters. Secretary of State Alex Padilla initially said those boxes were illegal and ordered them removed. Republicans refused, arguing they are collecting ballots as allowed under state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The talk is impacting some Democratic voters, including 50-year-old Krystal Bastyr, who drove her ballot to the Sacramento County elections office earlier this week to deliver it in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t mail it. I won’t even drop it in this box. I’m taking it inside,” she said. “Nobody is going to mess with my vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Julia McEvoy contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"More than 22 million people are registered to vote in California, nearly 88% of all eligible adults. That’s the highest percentage heading into a general election in the past 80 years, according to the secretary of state’s office.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1604421844,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":27,"wordCount":1491},"headData":{"title":"'I Don't Want My Ballot Getting Lost': Voters Bring Mail-In Ballots to Polling Places | KQED","description":"More than 22 million people are registered to vote in California, nearly 88% of all eligible adults. That’s the highest percentage heading into a general election in the past 80 years, according to the secretary of state’s office.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"'I Don't Want My Ballot Getting Lost': Voters Bring Mail-In Ballots to Polling Places","datePublished":"2020-11-01T18:08:32.000Z","dateModified":"2020-11-03T16:44:04.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11844841 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11844841","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2020/11/01/nobody-is-going-to-mess-with-my-vote-in-person-voting-underway-in-california/","disqusTitle":"'I Don't Want My Ballot Getting Lost': Voters Bring Mail-In Ballots to Polling Places","nprByline":"Adam Beam \u003cbr> Associated Press","path":"/news/11844841/nobody-is-going-to-mess-with-my-vote-in-person-voting-underway-in-california","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Polling places opened to voters over the weekend in the Bay Area. W\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ith much at stake in this election, many voters said they just didn’t want to leave their ballot to chance. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11841547","label":"\u003ci>label=\u003c/i>\"Did you make a Mistake?\""},"numeric":["\u003ci>label=\u003c/i>\"Did","you","make","a","Mistake?\""]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's too important ... especially this year,\" said Jeff Robinette with his wife Flo. They dropped their mail in ballots at the Richmond Civic Center voting location. \"With all the craziness going on right now, we wanted to make sure it was at an official, preferably a county or city, building,\" Robinette said. \"It's a beautiful day. We've done our civic duty and now we're going down to Point Richmond to have breakfast.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 22 million people are registered to vote in California, nearly 88% of all eligible adults. That’s the highest percentage heading into a general election in the past 80 years, according to the secretary of state’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845096\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11845096\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45648_014_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election workers (from left) Robert Steffani and Carolyn Jones collect mail-in ballots at the Coliseum official ballot dropoff location in Oakland on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Richmond voter Abraham Rodriguez was going to use a secured drop box outside the Richmond Civic Center, until he learned that at least 29 ballots dropped there on October 12 were still unaccounted for.\u003c/span> \"I came in to the actual in-person voting place to make sure my ballot was safely in there,\" Rodriguez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Dupuis, the Registrar of Voters for Alameda County said the county\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> had to turn volunteers away after thousands stepped forward to fill 1,500 election worker spots. Election workers wore face shields, plastic ponchos, masks and gloves and cleaned electronic voting touch screens between voters. Those with the roll of judges had to complete a two hour in-person course followed by a 90-minute online test to be approved.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11845097\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45652_020_KQED_Oakland_Coliseum_PollingPlace_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">At the Oakland Coliseum polling place, election judge Linda Zunas said she initially had concerns about volunteering because of COVID-19, but feels things are being run well. \"I was really relieved when I got assigned to the Coliseum because I know the Coliseum has good airflow, lots of space,\" Zunas said. \"We have a woman who has a compromised immune system working the drive-up drop boxes because she's thrilled she can be outside and still participate,\" she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One voter said as far as safety is concerned, voting felt no more dangerous than going to the grocery store. \u003c/span>This year, all California voters got a ballot in the mail, part of the state’s effort to encourage people to vote remotely and avoid spreading the coronavirus. As of Sunday, more than 9.4 million people have returned their ballot, accounting for nearly two-thirds of all votes Californians cast during the 2016 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That points to a potential record-high turnout as vote centers opened in advance of Election Day on Tuesday. The 14.6 million votes cast in 2016 was the most ever in a California election. The highest percentage of registered voters to cast ballots since 1910 was 88.38% in 1964.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature agreed to let counties offer fewer polling places this year, but only if they opened them earlier. But like most things in 2020, voting in person won’t be the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registrar for one Bay Area county is reporting that registered voters are returning their ballots early — and in large numbers. Napa County Registrar John Tuteur said that as of 5 p.m. Friday, the county's Registrar of Voters office has received and processed 46,869 ballots for Tuesday's presidential election. Tuteur added that this represents 55.4% of the overall turnout of the county's registered voters to date. \"I am pleased that voters are voting safely by using their vote by mail ballots and voting early to avoid congestion on Election Day,\" he said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'I wouldn’t mail it. I won’t even drop it in this box. I’m taking it inside,” she said. “Nobody is going to mess with my vote.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Krystal Bastyr, a Sacramento voter","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comparing the latest numbers for Tuesday's presidential election with the last presidential election in November 2016, only 33,117 registered voters returned their ballots at this point in the election cycle, which represented a 43 percent overall turnout. Tuteur added that when the 2016 election was certified, 82.3% of the county's registered voters had cast ballots. \"If this trend continues, we could approach a 90 percent final turnout which would be the highest turnout in the past 60 years,\" Tuteur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom cast his ballot on Thursday at the Golden 1 Center, home of the NBA’s Sacramento Kings. \"Suppress the virus. Not the vote,\" Newsom tweeted on October 30, adding that as of the day before over 9 million ballots had been cast in California, compared to over 4 million at the same time in 2016.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"singleTwitterStatus","attributes":{"named":{"id":"1322298145762471936"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>For the primary in March, Santa Barbara County opened 86 traditional polling places on Election Day. But this election, the county planned to have 35 consolidated polling places open on Saturday, three days ahead of Election Day. Registrar of Voters Joe Holland isn’t sure what to expect because, out of roughly 241,000 registered voters, more than 123,000 have already voted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really fundamentally changing the way America votes,” he said. “The old-fashioned way of voting is history, and it’s really exciting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who do vote in person will be greeted by poll workers who will follow behind them to clean the equipment after they use it. It’s likely to slow down the process and could create long lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844845\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45634_037_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Olivia Vong puts on her 'I Voted' sticker at the Chase Center official ballot dropoff location in San Francisco on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials are also worried about the potential for violence, given the tense political environment this year. Businesses in Beverly Hills and some San Francisco Bay Area counties are boarding up windows and coming up with emergency plans, the San Francisco Chronicle reported. A report by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project listed California as a “moderate risk” for election-related violence. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"More 2020 Election Coverage ","tag":"election-2020"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic has also changed how election workers count the ballots. In a normal year, observers from campaigns and advocacy groups will look over the shoulders of election workers as they count ballots on Election Night, often sharing tight spaces. That’s not possible during a pandemic, with public health orders requiring people to stay socially distant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento County, observers can still watch the county this year through the eyes of a robot, affectionately nicknamed “Clyde,” purchased with the help of grant funding. County spokeswoman Janna Haynes said Clyde looks like “a tablet riding a Segway,” with its camera projecting video onto a screen in the lobby for observers to monitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s pretty stealth,” Haynes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844846\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844846\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45624_027_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Voters drop off their mail-in ballots at the Chase Center official ballot dropoff location on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Republican President Donald Trump has routinely cast doubts about the integrity of mail-in voting, a message amplified by social media and conservative media outlets. California Republicans are working hard to boost turnout through other means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, the county GOP hosted a drive-thru ballot collection on Saturday, encouraging people to show up in costume to hand over their ballots to “trained collectors” who promise to deliver their ballots to the county elections office on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844849\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844849\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS45618_016_KQED_SanFrancisco_BallotDropOff_10312020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew Nelson (L) and Travis Strong (R) pose for a portrait after dropping off their mail-in ballots in costume at the Chase Center official drop-off location in San Francisco on Oct. 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In some counties with closely contested U.S. House races — including Orange and Los Angeles — Republicans have set up their unofficial ballot drop boxes to assuage any fears of spooked GOP voters. Secretary of State Alex Padilla initially said those boxes were illegal and ordered them removed. Republicans refused, arguing they are collecting ballots as allowed under state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The talk is impacting some Democratic voters, including 50-year-old Krystal Bastyr, who drove her ballot to the Sacramento County elections office earlier this week to deliver it in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t mail it. I won’t even drop it in this box. I’m taking it inside,” she said. “Nobody is going to mess with my vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Julia McEvoy contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11844841/nobody-is-going-to-mess-with-my-vote-in-person-voting-underway-in-california","authors":["byline_news_11844841"],"categories":["news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_1386","news_18538","news_27370","news_2520","news_17968","news_17648","news_2027"],"featImg":"news_11845095","label":"news"},"news_11841245":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11841245","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11841245","score":null,"sort":[1602064815000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"immigrants-make-wine-country-what-help-do-they-have-now","title":"Immigrant Workers Make ‘Wine Country’ Possible. Now Many Have Evacuated.","publishDate":1602064815,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Immigrant Workers Make ‘Wine Country’ Possible. Now Many Have Evacuated. | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>Latino and immigrant workers keep the economy of “wine country” going. And while many in the Bay Area sheltered in place at the start of the pandemic, farmworkers in Napa and Sonoma counties continued working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the Glass Fire is threatening their livelihoods. Many workers have evacuated, and likely won’t get much support from the government to help stabilize their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guest\u003c/strong>: \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/faridajhabvala?lang=en\">Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/a>, KQED immigration reporter\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These organizations offer cash assistance to undocumented immigrants in Sonoma, Napa and Lake counties:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://undocufund.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">UndocuFund for Disaster Relief in Sonoma County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.upvalleyfamilycenters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">UpValley Relief Fund (includes Napa and Lake counties)\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.onthemovebayarea.org/ncrc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Down Valley Relief Fund (Napa County)\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Find a full list of organizations providing assistance in Northern California \u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrantfundca.org/northern-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a> via the California Immigrant Resilience Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Find COVID-19-related resources from the state of California for immigrants in Spanish, Vietnamese and other languages \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/guide-immigrant-californians/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1700693862,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":8,"wordCount":146},"headData":{"title":"Immigrant Workers Make ‘Wine Country’ Possible. Now Many Have Evacuated. | KQED","description":"Latino and immigrant workers keep the economy of "wine country" going. And while many in the Bay Area sheltered in place at the start of the pandemic, farmworkers in Napa and Sonoma counties continued working. Now, the Glass Fire is threatening their livelihoods. Many workers have evacuated, and likely won't get much support from the","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Immigrant Workers Make ‘Wine Country’ Possible. Now Many Have Evacuated.","datePublished":"2020-10-07T10:00:15.000Z","dateModified":"2023-11-22T22:57:42.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"The Bay","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/thebay","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC1778524838.mp3","path":"/news/11841245/immigrants-make-wine-country-what-help-do-they-have-now","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Latino and immigrant workers keep the economy of “wine country” going. And while many in the Bay Area sheltered in place at the start of the pandemic, farmworkers in Napa and Sonoma counties continued working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the Glass Fire is threatening their livelihoods. Many workers have evacuated, and likely won’t get much support from the government to help stabilize their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guest\u003c/strong>: \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/faridajhabvala?lang=en\">Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/a>, KQED immigration reporter\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These organizations offer cash assistance to undocumented immigrants in Sonoma, Napa and Lake counties:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://undocufund.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">UndocuFund for Disaster Relief in Sonoma County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.upvalleyfamilycenters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">UpValley Relief Fund (includes Napa and Lake counties)\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.onthemovebayarea.org/ncrc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Down Valley Relief Fund (Napa County)\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Find a full list of organizations providing assistance in Northern California \u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrantfundca.org/northern-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a> via the California Immigrant Resilience Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Find COVID-19-related resources from the state of California for immigrants in Spanish, Vietnamese and other languages \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/guide-immigrant-californians/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11841245/immigrants-make-wine-country-what-help-do-they-have-now","authors":["7240","8659","8654","11649"],"programs":["news_28779"],"categories":["news_8","news_33520"],"tags":["news_4092","news_18269","news_28600","news_20202","news_19904","news_2520","news_21766","news_22598","news_4463","news_1275","news_4569"],"featImg":"news_11841246","label":"source_news_11841245"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. 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